The Archaeological and Palynological Record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the Second Half...

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12/I 2015 TAGUNGEN DES LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch 22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world? 7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o 14 in Halle (Saale)

Transcript of The Archaeological and Palynological Record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the Second Half...

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12/I 12/I 2 0 1 5 T A G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E

Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentagvom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

22oo BC

– Ein K

limasturz als U

rsache für den

Zerfall der A

lten W

elt?

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/I | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

landesmuseum für vorgeschichteLandesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a

cause for the collapse of the old world?7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central GermanyOctober 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen desLandesmuseums für Vorgeschichte HalleBand 12/I | 2015

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch Halle (Saale) 2o15

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Helge Wolfgang Arz, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. José Sebastián Carrión García, Prof. Dr. Albert Hafner, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Barbara Horejs, PD Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Prof. Dr. Ourania Kouka, Dr. Alexander Land, Dr. José Lull García, Prof. Dr. Rafael Micó, Prof. Dr. Pierre de Miroschedji, Prof. Dr. Louis D. Nebelsick, Prof. Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Prof. Dr. Ernst Pernicka, Prof. Dr. Lorenz Rahmstorf, Prof. Dr. Roberto Risch, Prof. Dr. Jeremy Rutter, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Schmiedl, Anja Stadelbacher, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Trnka, Prof. Dr. Jordi Voltas, Dr. Bernhard Weninger.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

isbn 978-3-9445o7-29-3 issn 1867-44o2

isbn (universitat autònoma 978-84-49o-5585-o de barcelona)

Redaktion Markus C. Blaich, Konstanze Geppert, Kathrin Legler, Anne Reinholdt, Manuela Schwarz, Anna Swieder, David Tucker, Melina Wießler Redaktion und Übersetzung Sandy Hämmerle • Galway (Irland), Isabel Aitken • Peebles (Schottland), David Tucker der englischen Texte Organisation und Korrespondenz Konstanze Geppert, Anne Reinholdt Technische Bearbeitung Thomas Blankenburg, Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer

Sektionstrenner Gestaltung: Thomas Blankenburg, Nora Seeländer; S. 33 Photograph Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 39.1. Creative Commens-BY; S. 95 © Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen; S. 333 © UAB-ASOME; S. 481 © R. Kolev (National Museum of History, Sofia), © Dr. M. Hristov (National Museum of History, Sofia); S. 669 © J. Lipták, München; S. 8o3 © Aberdeen University Museum, © National Museums of Scotland, © Dr. A. Sheridan (National Museums of Scotland) Umschlag Malte Westphalen, Nora Seeländer

Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.

© by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfil- mungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Papier alterungsbeständig nach din/iso 97o6 Satzschrift FF Celeste, News Gothic

Konzept und Gestaltung Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Layout, Satz und Produktion Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer Druck und Bindung LÖHNERT-DRUCK

Dieser Tagungsband entstand mit freundlicher Unterstützung von: The conference proceedings were supported by:

Inhalt/Contents

Band I

9 Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors

25 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch What is an event?

Sektion Orient und Ägypten/Section Middle East and Egypt

35 Harvey Weiss Megadrought, collapse, and resilience in late 3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia

53 Helge Wolfgang Arz, Jérôme Kaiser, and Dominik Fleitmann Paleoceanographic and paleoclimatic changes around 22oo BC recorded in sediment cores

from the northern Red Sea

61 Michele Massa and Vasıf Sahoglu The 4.2 ka BP climatic event in west and central Anatolia: combining palaeo-climatic proxies

and archaeological data

79 Juan Carlos Moreno García Climatic change or sociopolitical transformation? Reassessing late 3rd millennium BC in Egypt

Sektion Östlicher und Zentraler Mittelmeerraum/Section Eastern and Central Mediterranean

97 Hermann Genz Beware of environmental determinism: the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age

on the Lebanese coast and the 4.2 ka BP event

113 Felix Höflmayer The southern Levant, Egypt, and the 4.2 ka BP event

131 Lindy Crewe Expanding and shrinking networks of interaction: Cyprus c. 22oo BC

149 Lorenz Rahmstorf The Aegean before and after c. 22oo BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover

of cultural change

181 Stephan W. E. Blum and Simone Riehl Troy in the 23rd century BC – environmental dynamics and cultural change

205 Reinhard Jung and Bernhard Weninger Archaeological and environmental impact of the 4.2 ka cal BP event in the central and eastern

Mediterranean

235 Bernhard Friedrich Steinmann Gestürzte Idole – Das Ende der frühkykladischen Elite

253 Marco Pacciarelli, Teodoro Scarano, and Anita Crispino The transition between the Copper and Bronze Ages in southern Italy and Sicily

283 Giovanni Leonardi, Michele Cupitò, Marco Baioni, Cristina Longhi, and Nicoletta Martinelli Northern Italy around 22oo cal BC. From Copper to Early Bronze Age: Continuity and/or

discontinuity?

305 Giulia Recchia and Girolamo Fiorentino Archipelagos adjacent to Sicily around 22oo BC: attractive environments or suitable

geo-economic locations?

321 Walter Dörfler The late 3rd millenium BC in pollen diagrams along a south-north transect from the Near East

to northern Central Europe

Sektion Westlicher Mittelmeerraum/Section Western Mediterranean

335 Laurent Carozza, Jean-François Berger, Cyril Marcigny, and Albane Burens Society and environment in Southern France from the 3rd millennium BC to the beginning of

the 2nd millennium BC: 22oo BC as a tipping point?

365 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch Transition and conflict at the end of the 3rd millennium BC in south Iberia

409 António Carlos Valera Social change in the late 3rd millennium BC in Portugal: the twilight of enclosures

429 Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

449 Martin Kölling, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch No indication of increased temperatures around 22oo BC in the south-west Mediterranean

derived from oxygen isotope ratios in marine clams (Glycimeris sp.) from the El Argar settle-ment of Gatas, south-east Iberia

461 Mara Weinelt, Christian Schwab, Jutta Kneisel, and Martin Hinz Climate and societal change in the western Mediterranean area around 4.2 ka BP

Band II

Sektion Mittel- und Osteuropa/Section Central and Eastern Europe

483 Martin Hristov New evidence for funeral and ritual activity in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula:

a case study from Southern Bulgaria in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC

503 Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi Old and new narratives for Hungary around 22oo BC

525 Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, and Bartosz Myslecki New data for research on the Bell Beaker Culture in Upper Silesia, Poland

539 Janusz Czebreszuk and Marzena Szmyt Living on the North European Plain around 22oo BC: between continuity and change

561 François Bertemes and Volker Heyd 22oo BC – Innovation or Evolution? The genesis of the Danubian Early Bronze Age

579 Frank Sirocko Winter climate and weather conditions during the »Little-Ice-Age-like cooling events« of the

Holocene: implications for the spread of »Neolithisation«?

595 Alexander Land, Johannes Schönbein, and Michael Friedrich Extreme climate events identified by wood-anatomical features for the Main Valley (Southern

Germany) – A case study for 3ooo–2ooo BC

603 Matthias B. Merkl and Jutta Lechterbeck Settlement dynamics and land use between the Hegau and the western Lake Constance region,

Germany, during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

617 Philipp W. Stockhammer, Ken Massy, Corina Knipper, Ronny Friedrich, Bernd Kromer, Susanne Lindauer, Jelena Radosavljevic, Ernst Pernicka und Johannes Krause

Kontinuität und Wandel vom Endneolithikum zur frühen Bronzezeit in der Region Augsburg

643 Andreas Bauerochse, Inke Achterberg, and Hanns Hubert Leuschner Evidence for climate change between 22oo BC and 216o BC derived from subfossil bog and

riverine trees from Germany

651 Johannes Müller Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 22oo BC

Sektion Mitteldeutschland/Section Central Germany

671 Ralf Schwarz Kultureller Bruch oder Kontinuität? – Mitteldeutschland im 23. Jh. v. Chr.

715 Matthias Becker, Madeleine Fröhlich, Kathrin Balfanz, Bernd Kromer und Ronny Friedrich Das 3. Jt. v. Chr. zwischen Saale und Unstrut – Kulturelle Veränderungen im Spiegel

der Radiokohlenstoffdatierung

747 Kathrin Balfanz, Madeleine Fröhlich und Torsten Schunke Ein Siedlungsareal der Glockenbecherkultur mit Hausgrundrissen bei Klobikau,

Sachsen-Anhalt, Deutschland

765 Madeleine Fröhlich und Matthias Becker Typochronologische Überlegungen zu den Kulturen des Endneolithikums und der

frühen Bronzezeit zwischen Saale und Unstrut im 3. Jt. v. Chr.

783 Frauke Jacobi »Size matters!« – Die endneolithischen Gräberfelder von Profen, Burgenlandkreis,

Sachsen-Anhalt

793 André Spatzier Pömmelte-Zackmünde – Polykultureller Sakralort oder Ortskonstanz im Heiligtum während

einer kulturellen Transformation? Ein Beitrag zur Kulturentwicklung des späten 3. Jts. v. Chr. in Mitteldeutschland

Sektion Nord- und Westeuropa/Section Northern and Western Europe

805 Andrew P. Fitzpatrick Great Britain and Ireland in 22oo BC

833 Mike Baillie and Jonny McAneney Why we should not ignore the mid-24th century BC when discussing the 22oo–2ooo BC climate

anomaly

Anhang/Appendix

845 Autorenkollektiv/Collective contribution Ergebnistabelle/Table of results

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain

during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and

José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

1 Introduction

Usually known as the Meseta, the plateau in the central sector of the Iberian Peninsula, with an average altitude of 7oo m a.s.l., is a Palaeozoic basement, covered in its most depressed areas with a thin layer of clay sediments. Its south­ern half, south of the Central System mountain range, is drained by the Tagus River, while north of the mountains, the Duero River and its tributaries run toward the Atlantic Ocean across a broad space known as the Northern Plateau.

Research on the prehistory of the Northern Plateau, unlike other regions of the Iberian Peninsula, is a relatively recent phenomenon; nevertheless, the progress achieved in the last four decades has allowed us to define the regional sequence. In the 3rd millennium BC, this sequence is not too different from that found in other areas of Iberia. Here we can identify a Las Pozas horizon (c. 3ooo–24oo BC), corre­sponding to the Pre­Beaker Copper Age (roughly parallel to the classical phase in Los Millares), and a second horizon, corresponding to the Bell Beaker Culture, known as the Ciempozuelos horizon (c. 24oo–19oo BC; Fig. 1). This paper aims to present the main features of each of these periods, to define their chronological evolution, and to corre­late them with the climatic sequence derived from the paly­nological data of this area. The climatic sequence reveals some significant fluctuations in the second half of the 3rd mil lennium BC. We intend to analyse the possible impact of these fluctuations on the regional prehistoric sequence

and to ascertain their role in the transformations registered in the archaeological record.

2 Climatic fluctuations revealed by the palynological sequence at the Villafáfila lakes, prov. Zamora

Recent palynological studies carried out on the Central Sys­tem slopes of the province of Ávila bear witness to a series of climatic pulsations in the second half of the 3rd millen­nium BC, which have been linked to the 4.2 ka BP event. We offer below the results of the analysis of an unpublished palynological column, taken from the salty Villafáfila lakes, prov. Zamora. The new evidence is a significant contribution to the palynological information already available from the study of sediments found during the excavation of some prehistoric sites in this region. This collection of data en­ ables us to put forward a detailed comparison between the archaeological record and climate evolution, thus offering a graphic summary of the paleoenvironmental dynamics of the Northern Plateau during the Chalcolithic period and the early stages of the Bronze Age.

One sediment core was collected in 2o13 from Salinas (282 77o.19 longitude east; 4 632 265.45 latitude north; 681 m a.s.l.), one of the three large lagoon complexes in the area of Villafáfila, prov. Zamora. The study area is situated on the Northern Plateau of Central Spain in the region of Tierra de Campos. The landscape is characterised by a flat topography

Summary

Palynological studies on sediments from Central Iberia show palaeoclimatic changes at the end of the 3rd millennium BC as a consequence of the 4.2 ka BP event. In the archaeological record they coincide with the peak and decline of the Ciempo-zuelos Group, one of the late regional styles of the Bell Beak- er Culture in Iberia. In this paper we examine both palynolog-ical and archaeological data in order to analyse the possible impact of such climatic fluctuations on the cultural dynamics of the prehistoric societies of the Spanish Northern Plateau.

Zusammenfassung

Die archäologischen und palynologischen Befunde der nördlichen Hochebene Spaniens in der zweiten Hälfte des 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr.

Palynologische Untersuchungen von Sedimenten aus Zentral-iberien belegen paläoklimatische Veränderungen am Ende des 3. Jts. v. Chr. als Folge des 4.2 ka BP Ereignisses. Im archäologischen Befund korrelieren diese Veränderungen mit dem Höhepunkt sowie mit dem Niedergang der Ciem-pozuelos Gruppe, einer späten Regionalausprägung der ibe-rischen Glockenbecherkultur. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wer-den palynologische und archäologische Daten verwendet, um den möglichen Einfluss deratiger klimatischer Schwan-kungen auf die kulturellen Veränderungen in den prähisto-rischen Gesellschaften der nördlichen Hochebene Spaniens zu untersuchen.

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430 GERMÁN DEL IBES DE CASTRO E T AL .

with saline lakes located in depressions. The climate is conti­nental with a severe summer drought. The natural vegeta­tion associated with the saline lakes is classified into hygro­phytic (Phragmites australis and Typha dominguensis) and halophytic (Salicornia europaea, Suaeda vera, Puccinellia

fasciculata, etc.) species. The distribution of aquatic and marginal vegetation is determined by the presence of soluble salt concentrations.

Core Salinas (total length 395 cm) was extracted using a Van Walt/Eijkelkamp corer. Samples of 2 cm3 were taken

Fig. 1 Calibrated radiocarbon dates for the Pre­Beaker Copper Age (in black) and Beaker sites (in red) in the Spanish Northern Plateau. The green column refers to the 4.2 ka BP event. Dates were calibrated by the IntCal13 atmospheric curve and the OxCal v. 4.2.4. programme at one standard deviations. Abb. 1 Kalibrierte Radiokohlenstoffdaten von Fundstellen der vorglockenbecherzeitlichen Kupferzeit (schwarz) sowie von glockenbecherzeitlichen Fund-stellen (rot) in der nördlichen spanischen Hochebene. Die grüne Spalte markiert das 4.2 ka BP Ereignis. Die Datenkalibrierung erfolgte unter Ver wendung der IntCal13 Kurve und mittels OxCal v. 4.2.4. mit einer Standardabweichung.

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

431THE ARCHAEOLO G ICAL AND PALYNOLO G ICAL REC ORD OF THE NORTHERN PL ATE AU OF SPA IN

from the core for palynological analysis and sectioned into continuous 2–5 cm­thick slices. Palynomorphs were isolated following the classic procedure (Moore et al. 1991) and con­centrated through heavy liquid separation. Pollen counting was conducted at 4oox magnification, and a minimum of 4oo terrestrial pollen grains were included in the pollen sum. Pollen identification was aided by the reference collection of the Laboratory of Archaeobiology at the Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS, Madrid), standard identification keys (Moore et al. 1991), and the photographic atlas (Reille 1992; Reille 1995) of European pollen flora.

Seven sediment samples were 14C dated using the acceler­ator mass spectrometry (AMS) technique. The dates were calibrated using the software programme CALIB 7.o with the INTCAL13 curve (Tab. 1; Reimer et al. 2o13). These dates were used to build an age model by linear interpolation, taking into account the maximum probability intervals at 2σ ranges. In this paper we present data for the 12o–18o cm interval. According to the model, the base of the 18o cm

interval dates to c. 33o5 BC and the sequence extends up to c. 111o BC (12o cm) without any recorded sedimentary hiatus.

The results of the identification and counting of pollen grains, spores, and non­pollen palynomorphs (NPPs) are pre­sented as a percentage synthetic diagram (Fig. 2). As is com­mon with pollen analysis, ferns, aquatics, and NPPs were excluded from the total pollen sum in order to avoid biases towards local pollen representation. Pollen assemblage zones (PAZ) represent pollen­stratigraphical changes, and were constructed on the basis of agglomerative cluster anal­ysis of the incremental sum of squares (CONISS) with square­root­transformed percentage data. The diagram was plotted using TILIA and TILIA­GRAPH v. 2.o.b.5 softwares. The sequence was divided into four zones (cf. Fig. 2).

Between c. 33o5 BC and 3185 BC (PAZ­1), deciduous and evergreen Quercus are the most abundant trees (2o %), with the continuous presence of riparian taxa such as Alnus and Tamarix indicating an open landscape, probably due to local human activities, as well as warm and humid conditions.

Laboratory reference

Depth (cm)

Sample Radiocarbon date (years BP)

Calibrated age (2σ) (calendar year BC/AD)

Ua-35516 30 Charcoal 385 ± 30 AD 1443 (1494)–1631

CNA-691.1 70 Charcoal 600 ± 35 AD 1296 (1347)–1409

CNA-690.1 105 Charcoal 2200 ± 60 394 (267) BC–107 BC

Beta-355632 139 Charcoal 3740 ± 30 2274 (2148) BC–2035 BC

CNA-691.2 202 Bulk sediment 5130 ± 40 4036 (3930) BC–3800 BC

Beta-355635 382 Bulk sediment 7020 ± 40 5995 (5914) BC–5809 BC

Beta-355634 395 Bulk sediment 7170 ± 60 6210 (6041) BC–5919 BC

Tab. 1 AMS radiocarbon data from the Las Salinas Lake record, Villa­fáfila (prov. Zamora). Each cali­brated radiocarbon date (in paren­theses) is presented as a median probability with its 2σ interval. Tab. 1 AMS-Radiokohlenstoffdaten von Proben aus dem See Las Sali-nas, Villafáfila (Prov. Zamora). Die kalibrierten Radiokohlenstoffdaten (in Klammern) sind mit ihrer mitt-leren Wahrscheinlichkeit und einem 2σ-Intervall aufgeführt.

Fig. 2 Pollen assemblage zones recorded at Las Salinas lake, Villafáfila (prov. Zamora), around the 3rd millennium BC. Abb. 2 Pollenablagerungen aus den Fossilienzonen des Las Salinas See, Villafáfila (Prov. Zamora), aus dem 3. Jt. v. Chr.

1110

1385

1655

1920

2175

2310

2445

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Alnus

Betula

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ous Quer

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pe

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isia

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ngi

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Anthr

opogen

ic taxa

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Aquat

ics

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Spirog

yra

Closter

ium idi

osporu

m

20

Anaba

ena

Dictyoco

nodies

Glomus

20 40 60 80 100

Trees / Shrubs / Herbs Zone

PAZ-4

PAZ-3cPAZ-3b

PAZ-3a

PAZ-2

Trees Xeric taxa

PAZ-1

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1 Pals et al. 198o; Geel et al. 1981; Geel et al. 1983; Geel et al. 1996.

Additionally, cold (Betula, Pinus sylvestris) and xeric taxa (Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae) are present, but with low values. Shrubs are not abundant (< 5 %), with Cistus, Erica, Labiatae, and Cytisus/Ulex being the most important taxa. Poaceae is the main herbaceous component (25 %). Anthropozoogenous taxa (Urtica dioica, Plantago, Polygonum aviculare) are pre­sent, as well as weed crops such as Erodium, Malva sylvestris, Centaurea cyanus, Convolvulus arvensis, Rumex sp., and anthropogenic taxa (Cardueae, Cichorioideae) with low values (sensu Behre 1981; Behre 1988). Cerealia­type presents very low percentages (o–o.7 %). The zone is associated with high values of aquatics (Cyperaceae, Apiaceae, Phragmites, Potamogetonaceae, Ranunculus, Typha angustifolia) as well as algae (Spirogyra, Closterium) and cyanobacteria (Ana-baena), indicative of a marked seasonality with springs and warmer summers, and of lacustrine environments with meso to eutrophic conditions, due to an enrichment of waters by dissolved organic matter1.

Tree cover gradually diminishes through the PAZ­2 zone (c. 3185–235o BC), as indicated by the lower percentages of deciduous Quercus. The most notable feature is the dis­appearance of Alnus and Tamarix and the spread of Betula and Pinus sylvestris, indicating colder and drier conditions. Percentages of xeric taxa such as Artemisia and Chenopodia-ceae increase, possibly in response to increased surface salt concentrations at this time. However, aquatics and Spiro-gyra values show a decreasing trend (Closterium and Ana-baena completely disappear), while Dictyoconodies percent­ages increase. Despite the relative landscape stability, one small­scale clearance event has been detected from 3185 BC, suggesting a small clearing of oak woodlands surrounding the Salinas lagoon for agricultural and pastoral farming, as indicated by increases in Cerealia­type (1.3–2.5 %), weed crops, anthropozoogenous, and anthropogenic taxa (López Sáez/López Merino 2oo5). Coprophilous fungi (Sor daria, Podospora, Trichodelitschia, Melanospora) appear for the first time (< 5 %). These data are consistent with other palaeo­environmental studies in the Northern Plateau, showing a mixed economy type and an arid climate during the late 4th millennium BC and the first half of the 3rd millen­nium BC in the Amblés Valley, prov. Ávila (López Sáez et al. 2oo3; Fabián García et al. 2oo6) and the Segundera range, prov. Zamora (Allen et al. 1996; Muñoz Sobrino et al. 2oo4), and with some pollen records from lakes or peat­bogs in the Duero Basin such as Camporredondo, prov. Valladolid (Gar­cía Antón et al. 2o11), Espinosa de Cerrato, and El Carrizal (Franco Múgica et al. 2oo1; Franco Múgica et al. 2oo5).

The overall picture is more complex during the Chalcoli­thic – Bronze Age transition (PAZ­3) c. 235o–19oo BC, and not only in terms of human activities. The increasing pat­tern of both evergreen and deciduous Quercus, as well as the recurrence of Alnus and Tamarix between c. 235o BC and 215o BC (sub­zone PAZ­3a), c. 2o5o BC, and 19oo BC (sub­zone PAZ­3c), suggests warmer temperatures and a signif­icant rise in the water­table. Betula, Pinus sylvestris, xeric taxa (Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae), and Dictioconidias values

decrease in both sub­zones, while aquatics, Spirogyra and Anabaena increase markedly, suggesting wet conditions, mainly winter rainfall, and a marked seasonality with hot summers (López Sáez et al. 1998; López Sáez et al. 2ooo). A completely contrary dynamic is observed c. 215o–2o5o BC (sub­zone PAZ­3b), where climatic conditions become dry again: deciduous Quercus, Alnus, aquatics, and algae de­ crease while xeric taxa increase.

Interestingly, c. 235o–215o BC (sub­zone PAZ­3a), human impact decreases significantly: percentages of anthropozoog­e nous and anthropogenic taxa as well as weed crops decline, while coprophilous fungi and Cerealia­type are virtually absent. This first sub­zone (PAZ­3a), culturally speaking, corresponds to the Chalcolithic – Early Bronze Age transi­tion c. 22oo BC, a time in our study area where the number of Chalcolithic sites with Bell Beaker pottery (24oo–22oo BC) is significantly reduced, compared to the previous Chalcol ithic period without this pottery (32oo–22oo BC) (Abarquero et al. 2o12). Although the assessment of settle­ment in the Villafáfila lagoon complexes can be difficult during the 3rd millennium cal BC, before 235o BC the diverse ecological setting created a unique niche, consisting of stable alluvial plots alongside recurrent brackish lagoons, which would have been easily cultivated (zone PAZ­2). This suggests that settlement would be in the proximity of the lagoons (Abarquero et al. 2o12). However, it seems reason­able to suppose that the effects of the change in climate c. 235o–215o BC (PAZ­3a), when conditions became humid, would have signifi cantly modified the former economic strat­egy, replacing it by one less predictable and productive because of the dra matic salinity decrease in soils. Such changes would have led to relocation of the settlements to other areas during the Early Bronze Age. In fact, at the beginning of the Bronze Age (c. 215o–19oo BC; sub­zones PAZ­3b and PAZ­3c), Cerealia­type reappears with very high percentages (6 %), probably indicating an increase in the extent of crop fields and greater proximity of these to the lagoon (López Sáez/López Merino 2oo5). At the same time, a significant increase in coprophilous fungi occurs, probably due to increased grazing pressure in the immediate envi­ronment (López Sáez/López Merino 2oo7). These data are consistent with a substantial increase in settlement in the area during the Early Bronze Age (22oo–15oo BC).

Finally, between c. 19oo BC and 111o BC (PAZ­4), arid con­ditions similar to those already described (PAZ­2, PAZ­3b) reappear, with the progressive increase of Chenopodiaceae and a decreasing pattern for oaks, aquatics, algae, and cyano­bacteria. Tree cover dramatically diminished through this zone (deciduous Quercus > 5 %). This phase is the most obvi­ous deforestation moment in the vicinity of the Villafáfila lagoons. Percentages of anthropozoogenous and anthro­pogenic taxa and coprophilous fungi all increase until c. 14oo BC (Cerealia­type appears constantly until this date) and subsequently decrease, coinciding with a drastic reduc­tion in settlements in the area during the Middle – Late Bronze Age (c. 15oo–1ooo BC) (Abarquero et al. 2o12).

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3 The archaeological record throughout the 3rd millen-nium cal BC

3.1 The material culture

Among the characteristic structures of sites which can be ascribed to the Pre­Beaker Chalcolithic period, ditched enclosures, common in the mid­Duero Basin (Delibes de Castro et al. 2o14), stand out (Fig. 3). They are defined by the presence of one, two, or three concentric ditches, of vari­ous sizes (o.5–3.o ha), and several interruptions in the en­ trance area, as documented in El Casetón de la Era, Villalba de los Alcores (prov. Valladolid). Despite their correlation with settlement areas, some authors offer a social and ritual interpretation that is still discussed. In other areas of the Northern Plateau, settlements lack ditches, and although there are indications of some other types of enclosure, like the wall built in the fortified settlement of San Martin del Pedroso (prov. Zamora), these seem to be an exception to the general trend.

Remains of domestic buildings in settlement areas are not frequent; nevertheless, in light of the data gathered in Villardondiego and in Las Cañamonas, at the western end of the Duero Basin (Val/Herrán 1995), we may affirm that there were round houses with wattle­and­daub walls and usually had hearths made of clay or pottery fragments, sometimes marked off by a rim. In El Casetón de la Era there were large,

round houses delimited by an excavated trench (Fig. 4), a very similar pattern to the one found in El Soto de Valdezate, near the Duero riverbank in Burgos (Palomino et al. 2oo3). In the Amblés Valley (prov. Ávila), both trenched houses (Los Itueros) and houses with masonry foundations (Aldea­gordillo) have been retrieved (Fabián García 2oo6). On the other hand, some sites in the mid­Arlanzón Basin show a clear segregation between living quarters, storage areas (with granaries), and manufacturing and processing sectors (Carmona Ballestero 2o13).

Usually, however, habitation areas are just pit settle­ments, whose dimensions vary greatly and whose section profiles may adopt the form of a cylinder, a globular body, or a conical frustum. Some present clay coatings on their walls, suggesting they were originally used as storage areas for grain or fodder (Reynolds 1979), although eventually they ended up being used as garbage pits, combustion chambers (hearths), stores for ritual offerings, and even burial places. The discovery of one of these pits at El Hor­nazo (prov. Burgos) filled with grain seeds (Carmona Balles­tero 2o13) supports our first hypothesis.

Chalcolithic ceramic productions in the Northern Plateau make use of clay from the surrounding region. Their quality is acceptable, with dark colours, a reductive or irregular firing, and smoothed, paddled, or frequently polished ex­ terior surface finishes. The most common pottery forms present a spherical profile, ranging from dishes and bowls

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Fig. 3a–d Some of the ditched enclosures of the Middle Duero Valley: a El Moscatel, Torrelobatón; b El Mesón, Villarmentero de Esgueva; c Santa Cruz, Cabezón de Pisuerga; all prov. Valladolid; d San Miguel, Cubillas de Cerrato, prov. Palencia. Abb. 3a–d Grabenwerke im mittleren Duerotal: a El Moscatel, Torrelobatón; b El Mesón, Villarmentero de Esgueva; c Santa Cruz, Cabezón de Pisuerga; alle Prov. Valladolid; d San Miguel, Cubillas de Cerrato, Prov. Palencia.

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to hemispheric vessels and globular vases, and even to large pots and closed, straight­walled vases, semi­ovoid bowls with flared rims, and vessels with cone­frustum or S­pro­files (Fig. 5).

Pottery vases are mostly undecorated, though some plas­tic decoration, such as lugs or bosses, may exceptionally appear. The few pieces with surface decoration usually have plain motifs: horizontal lines, to­and­fro lines, incised tri­angles filled with dots, and stamped, channelled, or combed strokes forming meanders along a horizontal band. Along­side these motifs, there are others which may have a certain symbolic overtone, such as the suns and eyes found both in the centre of the Northern Plateau (Las Pozas and Mucien­tes) and in its south­western region (Itueros and Aldeagor­dillo), and the anthropomorphic elements discovered in Cantera de las Hálagas, suggesting the existence of contacts with parallel cultures in the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula (García Barrios 2oo5; Fabián García 2oo6). Finally, we must mention some pieces with embossed decorations and sculptural elements along their rims, as well as black painted pottery with large triangles, especially abundant in the south­western area of the Duero Basin (Viña de Esteban García) and in the Amblés Valley (Fuente Lirio).

Copper Age settlements provide us with further ceramic elements used in different processing activities: cheese moulds, clay pedestals linked to domestic hearths, plain,

perforated spindle whorls – a clear indication of the existence of some textile production, crucibles, and spoons (Fabián García 2oo6).

Products of the lithic industry consist of polished materi­als of a functional or votive character, such as axes, adzes, chisels, and gouges (Fabián García 2oo6), as well as saddle querns. The former are made out of metamorphic rocks, while the latter are of limestone, quartzite, or granite. More important, however, are knapped tools, above all large blades (with straight edges) and arrowheads (whether barbed and tanged, leaf­shaped or concave­based). The basic raw material is flint, collected intensively in places like Los Cercados, Mucientes (prov. Valladolid), where a lithic work­site has been identified.

Fig. 4 One of the houses at the Copper Age site of El Casetón de la Era, Villalba de los Alcores (prov. Valladolid). Viewing direction from east. Abb. 4 Eines von mehreren Häusern, das auf der kupferzeitlichen Fundstelle El Casetón de la Era, Villalba de los Alcores (Prov. Valladolid), entdeckt worden ist. Blick von Osten.

Fig. 5 (right page) Pre­Beaker Copper Age pottery types from the North­ern Plateau. 1–9 Plain pottery: 1–3 bowls; 4–6 globular vessels; 7–9 biconi­cal vessels; 1o–2o decorated pottery: 1o–11 grooved decoration; 12 and 2o incised triangles filled with dots; 13–14 combed decoration; 15 plastic decoration; 16, 18–19 vessels with sym bolic decoration (eyes and suns); 17 bowl with lugs. Abb. 5 (rechte Seite) Keramiktypen aus der vorglockenbecherzeitlichen Kupferzeit der nördlichen Hochebene. 1–9 unverzierte Keramik: 1–3 Schalen; 4–6 rund bodige Gefäße; 7–9 bikonische Gefäße; 1o–2o ver-zierte Keramik: 1o–11 mit Rillenverzierung; 12 und 2o mit Ritzverzierung als punkt gefüllte Winkelbänder; 13–14 mit Kammverzierung; 15 mit plas-tischer Verzierung; 16, 18–19 Gefäße mit Symbolverzierungen (Augen und Sonnen); 17 Schale mit Knubben.

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Regarding the bone industry, burins made out of ovi­caprid metacarpal and metatarsal bones are especially sig­nificant. Other pieces include needles, spatulas, smoothers, and burnishers, as well as personal ornaments such as rings and cylindrical, or tubular beads, mainly recovered from grave goods.

Information about metallurgy is meagre; however, we know of the extraction of copper from the mines of La Pro­funda (prov. León) and of melting activities in several settle­ments – Los Cercados and El Casetón de la Era (prov. Valla­dolid), Peleagonzalo (prov. Zamora), Aldeagordillo and Los Itueros (prov. Ávila), and El Hornazo (prov. Burgos). Cru­ cibles, melting drops, raw copper, and moulds have been re­ trieved at these locations. Nonetheless, manufactured pro­ducts are rather scarce in our archaeological record: some awls and double pointed burins, all with a copper percen­tage of over 99 %. Alongside these artefacts, there are some other isolated pieces (waisted daggers, chisels, and flat axes), ascribed to this period in light of their typology (Delibes de Castro/Herrán 2oo7).

From the last third of the 3rd millennium BC onwards, the cultural landscape of the Northern Plateau, while main­taining some links to the previous tradition, undergoes sig­nificant changes. Ditched enclosures disappear in the do­ mes tic settlements of the Bell Beaker period, while defen­sive structures continue to be exceptions. Examples of the latter are found in Pico de la Mora, in the province of Valla­

dolid (Rodríguez Marcos 2oo8), where an earth­work may anticipate the enclosed fortifications of the Middle Bronze Age.

As in the prior period, vestiges of habitation structures are sparse. It is clear, nonetheless, that the trenched houses previously seen are now replaced by round, lowered­floor houses surrounded by postholes, like those found in Pico Castro, prov. Valladolid (Fig. 6), on the bank of the Douro in Valladolid (Rodríguez Marcos 2oo8), and perhaps in Los Rompizales (prov. Burgos), a site where some holes have been interpreted as hearths (Carmona Ballestero 2o13). Similar evidence has been located at Molino de Garejo, in the eastern basin of the Duero River; further parallels lie outside our area of study.

Pit settlements are still documented in this phase, some pits again with clay linings, for which scholars offer a simi­lar interpretation: they seem to be storage areas later trans­formed into garbage pits or stores. Likewise, the segre­gation between habitation and work areas apparently continues, since archaeologists have excavated authentic artisan factories, like the salt­works in Molino Sanchón II, at the Villafáfila lakes in Zamora (Abarquero et al. 2o12).

During the Beaker period, unlike prior times, two ceramic productions are distinguishable: on the one hand, Bell Beak­ er pottery, and, on the other hand, a rather plain, common ware (Fig. 7). Both types appear equally in habitation areas, industrial zones, and burial sites.

Bell Beaker post holeMedieval tower

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Fig. 6 Beaker house underneath a medieval tower at Pico Castro, Quintanilla de Arriba (prov. Valladolid). Photo: viewing direction from the east. Abb. 6 Glockenbecherzeitliches Haus unter einem mittelalterlichen Turm in Pico Castro, Quintanilla de Arriba (Prov. Valladolid). Foto: Blick von Osten.

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The second type, perfectly contextualised in some areas such as Molino Sanchón II in Zamora (Abarquero et al. 2o12), Pico Castro in Valladolid (Rodríguez Marcos 2oo8), or the mid­Arlanzón Valley (Carmona Ballestero 2o13), is still made out of clay from the surrounding area. Its firing is generally irregular, despite a clear trend to resort to a reduc­

tive environment. Its productions present a smoothed sur­face finish, sometimes of a fine quality, although there are coarser productions as well. Large bowls and globular ves­sels are heirs to the previous period, but in the Arlanzón region the former are manifestly simplified and the latter virtually disappear. Moreover, new forms, clearly different

Fig. 7 Beaker Copper Age pottery types from the Northern Plateau. 1–6 Plain pottery: 1 carinated vessel; 2–4 bowls; 5 large vessel with flared rim; 6 vessel with a closed profile; 7–1o Bell Beaker pottery »Ciempozuelos« style: 7 and 9 hemispheric bowl; 8 Bell Beaker; 1o Bell Beaker storage vessel. Abb. 7 Keramiktypen aus der glockenbecherzeitlichen Kupferzeit der nördlichen Hochebene. 1–6 unverzierte Keramik: 1 Knickwandgefäß; 2–4 Schalen; 5 großes Gefäß mit weitmündigem Rand; 6 Gefäß mit geschlossenem Profil; 7–1o Glockenbecherkeramik des »Ciempozuelos« Stils: 7 und 9 rundbodige Schalen; 8 Glockenbecher; 1o Vorratsgefäß.

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and more complex, burst in: large jars with straight or flared rims, S­profiled pots, vessels with a simple, closed profile, and vases with a cone­frustum or carinated profile, all of them showing a flat base.

Bell Beaker pottery characteristically presents a very re­ fined technique; while pastes do come from local deposits, they undergo a more refined sift, a better burnishing, and a more homogenous firing. On top of all these improvements, Bell Beaker pottery is particularly known for its careful decoration. Beaker ceramic productions in the Northern Plateau correspond basically to the Ciempozuelos type; how­ever, some dotted pieces, as well as others typical of the international style, retrieved in the mountainous edges of the region, ought not to be overlooked. Alongside the tradi­tional triad of grave goods – Bell Beakers themselves, cari­nated bowls and hemispheric bowls – we can now add new elements to the form repertory: S­profiled and globular ves­sels, and large vases of carinated profile, with a flat or umbil­icated base (Abarquero et al. 2o12).

Particularly characteristic are the incised­stamped deco­rations of the Ciempozuelos style: horizontal lines, strokes, to­and­fro lines, reticular patterns, pseudo­excised bands, friezes with metopes or opposed triangles, and sewn lines. These motifs are set along the inner and outer rim in com­plex compositions, usually covering a large area of the ves­sel. The Molino and Silos­Vaquera types, defined by bigger designs and lower artistic skills respectively, are also linked to the Ciempozuelos style.

Pottery artefacts were also used in processing activities, as the spindle whorls from Pico del Castro, Quintanilla de Arriba (prov. Valladolid) and the clay pedestals for salt­ boiling pans found in the salt factories at Villafáfila attest.

Concerning lithic industries, along with saddle querns and some polished materials – still present in this period –, stone wristguards have been found in some rich burials. Flint continues to be used for the fabrication of arrowheads (now just the barbed and tanged type), and unlike blades of

the earlier period, are now smaller, made from flakes, and with a serrated edge (Rodríguez Marcos 2oo8).

Bone materials offer some novelties, especially in per­sonal ornaments in grave goods, such as V­perforated but­tons and belt rings.

Copper technology is very similar to that found in the previous period, and a fragment of a ceramic crucible with metal drops from Pico Castro evidences its local character. Some old types, like flat axes and burins – now with a greater variety –, persist, while at the same time truly new types appear: Palmela points (a characteristically Iberian type with leafed shape and long tang); tanged daggers, sometimes waisted or swagged; and possibly halberds of the Carrapatas type.

A significant novelty in the Beaker material culture is the occurrence of the earliest golden jewellery linked to grave goods. The diadems found in the dolmen in Aldeavieja de Tormes (prov. Salamanca) and in a grave at Fuente Olmedo (prov. Valladolid) are outstanding examples of such jewellery.

3.2 Settlement patterns

The changes we have pointed out in our review of the mate­rial culture are also detectable in population distribution patterns, and it seems possible to discern a series of trends we might deem as »innovative«, which will be fully consoli­dated around 2ooo BC. Generally speaking, some dynamics, typical of the Late Copper Age (Bell Beaker horizon) and absent from the Pre­Beaker Copper Age, are under way in the final two centuries of the 3rd millennium BC. Such dy­ nam ics can be outlined by referring to three main factors: 1) a reduction in size of archaeological sites; 2) a redistribu­tion of settlements; and 3) a change in the characteristics of the surrounding environment of archaeological sites. Con­cerning the reduction in size, the data collected from the provincial archaeological inventories of Castilla y León in two different areas of our territory – along the Douro river­

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Fig. 8a–b Distribution of Pre­Beaker Copper Age (a) and Beaker sites (b) in the province of Valladolid. Abb. 8a–b Verbreitung der vorglockenbecher- (a) und glockenbecherzeitlichen (b) Fundstellen in der Provinz Valladolid.

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banks in Valladolid (Rodríguez Marcos/Moral 2oo7, 186) and in the mid­Arlanzón Basin in Burgos (Carmona Balles­tero 2o13, 287) – place the settlement size during the Late Copper Age in a rather homogeneous range, principally be­ tween o.5–1.8 ha. The dimensions of habitation areas during the Pre­Beaker Copper Age were also measured in the second location, and it turns out that the settlements were then considerably larger, ranging from 1.7–3.7 ha. This devel­opment has been interpreted as a transformation in popula­tion distribution, passing from a clustered settlement pat­tern during the Pre­Beaker Copper Age to a new model, with smaller and more isolated settlements, in the Bell Beaker horizon.

Changes in settlement size accompany what might be labelled as a »true reorganisation of the population distribu­tion pattern« during the Late Copper Age. It is perceptible in factors such as the intense occupation in this period of some regions that were virtually intact during the previous phase and the election of new settlement patterns. A clear instance of this transformation can be documented, for example, in the province of Valladolid (Fig. 8). Here, on the one hand, the extensive region located south of the Duero River, com­prising both the sandy, flat lands of the so­called Tierra de Pinares and the Duero riverbanks in the province of Valla­dolid (Rodríguez Marcos 2o13, 32 f.), witnesses a move from a meagre and highly disperse occupation to a more dense one, with settlements where Beaker pottery is present. On the other hand, recent studies of the region covering Tierra de Campos, the Torozos hills, and the lower Pisuerga Valley

have allowed us to observe a similar transformation in the population pattern: areas clearly delimited by watercourses or moor slopes with clusters of 3–4 settlements give way, in the Beaker period, to more distantly­spaced sites (around one hour away from each other). The nearest neighbour index is a perfect summary of these changes; thus, while the 2o sites of the Pre­Beaker Copper Age are very close to each other (r = o.41), the ratio of the 11 sites dated to the following phase shows a dispersed population pattern (r = 1.7o). More­over, along with a new distribution, new ways of interrela­tion between settlements are perceptible, for while in the Pre­Beaker Copper Age there seems to be a certain prefer­ence for occupying the natural pathways (Fábrega 2oo6), especially in the case of ditched enclosures, in the Bell Beaker period sites are located at about 5oo m from such thoroughfares. Thus, clustered, well­connected settlements yielded to isolated sites that, while to some extent avoiding the routes connecting them, are not located far from them.

The settlements that may be found in the Duero Valley at the end of the 3rd millennium BC are located in very varied enclaves. The province of Valladolid exhibits just such a variety, and at the same time is a prime example of how sites adapt to their environment. In Tierra de Pinares, a primarily flat section, the small Beaker settlements are located on low hills, near pools, and temporary ponds linked to the Aren­ales aquifer. On the other hand, where the Duero passes through the province, the more uneven relief of the land­scape, with alternating valleys and elevated plains, exhibits a greater variety of population patterns: while there are still

Fig. 9 Beaker settlement at Pico de la Mora, Peñafiel (prov. Valladolid). The red arrows show the defensive wall. Viewing direction from north­west. Abb. 9 Glockenbecherzeitlicher Siedlungsplatz in Pico de la Mora, Peñafiel (Prov. Valladolid). Die roten Pfeile markieren den Schutzwall. Blick von Nordwesten.

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2 Fabián García 2oo6, 452–462; García Barrios 2oo7a, 1o7; López Sáez 2oo7; López Sáez 2o12, 369–379.

3 Fabián García 2oo6, 463; García Barrios 2oo7a, 4o2; Carmona Ballestero 2o11, 452; Delibes de Castro et al. 2o14, 176–183.

some settlements in the flat lands, they are accompanied by a larger proportion (over 4o %) of archaeological sites in hill­top locations (Fig. 9), some of them even fortified (Rodríguez Marcos/Moral 2oo7, 184). This constitutes an innovation compared to the information we have for the Pre­Beaker Copper Age. The election, where possible, of hilltop loca­tions seems to be a constant factor in the population pat­terns during the Beaker period. There are indeed countless instances of such locations in the region (see Carmona Bal­lestero 2o13, 287 Fig. 195). Even in the plains of Tierra de Campos, where scholars are forced to resort to relative alti­tude values (Parcero/Fábrega 2oo6, 78), the percentage of settlements in depressed locations diminishes during this period (from 55 % to 2o %). This population pattern, priori­tising elevated locations in the landscape, reveals that new population dynamics are under way in the Duero Basin during the Beaker period. They are not unlike those detected in other European regions, such as the centre of Portugal or the south of France (Harrison/Mederos 2oo1, 114), and they will continue in this area throughout the Early Bronze Age (Fernández Moreno 2o13).

This collection of data suggests that the »new population pattern« in the Bell Beaker period corresponds to a shift of interests in the model of adaptation to the surrounding envi­ronment. In this regard, recent works focused on the area comprising Tierra de Campos, the Torozos hills, and the lower Pisuerga Valley are quite telling. Once more we find here reasons to argue for a change in subsistence models between the two phases of the Chalcolithic period. The Pre­Beaker Copper Age is characterised by a great diversity of productive models, including bush fallowing on sandy soils and extensive agriculture on clay soils, combined with ample pasture lands and livestock herding in nearby areas (Delibes de Castro et al. 2o14, 176–183). Such a diversity seems to correspond to the different stages in the introduc­tion of bush fallowing, with animal drawn implements and deforestation. In contrast, the Beaker period features a gen­eral occupation of the best soils for agriculture (the sandy riverbanks) and a greater distance from potential pastures. Since no technical innovations have been detected, it might be possible that such changes were motivated by a new organ­ isation of production, an organisation characterised by the fact that corporate lineages no longer had the capacity to mobilise large workforces. With the workforce divided be­ tween different houses, the building of monuments – such as ditched enclosures – was abandoned (Delibes de Castro et al. 2o14, 191 f.).

3.3 Economic uses

The changes observed in subsistence models in light of popu­lation patterns cannot be compared with paleoeconomic data, for the available information is far richer for sites dated to the Pre­Beaker Copper Age than for Beaker sites, and therefore there are hardly any comparative factors to con­

trast the two phases. Consequently, it is by resorting to the faunistic and archaeobotanical analysis carried out in the Amblés Valley, in the mid­Duero Valley, and in the mid­Arlanzón Basin, that we may affirm that, generally speaking, people living in the Northern Plateau during the 3rd millen­nium BC developed a mixed, agro­pastoral economy.

Copper Age agriculture was basically grain­centred, as betrayed by the presence of cereals – with percentages rang ing from 2.o % to 9.7 % – in most palynological columns from sites dated both to the Beaker period and to the Pre­Beaker Chalcolithic period2. Vegetal macro­remains found in El Hornazo, Fuente Celada (López­Dóriga et al. 2o11), and El Casetón de la Era (Ruiz Alonso/Peña Chocarro 2o11; Ruiz Alonso/Peña Chocarro 2o12) point to the same conclusion. Such remains present taxa of common and hard wheat (Triticum aestivum/durum), barley (Hordeum vul-gare), and emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum). In contrast, species such as flax and legumes, already present in Neolith­ ic records from the Northern Plateau, are missing; however, their absence might derive from the paucity of analysed samples to date.

Academic consensus has been reached regarding the extensive character of agriculture based on the exploitation model known as bush fallow (Boserup 1967, 26), that is, a land rotation system where, after the cultivation period is over, there is a 3­ to 1o­year fallow period, when lands are used as pastures and thus fertilised by animal manure3. Moreover, the appearance of non­pollen palynomorphs has been linked to the burning of forests and bushes in order to clear land for cultivation and herding (López Sáez et al. 2ooo, 13).

Current research on the Copper Age site of El Casetón de la Era has given us a substantial collection of data regarding the processing and use of cereals. This includes trace anal­yses of some curious, leaf­shaped stone pieces with plain, covering, bifacial retouch, made out of local flint, which revealed they had been utilised as blades for threshing boards (Fig. 1o). The use of threshing boards indicates that individuals felt the need at this period for a complex and effective tool to thresh a considerable volume of cereals, replacing earlier, simpler techniques such as flailing or hitting the ears against harder surfaces, which would have been suitable for processing smaller harvests (Gibaja et al. 2o12).

An additional effect of the use of threshing boards would be the availability of greater amounts of threshed straw, which, as we shall see, served other purposes. The signif­icance of cereal agriculture in El Casetón de la Era is also illustrated by the fact that the numerous quern stones found in the site were used to grind grain, as the high percentages of grain inflorescence phytolyths found on their surfaces attest (Portillo/Albert 2o12). If grain was important for human consumption, its derivatives were no less significant for other functions, such as cattle fodder and construction. The discovery of grain phytolyths with stems and leafs in some burned clay lumps suggests that the countless vegetal

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imprints visible on their surfaces were made by threshed straw, functioning as a binder for the clay used as wall facing in some village houses (Portillo 2o14). Similarly, the detection of high amounts of faecal spherulites linked to Poaceae phytolyths in the interior of some pits points to the consumption by cattle of stubble and agricultural deriva­

tives, such as straw, husks, and weeds, all of them resulting from the processes of threshing and winnowing (Portillo/Albert 2o12).

Concerning stockbreeding, we may start by mentioning that palynological analyses reveal the presence of ample pasture lands in the proximity of settlements. Grazing land

Fig. 1o Flakes from threshing­boards recovered at El Casetón de la Era, Villalba de los Alcores (prov. Valladolid). Abb. 1o Abschläge von Dreschschlitten aus El Casetón de la Era, Villalba de los Alcores (Prov. Valladolid).

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4 This affirmation ought to be nuanced. While in principle it remains valid for a large area of the Northern Plateau, some dolmens in the south­western region were still used during the Copper Age, as the presence of some ceramic pieces like those appearing in

the surrounding chalcolithic settlements may attest (Santonja 1987). A similar late chronology is documented in some grave goods from some collective tombs in the pro­vince of Ávila: El Prado de las Cruces (Fabián García 1997) and La Dehesa de Río Fortes

(Estremera/Fabián García 2oo2), a passage grave and a non megalithic burial mound, respectively. However, those materials may correspond to the afterlife of the mentioned monuments.

is represented by pollens typical of anthropogenic pastures (Cardueae, Aster, Cichoriodae), as well as by nitrophilous species of zoogenic origin (Plantago, Chenopodiaceae, Urtica). Highly significant, likewise, are the osteological collections studied; they betray an absolute predominance of domestic fauna over wild animals, percentages of the former always reaching more than 8o % when horses are included. Live­stock invariably consists of bovids, ovicaprids, pigs, and equids; however, researchers have pinpointed local and re­ gional differences in the relevance of each of these species. Bovids are best represented in the mid­Duero Valley (García Barrios 2oo7a, 413) and in the Arlanzón Basin (Carmona Bal­lestero 2o11 479–485). All collections surveyed offer similar slaughter patterns, with a clear preference for slaughtering animals at adult age, suggesting that meat exploitation was subordinated to other added values: milk procurement or the use of some species as draft animals. Ovicaprids, well represented in all assessed regions, are the most exploited species in the hillside areas of the Amblés Valley (Fabián García 2oo6, 458 f.). Despite the appearance of individuals from all ages, the general trend is once more to slaughter animals at adult age. Thus, they played an important role as suppliers of wool and milk – as well, of course, as meat. On the other hand, pigs are documented in low percentages; the fact that they were slaughtered at a young age, near the end of the period of maximum development, suggests they were mainly exploited as a meat supply. The presence of horses deserves special mention; whether they were domestic or wild is still being discussed. Once again horses are found in the majority of analysed sites, although percentages tend to be low. However, two stations offer an astonishingly high ratio: Aldeagordillo, where horses makes up 57.6 % of the total weight of domestic fauna (Fabián García 2oo6, 74), and the causewayed enclosure of El Casetón de la Era, where they make up 44 % of the weight and 3o % of the number of remains collected in ditch number 1 (Fernández Rodríguez 2o1o). In all surveyed sites most individuals reached their adult age, while the number of young horses documented is extremely low; therefore, if we accept it was a domesticated species, we must postulate they played a significant role as transportation and draft animals. In sum, stockbreeding seems to be oriented, except in the case of pigs, towards a mixed exploitation, where, alongside meat consumption, other »secondary products« such as wool, milk, and traction were also exploited.

To conclude to this section, and as a possible way of assess­ing the importance of stockbreeding and agriculture in the life of the 3rd millennium BC societies, we may refer to some paleodietary studies, based on trace analysis carried out on some individuals from the sites of El Tomillar (Pre­Beaker Copper Age), Aldeagordillo, and Cerro de la Cabeza (Beak­ er period) in the province of Ávila. These studies reveal a diet typical of a peasant society with a mixed economy,

essentially based on the ingestion of vegetal carbohydrates supplemented, secondarily, with milk and red meats (Tran­cho et al. 1996; Trancho/Robledo 1999).

3.4 The funerary and symbolic world

From the end of the 4th millennium BC onwards, in the north­western quarter of the Iberian Peninsula, we witness the collapse of the megalithic burial system (Delibes de Cas­tro 2o14, 1o4–1o6): unlike what happens in Andalusia and Portugal, no new monuments are built, and some pre­exist­ing passage graves are now rendered useless by blocking the entrance to the corridor4. In the Northern Plateau, this was the case, for instance, at the dolmen of Teriñuelo in Aldeavieja de Tormes (prov. Salamanca), whose sealing off, to judge by the elevated number of pottery vessels retrieved near the rocks blocking the entrance, was probably cele­brated by means of a libation (Aratikos 2oo7).

Eschewing all monumentality, new tombs adopt the form of simple inhumation graves located in settlements, although they cannot be linked to particular domestic units and do not cluster to form graveyards. About 3o of them are known, and except in El Tomillar, Bercial de Zapardiel (prov. Ávila), where the pit holds eleven skeletons buried at three different times (Fabián García 1995), all feature coetaneous burials, although some contain more than one inhumation: six were found, for instance, in grave number 1 from Cerro de la Cabeza (prov. Ávila) and two in El Ollar (prov. Segovia) and Colmenares (prov. Valladolid). Graves frequently exhibit fire traces, with bodies concealed under rocks. Archaeological studies of such tombs have shown that the number of males is six times the number of females and the infant popula­tion is clearly underrepresented; moreover, grave goods are rare or poor – only a plain bowl in Soto de Tovilla, prov. Valla dolid (Fig. 11). The goods retrieved by archaeologists from the grave at El Ollar are exceptional: a variscite neck­lace, a fragment of a tabular flint halberd, two copper burins, and a small copper dagger with a curved blade, items that probably belonged to a young potentate (Esparza Arroyo et al. 2oo8; Fabián García/Blanco 2o12).

The same burial ritual is, indeed, registered in pit settle­ments of the Northern Plateau throughout the Bronze Age (Esparza Arroyo et al. 2o12), and poses the same interpreta­tion problems: the sample of graves we have is too meagre compared to the number of archaeological interventions undertaken; the carelessness and lack of solemnity observed in the deposition of bodies inside the graves are likewise startling; the paucity of grave goods must be stressed once again; and the frequency of partial burials, that is, the appearance of only a few skeletal parts or isolated bones (for instance, Santa Cruz in Valladolid and grave number 3 in Cerro de la Cabeza), is also remarkable. These factors

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compel us to wonder whether the evidence is really repre­sentative of the burial customs of the period or are, rather, exceptions, i. e., rare cases that did not comply with a still unknown general ritual. Accordingly, researchers have not discarded the possibility that Chalcolitic burial customs may have consisted of a two­stage deposition ritual: the deceased first being placed somewhere until the body had rotted away, and a selection of the remains later being trans­ferred, for example, to the subsoil of a house (a skull in the hamlet of La Viña de Esteban García in Salamanca), or to some graves containing skulls and long bones (the secon­dary burial of Villayerno­Morquillas in Burgos), or even to monumentalised sites such as the barrow of Piedra Alta, crowned by a menhir, also in Burgos (Arnáiz et al. 1997; Delibes de Castro et al. 2o12).

A conspicuous element in inhumated human remains in the Northern Plateau dated to the Pre­Beaker Copper Age are the signs of violence many of the bodies show. At least five out of six individuals buried in grave number 1 at Cerro de la Cabeza were hit by a projectile, as indicated by the pres­ence of flint arrowheads still stuck in them. All five of them

– and the sixth individual lying next to them – were buried together, suggesting they had fallen in a skirmish with for­eign enemies, since the arrowhead types are not at all com­mon in the Amblés Valley (Fabián García/Blanco 2o12). However, this is not the only evidence of violence: one of those wounded by an arrow showed old fractures in both elbow bones, which can be easily related to a prior attempt to stop a blow; the individual buried in grave number 197 at Soto de Tovilla died from a hard blow that cracked his skull open (Esparza Arroyo et al. 2oo8); and the women whose skulls were deposited in a grave at Los Cercados, Mucientes (prov. Valladolid) suffered an instant death. One of them was beheaded, another died as the result of an injury from a sharp weapon, and a third from a club blow to her head. The context in Los Cercados, however, is not exactly that of a grave, but rather a ritual site; the isolated skulls, with no associated skeletal remains, appeared mingled with dog and piglet skulls, some antlers, a very clumsy small zoomorphic clay sculpture, a goblet­shaped vase, and a set of extraordi­

nary »symbolic pottery pieces«, all of them embedded in a carbon matrix. This set of objects have led archaeologists to think of a different – although no less brutal – form of vio­lence: human sacrifices perpetrated in the context of regen­eration rituals (García Barrios 2oo7).

The adoption of the Beaker package, assigned by radio­carbon dating to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, involved an important innovation compared to what we have found in the Pre­Beaker Copper Age: the reuse of mega­lithic tombs, now, of course, in the context of a totally dif­ferent burial ritual. This is not something restricted to the Spanish Northern Plateau; on the contrary, groups in mega­lithic areas throughout Atlantic Europe resorted to this strat­egy to legitimate their position, in an obvious attempt to establish some links to their mythic ancestors. They decided quite deliberately to occupy, not all, but the bigger and more monumental Neolithic burial mounds. That was the case, for instance, in El Prado de las Navas, Galisancho, and El Teri­ñuelo of Aldeavieja, all of them in the province of Salamanca, to mention just a few such landmarks.

We find at this time individual graves which, while shar­ ing the very same locations, have little to do with Neolithic tombs. In these burials, the goal is ultimately to emphasise the individual, rather than to blend him into the group. Pre­cisely this situation has led scholars to talk about rupture, to the point of branding Bell Beaker burials in megalithic tombs as intrusions or violations (Maluquer de Motes 196o). Moreover, the large temporal lapse between the Neolithic use of megalithic tombs and the later Beaker burials – about a millennium in sites with accurate radiocarbon dates such as Túmulo de la Sima in the Ambrona Valley, prov. Soria (Fig. 12; Rojo Guerra et al. 2oo5) – must dispel all doubt, underscoring the gap between the funerary world of the Middle and Final Neolithic world and the Beaker ritual.

In any case, both in the so called »intrusions« into earlier collective tombs or in other burial types of the Beaker Cul­ture – limited in the Northern Plateau to simple pit graves and mounds –, the difference between such burials and those from the Copper Age lies in the wealth of grave goods5. Beaker inhumations are accompanied by a standardised set

Fig. 11 Pre­Beaker Copper Age burial pit at El Soto de Tovilla, Tudela de Duero (prov. Val ladolid). Abb. 11 Vorglockenbecherzeitliche Grabgrube in El Soto de Tovilla, Tudela de Duero (Prov. Valladolid).

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of grave goods, a set that is totally new both in the typology of objects (with the exception of tanged and barbed arrowheads) and the quantity of goods. The tomb of an 18­year­old male at Fuente Olmedo (prov. Valladolid), c. 2ooo BC, is one of the most representative Beaker burials in the Northern Plateau: alongside the classic ceramic triad of the Ciempozuelos type, a tanged copper dagger, eleven Palmela points, a stone wristguard, a golden diadem, and a tanged and barbed flint arrowhead were retrieved (Fig. 13; Martín Valls/Delibes de Castro 1989). Similar grave goods were, however, already typical of the earliest Beaker tombs of the region, as the assemblage of Túmulo de la Sima reveals.

Ritual deposits of fauna are well known in the archaeolog­ical record. They became an extremely common practice in the Late Prehistory of Iberia, dating back to Neolithic times but gaining greater importance from the Copper Age on­ wards (Liesau 2o12). Nevertheless, the fauna collection re­

covered alongside a rich Bell Beaker lot, buried next to two human ribs in one of the structures from the prehistoric pit settlement at Almenara de Adaja (prov. Valladolid), deserves special attention. Remains of lagomorphs and some other species were found next to several pig foetal bones, possibly from two different litters, and to ovicaprid lingual bones, and an aurochs cranial bone. The fossilised condition of the latter at the moment of deposition has led archaeologists to view it as a token, an interpretation supported by radiocar­bon dating: the aurochs bone has been dated to two cen­turies prior to the date of a piece of charcoal retrieved from the same pit (Liesau et al. 2o14).

4 Overall assessment

Throughout the 3rd millennium BC, archaeologists have documented the existence of a general dynamic of climate

5 South of the Central System, in some sites from Madrid, where the coexistence of con­temporary tombs with and without Bell Beaker pieces has been documented for the first time, the difference between them is

not limited to the absence or presence of the typical bell­shaped pottery, but rather is more clearly perceptible in the accentuated dissymmetry in wealth levels. It is that Bell Beaker burials monopolise prestigious and

exotic goods obtained by means of suprar­regional exchange networks (Liesau/Blasco 2o11–2o12; Liesau 2o12).

Fig. 12 Bell Beaker grave goods from El Túmulo de la Sima, Miño de Medinaceli (prov. Soria). They were found at the entrance of an earlier Neolithic stone tholos alongside four or five inhumation burials. The grave goods consist amongst others vessels of the Maritime Style, 2 stone wristguards, 3 flint arrowheads, 1 copper flat axe, 2 Palmela points, and 3 tanged copper daggers; c. 24oo BC. Abb. 12 Glockenbecherzeitliche Grabbeigaben aus El Túmulo de la Sima, Miño de Medinaceli (Prov. Soria). Die Beigaben wurden im Eingangsbereich eines frühen neolithischen tholos zusammen mit vier bis fünf Körperbestattungen gefunden. Zu den Grabbeigaben zählen unter anderem Gefäße vom Maritimen Stil, 2 steinerne Armschutzplatten, 3 Silexpfeilspitzen, 1 Flachbeil aus Kupfer, 2 Pamela Spitzen und 3 Griffzungendolche aus Kupfer; ca. 24oo BC.

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fluctuation and cultural transformation in several regions of south­western Europe. With regard to the Spanish North­ern Plateau, these dynamics can be briefly summarised in the following points.

1. Paleoenvironmental aspects. During the transition from the 3rd to the 2nd millennium cal BC, the study area was subjected to the effects of a short and abrupt climate change, the so­called 4.2 ka BP event (c. 235o–185o BC), which has been recognised as a marked aridification phase. According to M. Magny et al. (2oo9), this event is

char acterised in the western Mediterranean by a tripartite climatic oscillation: two phases with wetter conditions (c. 235o–215o BC and 2ooo–19oo BC) bracketed a phase of drier conditions at c. 215o–2ooo cal BC. Its conse­quences are clearly reflected in the palynological record of Villafáfila during the PAZ­3 zone. Curiously, within that zone, it is during the wet and mild phase (sub­zone PAZ­3a, c. 235o–215o BC) when a dramatic reduction in the human impact upon the environment is substantiated, attested by the total absence of coprophilous fungi and cereal pollen. The later phase of aridity (sub­zone PAZ­3b,

Fig. 13 Bell Beaker grave goods from the burial pit at Fuente Olmedo (prov. Valladolid) composed of the classic ceramic triad of the Ciempozuelos type, 1 tanged copper dagger, 11 Palmela points, 1 stone wristguard, 1 golden diadem, and 1 tanged and barbed flint arrowhead; c. 2ooo BC. Abb. 13 Glockenbecherzeitliche Beigaben aus der Grabgrube in Fuente Olmedo (Prov. Valladolid) zusammengesetzt aus: typische Keramikformen der Ciempozuelos Gruppe, 1 Griffzungendolch aus Kupfer, 11 Palmela Spitzen, 1 steinerne Armschutzplatte, 1 goldenes Diadem und 1 gestiehlte und geflügelte Silexpfeilspitze; ca. 2ooo v. Chr.

Fig. 14 Large Bell Beaker pot found at the salt production centre of Molino Sanchón II, Villafáfila (prov. Zamora). Abb. 14 Großer Glockenbechertopf aus Molino Sanchón II, Villafáfila (Prov. Zamora), einem Fundplatz mit Nachweisen für Salzgewinnung.

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c. 215o–2o5o BC) witnesses the recovery of cereal agricul­ture and stockbreeding, as well as the intensification of salt exploitation in this area.

2. Concerning settlement patterns, ditched enclosures were finally abandoned around 25oo BC, and therefore they were not reoccupied during the Bell Beaker period.

3. The emergence of the Beaker package is dated to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, thus concurring with the chronology of the 4.2 ka BP event.

4. Aside from salt exploitation, an activity not documented to date in the Pre­Beaker Copper Age, the absence of information for the end of the 3rd millennium BC prevents us from assessing whether the Bell Beaker emergence was parallel to a significant renewal of eco­ nomic practices (Fig. 14).

5. Regarding funerary uses, the 3rd millennium BC is wit­ness to the progressive consolidation of individual graves; however, it is during the Beaker period that megalithic monuments are brought back to use. A second innovation in the funerary record is the wealth of grave goods in Beak­

er burials, which may reflect the existence of profound social inequalities in those communities.

6. Bell Beaker Culture brought a renewal of equipment, with the emergence of new ceramic and metallic types, some of them common to most of Europe. Likewise, in this period we witness the disappearance of polished axes and the beginning of golden jewellery.

All this shows that there was a series of cultural changes throughout the 3rd millennium BC, but due to the lack of paleoenvironmental data, we cannot assess the role played in these developments by climate fluctuations linked to the 4.2 ka BP event. We would yield to an excessive determinism if we were to pay exclusive attention to climate factors with­out considering additional factors (Wiener 2o14) which are essential to a full understanding of such a complex moment as the 3rd millennium BC – a moment when the interaction among prehistoric communities of Europe experiences a sig­nificant growth, as the Beaker phenomenon extraordinarily reflects.

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García Barrios 2oo5 Á. S. García Barrios, Dos singulares testimo­

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la arqueología de la prehistoria reciente del valle medio del Duero. Los cráneos femeninos calcolíticos de Los Cercados (Mucientes, Valla­dolid). In: C. de la Rosa/M. J. Dueñas/M. I. del Val/M. Santo Tomás (eds.), Nuevos enfoques para la enseñanza de la historia. Mujer y género ante el espacio europeo de educación superior. Laya 28 (Madrid 2oo7) 41–56.

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nio cal. B.C. Análisis palinológico del yaci­miento calcolítico de »El Casetón de la Era« (Finca de Matallana, Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). Informe técnico inédito depo­sitado en el Departamento de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid 2oo7).

López Sáez 2o12 J. A. López Sáez, »Historia de la vegetación en

la comarca de Villafáfila durante el Holoceno Reciente«. In: F. J. Abarquero Moras/E. Guerra Doce/G. Delibes de Castro/A. L. Palomino Lázaro/J. del Val Recio (eds.), Arqueología de la Sal en las lagunas de Villafáfila (Zamora). Investigaciones sobre los cocederos prehistó­ricos. Monogr. Arqu. Castilla León 9 (Valla­dolid 2o12) 369–379.

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metodológicas acerca de los indicios paleopali­nológicos de agricultura en la Prehistoria de la Península Ibérica. Portugalia 26, 2oo5, 53–64.

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lous fungi as a source of information on an thropic activities during the Prehistory in the Amblés Valley (Ávila, Spain). The archaeopalynological record. Rev. Española Micropaleontología 39,1–2, 2oo7, 1o3–116.

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Texier/M. F. Diot, Remarques paléoécologiques à propos de quelques palynomorphes non­ polliniques provenant de sédiments quater­naires en France. Rev. Paléobiologie 17,2, 1998, 445–459.

López Sáez et al. 2ooo J. A. López Sáez/B. van Geel/M. Martín

Sánchez, Aplicación de los microfósiles no polínicos en Palinología Arqueológica. Actas 3º Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular 9, Vila­Real, Portugal, setembro de 1999 (Porto 2ooo) 11–2o.

López Sáez et al. 2oo3 J. A. López Sáez/M. Dorado Valiño/F. Burjachs/

B. Ruiz Zapata/P. López García/J. F. Fabián García, Paleoambiente y paleoeconomía durante la Prehistoria en el Valle Amblés (Ávila). Polen 13, 2oo3, 129–141.

Maluquer de Motes 196o J. Maluquer de Motes, Nuevos hallazgos de la

cultura del Vaso Campaniforme en la Meseta. Zephyrus 11, 196o, 119–134.

Magny et al. 2oo9 M. Magny/B. Vannière/G. Zanchetta/

E. Fouache/G. Touchais/L. Petrika/C. Coussot/ A. V. Walter­Simonnet/F. Arnaud, Possible complexity of the climatic event around 43oo–38oo cal BP in the central and western Medi­terranean. The Holocene 19,6, 2oo9, 823–833, doi:1o.1177/o9596836o933736o.

Martín Valls/Delibes de Castro 1989 R. Martín Valls/G. Delibes de Castro, La cul­

tura del Vaso Campaniforme en las campiñas meridionales del Duero. El enterramiento de Fuente Olmedo (Valladolid)2. Monogr. Mus. Arqu. Valladolid 1 (Valladolid 1989).

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analysis2 (Oxford, Malden MA 1991).Muñoz Sobrino et al. 2oo4 C. Muñoz Sobrino/P. Ramil Rego/L. Gómez

Orellana, Vegetation of the Lago de Sanabria area (NW Iberia) since the end of the Pleis­tocene. A palaeoecological reconstruction on the basis of two new pollen sequences. Vegeta­tion Hist. Archaeobotany 13,1, 2oo4, 1–22, doi:1o.1oo7/soo334­oo3­oo28­1.

Palomino et al. 2oo3 Á. L. Palomino Lázaro/F. J. Abarquero Moras/

M. J. Negredo García, La primera colonización estable de las tierras ribereñas del Duero en el suroeste de la provincia de Burgos. El pobla­miento calcolítico. Numantia 8, 1997/1998 (2oo3) 63–84.

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studies in the Klokkeweel bog near Hoog­karspel (Prov. of Noord­Holland). Rev. Palaeo­botany Palynology 3o, 198o, 371–418.

Parcero/Fábrega 2oo6 C. Parcero/P. Fábrega, Diseño metodológico

para el análisis locacional de asentamientos a través de un SIG de base raster. In: I. Grau Mira (ed.), La aplicación de los SIG en la Arqueología del Paisaje. Anejos de Lucen­ tum 15 = Ser. Arqu. (Alicante 2oo6) 91–97.

Portillo 2o14 M. Portillo, Análisis de fitolitos y esferolitos

fecales sobre muestras de sedimentos del yacimiento calcolítico de El Casetón de la Era (Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). Informe técnico inédito depositado en el Departamento de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid 2o14).

Portillo/Albert 2o12 M. Portillo/R. M. Albert, Análisis de fitolitos

sobre muestras de sedimentos procedentes del yacimiento de la Edad del Cobre de El Casetón

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

448 GERMÁN DEL IBES DE CASTRO E T AL .

Source of figures

1 authors, after Bronk Ramsey 2oo9; Reimer et al. 2o13

2 authors 3 after Delibes de Castro et al. 2o14 4 authors 5 Á. Rodríguez González, Univer­

sity of Valladolid

6 authors 7 Á. Rodríguez González, Univer­

sity of Valladolid 8 authors 9 after Rodríguez Marcos/Moral

2oo7, modified by authors 1o after Gibaja et al. 2o12

11 courtesy of Pedro Cruz Sánchez 12 after Rojo Guerra et al. 2oo5 13 courtesy of Museo de Valladolid 14 Á. Rodríguez González, Univer­

sity of Valladolid

Tab. 1 authors

Addresses

Prof. Dr. Germán Delibes de CastroProf. Dr. Elisa Guerra Doce Dr. Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras Manuel Crespo Díez Marcos García García University of Valladolid (UVA)Department of Prehistory and ArchaeologyPlaza del Campus s/n47o11 [email protected]@[email protected]@[email protected]

Dr. José Antonio López Sáez Archaeobiology GroupInstitute of History, Spanish National Research Council (CCHS, CSIC)Albasanz 26–2828o37 [email protected]

Sebastián Pérez Díaz University of the Basque Country (UPV­EHU)Department of Geography, Prehistory and ArchaeologyFrancisco Tomás y Valiente s/no1oo6 Vitoria­[email protected]

Dr. José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos University of Burgos (UBU)Area of PrehistoryVilladiego s/no9oo1 [email protected]

de la Era (Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). Informe técnico inédito depositado en el Departamento de Prehistoria de la Univer­sidad de Valladolid (Valladolid 2o12).

Reille 1992 M. Reille, Pollen et Spores d’Europe et

d’Afrique du Nord. Laboratoire de Botanique Historique et Palynologie (Marsella 1992).

Reille 1995 M. Reille, Pollen et Spores d’Europe et

d’Afrique du Nord. Supplement 1. Laboratoire de Botanique Historique et Palynologie (Marsella 1995).

Reimer et al. 2o13 P. J. Reimer/E. Bard/A. Bayliss/J. W. Beck/

P. G. Blackwell/C. Bronk Ramsey/C. E. Buck/ H. Cheng/R. L. Edwards/M. Friedrich/ P. M. Grootes/T. P. Guilderson/H. Haflidason/ I. Hajdas/T. J. Heaton/A. G. Hogg/K. A. Hughen/ K. F. Kaiser/B. Kromer/S. W. Manning/M. Niu/ R. W. Reimer/D. A. Richards/E. M. Scott/ J. R. Southon/C. S. M. Turney/J. v. d. Plicht, IntCal13 and MARINE13 radiocarbon age calibration curves o–5o,ooo years cal BP. Radiocarbon 55,4, 2o13, 1869–1887, doi:1o.2458/azu_js_rc.55.16947.

Reynolds 1979 P. J. Reynolds, Iron Age Farm. The Butser

Experiment (London 1979).Rodríguez Marcos 2oo8 J. A. Rodríguez Marcos, Estudio secuencial

de la Edad del Bronce en la Ribera del Duero (provincia de Valladolid). Monogr. Arqu.

Castilla León 7 (Valladolid 2oo8).Rodríguez Marcos 2o13 J. A. Rodríguez Marcos, El mapa arqueológico

de Valladolid durante la Prehistoria Reciente. In: J. Urrea (ed.), Conocer Valladolid. VI Curso de patrimonio cultural 2o12/13 (Valladolid 2o13) 27–42.

Rodríguez Marcos/Moral del Hoyo 2oo7 J. A. Rodríguez Marcos/S. Moral del Hoyo,

Algunas notas acerca del poblamiento campa­niforme en el sector vallisoletano de la Ribera del Duero. Zephyrus 6o, 2o13, 181–194.

Rojo Guerra et al. 2oo5 M. Rojo Guerra/R. Garrido Pena/I. García

Martínez de Lagrán/G. Morán Dauchez/ M. Kunst, Un desafío a la Eternidad. Tumbas monumentales del Valle de Ambrona (Soria, España). Arqu. Castilla León Memorias 14 (Valladolid 2oo5).

Ruiz Alonso/Peña-Chocarro 2o11 M. Ruiz Alonso/L. Peña­Chocarro, Análisis

arqueobotánico (carbones y semillas) del yacimiento El Casetón de la Era (Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). Informe técnico inédito depositado en el Departamento de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid 2o11).

Ruiz Alonso/Peña-Chocarro 2o12 M. Ruiz Alonso/L. Peña­Chocarro, Segundo

análisis arqueobotánico (carbones y semillas) del yacimiento El Casetón de la Era (Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). Informe técnico inédito depositado en el Departamento de

Prehistoria de la Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid 2o12).

Santonja 1987 M. Santonja, Anotaciones en torno al megali­

tismo del Occidente de la Meseta (Salamanca y Zamora). In: G. Delibes de Castro (ed.), El Megalitismo en la Península Ibérica (Madrid 1987) 199–21o.

Trancho/Robledo 1999 G. J. Trancho/B. Robledo, Paleodieta. Estudio

del patrón alimenticio en El Cerro de la Cabeza (Avila), <http://www.ucm.es/info/antropo/trancho/dieta.htm> (o6.o3.2o15).

Trancho et al. 1996 G. J. Trancho/B. Robledo/I. López­Bueis/

F. J. Fabián García, Reconstrucción del patrón alimenticio de dos poblaciones prehistóricas de la meseta norte. Complutum 7, 1996, 73–9o.

Val/Herrán Martínez 1995 J. del Val Recio/J. I. Herrán Martínez, El Cal­

colítico Precampaniforme en el Duero Medio. In: M. Kunst (ed.), Origens, Estraturas e Relaçoes das Culturas Calcolíticas da Penín­sula Ibérica. Actas das I Jornadas Arqueó­logicas de Torres Vedras (1987). Trabal. Arqu. 7 (Lisboa 1995) 293–3o4.

Wiener 2o14 M. H. Wiener, The Interaction of Climate

Change and Agency in the Collapse of Civilizations c. 23oo–2ooo BC. Radio­ carbon 56,4, 2o14, 1–16, doi:1o.2458/azu_rc.56.18325.

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Bislang erschienene Bände in der Reihe »Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums für

Vorgeschichte Halle«

Die Reihe der Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums wurde 2oo8 ins Leben gerufen. Anlass dazu war die Konferenz »Luthers Lebenswelten«, die im Jahr 2oo7 in Halle ausge-richtet wurde. Bereits der zweite Tagungsband widmete sich mit dem Thema »Schlachtfeldarchäologie« dem Mitteldeut-schen Archäologentag, der seit 2oo8 jährlich von Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt veran-staltet und zeitnah publiziert wird. Dem großen Anteil inter-

nationaler Autorinnen und Autoren entsprechend, erschei-nen viele Beiträge dieser Reihe in englischer Sprache mit deutscher Zusammenfassung.

Mit dem bislang zuletzt erschienenen Tagungsband konnten die Vorträge und Posterpräsentationen des 6. Mittel-deutschen Archäologentags »Metalle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber« in zahlreichen Artikeln renommierter For-scher verschiedenster Fachdisziplinen vorgelegt werden.

Lieferbar sind folgende Bände:

Band 1/2oo8 Harald Meller/Stefan Rhein/Hans-Georg Stephan (Hrsg.), Luthers Lebenswelten.

Tagung vom 25. bis 27. September 2oo7 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-22-3, € 39,oo

Band 2/2oo9 Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Schlachtfeldarchäologie. Battlefield Archaeology.

1. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o9. bis 11. Oktober 2oo8 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-41-4, € 35,oo

Band 3/2o1o Harald Meller/Kurt W. Alt (Hrsg.), Anthropologie, Isotopie und DNA –

biografische Annäherung an namenlose vorge-schichtliche Skelette? 2. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o8. bis 1o. Oktober 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-53-7, € 29,oo

Band 4/2o1o Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa I.

Internationale Tagung vom 2o. bis 22. November 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-54-4, € 32,oo

Band 5/2o11 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.), Der Griff nach den Sternen. Wie Europas Eliten

zu Macht und Reichtum kamen. Internationales Symposium in Halle (Saale) 16.–21. Februar 2oo5 (2 Bände). ISBN 978-3-939414-28-5, € 128,oo

Band 6/2o11 Hans-Rudolf Bork/Harald Meller/ Renate Gerlach (Hrsg.), Umweltarchäologie – Naturkatastrophen und

Umweltwandel im archäologischen Befund. 3. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o7. bis o9. Oktober 2o1o in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-64-3, € 32,oo

Band 7/2o12 Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa II.

Internationale Tagung vom 19. bis 21. November 2o1o in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-9o-2, € 32,oo

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Erhältlich im Buchhandel oder direkt beim Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-AnhaltLandesmuseum für VorgeschichteRichard-Wagner-Str. 9D-o6114 Halle (Saale)

Tel.: +49-345-5247-332Fax: +49-345-5247-351E-Mail: [email protected]

Band 8/2o12 François Bertemes/Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Neolithische Kreisgabenanlagen in Europa.

Neolithic Circular Enclosures in Europe. Internationale Arbeitstagung 7. bis 9. Mai 2oo4 in Goseck (Sachsen-Anhalt). ISBN 978-3-939414-33-9, € 59,oo

Band 9/2o13 Harald Meller/Francois Bertemes/ Hans-Rudolf Bork/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), 16oo – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des

Thera-Ausbruchs? 16oo – Cultural change in the shadow of the Thera-Eruption? 4. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 14. bis 16. Oktober 2o11 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-oo-2, € 69,oo

Band 1o/2o13 Harald Meller/Christian-Heinrich Wunder-lich/Franziska Knoll (Hrsg.), Rot – die Archäologie bekennt Farbe.

5. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o4. bis o6. Oktober 2o12 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-o1-9, € 49,oo

Band 11/2o14 Harald Meller/Roberto Risch/ Ernst Pernicka (Hrsg.), Metalle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber.

Metals of power – Early gold and silber. 6. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 17. bis 19. Oktober 2o13 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-13-2, € 119,oo