TEMPLE AND KING: RESOURCE MANAGEMENT, RITUALS AND REDISTRIBUTION IN EARLY BALI

TEMPLE AND KING RESOURCE MANAGEMENT RITUALS AND REDISTRIBUTION

IN EARLY BALI

Brigitta Hauser-Schaumlublin

University of Goumlttingen

This article discusses the intricate relationship between economics temples rituals andking and kingship in early Bali So far the anthropological representation of the organi-zation of the pre-colonial or early colonial Balinese state and society has oscillatedbetween the lsquotheatre statersquo in which lsquopower served pomprsquo and the alleged disjunction ofthe state from an economy based for the most part on irrigated agriculture (rice) Thisarticle suggests that regional lords as well as kings had a substantial share in the economyas well as in the ritual organization of irrigation agricultureThis involvement functionedon both the local or regional level with its corresponding irrigation associations (subak)and their rituals and on the transregional level with its major temples ndash which also actedas redistribution centres ndash and their authorities

Introduction Irrigation agriculture and historical change

This article discusses the intricate relationship among economics templesrituals and king and kingship in early Bali So far the anthropological re-presentation of the organization of pre-colonial or early colonial Balinese state and society has oscillated between the lsquotheatre statersquo in which lsquopowerserved pomprsquo (Geertz 1980 13) and the alleged disjunction of the state fromthe economy mainly irrigated rice agriculture (Jha 2002 Lansing 1991Scarborough Schoenfelder amp Lansing 2000 Schoenfelder 2003)

This article is a step towards delineating an alternative interpretation of the organization of the pre-colonial Balinese state In an earlier article(Hauser-Schaumlublin 2003) I investigated Geertzrsquos (1980) and Lansingrsquos (1991)theories concerning the relationship between irrigation rituals and the stateI came to the conclusion that the separation of kings and nobles of differentstanding from water management is contradicted by the results of both a studyof indigenous sources and my analysis of one of the most important templesin the ritual organization of irrigation I argued that not only village priestsand other temple authorities but also kings and nobles were prominentlyinvolved in the temple its organization the worship of its most importantdeity and its rituals focusing on fertility This temple the Batur temple (seealso Reuter 2002a 147-66) was also dealt with in another paper (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b) Batur is located in an area usually described as inhabitedby the lsquoBali Agarsquo These lsquoBali Agarsquo or lsquoMountain Balinesersquo as well as their

copy Royal Anthropological Institute 2005J Roy anthrop Inst (NS) 11 747-771

temples and ritual networks were recently interpreted from the perspectiveof Austronesian lsquoaboriginalityrsquo (Reuter 2002a) they were said to have main-tained the bounded identity of an lsquoindigenous ethnic grouprsquo (Reuter 2002b1) Arguing against the assumed isolation and inalterability of the lsquoBali Agarsquo Idraw on the example of a village also labelled as lsquoBali Agarsquo that had appar-ently had considerable interaction with Islam in pre-colonial times (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004a) I was also able to show in a subsequent publication (2004b)how such temples and their ritual networks constituted segments of differentpre-colonial and early colonial Balinese states In this article the Batur templeserved as an example to demonstrate to what extent a king was able to makeadditional use of the temple and its networks for his own political ends

Continuing and expanding my alternative interpretation of the early Balinese state in the present article I shall examine that same temple as amajor redistributional centre in which kings gods temple authorities andpeasants were closely interrelated As I shall show irrigation agriculture andits embeddedness in rituals and temples is just one aspect of an overarchingdelicate network of relationships between on the one hand lords of differentstanding and superior kings (raja) and on the other priests in charge of theritual organization of agriculture and temples In both agriculture and ritualspeople were in a continuous quest to acquire ensure and promote fertility acapacity considered to be inherent in a successful kingThis capacity was avail-able to those who closely interacted with him The king therefore acted asa prime promoter of fertility for the benefit of his people their fields andtheir livestock

I suggest that regional lords as well as kings had a substantial share in theeconomy as well as in the ritual organization of irrigation agriculture Thisinvolvement functioned on both the local or regional level with its corre-sponding irrigation associations (subak) and their rituals and on the trans-regional level with its major temples and their authoritiesThe lords and kingsprofited from the priestsrsquo tasks since revenues of both the temples and theroyal courts were based on a combined system of tribute taxes share-cropping land-leasing and services The higher the yields of the fields thehigher their income Conversely when plagues or droughts visited the ricefields the lords and kings suffered from a severe economic loss as well sincethe taxes levied on land and water mostly in kind decreased proportionallyto the increase in misfortune

From a comparative perspective on early civilizations many state organiza-tions are far more complex than is suggested by models which reflect Westernimages of the bureaucratic organization of large-scale agriculture projects Aglimpse into the highly structured societies of Mesopotamia (Sallaberger ampWestenholz 1999) and of South India (Dirks 1987 Rudner 1994 Stein 19801989) reveals that temples played a major role in resource management as wellas in tax collection An exemplary study of such a temple and its redistribu-tional power is Appadurairsquos 1981 work on the Sri Partasarati Svami Templenear MadrasTamilnatuTemples in some parts of Southeast Asia seem to havebeen similarly organized Hall (1985) showed for the Khmer during theAngkor era (Cambodia) that there too temples functioned as economiccentres on which the king drew for part of the wealth None the less indescriptions of Balinese culture since the 1980s the relationship between

748 BRIGITTA HAUSER-SCHAumlUBLIN

kingship lordking and irrigated agriculture has with few exceptions (egHauser-Schaumlublin 2003 Schulte Nordholt 1996) been ruled out most likelyas a result of the combined effects of specific concepts of culture and socialstructure on the one hand and the assumed uniqueness of the Balinese stateon the other

The work of Geertz (1980) Lansing (1991) Jha (2002) and Schoenfelder(2003) has shown that the organization of irrigation in twentieth-century Bali(and by extension early Bali as well see Scarborough Schoenfelder amp Lansing2000) lay predominantly in the hands of irrigation associations (subak) thatcross-cut villages They were described as organizations of lsquofarmersrsquo activelycultivating land The goal of these organizations was to co-ordinate and optimize the use of water mainly for agricultural purposes to regulate its flow across village boundaries within a valley and to distribute it equally toall those in need of it All these studies showed that these associations wereautonomous functioning without any intervention from the court or royalofficials based on consensus decisions reached through discussion by all subakmembersA crucial role in the organization of irrigation agriculture was playedby rituals linked to temples which were ranked with respect to their positionsin a lsquowater hierarchyrsquo determined by the course taken by water as it flowedfrom the mountains to the seaThe timing of agricultural tasks was mostly (atleast from an ideational viewpoint) set by rituals All the tasks organized byirrigation and planting rituals culminated as Lansing (1991) demonstrated inthe temple of the crater lake of Batur up in the mountains one of the majorwater sources of the islands There as the same author suggested priests were the paramount lsquochiefsrsquo of the water since all major tasks in wet rice agriculture such as the building of new dams and other construction workhad to be reported there in order to gain the assistance and the blessing ofthe gods

As the palm leaf manuscripts in the Batur temple show the priests neveracted as technical experts1 Instead they provided peasants and constructionspecialists with ritual knowledge informing them for instance as to what kindof offerings had to be made during individual steps of the construction process(see eg Pangaci-acin Ida Bhatara 1979 sectsect 60a-61a) The priests as mediatorsbetween gods and men but also ndash in case of disputes over water ndash betweenmen fulfilled a major task in the ritual organization of irrigation Howeveras recently demonstrated the depiction of these lsquohigh priestsrsquo as descendantsof aboriginal lsquocommonerrsquo clans (Lansing 1991 Reuter 2002a) turns out to be mistaken (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2003 166-8)2 They were definitely of royalorigin although todayrsquos local discourse denies any traces of a former hierar-chal order and favours equality by stressing elements of local autochthonousdescent while at the same time the high priests maintain relations to royalfamilies3 Thus at the top of a hierarchy of water temples allegedly based onsocial equality was a power centre controlled by priests of royal descent

Moreover as Schulte Nordholt has recently shown in his historical studyon Mengwi regency the subak as a corporation independent from the villageand higher bodies was a colonial myth created by the Dutch in their attemptto wipe out all traces of supra-village authorities Around 1900 they started an ambitious programme to lsquorestorersquo what they assumed to be the lsquooriginalrsquo subak an autonomous and harmonious co-operative A thorough

BRIGITTA HAUSER-SCHAumlUBLIN 749

restructuring of the subak (as well as of the agrarian order and land owner-ship in general) then took place (Schulte Nordholt 1996 246-54) As SchulteNordholt concluded lsquothe disappearance of the old negara [state] had virtuallyended royal concern with central dams and irrigation conduits The role ofregional nobles in these matters seemed pretty well played out toorsquo (1996254) One effect of these changes has been that anthropologists since the1950s have described the subak as democratic and autonomous and have failed to acknowledge the fundamental changes the colonial government had effected This misconception was strengthened in the 1960s when a far-reaching land reform scheme was decreed by the Indonesian governmentBundschu (1985) was the first scholar to investigate the system of land-holding the use of land and water and the change brought about by the landreform act Her findings could have prevented later misinterpretations but herwork has remained virtually unnoticed

As Bundschu showed the land reform scheme allowed a maximal size of75 hectares per person for rice fields and 9 hectares for dry fields4 More-over land could be owned only by people living in the same district (keca-matan) as the fields There is no detailed and reliable information as to what extent and how evenly this law was implemented throughout the island but the winners in this restructuring process were tenants (penyakap)landless people local inhabitants and immigrants among whom expropriatedland was distributed (Bundschu 1985 40-6) Expropriation hit the landednobility in particular first and foremost the royal families Some of them lostsubstantial parts of two of their most important means of production ndash landand the manpower (landless tenants and sharecroppers) to cultivate itThe landreform led to a new structure of landownership although some landownershad developed different strategies to keep as much of their landed wealth aspossible

Such substantial changes in land tenure and consequently in the use of landand water brought about by the colonial government and the Indonesian state reveal the weakness of non-historical studies of irrigation agricultureTheorganization of the subak and thus the mode of irrigation agriculture isdepicted in most publications on subak as a perennial institution yet the effectsof the colonial projects and the Indonesian land reforms of the 1960s showthis to be a misconception needful of reinvestigation

Nevertheless one of the major findings of subak studies carried out in thelate twentieth century is that irrigation agriculture was (and still is) to aremarkable extent ritually organized (Lansing 1991) and this remains validThis is especially true for Batur temple one of Balirsquos most important templeslocated in the mountains of central Bali near lake Batur the biggest waterreservoir on the island This temple and its authorities were important actorsin the ritual organization of agricultureThe latter co-operated with the priests(of a different denomination bujangga budha) of another nearby temple thePura Jati Pura Jati was the centre of a whole network of temples monaster-ies and hermitages spread over a large area in the north of the island Onetemple in Bungkulan on the north coast still holds material proof of its long-standing relation to Pura Jati ndash a water beaker with zodiac symbols on it5

The priests of Pura Jati were formerly responsible for determining the newyear that began ndash as in many other agricultural societies ndash with the rise of


the Pleiades They relied on star-watchers positioned near the north coastwhere the sky in contrast to that of the mountain area is only seldom overcast As soon as the star-watchers discovered the rise of the Pleiades theysent messengers to Pura JatiThe priests then held the huge temple festival toinaugurate the new year and with it the planting season The last ceremonyof the year closing the lunar-solar year6 always took place at the Batur temple ndash a tradition that continues to this day At this time all the villagesand the irrigation associations bring a share of their harvest to the temple(Figure 1)

The temporal co-ordination of agriculture (wet rice as well as dry land cul-tivation) by establishing an annual calendar as well as the priestsrsquo counsellingin ritual questions about irrigation constructions was important for all thosevillages dependent on lake Baturrsquos water and therefore on the blessings of thegods associated with it In exchange for resource management and guidancethe Batur temple received a considerable amount of agricultural surplus (fromboth wet and dry field cultivation) a surplus from animal husbandry and con-tributions from foreign trade in the form of taxes and tributes (see Table 1)The Batur temple also served as a major redistributional centre (see below)in which not only the peasants the deities the temple the priests and theritual elders of Batur village were involved but so were lords and kings of dif-ferent standings One of the major deities of the Batur temple is Dewi Danuwho is today venerated mainly in her female manifestation She is associatedwith the crater lake7 and thus embodies fertility Water was and is the mostimportant gift that the pilgrims to the Batur temples ask for Consecrated


Figure 1 During the largest festival which takes place in the tenth Balinese month (the ceremony closing the lunar-solar year) dozens of villages deposit all kinds of gifts(coconuts rice pigs) in the first courtyard of the temple before the pilgrims enterthe innermost courtyard for prayers


Tab

le1

Syno

psis

(sam

ple

limite

d to

47

out

of 2

64 e

ntri

es)

of t

ribu

tes

brou

ght

to t

he B

atur

tem

ple

acco

rdin

g to

thr

ee p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Ked

isan

II5

tena

h2

ta

102

gc

1 (5

00)

frie

d on

ions

w

t20

002

ta

101

(500

)em

ping

1 t

a1

ta

Ked

isan

III

5 te

nah

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

(500

)fr

ied

onio

ns

wt

2000

Ked

uhur

an

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

uG

entu

h II

10 p

cK

elik

i I

c10

tena

h50

ce

Kro

blah

an I

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t30

002

gc

1 (5

00)

kom

ak 1

ta

Ker

obel

ahan

III

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 ro

o1

(500

)ko

mak

1 t

aK

land

is II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Kub

ubay

ung

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l1

(500

)1

ta

Kub

utam

baha

n II

1ch

icke

n sp

ice

Kub

utam

baha

n II

Ipe

as 1

ka

1 hi

yab

mix

spi

ces

Kul

andi

s II

I2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Kul

ub I

c3 t

enah

15 c

eLa

ngga

han

2 ta

10

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Pahu

san

IILa

ngga

han

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Pa

kusa

n II

I


Lem

beya

n II

2 ta

10

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

beya

n II

I2

ta

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

ukih

2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

Saku

mpu

l II

10 p

cLe

pud

Ic1

0 te

nah

Lepu

dSe

bat

I30

ce

nqu

Le

s II

2 ta

be

ans

1 ta

w

t40

001

tw

1 bd

l2

1 (5

00)

1 ta

ko

mak

1 t

aLe

s II

I2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lod

Blu

ngba

ng I

15 c

eLu

mbu

wan

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Mad

anga

n I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

aden

an I

I2

ta

102

gc

11

ta

Mad

enan

III

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

1 ta

M

anik

aji

IIbe

ans

1 ta

2

gc

1fr

ied

onio

ns

kom

ak 1

ta

wt

2000

Man

ikha

ji II

Ibe

ans

2 ta

2

roo

1ko

mak

2 t

aM

anik

liu I

I2

ta

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Man

ikliu

III

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

M

anuk

c5

ten

ah15

ce

Bua

hman

uk I

Mem

undu

ng I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

etra

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Met

ra I

II2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Mun

ti II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Mun

ti II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aN

gihi

s II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00ko

mak

1 t

aN

gis

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00le

nds

kom

ak 1

ta

mon

ey t

oB

atur

if

nece

ssar

y


Tab

le1

Con

tinue

d

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Nya

lian

Ic5

ten

ah

25 c

e(S

elat

)Pa

cung

II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Pacu

ng I

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t40

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aPa

dpad

an I

c5 t

enah

25 c

ePa

kisa

n II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Paki

san

III

2 ta

10

1 tw

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

10 p

cPa

kudw

i I

c3 t

enah

Pala

ktih

ing

III

2 ta

1

(500

)1

ta

Pala

ktiy

ing

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Thi

s is

a co

mpi

latio

n of

dat

a or

igin

atin

g fr

om t

hree

(un

date

d) p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts k

ept

in t

he B

atur

tem

ple

(tra

nscr

ibed

by

Bud

iast

ra [

1975

197

9])

I ha

ve o

rder

ed t

he v

illag

esal

phab

etic

ally

and

ana

lyse

d th

em a

ccor

ding

to

the

palm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts I

(Pa

ngac

i-ac

in I

da B

hata

ra)

II (

Bab

ad P

atiso

ra)

and

III

(Pra

teka

ning

Usa

na S

iwas

asan

a)s

ome

villa

ges

are

men

-tio

ned

in o

nly

one

text

oth

ers

in a

ll th

ree

The

com

preh

ensiv

e lis

t w

ith a

ll en

trie

s ca

n be

obt

aine

d fr

om h

ttp

ww

wus

ecg

wdg

de

~eth

nob

atur

tribu

tesc

om

The

list

con

tain

s an

enu

mer

atio

n of

lan

d (r

ice

field

s) a

nd i

ts i

ndiv

idua

l siz

eth

e us

ufru

ct w

as d

estin

ed f

or t

he B

atur

tem

ple

The

list

also

sho

ws

the

kind

and

am

ount

of

trib

utes

(mai

nly

lives

tock

yie

lds

from

wet

and

dry

fiel

ds a

nd a

rbor

icul

ture

)In

the

cas

e of

pig

s th

eir

valu

e (a

mou

nt o

f co

ins)

is

liste

dfo

r fr

ied

onio

ns a

uni

t of

wei

ght

not

furt

her

spec

i-fie

d is

men

tione

d (s

ee a

lso I

ndex

of

Abb

revi

atio

ns b

elow

)(T

here

is

addi

tiona

l in

form

atio

n in

the

pal

m l

eaf

man

uscr

ipts

con

cern

ing

the

offe

ring

s fo

r th

e B

atur

dei

ties

as w

ell

as t

he o

blig

atio

ns i

ndiv

idua

l vi

llage

s ha

d to

war

ds t

he B

atur

tem

ple

thes

e da

ta h

ave

been

om

itted

in

this

tabl

e)

Glo

ssar

yIn

dex

Abbre

viat

ions

ahiy

abh

iyab

(B

alin

ese)

alte

rnat

ely

ever

y se

cond

yea

rbdl

(Eng

l) b

undl

ec

(Eng

l) c

irca

ce

(Bal

ines

ece

eng

tem

baga

) m

easu

re o

f ca

paci

tya

ppro

xca

tu=

125

kge

mpin

g(B

ali-

nese

) a

sort

of

vege

tabl

e cr

isps

gc

(Eng

l) g

amec

ock

ka

(Ind

ka

yuh)

pea

lad

lek

om

ak(B

alin

ese)

spe

cies

of

peas

nq

u

(Eng

l) n

o (e

xact

) qu

antit

ypc

(Eng

l) p

iece

pp

a(E

ngl)

per

palm

tre

ep

tsu

(E

ngl)

pal

m s

ugar

ro

o(E

ngl)

roo

ster

ta

(B

alin

ese

tang

gung

) w

eigh

t th

at i

s ca

rrie

d by

tw

o m

en w

ith a

sho

ulde

r po

le (

so p

resu

mab

ly m

uch

heav

ier

than

tege

n)t

enah

(B

alin

ese)

uni

t of

squ

are

mea

sure

(fo

r fie

lds)

tw

(E

ngl)

tw

igw

t(E

ngl)

uni

t of

wei

ght

1 2

water (tirtha or holy water) carries the spiritual essence of every aspect of fer-tility and prosperity and all living beings are in continuous need of it To beblessed with this holy water implies the blessing of the goddess The regionallords and the kings ndash Bali had nine regencies in the mid-nineteenth centurywhen the Dutch started their conquest ndash also needed the blessing of the deityand the priest as I shall outline belowThey contributed much to the priestsrsquoand the templersquos fame as well as to the templersquos wealth

King fertility and temple

As has been recently pointed out (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2003) subak regulationsof the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (see Liefrinck 1921) give proof of the kingrsquos power ultimately to decide over the use of waterespecially its allocation in times of scarcity and its use as a weapon in timesof war

Beyond the everyday decisions to be made with regard to securing the flowof the water and its distribution into irrigation channels across a valley theking played an important role in the symbolic system related to water Hiscapacity especially his magical power (sakti kasaktian) stemming from hiscontact with the invisible world (see Wiener 1995) was considered a deadlyweapon in conflicts with rivals but also as a beneficial power promoting fer-tility and prosperity among his people The office of a king could only beheld by a person able to accumulate and implement this power sakti I wastold that when the expected rain did not fall the heads of the irrigation asso-ciations came to the palace ( puri) of Blahbatu to ask the king for spiritualassistanceThe king and the subak officials accompanied by priests would thenpray together in the kingrsquos ancestor temple If this did not help he and themembers of the subak made a joint pilgrimage to the Batur temple to praythere for rain Upon their return even before the party had reached the palacethe rain would have already started

Todayrsquos legitimate successor in the royal line of Mengwi still performs fer-tility rituals according to adat (lsquotraditionsrsquo and lsquocustomsrsquo) linked to irrigationwhich had in the past been carried out by his predecessors One of these hedescribed to me is lsquoto serversquo the peasantrsquos associations of the (former) Mengwiregency when they call at the palace and ask for the blessing of the royalancestors housed in the purirsquos ancestor temple In the case of a severe droughtthe subak leaders ( pekaseh) ask the king (who nowadays acts as a king only inthe context of adat) to perform a ritual for them in the rice fieldsThis ritualtakes place at the top of the irrigated area where the water from the damfeeds into different channels There the king has to descend into the waterand stand with his feet immersed while the priest performs a fertility ritualThe sacred-magical power attributed to the king is assumed to disseminateinto the water instilling it with fertile potency8 This fits well with whatSchulte Nordholt wrote concerning the magical potencies needed for pro-moting the prosperity of the fields In his historical analysis of the kingdomof Mengwi he pointed out that a magical keris (dagger) was stabbed in thecentral dam that regulated the main flow of the water (1996 61) Keris andkingship belong intimately together (Guermonprez 1985 Wiener 1995)


insofar as the keris is the material embodiment of the kingrsquos magical powerin the form of a weapon Magical power is assumed to emanate from thekingrsquos feet as well as from his keris and to be carried by the irrigation waterinto the fields which it fertilizes Because of this capacity the grandfather oftodayrsquos king bore as his consecration name Ida Batara Tirtha lsquoThe Deity HolyWaterrsquo Another honorary name was Cokorda Pekaseh lsquoThe Ruler IrrigationOfficialrsquo which also acknowledged his beneficial influence on the growth of rice

Still it is important to note that Mengwi ndash at least after it lost substantialterritories between 1786 and 1823 (see map of lost territories in SchulteNordholt 1996 98) ndash receives the water for its irrigation systems from theBeratan lake (and not from the Batur) The tributaries flowing throughMengwi originate from nearby Manggu mountain It is to this mountain thatpilgrimages are made in times of droughts Nevertheless Mengwi still attrib-utes much value to a close relationship with the Batur temple Before 1786Mengwi was the mightiest kingdom on the island which then included notonly parts of East Java (Blambangan) but also Jembrana Buleleng Badung andterritories of what today belongs to the Gianyar regency It then owned sub-stantial areas where rice fields were irrigated with water from Batur there arestill indications in the shrines the names of deities and the temple offices ofthe Batur temple that the temple was once one of Mengwirsquos most importantstate temples9 The office of the highest priest (Jero Gede Duuran) of theBatur temple was transferred to a descent group begot by a king of Mengwiprobably in the early eighteenth centuryThis office then became hereditary10

Even today Mengwi lsquoownsrsquoa seven-tiered shrine in the Batur temple in whichthe deity of Manggu mountain (Agastina) resides11 Thus when the membersof this royal house pray in the Batur temple they venerate their own deityand their ancestors

Further traces of Mengwirsquos once prominent role in the Batur temple arefound in the palm leaf manuscripts kept in Batur These manuscripts presentelaborate descriptions of various temple offices and their tasks as well as ofthe structure and content of rituals and the composition of offerings Onemanuscript explicitly mentions the king of Mengwi and a pilgrimage hemade in company of his regional lords to Batur (Pangaci-acin Ida Bhatara 1979sect 50a) Colonial sources also describe how the king of Buleleng accompa-nied by several hundred people made pilgrimage to one of the mountain lakesat least once a year There he deposited offerings in the temple and threwgolden fish into the lake as an offering to its female deity Dewi Danu VanEck reported also that in one of these pilgrimages the king brought (apartfrom the golden fish) eighty ducks a considerable amount of money and goldas an offering to the temple (1878 2 110)

The kingrsquos role in the symbolic system of irrigation agriculture cannot beseparated from the materiality of rice production The king as well as thepeasants and the irrigation associations was interested in cropsrsquo abundancesince the taxes levied on the fields procured the major regular source ofincome for the royal houses The relationship between the head of the irri-gation associations and the king was close and still is today in areas wherelords and kings are actively bound through rituals into the agricultural cycleTodayrsquos legitimate successor in the royal line (the Mengwi regency was


defeated in 1892 by Badung and thus lost all its land) vividly described to mehow his whole education ndash schools and university in Jakarta ndash lsquowere paid bythe pekasehrsquoThe regular delivery of rice to the palace due to traditional oblig-ation and attachment to the royal house constituted the means through whichthe royal family made its living Large quantities of rice were sold and themoney used for everyday necessities Even today the royal family is regularlyprovided with rice Owing to the modern rice species and their varying ripen-ing time there is no set date when rice is delivered Todayrsquos king said that sofar the puri had never been obliged to buy rice Some time ago his wifeinformed him that the stock had gone and they would need to buy rice forthe first time since their marriage He then went into the purirsquos ancestortemple and informed the deities about this situation Only a few days later atruck arrived early in the morning delivering a large amount of rice as a giftfrom the peasants

In former times however peasants and the subak delivered not gifts buttaxes in kind as well as in money levied on their agricultural production thesewere set by regulations Different forms of landownership and land-leasingexisted throughout Bali In almost all regencies the royal house owned land(though to varying degrees) that was worked by tenants They had to deliverhalf two-thirds or even 80 per cent of the harvest to the royal house12 Therewere taxes (pajeg) of which some such as upeti had to be paid in kind (mostlyrice yields from the dry fields and coconuts directly delivered to the kingrsquospalace) while others such as suwinih were to be paid in money (Chinesecoins) (Liefrinck 1886 374-85)13 Suwinih was primarily a tax on water usedfor the irrigation of the rice fields The levying of taxes depended on theform of landownership and on its mode of cultivation with the determiningfactors being whether (1) the royal house owned fields (acquired through dif-ferent means and usually worked by tenants) for its own needs (2) the landhad been given by the king to an office-holder such as a subordinate regionalor even local lord loyal to him or (3) land was owned communally or indi-vidually by villagers In the second case the land-holding was free of taxes butperformance of duties to the royal household was owed In the third case theamount of produce to be delivered (tax) was fixed

As colonial sources document the date for delivery often coincided withthe date of one of the major temple festivals (Korn 1932 586-7) It is appar-ent that the system of taxation of land water and harvest as well as the systemof services needed an administrative organization The highest officials likethe sedahan agung ndash the head of all subak leaders of the district ndash wereappointed by the kingThere existed a complex network of ritual and admin-istrative ties that interlinked the king with the officials in charge of water andland administration with the peasants as well as with the regional temples andtheir authorities in the context of agricultural production the managementof its yields and their redistribution

The Batur temple was (and still is) one of the most important water templeson the island The written sources attest to it having gained a pre-eminentposition different royal houses strived for affiliation with the temple whichwas in ritual control of one of the biggest water reservoirs on the islandHowever only the most powerful royal houses succeeded in having an ances-tral shrine built in the Batur temple or in being able to appoint a priest or


an official The close relationship between the temple and the most powerfulroyal house is documented in the palm leaf manuscripts kept in the templeThey testify to the fact that the counting of the saka year (the saka calendarwith solar years originates from India) followed the rule of a royal house ordynasty that also dominated the Batur area Apparently with each new royalhouse that became dominant the (saka) year zero was introduced againSeveral times the texts describe a scenario of the end of the world the endof a realm (negara) when destruction and devastation ruled the region ofSinarata (Batur) was levelled to the ground and fire and smoke rose from itstemples it was a time when the ruling house was overthrown and a new royal house was established14 Apparently the defeat of a dynasty resulted inthe destruction of the state temple of Batur As a consequence the victoriousking had new shrines within the precincts of the Batur temple constructedor even the whole temple rebuilt (Pratekaning Usana Siwasasana 1979 sectsect 10-13)

The Batur palm leaf manuscripts show that the temple and its authoritiestried to keep as much autonomy as possible while co-operating with thesupreme king in different ways15 The interdependence between the rulingroyal house on the one hand and the temple and temple authorities on theother prevented the danger of the usurpation of the roles of one by the otherOne of the palm leaf manuscripts Pungga Habanta reveals that the templeauthorities struggled for a more or less clear-cut division of labour betweenthe temple and the royal court The text notes a prohibition those in chargeof temple offices in Batur were not allowed to also hold an office at the royalcourt (Pungga Habanta 1979 kelompok F sect 37a1ff)Another palm leaf manu-script underscores the authority of the temple as regards the king and thenobility in general16 It gives evidence of the fact that temple authorities wereable to determine how many superimposed roofs a royal shrine built in thetemple was allowed to haveThe palm leaf manuscript Pangaci-acin Ida Bhataraemphasizes that none of the royal or noble shrines was allowed as many meruroofs (superimposed roofs) ndash eleven ndash as the one dedicated to the deity ofBatur The king of Mengwi (lsquoGusti Agung ring Mengwirsquo) obviously the para-mount king at that time was allowed to have as many as nine other nobles(satria) were allowed seven or five while the Iron Smiths (Pande Besi) wererestricted to between three and five (sect 58b)17 These persons were instructedto use particular sorts of timber and other materials were prohibited becausethey were considered inauspicious or even impure (sect 61b) In exchange forbeing allowed to have a shrine built within the precincts of the Batur templethe kings and lords had to recompense the temple by donating land andmoney (sect 59a) The money was dedicated to the supreme deity whose mosthonourable worshipper the king was

A newly installed supreme king had to visit the Batur temple Under theguidance of the temple authorities he entered one of the shrines otherwiserestricted to the officiating priestThere he communicated with the deity byvenerating her and asking for acknowledgement and blessing as well as for anendowment with spiritual power (sakti) One of my informants a knowl-edgeable ritual elder of Batur explained the relationship between the kingand the tutelary deity in terms of their being brother and sister during theritual the king personified the male aspect of the deity18


Temple tributes and redistribution

Three of Baturrsquos palm leaf manuscripts (Babad Patisora Pangaci-acin Ida Bhataraand Pratekaning Usana Siwasasana) document the fact that in pre-colonial timesthe Batur temple was already a major tax- and tribute-collecting institutionand was at the same time a centre of redistribution The major part of thetemplersquos revenue ndash large amounts of taxes in kind ndash was transported directlyto the temple by the peasants on pilgrimage In those days the pilgrimage waslimited to circles of villages subsumed under the term pasyan temple-supporting villages Although the ideal number of them should be forty-fivethere are nearly one hundred and fifty villages listed in the palm leaf manu-scripts (see Table 1) These are spread over a huge area including large partsof North Bali Central Bali and touching to the south on the former regencyof Badung (where the present-day capital Denpasar is located)19 Today thesepasyan receive on a palm leaf an invitation to the huge temple ritual of thelast Balinese month with a list of offerings and goods to be brought to the temple

The active mobilization of the peasants (in which the subordinate lords aswell the kings played a substantial part) to go on pilgrimage to the watertemple in the mountains at a set date allowed the temple authorities to makea more or less detailed disposition of the amount and the categories of thetributes expected and to secure their transportation directly to the temple evenfrom far away20 The kind of tributes the peasants were asked for dependedon their ecological niches and their produces21 Today huge amounts of goodsare brought by cars and even trucks to the Batur temple where they are care-fully registered by the temple scribes and transferred to the temple kitchenand store rooms A comparative analysis of the three Batur manuscripts men-tioned shows that the list of the pasyan and the goods the temple authoritiesasked for varied to a limited extent only The major categories listed in thesetexts (see Table 1) are irrigated rice fields dedicated to the deitieslords of theBatur temple (temple land) produce of the fields (from irrigated as well asdry land cultivation) produce of arboreal culture (coconut and other palms)livestock (buffalo pig goat and fowl) material for plaiting and weavingimported textiles offerings (pieces of ephemeral art dedicated to the gods seeFigure 2) services and money As the synopsis of the three texts shows thetemplersquos claims vary over time One of the texts focuses on claims to templeland and asks for much more rice than the others apparently this is the mostrecent one The other texts display an equal interest in rice coconuts theyields of dry fields and animals (which does not preclude other demands) Itis important to note that most of the goods mentioned are unprocessed andcan thus serve as stock either to be transferred into further channels of redis-tribution or to be converted into cash through markets22 A last categorymoney is listed in the context of the few irrigation associations which are topay a set amount of money per dam23

Baturrsquos temple land as listed in the texts is quite extensive The few casesI was able to investigate showed that a cluster of villages donated land (in onecase on behalf of the ruling king of Bangli) in exchange for the right agreedupon by the temple authorities to establish a shrine or a small temple in the precincts of the Batur temple (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b) The villagers


cultivated the rice fields henceforth designated as laba pura (temple land)and brought a fixed amount of the yield to the Batur temple Owners oftemple land did not have to pay taxes to the king and in this regard this wastax-free land24

I visited many of the villages that were listed as possessing land dedicatedto the Batur temple however there were no longer any rice fields due toecological as well as economic change Moreover people could not remem-ber that part of their land had formerly been lsquoownedrsquo by the Batur templeThis is not surprising since colonization broke up the political and economicstructure of the former kingdoms and finally processes of lsquodemocratizationrsquoset in after independenceThe ritual elders of other villages however acknowl-edged the existence of temple land The usufruct of these rice fields is par-tially used for the maintenance of their own village temple and partially fortribute regularly brought to Batur It is important to note that all these pasyanpossess in one of their main village temples one or several shrines represent-ing the Batur temple and its deities (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b)The holy water


Figure 2 Some villages have the traditional obligation to construct specific huge offerings inthe Batur temple for its major festival

from Batur carried home in a procession by the pilgrims is always depositedin one of the shrines before being distributed to the villagers

There seems to have existed a two-way relationship between the pasyan andthe Batur temple consisting of a movement both from the periphery to thecentre and from the centre to the peripheryApart from pilgrimages the pasyanregularly performed (periphery to centre) a delegation from the templeaccompanied by the symbols of the gods made a progression to the villagesof the pasyan Therefore the gods of Batur progressed as far as the villages atthe periphery which had shrines representing the Batur temple or one of itsdeities ndash but never beyond The progress therefore served also to reconfirmthe ritual territory25

These villages apparently considered these visits as an honour or even afavour because the temple authorities brought symbols of Baturrsquos deities alongwith them The texts describe various taxes to be paid by the villages to thevisiting gods the amount of money depending on the standing of deitiesBaturrsquos major deities (both Pura Batur and Pura Jati) were among the mostlsquoexpensiversquoThis ritual tax-collecting (in kind as well as in money) was calledambalangan (Babad Patisora 1979 sect 42a) ablagung (Pangaci-acin Ida Bhatara 1979sect 50a) and ambalangan (Pratekaning Usana Siwasasana 1979 sect 74b)

Today such visits are no longer carried out However two villages in whichI worked (Julah and Sembiran on the north coast) still perform rituals calledamblangan or ngamblangin these terms are locally translated as lsquocensusrsquo or lsquotoenrollrsquo During these rituals carried out in the major village temple eachhousehold contributes a certain amount of Chinese coins rice dried beansand unprocessed cotton ndash the same goods that used to be brought to Batur Today the money is transferred into the treasury of the ritual villageassociation and used for further ceremonies The rice is used for a ceremo-nial meal of the village ritual association The wealth no longer flows back to Batur

Redistribution and the interdependence of the main actors

Baturrsquos powerful position ndash as viewed from the lists of tributes and their modesof tax collection ndash raises the question of how the temple authorities succeededin establishing strategies and mechanisms ensuring these revenues throughtime As already mentioned the temple authorities supported by kings hadmanaged to establish a monopoly over the water of the crater lake that feedsthe rivers and therefore the irrigation systems They had also achieved thetransformation of portions of this water into an essence embodying fertilityinsofar as the consecrated water (tirtha) was considered the emanation of thesupreme deity Dewi Danu the deity of the lake

The organization of the distribution of these different kinds of water wasand still is embedded in a system of redistribution Different parties wereinvolved (1) the kings and the nobles (2) the temple authorities (3) Baturvillage and (4) the pasyan villages and their representatives All these partieswere interdependent they shared an interest in perpetuating the beneficialrelationship with the deities and their temple and therefore with water in


both forms irrigation water and tirtha Each party offered something differ-ent in exchange26 the kings and nobles offering devotion and royal acknowl-edgements the temple authorities ritual expertise and guidance as well asmediation of the godsrsquo blessings to the human beings the Batur villagers the organization of the templersquos everyday life and the handling of its needsand obligations and the paysan villages tributes taxes and services They allprofited in different ways from this co-operation since the temple was a nodalpoint for the redistribution of goods of different character divine blessing andacknowledgement honours titles offices privileges water in both forms tirthaas well as water for the irrigation of the fields offerings and tributes Besidesthe pasyan already discussed in some detail these parties and their participa-tion in the redistributional system can be described as follows

The king and the nobles

As we know from subak regulations the king motivated and sometimes evenordered (under the penalty of sanctions) the peasants to make the pilgrimageto the source of the water that is the lakes and their temples He even listedthe offerings and tributes to be brought there (Liefrinck 1921)The threat ofsanctions suggests that the peasants were not always eager to go and to contribute a substantial share of their surplus in the form of tributes and offerings they needed to be lsquoencouragedrsquo A king did not however simplysend his subjects to the temples but accompanied them In the mid-nineteenthcentury the king of Buleleng was accompanied by fifteen hundred men andwomen (van Eck 1878 2110) A pilgrimage therefore constituted a sharedexperience for both peasants and lords

The clientele to whom these royal admonitions were addressed were unitedthrough a common understanding of spiritual values and rituals essential forthe successful cultivation of the fields Some subak regulations declare thatMuslim peasants were not obliged to participate in the rituals and were thusnot obligated to go on pilgrimage27 Thus it was ritually constituted commu-nities which I call (borrowing from Appadurai 1996) lsquolocalitiesrsquo that formedfrom a demographic perspective the basis of the Balinese negara or state(Hauser-Schaumlublin 2003)The kingrsquos authority became visible in his ability tomobilize the villagers to go on such pilgrimages (through the mediation ofsubordinate lords see Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b) The participants in these pil-grimages constituted a kingrsquos peopleWhat Appadurai so brilliantly elaboratedfor the Sri Paravasati Svami Temple in South India seems to apply to Bali aswell the kingrsquos authority was based on lsquothe capacity to command collectivi-ties in the homage of the deityrsquo (1981 226)

The king patronized the Batur temple by donating land and contributedto the temple festivals too by giving the most prestigious gifts such as goldand water buffaloes (Figure 3)The temple authorities acting on behalf of thegods granted him the right to have an ancestral shrine built in the templersquosprecinctsThey promoted his supreme status through guiding him in his inti-mate communication with the paramount deity during the rituals

The lords in a segmentary state such as Bali also had for multiple reasons(see Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b) an interest in their own and the peasantsrsquo


participation in the pilgrimages it secured them royal acknowledgement andan honorary position in the temple according to their standing

The temple authorities

Today the temple authorities consist of a combination of office-holders whoare by origin members of Baturrsquos village community and those who are notThe whole corpus of priests and ritual elders called gep is made up of forty-five persons This is identical with the (former) number of pasyan The BabadPatisora (among other texts) mentions forty-five leaders of pasyan villages thatconstitute a sort of council in charge of the Batur temple with the villageelders of Batur more or less their counterparts (1979 sect 28a) These pasyandeputies were apparently stationed in Batur28 Today there are two (female)virgin priests (the leader of specific rituals and the lsquocaptainrsquo of Pura Jati)29 andtwenty-two (male) priests each of the latter being responsible for a singledeity and hisher shrineTheir status at the temple is between the ritual eldersof Batur village (the temple authorities in the broader sense) and the para-mount four temple officers (the temple authorities in the narrower sense)Today the four leading temple offices are considered independent of thevillage organization They are made up of two Jero Gede and two Jero Pen-yarikan The Jero Gede as well as the Jero Penyarikan are as was mentioned ofroyal descentThe former are the supreme ritual leaders who are said to lsquoholdrsquo


Figure 3 During the climax of the Batur temple festival the major offerings and gifts (here a water buffalo) are carried in a long procession around the temple (circumambulation)

the temple the latter are temple scribes who are in charge of sending invita-tions to the pasyan to participate in the ritual and to contribute offerings andtribute (Figure 4) During the ritual the two Jero Gede not only embody indi-vidual deities ndash the most important ones of the temple ndash but also deify ances-tral kings It was they who formerly most likely in agreement with the kingor his local representative (mekel agung) and the temple authorities in thebroader sense issued regulations addressed to the dependent villages and thenobles of different standing These temple leaders none the less needed the nobilityrsquos acknowledgement and their co-operation to maintain theirsupreme ritual statusThe Jero Gede were the most important and at the sametime the most delicate links between the temple and the nobility especiallythe king However the relationship between the temple authorities and theruling house was as already mentioned not free from power strugglesThe palm leaf texts emphasize the fact that the king had to pay honour tothe Batur gods One of the palm leaf manuscripts says

If the king (raja) the satria [subordinate lords] and arya [noble descent groups] do notfollow the regulations if they do not venerate I Ratu Sakti in Batur [the gods of Baturin general and the female deity of the crater lake in particular] they will lose their author-ity and they will no longer hold their offices Because they all established together thesites of worship in the temple of Batur and own regalia [pusaka that need to be rituallylsquorevivedrsquo from time to time] they are therefore obliged to protect and to maintain thetemple30 If they no longer think of the temple in Batur their realms (negara) will fall apart and the people will revolt and Central Bali will suffer a difficult time (BabadPatisora 1979 sect 38b translation by the author)


Figure 4 The two temple scribes of the Batur temple still use lontar palm leaves for writinginvitations to the pasyan the temple supporting villages (photo by Joumlrg Hauser)

A similar threat is uttered in the manuscript Pangaci-acin Ida Bhatara (1979sect 62) In both manuscripts this threat applies to the Brahmana as well thisbeing an indication (confirmed by oral histories as well as by ritual practice)that the temple was never controlled by them

Conversely the kingrsquos participation in the temple rituals turned these cer-emonies into royal festivals Thousands of pilgrims from different parts of theisland were able not only to experience the holiness of the temple festivalsbut also to witness the appearance of their own lords who were there inte-grated into an overarching hierarchical order The temple ceremony certainlywas a spectacle ndash and it is still today though much of course has changedwith government officials and high-ranking priests from other parts of Balinow also competing for recognition in the Batur temple

The Batur villagers

The palm leaf manuscripts make it clear that the temple authorities are notidentical with the villagers of Batur though they are intimately related to eachother The villagers of Batur (or TampurhyangSinarata Baturrsquos previousnames) had ndash according to information collected in Batur and confirmed bythe palm leaf manuscripts ndash the function of a lsquotemple sweeperrsquo The villagewas in charge of the daily rituals in the temple as well as responsible for themaintenance of the arca the statues of the deities In exchange for their services the paramount king guaranteed protection to the people of Batur(Pangaci-acin 1979 sect 50b) They were also exempted from conscription andwere not liable to royal jurisdiction (Pangaci-acin 1979 sect 62a) The palm leafmanuscripts tell of sixteen to twenty members of Baturrsquos ritual associationwho were appointed according to the principle of seniorityThese ritual eldersndash today officially sixteen but with many lsquoassistantsrsquo ndash are in charge of varioustasks such as preparing and presenting offerings depending on the occasioncarrying out rituals and organizing meetings and the provision of the pilgrimswith food The offices they hold are highly differentiated due to the com-plexity of the templersquos goals and tasks These offices confer honour as well asproviding privileged access to the temple and its deitiesThe palm leaf manu-script Babad Patisora emphasizes the important role of the village and statesthat the members of the ritual association will receive a share of the pasyanrsquostributes and taxesThe pasyan are threatened with punishment in the event ofneglect of their duties to or disrespect towards Batur

All those pasyan of I Ratu Sakti [the Batur deities] who neglect their duties towards themwill be cursed by the gods Those who do not contribute ndash though they are obliged tondash rice or deliver the yields of the fields owned by the gods on the day of the templefestival will suffer crop failure for ever and everything they try to cultivate will witherbecause it is the gods of Batur who preserve the source of life it is they who are incharge of the holy water (Babad Patisora 1979 sect 28)

The pasyan do not only have to pay honour to the gods but also to the villagers ofBatur who have to be treated with respect and honesty since it is they who inform thegods of peoplersquos misbehaviour and ask for their judgement and punishment At the sametime the gods offer protection to their obedient followers all those will be cursed whotry to betray (with lies) the people of I Ratu Sakti or even those who attack sell or


chase them away Such evil-doers will never be given holy water even if they want tobuy it (Babad Patisora 1979 sect 30 translation by the author)

Nevertheless the Babad Patisora points out the interdependence of the Batur villagers and the pasyan lsquo[A]lthough the pasyan villages are obliged to perform different duties they should not be neglected either because as it is well known the villagers of Batur and the pasyan are indebted to eachotherrsquo (sect 39a)

Conclusion

Based on earlier analyses of temple networks and their significance for theorganization of the pre-colonial Balinese state (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004b) andof the way in which so-called lsquoBali Agarsquo villages were anything but boundedentities isolated from court-centred lowland Balinese (Hauser-Schaumlublin2004a) I have shown in this article how one of the most important templesin Highland Bali was a redistribution centre that reached far beyond lsquoBali Agarsquoterritory and was subject to the involvement of kings and nobles My con-clusions substantially differ from those both of Lansing (1991) and Reuter(2002a) Lansing while striving to continue and lsquoenrichrsquo Geertzrsquos analysis ofagricultural rituals in Negara (1980) perpetuated one of his major contentionsto wit that lsquothe cult of kingship involves a special class of rituals which aredistinct from the rituals of the agricultural cultrsquo (Lansing 1991 7) This perspective determined the way in which he represented the organization ofwater management which was according to him state-free and in the handsof irrigation associations (subak) and priests only As a consequence he notonly depicted the Batur temple a centre of agriculture rituals in terms ofexclusively local autochthonous managers priests and rituals elders but alsodenied any relationship between the temple and its staff and the court and kings

Similarly Reuter who has given an impressive description of the templenetworks of Highland Bali (2002a) underscored the autonomy of the lsquoBaliAgarsquo who he maintained were able to keep out of reach of the influence ofthe post-Majapahit courts in Lowland Bali His diagram of the ritual networksof the Batur temple includes only forty or so villages most of them in ter-ritories that he categorized as lsquoBali Agarsquo (2002a Fig 3)This supports his thesisthat lsquoBali Agarsquo identity was maintained through temple and ritual networksrestricted to lsquoBali Agarsquo domains

As revealed by my examination of the historical palm leaf manuscripts keptin the Batur temple the total sum (shifting through time) numbers 150 set-tlements or villages (see Table 1) stretching far into regions ruled by noblesand kings But it is not only a question of extension that my results contestbut also one of the organization of the temples and their major rituals

The theses of all three authors Geertz Lansing and Reuter complementeach other To some extent they form a unity that makes them appear convincing and powerful I would contend however that this conformity ismost likely the consequence simply of shared hypotheses and goals (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2003 2005)


As I have demonstrated historical evidence allows an interpretation whichdiffers from these authors My examination of historical data brought to lightactors of different social backgrounds and standings including the Batur villagers their ritual elders and temple priests high priests of noble descentthe pasyan and finally the king and nobility These four parties were boundto each other through delicately ranked ties of obligation and duty as well asthrough structures of benefit and reward These ties of indebtedness andbenefit formed a network of relationships focused on the temple of the craterlake and the promise of prosperity and fertility for all parties that it containedThe temple was the apex at which all these different needs and goals ndash mate-rial as well as immaterial ndash merged producing a solidarity based on a regu-larly (re-)created locality that is I maintain essential to the understanding ofthe pre-colonial Balinese state

NOTES

This article is primarily based on fieldwork carried out between 1997 and 2004 mostly invillages on the north coast of Bali (Sembiran and Julah) as well as in Batur in the central moun-tain rangeThe research was promoted by the German Research Council (Deutsche Forschungs-gemeinschaft) my sponsors were LIPI (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia) Jakarta and Prof DrI Wayan Ardika of the Universitas Udayana Denpasar

1 Most of the palm leaf manuscripts transcribed by Budiastra (1975 1979) allow no reliabledating Moreover palm leaf manuscripts had to be regularly copied and often leaves with newparts were added in response to problems and situations which arose to confront the templethe temple authorities and Batur village Despite this many of the manuscripts suggest sourcesin the eighteenth century or earlier Mention in more recent manuscripts of kings known tohave ruled in the nineteenth century makes their dating less problematic I am grateful to DrsI Nyoman Suarka for his linguistic expertise and his enduring co-operation in the translationand interpretation of these texts and to Guru Nengah Teket a knowledgeable ritual elder ofthe Batur temple who acted as my honoured teacher He gave me insights into the temple itshistory and organization and the interpretation of the manuscripts that I would otherwise neverhave obtained For all errors and misinterpretations I alone am responsible

2 Confirmed both during a discussion with my main informant an honourable Batur ritualelder and the two Jero Gede (the highest-ranking temple priests) of the Batur temple (30 March2001) as well as in an interview with Jero Gede Duuran (18 September 2003)

3 As I have suggested in an earlier article (2004b) a process of lsquodemocratizationrsquo set in whenthe Dutch abolished kingship

4 Communal land and temple land were not touched by the land reform5 This sacred water container is still considered a gift of Pura Jati the centre to which the

local temple remains linked For a similar relationship established through sacred water beakersin East Java see Hall (1996 112)

6 Todayrsquos official Bali calendar starts with the spring equinox however the old calendar over which Pura Jati presided and the rituals it implies is still followed by a large number ofvillages

7 This deity also has a male aspect associated with the Batur volcano8 The fishermen also rely on the kingrsquos emanating prosperityWhen their fishing expeditions

have failed for some time they ask for some of the kingrsquos urine to sprinkle into the sea Ashort time later the fish appear abundantly ndash not only in the sea as the members of the royal house explained but also at the palace (as rewards out of gratitude) Similarly after thecremation of a king his ashes are scattered over the sea and the stock of fish is said to multiply

9 After Mengwi lost much of its eastern territory the Batur area was taken over by Buleleng In 1849 the Dutch colonial government handed the Batur district over to Bangli itsally (van Eck 1880 1 212)


10 In fact the office-holder is selected from this descent group by the gods (through a virginpriestess in a trance)

11 Ritual elders in Batur suggest that there is an underground watercourse from the Baturlake that feeds the Beratan lake (see also Liefrinck 1927 54) The notion of lsquoowingrsquo impliesresponsibility for the shrine and having onersquos ancestors worshipped there

12 For a detailed description see Bundschu (1985 140-60) Most of the royal fields boundthe tenants into the obligation to perform personal services for the royal house This contra-dicts Geertzrsquos assumption that a lsquofeudal systemrsquo in Bali never existed (for a critique see Bundschu 1985 33)

13 The terms of these taxes and their meaning vary from one region to the other14 In one case a date is given saka 1720 (AD 1798) The Batur temple was then appropri-

ated by a powerful new kingdom whose rulers I Dewa Ngurah Den Bancingah in Bangli andIda I Dewa Ngurah in Tamanbali had shrines built in the temple (Pratekaning Usana Siwasasana1979 sectsect 12a-12b)

15 One of the palm leaf manuscripts Pungga Habanta (1979 sectsect 37a-37b) points out that thetemple authorities were prepared to assist the king in various tasks such as carrying holy waterto the battle-field if the king was in need of it in order to augment his power

16 It is not clear who the authors of these manuscripts were Most of them dealing with ques-tions of social distinction and separation probably constituted a kind of agreement or evencontract between the king and the temple authorities

17 Regulations concerning the number of superimposed roofs already existed in the tenth century (inscription 104 Sembiran A 1) concerning the iron smiths see Guermonprez(1987)

18 As Sax (2000) has pointed out in the context of scholarly discussions about lsquodivine king-shiprsquo in IndiaWestern scholars have always assumed that a human being has just one lsquoself rsquoTheidea of multiple selves ndash selves associated with specific social contexts or specific ritual sequencesndash has never been considered in the discussion about the nature of kingship It would be nec-essary to think about multiple selves as Hinduism suggests in order to gain a new under-standing of Indian king and kingship This is likely to apply to king and kingship in Bali as well

19 As mentioned in note 1 above there is no information concerning the date when theseindividual palm leaf manuscripts were written and whether they cover more or less the sameperiod There are elements ndash for example the mentioning of Badung or the detailed descrip-tion of Bangli regency ndash that seem to be relatively recent (ie nineteenth century) Some villagenames however can no longer be identified

20 This mode of tribute-collecting is already documented for a much earlier time (ninth to thirteenth centuries) from which copperplate inscriptions (royal edicts) exist The most illuminating examples in this respect are the edicts from the Batur region (303 Bwahan A305 Batur Pura Abang A 3 Trunyan AI 4 Trunyan BI Goris 1954) From these texts it becomesclear that in the early tenth and eleventh centuries one temple and its deity were of utmostimportance in the Batur area this was the temple of Trunyan and the deity Bhatara Da Tonta It is a temple with a huge stone statue in it still called by that name (see Ottino 19941998)

21 Some of the villages still contribute the items listed in the palm leaf manuscripts even ifthey are no longer able to produce the goods themselves instead they buy them Some itemsare no longer available (like stags or Indian textiles patola) substitutes either in kind or moneyare presented

22 The Batur village received a share from the tributes and taxes as did the kingrsquos represen-tative (mekel agung) and other office-holders A part of this wealth was also kept for the pro-visioning of the royal family and its entourage during visits to the temple Delegates from pasyanvillages were to be provided with meals as well

23 In one case money-lending is mentioned By contrast with other well-known examples of money-lending in which temples acted more or less as banks the Batur temple if in need of money borrowed it from the village of Ngis (today part of the north coast village ofTembok on the border between Buleleng and Karangasem)Why and how this village acquiredits wealth is unknown I do not know to what extent a whole system of money-lending linkedto the temple existed comparable for example to that described by Rudner (1994) for India


24 This fits well with what Schaareman wrote in 1986lsquo ldquoLabapurardquo are fields which are boundto a specific temple and which formerly were ldquodonatedrdquo to the village by the king ie theywere free of tributersquo (1986 89)

25 In one of the palm leaf manuscripts (Pratekaning Usana Siwasasana 1979 sect 14b) the areaof the pasyan is outlined as reaching in the north from todayrsquos border between Buleleng and Karangasem to Singaraja in the southwest and the south to the Yeh Sumi river that con-stitutes todayrsquos border between Tabanan and Badung while to the east to Klungkung (YehUnda)

26 The redistribution of the taxes in kind will not be discussed in detail here27 As the case of the Muslims of Pegayaman shows they performed rituals among themselves

associated with the flow of water and the fertility of the fields (Budiwanti 1995 145-8) Butto be freed from lsquoHindursquo ritual obligations did not imply that they were freed from taxes aswell However the Muslim peasants represented a minority who closely interacted with lsquoHindursquopeasants from the organizational perspective of irrigated agriculture as well as the Balinesenegara the majority

28 My Batur informants disagreed with my (historical) interpretation since today all the priests(mangku) are considered of Batur origin However my fieldwork in one of the pasyan villages(Sembiran) on the north coast revealed that a deputy of the Batur temple resided there Heholds the (formerly) most influential office of a Mangku Gede (Great Priest)

29 Today they are pushed increasingly into the background of the rituals their roles beingtaken over by Brahmana priests and by male temple authorities

30 The shrines of the most important deities of the Batur temple are associated with indi-vidual royal houses (or their governmental successors)When a shrine is damaged for exampleby a storm the corresponding royal house is asked for money for its restoration In exchangethe head of the royal house is invited to perform the major foundation ritual at the shrine inco-operation with Baturrsquos highest priest

REFERENCES

Appadurai A 1981 Worship and conflict under colonial rule a South Indian case CambridgeUniversity Press

mdashmdashmdash 1996 The production of locality In Modernity at large A Appadurai 178-99Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

Babad Patisora 1979 In Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli P Budiastra vol 23-36 Denpasar Museum Bali

Budiastra P 1975 Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli vol 1 Denpasar MuseumBali

mdashmdashmdash 1979 Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli vol 2 Denpasar MuseumBali

Budiwanti E 1995 The crescent behind the thousand holy temples Yogyakarta Gadjah Mada University Press

Bundschu I 1985 Probleme der agraren Grundbesitzverfassung auf Bali Hamburg Mitteilungendes Instituts fuumlr Asienkunde 143

Dirks NB 1987 The hollow crown ethnohistory of an Indian kingdom Cambridge UniversityPress

Geertz C 1980 Negara The theatre state in nineteenth-century Bali Princeton University Press

Goris R 1954 Prasasti Bali Bandung Masa BaruGuermonprez J-F 1985 Rois divins et rois guerriers images de la royauteacute agrave Bali LrsquoHomme

95 39-70mdashmdashmdash 1987 Les Pandeacute de Bali la formation drsquoune lsquocastersquo et la valeur drsquoun titre Paris Eacutecole

Franccedilaise drsquoExtregraveme-OrientHall KR 1985 Temples as economic centers in early Cambodia In Maritime trade and state

development in early Southeast Asia KR Hall 136-68 Honolulu University of Hawairsquoi Press

mdashmdashmdash 1996 Ritual networks and royal power in Majapahit Java Archipel 52 95-118


Hauser-Schaumlublin B 2003 The precolonial Balinese state reconsidered a critical evaluation oftheory construction on the relationship between irrigation the state and ritual CurrentAnthropology 44 153-81

mdashmdashmdash 2004a lsquoBali Agarsquo and Islam ethnicity ritual practice and lsquoOld-Balinesersquo as an anthropo-logical construct Indonesia 77 27-55

mdashmdashmdash 2004b Austronesian aboriginality or the ritual organization of the state A controversyon the political dimension of temple networks in early Bali History and Anthropology 15317-44

mdashmdashmdash 2005 On irrigation and the Balinese state Reply Current Anthropology 46 305-8Jha N 2002 The bifurcate subak the social organization of a Balinese irrigation community

Unpublished PhD dissertation Brandeis University Department of AnthropologyKornVE 1932 Het adatrecht van Bali The Hague G NaeffLansing SJ 1991 Priests and programmers technologies of power in the engineered landscape of Bali

Princeton University PressLiefrinck FA 1886-7 De rijstcultuur op Bali Die Indische Gids 8-9mdashmdashmdash 1921 Nog eenige verordeningen en overeenkomsten van balische vorsten The Hague

Martinus Nijhoffmdashmdashmdash 1927 Bali en Lombok geschriften van FA Liefrinck Amsterdam JH de BussyOttino A 1994 Origin myths hierarchical order and the negotiation of status in the Balinese

village of Trunyan Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde 150 481-517mdashmdashmdash 1998 Origin and ritual exchange as transformative belonging in the Balinese temple

In Locality and belonging (ed) N Lovell 103-24 London RoutledgePangaci-acin Ida Bhatara 1979 In Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli P

Budiastra vol 2 191-249 Denpasar Museum BaliPratekaning Usana Siwasasana 1979 In Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli P

Budiastra vol 2 137-90 Denpasar Museum BaliPungga Habanta 1979 In Rajapurana Pura Ulun Danu Batur Kintamani Bangli P Budiastra vol

2 250-86 Denpasar Museum BaliReuter T 2002a Custodians of the sacred mountains culture and society in the Highlands of Bali

Honolulu University of Hawairsquoi Pressmdashmdashmdash 2002b The house of our ancestors precedence and dualism in highland Balinese society Leiden

KITLV PressRudner D 1994 Caste and capitalism in colonial India the Nattukottai Chettiars Berkeley

University of California PressSallaberger W amp A Westenholz 1999 Mesopotamien Akkade-Zeit und Ur III Zeit (Orbis

Biblicus et Orientalis 160 3) Freiburg (Schweiz) Universitaumltsverlag Goumlttingen Vandenhoeckamp Ruprecht

Sax W 2000 In Karnarsquos realm an ontology of action Journal of Indian Philosophy 28295-324

Scarborough VL JW Schoenfelder amp JS Lansing 2000 Early statecraft on Bali The watertemple complex and the decentralization of the political economy Research in EconomicAnthropology 20 299-330

Schaareman D 1986 Tatulingga tradition and continuity An investigation in ritual and social organization in Bali (Basler Beitraumlge zur Ethnologie 24) Basel Ethnologisches Seminar derUniversitaumlt und Museum fuumlr Voumllkerkunde

Schoenfelder JW 2003 Negotiating poise in a multi-hierarchical world an archaeologicalexploration of irrigated rice agriculture ideology and political balances in the coevolutionof intersecting complex networks in Bali Unpublished PhD dissertation University of California Los Angeles

Schulte Nordholt H 1996 The spell of power a history of Balinese politics 1650-1940 LeidenKITLV Press

Stein B 1980 Peasant state and society in medieval South India Delhi Oxford University Press

mdashmdashmdash 1989 Vijayanagara (New Cambridge History of India I 2) Cambridge University Press

van Eck R 1878-80 Schetsen van het eiland Bali Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indie 7-9 BataviaG Kolff amp Co

Wiener M 1995 Visible and invisible realms power magic and colonial conquest in Bali ChicagoUniversity Press


Le temple et le roi Gestion des ressources rituels etredistribution dans la socieacuteteacute balinaise ancienne

Reacutesumeacute

Le preacutesent article eacutetudie les liens complexes entre eacuteconomie temples rituels rois et royauteacutedans lrsquoancienne socieacuteteacute balinaise La repreacutesentation anthropologique de Eacutetat balinais preacute-colo-nial ou contemporain de la colonisation oscille jusqursquoici entre laquo lrsquoEacutetat-spectacle raquo ougrave laquo lepouvoir est au service du faste raquo et un clivage supposeacute entre lrsquoEacutetat et une eacuteconomie reposantpour lrsquoessentiel sur lrsquoagriculture irrigueacutee (riz) Lrsquoauteur suggegravere ici que les seigneurs reacutegionauxet les rois jouaient un rocircle substantiel dans lrsquoeacuteconomie ainsi que dans lrsquoorganisation rituellede lrsquoagriculture irrigueacutee Cette implication se manifestait au niveau local aussi bien quereacutegional par le biais des associations drsquoirrigation (subak) et de leurs rituels et au niveau tran-sreacutegional avec les grands temples (qui faisaient eacutegalement office de centres de redistribution)et leurs autoriteacutes

Brigitta Hauser-Schaumlublin is Professor of Anthropology at the Institute of Cultural and SocialAnthropology University of Goumlttingen She has carried out fieldwork in Papua New Guinea(1972-85) and Indonesia mainly Bali (since 1987) her main topics are the anthropology ofspace and rituals and the anthropology of gender and the body

Institute of Cultural and Social Anthropology University of Goumlttingen Theaterplatz 15 D-37073 Goumlttingen Germany bhausergwdgde


temples and ritual networks were recently interpreted from the perspectiveof Austronesian lsquoaboriginalityrsquo (Reuter 2002a) they were said to have main-tained the bounded identity of an lsquoindigenous ethnic grouprsquo (Reuter 2002b1) Arguing against the assumed isolation and inalterability of the lsquoBali Agarsquo Idraw on the example of a village also labelled as lsquoBali Agarsquo that had appar-ently had considerable interaction with Islam in pre-colonial times (Hauser-Schaumlublin 2004a) I was also able to show in a subsequent publication (2004b)how such temples and their ritual networks constituted segments of differentpre-colonial and early colonial Balinese states In this article the Batur templeserved as an example to demonstrate to what extent a king was able to makeadditional use of the temple and its networks for his own political ends

Continuing and expanding my alternative interpretation of the early Balinese state in the present article I shall examine that same temple as amajor redistributional centre in which kings gods temple authorities andpeasants were closely interrelated As I shall show irrigation agriculture andits embeddedness in rituals and temples is just one aspect of an overarchingdelicate network of relationships between on the one hand lords of differentstanding and superior kings (raja) and on the other priests in charge of theritual organization of agriculture and temples In both agriculture and ritualspeople were in a continuous quest to acquire ensure and promote fertility acapacity considered to be inherent in a successful kingThis capacity was avail-able to those who closely interacted with him The king therefore acted asa prime promoter of fertility for the benefit of his people their fields andtheir livestock

I suggest that regional lords as well as kings had a substantial share in theeconomy as well as in the ritual organization of irrigation agriculture Thisinvolvement functioned on both the local or regional level with its corre-sponding irrigation associations (subak) and their rituals and on the trans-regional level with its major temples and their authoritiesThe lords and kingsprofited from the priestsrsquo tasks since revenues of both the temples and theroyal courts were based on a combined system of tribute taxes share-cropping land-leasing and services The higher the yields of the fields thehigher their income Conversely when plagues or droughts visited the ricefields the lords and kings suffered from a severe economic loss as well sincethe taxes levied on land and water mostly in kind decreased proportionallyto the increase in misfortune

From a comparative perspective on early civilizations many state organiza-tions are far more complex than is suggested by models which reflect Westernimages of the bureaucratic organization of large-scale agriculture projects Aglimpse into the highly structured societies of Mesopotamia (Sallaberger ampWestenholz 1999) and of South India (Dirks 1987 Rudner 1994 Stein 19801989) reveals that temples played a major role in resource management as wellas in tax collection An exemplary study of such a temple and its redistribu-tional power is Appadurairsquos 1981 work on the Sri Partasarati Svami Templenear MadrasTamilnatuTemples in some parts of Southeast Asia seem to havebeen similarly organized Hall (1985) showed for the Khmer during theAngkor era (Cambodia) that there too temples functioned as economiccentres on which the king drew for part of the wealth None the less indescriptions of Balinese culture since the 1980s the relationship between


















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Ked

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wt

2000

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Kub

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Kub

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Kul

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Kul

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15 c

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2 ta

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2 g

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)1

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Pahu

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roo

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00)

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kusa

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Lem

beya

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2 g

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)1

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Lem

beya

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Lem

ukih

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101

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00)

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Saku

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Lepu

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bat

I30

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2 ta

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1 ta

w

t40

001

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1 bd

l2

1 (5

00)

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1 t

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I2

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101

tw

2 ro

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(500

)1

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Lod

Blu

ngba

ng I

15 c

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mbu

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II

2 ta

10

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1

bdl

2 g

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(500

)1

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Mad

anga

n I

c5 t

enah

25 c

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aden

an I

I2

ta

102

gc

11

ta

Mad

enan

III

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

1 ta

M

anik

aji

IIbe

ans

1 ta

2

gc

1fr

ied

onio

ns

kom

ak 1

ta

wt

2000

Man

ikha

ji II

Ibe

ans

2 ta

2

roo

1ko

mak

2 t

aM

anik

liu I

I2

ta

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Man

ikliu

III

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

M

anuk

c5

ten

ah15

ce

Bua

hman

uk I

Mem

undu

ng I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

etra

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Met

ra I

II2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Mun

ti II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Mun

ti II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aN

gihi

s II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00ko

mak

1 t

aN

gis

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00le

nds

kom

ak 1

ta

mon

ey t

oB

atur

if

nece

ssar

y


Tab

le1

Con

tinue

d

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Nya

lian

Ic5

ten

ah

25 c

e(S

elat

)Pa

cung

II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Pacu

ng I

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t40

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aPa

dpad

an I

c5 t

enah

25 c

ePa

kisa

n II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Paki

san

III

2 ta

10

1 tw

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

10 p

cPa

kudw

i I

c3 t

enah

Pala

ktih

ing

III

2 ta

1

(500

)1

ta

Pala

ktiy

ing

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Thi

s is

a co

mpi

latio

n of

dat

a or

igin

atin

g fr

om t

hree

(un

date

d) p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts k

ept

in t

he B

atur

tem

ple

(tra

nscr

ibed

by

Bud

iast

ra [

1975

197

9])

I ha

ve o

rder

ed t

he v

illag

esal

phab

etic

ally

and

ana

lyse

d th

em a

ccor

ding

to

the

palm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts I

(Pa

ngac

i-ac

in I

da B

hata

ra)

II (

Bab

ad P

atiso

ra)

and

III

(Pra

teka

ning

Usa

na S

iwas

asan

a)s

ome

villa

ges

are

men

-tio

ned

in o

nly

one

text

oth

ers

in a

ll th

ree

The

com

preh

ensiv

e lis

t w

ith a

ll en

trie

s ca

n be

obt

aine

d fr

om h

ttp

ww

wus

ecg

wdg

de

~eth

nob

atur

tribu

tesc

om

The

list

con

tain

s an

enu

mer

atio

n of

lan

d (r

ice

field

s) a

nd i

ts i

ndiv

idua

l siz

eth

e us

ufru

ct w

as d

estin

ed f

or t

he B

atur

tem

ple

The

list

also

sho

ws

the

kind

and

am

ount

of

trib

utes

(mai

nly

lives

tock

yie

lds

from

wet

and

dry

fiel

ds a

nd a

rbor

icul

ture

)In

the

cas

e of

pig

s th

eir

valu

e (a

mou

nt o

f co

ins)

is

liste

dfo

r fr

ied

onio

ns a

uni

t of

wei

ght

not

furt

her

spec

i-fie

d is

men

tione

d (s

ee a

lso I

ndex

of

Abb

revi

atio

ns b

elow

)(T

here

is

addi

tiona

l in

form

atio

n in

the

pal

m l

eaf

man

uscr

ipts

con

cern

ing

the

offe

ring

s fo

r th

e B

atur

dei

ties

as w

ell

as t

he o

blig

atio

ns i

ndiv

idua

l vi

llage

s ha

d to

war

ds t

he B

atur

tem

ple

thes

e da

ta h

ave

been

om

itted

in

this

tabl

e)

Glo

ssar

yIn

dex

Abbre

viat

ions

ahiy

abh

iyab

(B

alin

ese)

alte

rnat

ely

ever

y se

cond

yea

rbdl

(Eng

l) b

undl

ec

(Eng

l) c

irca

ce

(Bal

ines

ece

eng

tem

baga

) m

easu

re o

f ca

paci

tya

ppro

xca

tu=

125

kge

mpin

g(B

ali-

nese

) a

sort

of

vege

tabl

e cr

isps

gc

(Eng

l) g

amec

ock

ka

(Ind

ka

yuh)

pea

lad

lek

om

ak(B

alin

ese)

spe

cies

of

peas

nq

u

(Eng

l) n

o (e

xact

) qu

antit

ypc

(Eng

l) p

iece

pp

a(E

ngl)

per

palm

tre

ep

tsu

(E

ngl)

pal

m s

ugar

ro

o(E

ngl)

roo

ster

ta

(B

alin

ese

tang

gung

) w

eigh

t th

at i

s ca

rrie

d by

tw

o m

en w

ith a

sho

ulde

r po

le (

so p

resu

mab

ly m

uch

heav

ier

than

tege

n)t

enah

(B

alin

ese)

uni

t of

squ

are

mea

sure

(fo

r fie

lds)

tw

(E

ngl)

tw

igw

t(E

ngl)

uni

t of

wei

ght

1 2

























































The Batur villagers







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute





















Tab

le1

Syno

psis

(sam

ple

limite

d to

47

out

of 2

64 e

ntri

es)

of t

ribu

tes

brou

ght

to t

he B

atur

tem

ple

acco

rdin

g to

thr

ee p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Ked

isan

II5

tena

h2

ta

102

gc

1 (5

00)

frie

d on

ions

w

t20

002

ta

101

(500

)em

ping

1 t

a1

ta

Ked

isan

III

5 te

nah

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

(500

)fr

ied

onio

ns

wt

2000

Ked

uhur

an

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

uG

entu

h II

10 p

cK

elik

i I

c10

tena

h50

ce

Kro

blah

an I

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t30

002

gc

1 (5

00)

kom

ak 1

ta

Ker

obel

ahan

III

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 ro

o1

(500

)ko

mak

1 t

aK

land

is II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Kub

ubay

ung

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l1

(500

)1

ta

Kub

utam

baha

n II

1ch

icke

n sp

ice

Kub

utam

baha

n II

Ipe

as 1

ka

1 hi

yab

mix

spi

ces

Kul

andi

s II

I2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Kul

ub I

c3 t

enah

15 c

eLa

ngga

han

2 ta

10

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Pahu

san

IILa

ngga

han

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Pa

kusa

n II

I


Lem

beya

n II

2 ta

10

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

beya

n II

I2

ta

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

ukih

2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

Saku

mpu

l II

10 p

cLe

pud

Ic1

0 te

nah

Lepu

dSe

bat

I30

ce

nqu

Le

s II

2 ta

be

ans

1 ta

w

t40

001

tw

1 bd

l2

1 (5

00)

1 ta

ko

mak

1 t

aLe

s II

I2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lod

Blu

ngba

ng I

15 c

eLu

mbu

wan

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Mad

anga

n I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

aden

an I

I2

ta

102

gc

11

ta

Mad

enan

III

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

1 ta

M

anik

aji

IIbe

ans

1 ta

2

gc

1fr

ied

onio

ns

kom

ak 1

ta

wt

2000

Man

ikha

ji II

Ibe

ans

2 ta

2

roo

1ko

mak

2 t

aM

anik

liu I

I2

ta

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Man

ikliu

III

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

M

anuk

c5

ten

ah15

ce

Bua

hman

uk I

Mem

undu

ng I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

etra

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Met

ra I

II2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Mun

ti II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Mun

ti II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aN

gihi

s II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00ko

mak

1 t

aN

gis

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00le

nds

kom

ak 1

ta

mon

ey t

oB

atur

if

nece

ssar

y


Tab

le1

Con

tinue

d

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Nya

lian

Ic5

ten

ah

25 c

e(S

elat

)Pa

cung

II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Pacu

ng I

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t40

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aPa

dpad

an I

c5 t

enah

25 c

ePa

kisa

n II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Paki

san

III

2 ta

10

1 tw

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

10 p

cPa

kudw

i I

c3 t

enah

Pala

ktih

ing

III

2 ta

1

(500

)1

ta

Pala

ktiy

ing

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Thi

s is

a co

mpi

latio

n of

dat

a or

igin

atin

g fr

om t

hree

(un

date

d) p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts k

ept

in t

he B

atur

tem

ple

(tra

nscr

ibed

by

Bud

iast

ra [

1975

197

9])

I ha

ve o

rder

ed t

he v

illag

esal

phab

etic

ally

and

ana

lyse

d th

em a

ccor

ding

to

the

palm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts I

(Pa

ngac

i-ac

in I

da B

hata

ra)

II (

Bab

ad P

atiso

ra)

and

III

(Pra

teka

ning

Usa

na S

iwas

asan

a)s

ome

villa

ges

are

men

-tio

ned

in o

nly

one

text

oth

ers

in a

ll th

ree

The

com

preh

ensiv

e lis

t w

ith a

ll en

trie

s ca

n be

obt

aine

d fr

om h

ttp

ww

wus

ecg

wdg

de

~eth

nob

atur

tribu

tesc

om

The

list

con

tain

s an

enu

mer

atio

n of

lan

d (r

ice

field

s) a

nd i

ts i

ndiv

idua

l siz

eth

e us

ufru

ct w

as d

estin

ed f

or t

he B

atur

tem

ple

The

list

also

sho

ws

the

kind

and

am

ount

of

trib

utes

(mai

nly

lives

tock

yie

lds

from

wet

and

dry

fiel

ds a

nd a

rbor

icul

ture

)In

the

cas

e of

pig

s th

eir

valu

e (a

mou

nt o

f co

ins)

is

liste

dfo

r fr

ied

onio

ns a

uni

t of

wei

ght

not

furt

her

spec

i-fie

d is

men

tione

d (s

ee a

lso I

ndex

of

Abb

revi

atio

ns b

elow

)(T

here

is

addi

tiona

l in

form

atio

n in

the

pal

m l

eaf

man

uscr

ipts

con

cern

ing

the

offe

ring

s fo

r th

e B

atur

dei

ties

as w

ell

as t

he o

blig

atio

ns i

ndiv

idua

l vi

llage

s ha

d to

war

ds t

he B

atur

tem

ple

thes

e da

ta h

ave

been

om

itted

in

this

tabl

e)

Glo

ssar

yIn

dex

Abbre

viat

ions

ahiy

abh

iyab

(B

alin

ese)

alte

rnat

ely

ever

y se

cond

yea

rbdl

(Eng

l) b

undl

ec

(Eng

l) c

irca

ce

(Bal

ines

ece

eng

tem

baga

) m

easu

re o

f ca

paci

tya

ppro

xca

tu=

125

kge

mpin

g(B

ali-

nese

) a

sort

of

vege

tabl

e cr

isps

gc

(Eng

l) g

amec

ock

ka

(Ind

ka

yuh)

pea

lad

lek

om

ak(B

alin

ese)

spe

cies

of

peas

nq

u

(Eng

l) n

o (e

xact

) qu

antit

ypc

(Eng

l) p

iece

pp

a(E

ngl)

per

palm

tre

ep

tsu

(E

ngl)

pal

m s

ugar

ro

o(E

ngl)

roo

ster

ta

(B

alin

ese

tang

gung

) w

eigh

t th

at i

s ca

rrie

d by

tw

o m

en w

ith a

sho

ulde

r po

le (

so p

resu

mab

ly m

uch

heav

ier

than

tege

n)t

enah

(B

alin

ese)

uni

t of

squ

are

mea

sure

(fo

r fie

lds)

tw

(E

ngl)

tw

igw

t(E

ngl)

uni

t of

wei

ght

1 2

























































The Batur villagers







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute






Lem

beya

n II

2 ta

10

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

beya

n II

I2

ta

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lem

ukih

2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

Saku

mpu

l II

10 p

cLe

pud

Ic1

0 te

nah

Lepu

dSe

bat

I30

ce

nqu

Le

s II

2 ta

be

ans

1 ta

w

t40

001

tw

1 bd

l2

1 (5

00)

1 ta

ko

mak

1 t

aLe

s II

I2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Lod

Blu

ngba

ng I

15 c

eLu

mbu

wan

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Mad

anga

n I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

aden

an I

I2

ta

102

gc

11

ta

Mad

enan

III

2 ta

10

2 ro

o1

1 ta

M

anik

aji

IIbe

ans

1 ta

2

gc

1fr

ied

onio

ns

kom

ak 1

ta

wt

2000

Man

ikha

ji II

Ibe

ans

2 ta

2

roo

1ko

mak

2 t

aM

anik

liu I

I2

ta

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Man

ikliu

III

2 ta

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

M

anuk

c5

ten

ah15

ce

Bua

hman

uk I

Mem

undu

ng I

c5 t

enah

25 c

eM

etra

II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

Met

ra I

II2

ta

101

tw

2 ro

o1

(500

)1

ta

Mun

ti II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Mun

ti II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aN

gihi

s II

Ibe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00ko

mak

1 t

aN

gis

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t20

00le

nds

kom

ak 1

ta

mon

ey t

oB

atur

if

nece

ssar

y


Tab

le1

Con

tinue

d

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Nya

lian

Ic5

ten

ah

25 c

e(S

elat

)Pa

cung

II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Pacu

ng I

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t40

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aPa

dpad

an I

c5 t

enah

25 c

ePa

kisa

n II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Paki

san

III

2 ta

10

1 tw

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

10 p

cPa

kudw

i I

c3 t

enah

Pala

ktih

ing

III

2 ta

1

(500

)1

ta

Pala

ktiy

ing

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Thi

s is

a co

mpi

latio

n of

dat

a or

igin

atin

g fr

om t

hree

(un

date

d) p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts k

ept

in t

he B

atur

tem

ple

(tra

nscr

ibed

by

Bud

iast

ra [

1975

197

9])

I ha

ve o

rder

ed t

he v

illag

esal

phab

etic

ally

and

ana

lyse

d th

em a

ccor

ding

to

the

palm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts I

(Pa

ngac

i-ac

in I

da B

hata

ra)

II (

Bab

ad P

atiso

ra)

and

III

(Pra

teka

ning

Usa

na S

iwas

asan

a)s

ome

villa

ges

are

men

-tio

ned

in o

nly

one

text

oth

ers

in a

ll th

ree

The

com

preh

ensiv

e lis

t w

ith a

ll en

trie

s ca

n be

obt

aine

d fr

om h

ttp

ww

wus

ecg

wdg

de

~eth

nob

atur

tribu

tesc

om

The

list

con

tain

s an

enu

mer

atio

n of

lan

d (r

ice

field

s) a

nd i

ts i

ndiv

idua

l siz

eth

e us

ufru

ct w

as d

estin

ed f

or t

he B

atur

tem

ple

The

list

also

sho

ws

the

kind

and

am

ount

of

trib

utes

(mai

nly

lives

tock

yie

lds

from

wet

and

dry

fiel

ds a

nd a

rbor

icul

ture

)In

the

cas

e of

pig

s th

eir

valu

e (a

mou

nt o

f co

ins)

is

liste

dfo

r fr

ied

onio

ns a

uni

t of

wei

ght

not

furt

her

spec

i-fie

d is

men

tione

d (s

ee a

lso I

ndex

of

Abb

revi

atio

ns b

elow

)(T

here

is

addi

tiona

l in

form

atio

n in

the

pal

m l

eaf

man

uscr

ipts

con

cern

ing

the

offe

ring

s fo

r th

e B

atur

dei

ties

as w

ell

as t

he o

blig

atio

ns i

ndiv

idua

l vi

llage

s ha

d to

war

ds t

he B

atur

tem

ple

thes

e da

ta h

ave

been

om

itted

in

this

tabl

e)

Glo

ssar

yIn

dex

Abbre

viat

ions

ahiy

abh

iyab

(B

alin

ese)

alte

rnat

ely

ever

y se

cond

yea

rbdl

(Eng

l) b

undl

ec

(Eng

l) c

irca

ce

(Bal

ines

ece

eng

tem

baga

) m

easu

re o

f ca

paci

tya

ppro

xca

tu=

125

kge

mpin

g(B

ali-

nese

) a

sort

of

vege

tabl

e cr

isps

gc

(Eng

l) g

amec

ock

ka

(Ind

ka

yuh)

pea

lad

lek

om

ak(B

alin

ese)

spe

cies

of

peas

nq

u

(Eng

l) n

o (e

xact

) qu

antit

ypc

(Eng

l) p

iece

pp

a(E

ngl)

per

palm

tre

ep

tsu

(E

ngl)

pal

m s

ugar

ro

o(E

ngl)

roo

ster

ta

(B

alin

ese

tang

gung

) w

eigh

t th

at i

s ca

rrie

d by

tw

o m

en w

ith a

sho

ulde

r po

le (

so p

resu

mab

ly m

uch

heav

ier

than

tege

n)t

enah

(B

alin

ese)

uni

t of

squ

are

mea

sure

(fo

r fie

lds)

tw

(E

ngl)

tw

igw

t(E

ngl)

uni

t of

wei

ght

1 2

























































The Batur villagers







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute






Tab

le1

Con

tinue

d

Vill

age

Ric

e fie

lds

Ric

eC

ocon

uts

Legu

mes

Cot

ton

Bet

el n

uts

Poul

try

Pigs

Wat

erG

oats

Dee

rIn

gred

ient

sSu

gar

palm

Mon

ey~p

eppe

rbu

ffal

osfo

odtr

ee~a

wl

Nya

lian

Ic5

ten

ah

25 c

e(S

elat

)Pa

cung

II

bean

s 1

ta

wt

2000

2 g

c1

kom

ak 1

ta

Pacu

ng I

IIbe

ans

1 ta

w

t40

002

roo

1ko

mak

1 t

aPa

dpad

an I

c5 t

enah

25 c

ePa

kisa

n II

2 ta

10

1 tw

1

bdl

2 g

c1

(500

)1

ta

pts

u10

pc

Paki

san

III

2 ta

10

1 tw

2

roo

1 (5

00)

1 ta

p

tsu

10 p

cPa

kudw

i I

c3 t

enah

Pala

ktih

ing

III

2 ta

1

(500

)1

ta

Pala

ktiy

ing

II2

ta

101

tw

1 bd

l2

gc

1 (5

00)

1 ta

Thi

s is

a co

mpi

latio

n of

dat

a or

igin

atin

g fr

om t

hree

(un

date

d) p

alm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts k

ept

in t

he B

atur

tem

ple

(tra

nscr

ibed

by

Bud

iast

ra [

1975

197

9])

I ha

ve o

rder

ed t

he v

illag

esal

phab

etic

ally

and

ana

lyse

d th

em a

ccor

ding

to

the

palm

lea

f m

anus

crip

ts I

(Pa

ngac

i-ac

in I

da B

hata

ra)

II (

Bab

ad P

atiso

ra)

and

III

(Pra

teka

ning

Usa

na S

iwas

asan

a)s

ome

villa

ges

are

men

-tio

ned

in o

nly

one

text

oth

ers

in a

ll th

ree

The

com

preh

ensiv

e lis

t w

ith a

ll en

trie

s ca

n be

obt

aine

d fr

om h

ttp

ww

wus

ecg

wdg

de

~eth

nob

atur

tribu

tesc

om

The

list

con

tain

s an

enu

mer

atio

n of

lan

d (r

ice

field

s) a

nd i

ts i

ndiv

idua

l siz

eth

e us

ufru

ct w

as d

estin

ed f

or t

he B

atur

tem

ple

The

list

also

sho

ws

the

kind

and

am

ount

of

trib

utes

(mai

nly

lives

tock

yie

lds

from

wet

and

dry

fiel

ds a

nd a

rbor

icul

ture

)In

the

cas

e of

pig

s th

eir

valu

e (a

mou

nt o

f co

ins)

is

liste

dfo

r fr

ied

onio

ns a

uni

t of

wei

ght

not

furt

her

spec

i-fie

d is

men

tione

d (s

ee a

lso I

ndex

of

Abb

revi

atio

ns b

elow

)(T

here

is

addi

tiona

l in

form

atio

n in

the

pal

m l

eaf

man

uscr

ipts

con

cern

ing

the

offe

ring

s fo

r th

e B

atur

dei

ties

as w

ell

as t

he o

blig

atio

ns i

ndiv

idua

l vi

llage

s ha

d to

war

ds t

he B

atur

tem

ple

thes

e da

ta h

ave

been

om

itted

in

this

tabl

e)

Glo

ssar

yIn

dex

Abbre

viat

ions

ahiy

abh

iyab

(B

alin

ese)

alte

rnat

ely

ever

y se

cond

yea

rbdl

(Eng

l) b

undl

ec

(Eng

l) c

irca

ce

(Bal

ines

ece

eng

tem

baga

) m

easu

re o

f ca

paci

tya

ppro

xca

tu=

125

kge

mpin

g(B

ali-

nese

) a

sort

of

vege

tabl

e cr

isps

gc

(Eng

l) g

amec

ock

ka

(Ind

ka

yuh)

pea

lad

lek

om

ak(B

alin

ese)

spe

cies

of

peas

nq

u

(Eng

l) n

o (e

xact

) qu

antit

ypc

(Eng

l) p

iece

pp

a(E

ngl)

per

palm

tre

ep

tsu

(E

ngl)

pal

m s

ugar

ro

o(E

ngl)

roo

ster

ta

(B

alin

ese

tang

gung

) w

eigh

t th

at i

s ca

rrie

d by

tw

o m

en w

ith a

sho

ulde

r po

le (

so p

resu

mab

ly m

uch

heav

ier

than

tege

n)t

enah

(B

alin

ese)

uni

t of

squ

are

mea

sure

(fo

r fie

lds)

tw

(E

ngl)

tw

igw

t(E

ngl)

uni

t of

wei

ght

1 2

























































The Batur villagers







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute





























































The Batur villagers







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute







Conclusion







NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute






NOTES


































REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute



























REFERENCES











































Reacutesumeacute
































Reacutesumeacute





TEMPLE AND KING: RESOURCE MANAGEMENT, RITUALS AND REDISTRIBUTION IN EARLY BALI

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Transcript of TEMPLE AND KING: RESOURCE MANAGEMENT, RITUALS AND REDISTRIBUTION IN EARLY BALI