SOMA 2012 Identity and Connectivity

Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012

VOLUME II

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Luca Bombardieri, Anacleto D’Agostino, Guido Guarducci, Valentina Orsi

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BAR International Series 2581 (II)2013

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SOMA 2012. Identity and Connectivity: Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012. Volume 2

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The Changeable and Analogous Soma of the River-Gods and Territorial Identity in Greek Coinages Benedetto Carroccio (University of Calabria) Abstract1 Ancient coins were iconic decrees with which political authorities expressed their instances drawn from a repertory of images that had only univocal significances, now explored in accordance with the project of the Lexicon Iconographicum Numismaticae with diacronical and diatopical comparations. River-gods were much worshipped and represented in coinages of Greek cities, but disagreements persist in order of the identification and significance of the changeable manners with which their body was drawn, also because an evolution of these manners don’t exist: plain bulls were only symbols of the strength of gods; man-headed bulls were not images only of Achelous, or of Dionysos, but of all river-gods, symbols of territorial identity; young men with little horns are not affluents of big rivers, but representations of the change, not only of the civic status of young men, but also of the political perspectives of the cities alimented with their “water of life”, as proved by the concentration of their adoption in Sicily or Magna Graecia during the political renewals and repopulations promoted by Hermokrates (c. 420-410 BC) and Timoleon (344-339 BC); reclined gods derived from representations of Herakles. Other deities with horns had similar cults of vitality or chtonic. Keywords Coins, River-gods, Iconography, LIN, Horns. There has been a great misunderstanding and a frequent lack of knowledge on the historical & cultural documentary importance of Greek coinage iconographies, due to the fact that these are wrongly, and with modernism, believed to have been freely chosen by individual engravers or magistrates as accidental illustrations of the landscapes, or commercial goods, of the minting cities.2 On the contrary, scholars of the Lexicon Iconographicum Numismaticae (LIN) project have shown that ancient coins were “iconic decrees” with which political authorities made petitions and sent messages, with main

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!1 This paper is wrote as contribution to the CALMED – La Calabria nel Mediterraneo - Project of the Department of History of the University of Calabria financed by the Regione Calabria, and to the Research Unit of the University of Messina of the “PRIN” Project 2009 – “Moneta e identità territoriale” – co-financed from the Italian Government. Figures of coins are not in original size. 2 As in Vandermersch 1985; Rutter 1997, 4; Manganaro 2000; Manganaro 2003, 8-12. Contra, see Carroccio 2008a, 128-130 and 133-134; Carroccio 2011b, 106-107.

or secondary iconographies, which had coded unique and unequivocal meanings for the people living in the same cultural macrocosm. In order to decode these messages, which were made up like the verbal ones, we need to compare diachronically and diatopically the recurrence, associations and diversifications of each iconography. We also need to look back to their cultural background without being influenced by modern beliefs or by the latest literary views of the classicist tradition.3 A considerable research has been carried out on the man-headed bull subject in vase painting, coroplastics and in several coinages. Numismatists (from Avellino and Sambon onwards) and few archaeologists stated that the man-headed bull (Figure 1) might represent the often-eponymous river-gods, which were worshipped also as symbols of territorial identity in many Greek cities, as texts would show.4 Although these bulls are often associated with legends with river names, some scholars have stated they might be representations, in some cases, of Dionysos Hebon (Eckhel 1792, I, 129 ff.; Sambon 1863, 173 and 181 in the case of the coins of Neapolis; Ruotolo 2007). Others seem to agree with Matz, Gabrici and Isler, as they believe the bulls may represent only Acheloos, the river-god from Acarnania, whose changeable body was depicted as a bull in the fight with Herakles (Gabrici 1959, 75-90; Isler 1970; Isler 1981, 12 and nn. 213-244; Matz 1913; Contra, Carroccio 2000, 49-58 and n. 53) (Figure 2). According to Isler, the legends didn’t portray eponymous gods, but issuing cities. The man-headed bull in Neapolis coins (Figure 3) have been interpreted as Acheloos because in Apollodorus (1. 7-10 and ep. 7. 18-19), and Strabo’s (6. 1. 1) works, as well as in the scholium 715 to Lycophron, the god was described as the father of a supposed Parthenope siren, connected to a later intellectualist theory about the first name of the city, which prevailed over more certain notices, and numismatic epigraphic indications, on the cult of the river Sebeithos (Figure 29).5 However, we are sure that this image also portrayed other river gods, because in some Bruttian coins in the name of.“BREIG” from modern Calabria (Figure 4), it is associated to the epigraphic indication of the name of the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!3 The project and method of the LIN is displayed in Caccamo Caltabiano 2007 with first results in Caccamo Caltabiano and Castrizio and Puglisi (eds.) 2004; Salamone 2004; Castrizio 2007. 4 See Hom. Il. 5.77-78 and 20.7-12 and 23.148; Hes. op. 737; Thuc. 6.3-4; Paus. 5.5.8-11 and 5.14.6 or 8.24.12; Ael. Var. Hist. 2.33; Avellino 1811; Carroccio 2000; Garrucci 1885; Giannelli 1920, 110-123 and 134-135; Graf 1996; Head 19112, LVII; Holm 1896-1901, 270 and 279-280, and 349-350; Imhoof-Blumer 1924; Lacroix 1953; Ostrowsky 1991, 10 and 16-17; Sambon 1863, 188-189; Simon 2009; Weiss 1988. 5 See also Diod. 12.11.1-2; Verg. Georg. 4.563-564; Liban. Narr. 21; Eust. 1709.42-43; Statius Silvae 1.2.263; Colum. 10.134; Caccamo Caltabiano 1994; Rutter 2001, 68-69 n. 558.

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non-eponymous river Traes, where a new Sybaris was founded in 445 BC (Carroccio 1996b; Carroccio 2000, 56-57; Taliano Grasso 1992; Taliano Grasso 1999). Moreover, the only Metapontian coin with Acheloos’s name (“ACHELOIO AETHLON”) shows him with a human body and a bull’s head (Noe 1931, 59-60, nn. 210-212; Ostrowsky 1991, 19) (Figure 5), in accordance with Sophokles’s, Trach., 1-27 tale. The representation of this god may also be more different, as a triton with a human horned head, or as centaur, in some vase paintings (Carroccio 2000, 53 and fig. 20; Isler 1970, nn. 245, 247-258) (Figure 6). On the other hand, the acceptation of these and other images as representing rivers, induced the generality of scholars to agree with Mirone’s, Giannelli’s, Rizzo’s and Jenkin’s evolutionary theory, by which the Greeks portrayed rivers first as bulls, then as man-headed bulls, next as horned men – accepted by Imhoof-Blumer and Isler as river-gods – , finally as fully human figures (Giannelli 1920; Imhoof-Blumer 1924; Isler 1970; Jenkins 1970, 165-175; Mirone 1917-1918; Rizzo 1938, 52-72). However, wider and more accurate chronological analyses, as well as the recurrence of these images show that this evolutionary order has never been followed. Man-headed bulls were depicted by Sumerians and Assyrians to represent the unruly positive hero Enkidu, companion of Gilgamesh (Figures 7 and 8) assonant with Enki, under-water god as later Poseidon, and in Nimrud the figure also depicted winged divine guards (Nadali 2011, 71; Parrot 20052, 150-152 and 165 n. 145, and 129-131 n. 113; Parrot 20052a, 40-41 and 88-89 and 257 and 260-262) (Figure 9). The Assyrian conquest of Phoenicia or contacts with the Hittites favored the spread of the iconography among the Greeks, who had been using it in vases, not always certainly recognizable as Acheloos because without Herakles, since the end of 7th century BC, when it was painted in an oinochoe from Syracuse (Jenkins 1970, 165; Ostrowsky 1991, 16-17) (Figure 10). The oldest recurrence of this iconography in coinages may be found in incuses of Magna Graecia along the coasts cities of Rheghion – in an unicum piece now in the Bibliothéque Nationale of Paris (Figure 12) - and Laos (in the modern Calabria) in late/end of the 6th century BC (Carroccio 2000, 47-49; Rutter 2001, 187 n. 2468 and 177 nn. 2270-2272) (Figure 13). There are also engraved winged man-headed bulls in Phocean and Lycian (Figure 11) series,6 but their anteriority and meaning are still uncertain. Another recurrence of such pattern appears in the above mentioned series with Breig and TRAES, in the Acarnanian series, as well as in series of the Sicilian Herbessos and Alontion dating back to the 4th, and to the 3rd century BC7 (Figures 14 and 33), which is over two centuries later than the first coinages depicting horned young men.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!6 Phocaea: Franke and Hirmer 1964 pl. 179. Lycia: Auction Ars Classica “P“, 12 may 2005 n. 1557. 7 See Isler 1970, n. 96 (Acarnanian League); Carroccio 2004, 53 n. 4 (Alontion: Head with helmet/Man-headed bull pouring water, after 210 BC).

Moreover, Selinunte’s coins from the 5th century BC already showed standing men, maybe horned, representing the river-gods Selinos or Hypsas according to the legend8 (Figures 15 and 16). In bronze coins of Katane there were also reclining figures with vases pouring water that were similar to the Roman fluvii and dated back to around 200 BC (Figure 17), when the other images, and also the man-headed bulls, were still used in Acarnania or in Alontion.9 Different icons in the same period were used not only for different mints, but also in the production of the same mint, in Ghelas (Figures 1 and 18-20), Selinous (Figures 15-16 and 21) and Katane10 (Figures 22-23). If we take into account the fact that in coinages every iconography had a specific meaning, we should enquire on the different value of portraying divine bodies in different ways within their chronological and geographical mostly spread areas. Firstly, we may observe there is no proof that the plain bulls in the Sybaris (Figure 24), Ghelas (Figure 19), Thourii series and in other mints were river-gods. Although Timaeus FrGrHist 566, F28 and a scholium to Pyndarus Pith. I, 185, stated that the god Ghelas was portrayed as a bull, he might have inaccurately made reference to a man-headed icon, as on the coins. On the contrary, as Barritta and Giannelli pointed out, the bull has proved to have been the symbol of several gods’ strength and fertility, such as Dionysos or Poseidon, who is claimed, in the Iliad VIII, 201-204 and XI, 728, to receive bulls as sacrifices in Helike, a metropolis of Sybaris, and Sybaris founded a city called Poseidonia and was later renamed as Thourii (Barritta 2005, 68-69). Poseidon was not only the sea-god, but also lord of all the rivers and waters and father of the river-god Taras. Man-headed bulls are highly recurrent on the issues of 57 different Greek mints, mostly from Magna Graecia and Sicily. There are other secondary symbols, such as the chrysalis of cicadas (in the Rheghion’s coin, Figure 11), waders (Figures 25-26 and 28), crabs (Figure 27) or plants (Figures 1 and 26), which have been recurring since their first representations. I have proved that these icons refer to river-gods association to fertility (crabs, waders, plants), immortality and rebirth (cicadas), initiatory or status change cults. Such worship was due to the success of Orphic, Pythagorean doctrines and chthonic cults symbolically using spring water and widely spread in Magna Graecia (Barritta and Carroccio 2006, 73-76; Carroccio 1996; Carroccio 2000; Carroccio 2008b). Furthermore, rather than being used as intimidating apotropaic images,11 the hybrid nature of these icons, partly human and partly animal, may have been used as a ‘metamorphic’ symbol of the positive life ‘change’ - i.e. progress - of those inhabitants and communities who

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!8 SNG ANS nn. 688 and 702 (before 415 BC). 9 See Carroccio 2004, 48 n. 16 (R/ with pilei of the Dioskouroi, 186-170 BC); supra, XVI. 10 Ghelas: Jenkins 1970, die pairs 454-465 (Group VII, 425-420 BC) and 481-532 (Groups VIII-IX, 420-405 BC); Selinous: SNG ANS nn. 698 and 704 and 711; Katane: SNG ANS nn. 1263 and 1270-1272 (c. 410 BC). 11 As supposed by Borba Florenzano 1995.

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were protected by their vital water. In fact, Onians reminded us that the horn was a symbol of vitality and liquid fertility, and Herakles ‘s fertile powers, and the symbol of abundance called cornucopia, derived from the horn torn from Acheloos. Onians also pointed out that, after becoming men, ephebes used to cut and offer their hair by the rivers. In fact, several young river-gods images – e.g. Ghelas, Katane; Kamarina - had heads with long wavy or wet hair12 (Figures 19-20, 22 and 31). But why did even young heads with small horns appear? The old hypothesis, which was also my hypothesis, that they were symbols of non-regular, or tributary rivers or springs (Carroccio 2000, 58; Giannelli 1920, p. 134 etc.; Guzzo 2003, 39; Contra, also Salamone 2012) does not always seem valid or compatible with their role as message holders. One of my student’s enquiry (Muraca 2004/2005) showed that these heads were often associated as paredroi to local nymphs and appeared on 37 series of 25 mints (Adranon, Agyrion, Akis, Akragas, Alaisa, Gela, Kamarina, Katane, Longane, Mamar..., Morgantina, Naxos, Panormos, Piakos, Selinus, Neapolis, Paestum, Kosentia, Brettioi, Kroton, Hipponion, Kaulonia, Laos, Amphipolis, Orte). They were considerably adopted in cities of Sicily and Magna Graecia within the political renewals promoted in times of war by Hermokrates (c. 420-405 BC, Figures 19, 22 and 29-31) and Timoleon (344-339 BC, Figures 28 and 32), with repopulations and urban and ethnic alliances, which favored a respectful attitude towards each people’s identity and territorial or ancestral worships. In fact only in 4 out of 57 mints man-headed bulls showed the river name (Traes, Ghelas, Selinos, Palankaios), while 10 horned young heads out of 25 mints had even non-eponymous local rivers names (Akis, Akragas, Aisaros, Albos, Amenanos, Assinos, Ghelas, Ipparis, Reon, Sepeithos)13 (Figures 18-20, 22 and 28-32). Moreover, the young Ghelas head is surrounded by a crown, symbol of political renewals, and sometimes holds a “victorious” taenia (Figure 30), as Ipparis in Kamarina or Adranon (Figures 31-32) (Spinelli 2010; Caccamo Caltabiano 2011, 202-204). Therefore these icons explicitly recall renewal with their young heads, in unum with the issuing state local identity, rather than a differentiation from Acheloos. Furthermore the similarity of images adopted by several cities, together with the spread of galloping quadrigae at the time of Hermokrates (420-405 ca. BC) (Caccamo Caltabiano 2002; Caccamo Caltabiano 2003), is a clear example of what I defined an “iconographic trend”, due to “peer polity and culture interactions” between cities and regions constantly aiming at cultural emulation remembered, as others, by Frisone and Howgego (Carroccio 2011b; Frisone 2002, 107; Howgego 2002). In fact, interactions with cities involved in mercenaries’ !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!12 See Il. 23.141; Ghelas: Jenkins 1970, die pairs 489 and 498-532 (420 or 415-405 BC); Katane: SNG ANS n. 1272; Carroccio 2010, 366-368;; Carroccio 2011a; Montalto 2006/2007; Onians 19532, 229-233 and 236-246 and 538; Ostrowsky 1991, 12. 13 See Caccamo Caltabiano 2003; Castrizio 2000. If we look for all the images and names of river-gods also in Roman provincial coinages, these numbers increases: 126 images of personifications of rivers, and 91 of these with their names (Salamone 2012).

migrations lead to the adoption of the young head also in 7 Magna Graecian mints and in other 4 from farther areas. On the other hand, we may assume that the standing young men icons, often with Sicilian or Bruttian river names, such as Selinous, Hypsas, Chrysas or Krathis (Figure 34), and a wide variety of religious and symbolic icons like phialai, vases, altars, plants and cornucopiae – but also man-headed bull’s statues interpreted as Acheloos’ statues by Imhoof-Blumer - were used to suggest their worship as mythical co-protagonists of the cities’ foundation or rebirth, as husbands of the local great or eponymous goddesses, which that they are often associated, e.g. in the case of the river Hipparis and the nymph Kamarina (Figure 31), or a hierarchic distinction of importance between Selinous and Hypsas. Such assumption is also supported by the fact that the position of the figures in the coins were similar to the “nymphs”, i.e. divine female figures, studied by Caltabiano and Salamone (Figures 35 and 39) and the armed standing oikistes enquired by Castrizio (Imhoof-Blumer 1924, 47; Caccamo Caltabiano 2007, 38-41 and 49 and 61 and 66-67; Caccamo Caltabiano 2011, 199-206; Castrizio 2005; Castrizio 2007, 127-141; Larson 2001, 121-225; Salamone 2012) (Figure 36). These images, like the horned young heads or the bending figures, highlight on their frequent inference with different cultural backgrounds, which was the norm in Greek contests, where different gods were imprecisely called with unifying names such as Apollon, Demeter, Kore, Athena, or Aphrodite. However these gods’ virtues, prerogatives and powers varied according to the cities far more than the variety of epiclesis may suggest (Caccamo Caltabiano 2007, 39-41 and 46-48 and 57-58). Even other gods like Dionysos, Pan, Apollon Karneios and perhaps the hero Aighesthes, co-eponymous of Segesta in Sicily, are known to have been portrayed with horns on coins. Dionysos was called also as Tauromorphos, and this interpretation is better of that as river-god Aisaros for his standing, self-crowning pose with thyrsus in Brettian silver coins (Figure 37). Pan was a man-goat and hunter god (Figure 38), servant of Dionysos but also an important god of Orphism, worshipped in caves and, with man-headed bulls, “regularly in attendance on grotto-shaped votive reliefs for Hermes and nymphs”. He is often represented with the lagobolon and/or the characteristic pose of the aposkopeuon, “shading his eyes to look into the distance”, which we meet also in the representation interpreted as of the hero Aighesthes, son of the river-god Krimissos, or as of Krimissos itself (Figure 39). Finally, Apollon Karneios was a horned ram god worshipped as lord of the animals also in Metapontion (Figure 40).14

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!14 See Plut. De Is. et Os. 364 E;Philostr. Im. 1.15; Athen. 476a -.Soph Tr. Gf IV frg. 959; Apollod. F.GrH 244 F 1340; Lucian Bis Acc. 9; Arnold-Biucchi 1981a (Aigesthes); Boardman 1997, 923 and 927 and 940; Caccamo Caltabiano 1992 (Krimissos); Gasparri and Veneri 1986, 414 and 440-441; Lacroix 1965, 59 and 62 and 68; Lambrinudakis and Palagia and Kokkorou-Alewras 1984, 226 and 320 and 324-325.

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Therefore, apart from their natural, mythical and worship differences, horns might give these gods the same qualities as river gods, who were impetuous, linked to plants or animals and to personal or collective, natural strength, vitality, fertility and prosperity. On the contrary, Gais and Fuscà’s enquiries on the iconography of the lying river god have pointed out that it was firstly adopted in Hellenistic Katane (Figure 17) – through an Egyptian mediation (Figure 42) clearly shown in other series – and it derived from the classical images of lying Herakles (Figure 43), that assuming the prerogatives of the defeated Achelous, favored the spread of this iconography (Bonanno Aravantinos 1991; Carroccio 2004, 234-247; Fuscà 2007/2008; Gais 1978). On the other hand, according to Aristoteles, fr. 90 Rose in Pollux 9.80, the different position of the river god Taras, god also of the territory - analogous to the Peloponnesian Melikertes/Palaimon derived from the Phoenicians Melqart and Baal Ammon - engraved on the dolphin in Tarentum’s coinage (Figure 44) may have derived from the widely accepted idea that such river god was Poseidon’s son and the city’s ancestral protector.15 Having said that, as with simple bulls, we should not consider heads and young figures without horns or explicit legends as river gods, we ought to link them either to other gods, as proposed by Caltabiano for the Syracusan type of the so-called Anapos in gold coins of the end of the 5th century BC (Figure 45), or to Apollon Phytios, who was a young giver of sunlight and cyclical vegetable and harvest growth, as reminded by an Esychius‘s glossa (Caccamo Caltabiano 1998a, 64-65; Caccamo Caltabiano 1998b, 44; Caccamo Caltabiano, 2009, 93-94.For the interpretation as Anapos: Arnold-Biucchi 1981b).

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