Sustainability and development in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern European...

Thomas, M., Sullivan, S. and Briant, B. (2013) Sustainability and development in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern European countries. International Journal of Sustainable Human Development, 1(4), 163-176.

2013 Copyright remains with authors. First published by Eduserv Group Publishing Division, UK, 2013 163

Sustainability and development in the former Soviet

Union and Central and Eastern European countries

Marzhan Thomas*, Sian Sullivan

#, Becky Briant

~

Department of Geography, Environment and Development Studies, Birkbeck College, UK, *[email protected], #[email protected], [email protected]

In this paper we investigate the long-term development of the former centrally planned countries,

such as the former Soviet Union republics, Central and Eastern Europe, since the beginning of the

twentieth century. In particular, we consider the impact of the pursuit of economic growth in the

region with a focus on environmental and social consequences. The analysis is premised on the

supposition that the legacy of militarism, lack of social justice, and the environmental situation left

by the communist regime are important factors for the transitional countries in developing a path

towards a sustainable future. Although many changes in socio-economic, cultural, spiritual and

political systems have taken place in the region, a more holistic long-term sustainable development

would need institutional and legal support and require more public participation in environmental

decision-making. Case studies from the transitional countries are analysed, and the limitations to,

and drivers of, sustainability are investigated.

Life is pleasant. Death is peaceful. It is the transition that is troublesome.

Isaac Asimov (Think Exist, 2010)

Introduction

The meaning of sustainability is the subject of dispute between economists and environmentalists, which

focuses on the substitutability between economic goods and services (“manufactured capital”) and the

environment (“natural capital”) (Ayres et al., 1998). The debate is framed as one of “weak” versus “strong”

sustainability. Weak sustainability associates sustainable development with sustained growth and implies that

we can duplicate or replace natural goods and services with manufactured ones; strong sustainability does not

allow substitution of natural capital by human and human-made capital, and proponents of this model argue

that we need a more small-scale decentralised way of living based on self-sufficiency to create social and

economic systems that are less destructive towards nature (Wilson, 2010; Neumayer, 2003; Schumacher,

1999; Dresner, 2008). Current environmental models adopted in both capitalist and former socialist countries

are based on “weak” sustainability. While strong sustainability may look threatening to national economies,

countries must try to go towards some of the strong sustainability goals and integrate social and

environmental costs into decision-making and economic activities, as there are no substitutes for

environmental assets like the ozone layer, extinct species and unique natural habitats (Beder, 2000).

By “countries in transition”, we refer to countries shifting from centrally planned to market-oriented

economic systems; approximately one-third of the world‟s population falls into this category, including the

former Soviet Union (fSU) republics, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Mongolia, China and Vietnam

(World Bank, 2004). All economic activity in these countries was previously under the control of a single

party. Central planning was the primary and mandatory control mechanism, and the state was the single

owner of all resources and means of production (Lavigne, 1995). The fSU government provided huge

economic support to its socialist allies in the CEE (such as supplying cheap oil through the world‟s longest

oil pipeline “Druzhba”) in exchange for political concessions (Pipelines International, 2009). In addition,

democratic reforms in the CEE countries were not developed till perestroika and glasnost were introduced in

the fSU by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 (Drumea, 2008). Although the geographic focus of this paper is on

the fSU and CEE countries, few examples are provided for other former centralised states. Obsession with

economic growth and world industrial leadership became a priority for the fSU government, which also

affected other former socialist countries (Gros and Steinherr, 1995); these issues and their impacts on society

and the environment are discussed in more detail in this paper.



Developments before the transition

Gigantomania and focus on economic growth

From the inception of the Soviet regime, the fSU government realised the importance of power generation.

From Lenin‟s electrification and Stalin‟s hydropower development in the 1920s-30s to Khruschev‟s nuclear

energy in the 1950s and Brezhnev‟s Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway and Siberian rivers diversion plan in the

1970s-80s (Kelly et al., 1983; Kromm, 1971; Josephson, 1995; Ward, 2009), successive regimes strongly

believed in, and advocated for, the use of science and large-scale technology for the transformation of nature.

The Soviet love of gigantomania (i.e. creation of abnormally big works) was reflected in various areas of

political, socio-economic and cultural life in the fSU. Examples of this ethos include the building of massive

masculine sculptures to show the superiority of socialism (such as “Worker and Kolkhoz Woman”), huge

industrial complexes (such as Magnitogorsk), extremely large hydropower electric stations (such as the

Sayano–Shushenskaya dam), White and Baltic sea canal and Stakhanovism movement of exceeding already

high and unrealistic Soviet plans and targets (Millar, 2004).

During World War II (WWII), given the extent of the Nazi invasion into fSU territory and the large-scale

destruction of villages and cities, an estimated 27 million Soviet people (mostly civilians) (or almost 14% of

its pre-war level) died (Overy, 2011). Besides the direct human losses, the war also negatively impacted

marriage and fertility, creating a misbalanced sex ratio among the population that survived, especially in the

age group of 20 to 29 years olds. This affected birth rates significantly (Brainerd, 2007). Taking these factors

into account, the hypothetical demographic loss caused by the war could come up to 35 million Soviet people

(Ellman and Maksudov, 1994). Despite the significant devastation caused by WWII, the fSU tried to compete

with western countries. The region started building up its economic system based on heavy industry, with the

notable exclusion of foreign technology and an absence of economic competition (Firth and Noren, 1998).

Military spending not only caused economic disturbance but also put stress on the environment leading to

pollution, land contamination and hazardous waste accumulation (e.g. Semipalatinsk nuclear testing site in

Kazakhstan and the Chernobyl plant in Ukraine).

Some scholars have argued that economic growth in the fSU slowed down during the 1950s (Gros and

Steinherr, 1995), while others consider this period to be a time when the Soviet economy flourished, as there

was neither a fall in gross domestic product (GDP) (even in the post-war period) nor in the standard of living

(Khanin, 2003). Although the fSU made tremendous progress in the military sector and space sciences (e.g.

sending the first human into space in 1961), these were not basic production activities. The technological

progress in arms production and spacecrafts had little effect on the overall socio-economic development and

did not affect development significantly in other manufacturing sectors (Cekota, 1990). The period between

the 1960s to the mid-1980s was an “era of stagnation” due to general economic decline in agriculture, labour

output and industry, which caused a number of social problems in education, health care and employment

(Goncharov, 1996; International Information Programs, 2008; Gregory and Stuart, 1994). In addition, social

riots took place during this period, e.g. in 1959 during construction of an iron and steel complex in Temirtau

(Kazakhstan), where workers rebelled against lack of housing, poor living conditions, low payment, shortage

of safe water and adequate labour tools (Borisov, 2005). Another fiercely suppressed uprising happened in

1962 at a locomotive building plant of Novocherkassk (Russia), as a result of poor working conditions,

increased production quotas, lack of food and a further plan to increase the price of meat and dairy products

(Yakovleva, 2002; Baron, 2001; Suda, 1988). In addition, numerous anti-communist conflicts on economic

and political grounds to resist Soviet domination also took place in the CEE – German Democratic Republic

in 1953, Hungary and Poland in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, which were severely suppressed by

intervention of the Soviet troops (Fahey, 2007; Cienciala, 1999).

Generally, economic growth and sustainable development is impossible to achieve in conditions

dominated by a constant arms race, such as the one that fSU was engaged in with the USA since the late-

1940s. Wars and military development were the major contributors to environmental destruction globally

during the last century (Democratic Socialist Perspective, 2006). As was stated in Principle 24 of the 1992

Rio Declaration: “Warfare is inherently destructive of sustainable development…”. This idea was reinstated

recently during the 2012 World Summit on SD in Johannesburg: “Peace, security, stability and respect for

human rights and fundamental freedoms… are essential for achieving sustainable development and ensuring

that sustainable development benefits all” (UNESCO, 2012, p.1). However, military activities and aircraft



emissions were widely neglected and are still eliminated from major international treaties (including the

Kyoto protocol), although their contribution to climate change and greenhouse gas emissions is enormous

(Hay-Edie and Archer, 2002). As was pointed out: “… democracy, respect for human rights and, above all,

economic developments are all incompatible with militarism…” (Handal, 1990, p.10).

Environmental and social impacts of the focus on growth

During the pursuit of economic growth in the fSU, social justice issues were disregarded as unimportant, and

instead the government concentrated on maintaining the labour force (Agartan, 2004). The soviet state was

characterised, in part, by corruption, poverty and lack of unemployment benefits (Deacon, 2000). The society

was informally divided by class – the working class (the majority of the population) and the wealthy ruling

elite, who enjoyed numerous privileges in the countries‟ political, cultural, social and economic life, so called

nomenklatura (Kryshtanovskaya and White, 1996). Bureaucracy, social inequality and hierarchy were

defining features of the fSU regime, together with the suppression of national identities of the numerous

ethnic groups, such as Crimean Tatars, during emergence of a “new Soviet person” (Vanhellemont, 2012;

Hall, 2002; Zubov, 2011).

In addition, increased industrial output and economic development within a small time frame and at the

lowest costs were directly related to environmental pollution, and this negatively affected the lives of several

generations of the working class. For example, the Russian city of Magnitogorsk played a vital role in WWII,

supplying armour and producing steel for half of the Soviet tanks. This production came at the price of

causing acute health problems for the population. In 1992 only 28% of infants and 27% of their mothers in

Magnitogorsk were considered healthy (The Blacksmith Institute, 2006). Although the Magnitogorsk iron

and steel mill project became operational in the 1930s, there was no adequate housing for the 100,000

workers until the 1960s, as building materials meant for accommodation were often used for the mill (Preuss,

2010). However, back in Soviet times, the governmental focus was clearly on industrial production growth,

market domination and military superiority over other countries rather than provision of housing.

Under the Soviet regime, there were many cases of environmental mismanagement, and an inability to

maintain a sustainable balance between nature and society was consistently demonstrated. For example, the

inflow water of the Aral Sea in Central Asia, which used to be the fourth biggest freshwater lake with a

volume of 1,100 cubic kilometres, was overused for irrigation purposes in the huge cotton and rice fields in

Uzbekistan (Environment News Service, 2008). Annual river inflow in the Aral Sea fell from 63 cubic

kilometres in the 1950s to just 4 cubic kilometres in the 1990s (Mission Geography, 2002). Followed by

water mismanagement and negligent agricultural practices, this resulted in soil erosion, dust storms and Aral

Sea shrinkage to just 282 cubic kilometres in 1990 (i.e. 75% volume loss since 1960), causing severe damage

to the local fishing economy, increased soil salinity, dust storms, respiratory diseases and changes in regional

climate and leaving thousands of people in the region without decent water, food or fertile land (Spoor, 2002;

Kumar, 2002). Nevertheless, the fSU was proud of its victory in becoming the world‟s major exporter of

cotton (“white gold”), producing higher volumes than China and the USA.

Another example of poor natural resource management under the communist regime was a disaster that

took place at the Russian Lake Baikal, the deepest and biggest freshwater lake in the world, a unique and

isolated self-contained aquatic system. A paper mill built there in 1957 emitted chlorinated waste chemicals

(involved in pulp bleaching) that take centuries to biodegrade (Allen, 1996). For several decades, millions of

gallons of effluent and untreated sewage were offloaded into the lake, killing almost half the animal life,

causing soil erosion and dust storms (Di Lorenzo, 1992). This was primarily a result of negligent attitude to

the abundant fresh water supplies of the lake coupled with a disregard of rational water use practices, poor

design decisions and inadequate facilities for water recycling and treatment (Kaminski, 1978).

Overall, there were numerous cases of environmental pollution having negative social consequences

across the socialist territories. The CEE countries suffered from water pollution (East Germany),

deforestation (Czechoslovakia, Poland) and air pollution (Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Poland). In the

Polish area of Upper Silesia, which is one of the most densely populated regions of Europe (600 people/km2),

heavy industry operations led to severe pollution, waste accumulation and land degradation (Curtis, 1992).

The level of lead in children‟s blood was five times higher than that in Western Europe (Hill, 1992) and in

East Germany 60% of the local adult population suffered from respiratory disease (Nichols, 1999). Despite

these facts, environmental awareness in those countries went underdeveloped. The major reasons behind this



were political suppression, absence of natural resources ownership, lack of fundamental rights (freedom of

speech) and a strong social hierarchy.

Another example of a rapid and acute rise in pollution levels associated with economic growth can be

seen in China. The country has shown an increase of almost 10% in its annual GDP for 20 years (1978-

2000), but it also became the world‟s heaviest polluter and producer of greenhouse gases (Luken and Hesp,

2004). Seventy percent of its energy and electricity came from coal (Hays, 2008). According to the World

Health Organisation (2011) the risk of lung cancer, especially among women, was higher due to exposure to

smoke from coal fires during food preparation. According to the World Bank study (2007), the majority of

the Chinese rivers, especially in the densely populated north-east areas, were severely polluted and had water

unsuitable for human consumption or use in harvesting. Yet, approximately 115 million people in rural areas

use surface water for drinking purposes. In addition, the impact of pollution in China has had other non-

health related effects, which include reductions in fishery stocks and crops, desertification, soil erosion and

loss of forests due to mining, which also caused growth of the desert area in Mongolia (Green Peace, 2012).

The Chinese economy has paid a high price for its economic success, in terms of environmental pollution and

public health problems, and the consumption of resources in China were not in line with the “resource-

equity-principle” that “each generation may consume natural resources, pollute and reproduce at given rates

only if it could reasonably expect that each successive generation to do likewise” (Luper-Foy, 1995, p. 98).

For environmental protection, social security and economic growth to be successful it is important to

manage social justice. Some researchers believe that “sustainability can mean nothing unless development is

socially just” (Middleton and O‟Keefe, 2001, p.100), and that social justice lies at the core of both SD and

socialism (Yue, 2006). Social justice during soviet times meant that everyone in society had the opportunity

for education, access to health services and employment opportunity, and would be equally rewarded

according to his/her labour. Conceptually, all resources – natural, agricultural, industrial and cultural would

be equally shared between all the members of society with equal access to them. So, in theory socialism

looked more likely to achieve SD than capitalism. However, although these principles were highly promoted

in soviet propaganda, in fact the wealth of the nation was under the control of a single party and the people

associated with it. For example, certain category of civil servants of the higher ranks in the Communist party

(nomenklatura), KGB (Committee for State Security) officers, members of the fSU writer's union and

science union had access to spacious, high-quality accommodation built by special building companies in

attractive locations, while 20% of the fSU population in the 1980s still lived in overcrowded communal

accommodation (Kryshtanovskaya and White, 1996; Gentile, 2004; Plekhotko, 2012). The majority of the

population lived in poverty, with limited access to better housing, nutrition and health care; suppressed by

ideological values, anticipating a bright future with better standards of living from one generation to the next.

Obstacles to sustainability

The argument could be made that the negligent use of natural resources in the transitional countries was

caused by the fact that resources were state owned. Some scholars have expressed the view that free access

and unregulated (or common) ownership of natural resources, leads to the “tragedy of commons”, when these

resources are treated as free and thus are inevitably overexploited (Hardin, 1968). Other scholars, however,

disagree with this point, arguing that open access to a common property was mistaken with absence of

property and the main cause of the deterioration in natural resources has been unlimited profit maximisation,

rather than common ownership of natural resources (Ormazabal, 2003). Hardin assumed that individuals act

as self-interested players, looking to maximise short-term gains and did not account for the fact that common

property management regimes can often be more sustainable and more democratic in terms of decision-

making processes and resource distribution (Bhushal, 2009; McKean, 1992). However, to ensure sustainable

governance of common resources there are certain conditions that need to be met, such as clearly defining

boundaries of a common resource and implementing supportive legal frameworks to guarantee a transfer of

control and power over natural resource management to local levels (Agrawal, 2001; Shackleton et al.,

2002).

The fSU, China and CEE countries experienced heavy pressure from the ruling economy, and inherited

unsustainable environmental practices of natural resources management (Borysova, 2007). However, some

academics believe these countries promoted ideas of species conservation and habitat protection in order to

prove the supremacy of Eastern communist regimes over Western capitalist systems (Beckmann, 2000).

Nevertheless, the use of natural resources was ideologically fed by the idea of economic plan fulfilment, and



the resources were widely used for large-scale projects in heavy industry and arms manufacturing (Costi,

2003).

Lack of environmental advocacy and decision-making were all outcomes of social discrimination and the

limitations of political freedom. In socialist countries there has been a big gap between regulatory

frameworks, environmental policies and production practices. The state, society, and the economic market

have lacked interaction and public participation has been weak. Although the economy in the fSU grew from

the 1920s, it slowed down and began to decline in the 1970s due to the “Cold War” between the USA and the

fSU and the diversion of resources from civilian to military research and development (Allen, 2001). At the

same time, rural unemployment was almost eliminated and most of the easily accessible natural resources

were already exploited. As a result, from the 1970s onwards, low-paid low-status jobs were widely available

in the fSU, while promotion and career development were heavily dependent on membership of the

Communist party (Library of Congress, 1989). Labour efficiency, work remuneration and motivation were

very low, with huge gaps between salaries of workers and nomenklatura. Social institutions (such as family,

education and government) have been quite conventional and liable to political influence. Natural resource

protection and management duties have been dispersed among government agencies. The few environmental

experts operating within planning departments have focused primarily on capital investment in large projects

rather than on conservation and preservation (Kolbasov, 1988). Those investments aimed at expanding

industry, transport and agriculture, which essentially aimed to improve the quality of machinery and the

quantity of the labour force for further production growth (Khachaturov, 1958).

Although maximisation of profit and production was the major cause of pollution in former socialist

states, there were some exceptions to the “growth-equals-pollution” tendency. For example, in Cuba neither

the low population growth in the 1960s-80s, nor the decline in living standards have improved the poor

environmental situation (Perez-Lopez and Diaz-Briquets, 2000). Cuba has enjoyed high literacy rates, free

public transport, education and medical services; however, there has been a lack of environmental awareness

and regulatory frameworks, both general and industry-specific (Diaz-Briquets and Perez-Lopez, 1997). Even

with the adoption of new environmental legislation in 1981, adequate measurement and evaluation

procedures for natural resources were missing. Overall, the law was very vague and ineffective with regard to

both foreign and internal polluters (Barba and Avella, 1995) and environmental awareness among the local

population very low. All these factors together (the lack of a legislative framework and low recognition of

the importance of the environment) are typical obstacles for countries with a centralized economic system.

Path towards sustainability since transition

Although central economic planning in socialist countries turned out to be environmentally detrimental, it

was still the first great attempt to organise the social system efficiently for the benefit of the entire country

(Lindblom, 1999). However, the conflict between economic growth and the protection of nature held back

the important players in the environmental movement – businesses, scientists, governments, economists and

communities, as environment was given no value during economic focus (Holmberg et al., 1991).

Government officials openly influenced people‟s perception of the environment, especially during the

transitional period when earlier morals and beliefs lost their value, and a social and cultural vacuum

appeared. For example, most Czech people shared the view and attitude to the environment expressed by the

Czech Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus as being the "icing on the cake", and only about 1 in 15 people in the

country believed that environmental protection should be on the government agenda (Beckman, 1999).

Social, economic and political changes

The environmental failures (e.g. Aral Sea) and social limitations (such as lack of freedom of religion and

political expression) played an important role in the urgently needed transformation of the centrally

controlled system. Former socialist countries have faced different types of transitional changes, not only the

transformation from a planned to a market economy, but also from totalitarian to democratic societies

(Petrovic, 2005). The period of political openness and freedom of speech (glasnost’), economic liberalisation,

social democracy and restructuring of the whole Soviet system (perestroika) started when Mikhail

Gorbachev came to power in the fSU in 1985. The desire for freedom to express political views led to



numerous peaceful revolutions across the CEE in 1989, such as the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.

However, a number of violent conflicts erupted in the rebellious Baltic states and nationalism in the Caucasus

and the Ukraine became noticeable (CEE portal, 2010). Following numerous revolutionary riots and many

other forms of contestation, the autocratic regimes in many European socialist countries have collapsed.

At the same time, the breakdown of the ruling economy resulted in the loss of economic connections that

had been forged between the fSU republics. This led to a drastic reduction in the basic food supply, and the

introduction of ration cards for food. Other services were affected too, for example, the free health system

struggled to maintain its service owing to the lack of medical supplies (Muryzhnikova, 2009). Many factories

went bankrupt with the biggest cuts observed in military expenditure (Graham, 1999). Yet, high oil and gas

prices, which were major export items, supported the Russian economy during the hardships of transition and

helped to fight with unemployment and poverty in the late-1990s (Ziegler, 2008).

However, Sachs and Warner (1997) showed a weak link between economic growth and ample natural

resources, demonstrating that economies lacking natural resources tend to grow faster than those with

abundant resources. The rapid expansion of natural resources would significantly increase the price of

commodities, and bring short-term growth in gross national product (GNP) but still have a lower level of

long-term GNP growth. In addition, resource-abundant nations might acquire a false sense of security and

neglect human, physical, social and foreign capital. As Adam Smith (1776, p. 562) put it almost 240 years

ago “... projects of mining, instead of replacing the capital employed in them, together with the ordinary

profits of stock, commonly absorb both capital and profit…” Other researchers have demonstrated that

resource-rich countries were likely to have higher corruption, and less education, trade and domestic

investment than the resource-deficient countries (Gylfason, 2001). Profusion of natural resources can also

lead to “Dutch disease”, a phenomenon which occurs when natural resources exploitation causes a decline in

other sectors, e.g. manufacturing or agriculture (Ebrahim-Zadeh, 2003). The term originates from the fall in

the manufacturing industry and crisis in the Netherlands in the 1960s after the discovery of large natural gas

deposits in 1959 in the North Sea (Investopedia, 2013). However, both Norway and Finland provide strong

contrary examples. These Nordic countries have not been affected by this dynamic, and while benefiting

from their huge natural resources, balance their economies with a “long-run-oriented, tax-based, and

reasonably market-friendly approach” (Gylfason, 1999: p. 28).

In general, growth methodology, ideology and accountancy can significantly influence a country‟s

development. For example, industrial output under a communist regime was in most cases exaggerated in

order to reach the planned targets (such as 350% increase in heavy industries output for the first 5-year plan

in the 1930s); whereas in the new market conditions the opposite was the case and output was widely

minimised in order to avoid taxes with wider application of barter trade in the late-1990s (Thinkquest, 2005;

Kuvalin, 2009). In the fSU both scientists and decision-makers followed an idea of a “self-purifying”

biosphere, where it was thought that the system could withstand a certain level of pollution so long as it was

below the maximum concentration levels, which were usually exceeded in practice (Rekacewicz et al.,

2000).

There have been many cultural changes in the former socialist societies that have impacted the

development of the fSU and other countries in transition. Ethnic identity became an important issue for many

states aiming for independence from “big brother”. It became clear that these national minorities were

underprivileged and suppressed under the Soviet regime and they now required some form of reparation

(Kremenyuk, 2006). National movements were active in all the parts of the former socialist bloc – Georgia,

Moldova, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and the Baltic states. There have been numerous separatist uprisings

among the Chechens in the Caucasus and the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. Czechoslovakia split into the

Czech and Slovak republics, and Yugoslavia split into six countries. These incidents were a result of the

previous long-term over-exploitation and dominance of the central Soviet system over smaller nations, and

the nations' attempt to preserve their national cultures, beliefs, languages and traditions.

Interest in spiritual issues in the 1990s also increased, and people were granted freedom to practice

religion, accepting spirituality as a fundamental right in sustainable human life (Perepelkin and Stelmakh,

2010). Churches and mosques, previously demolished, were rebuilt, with Christian Orthodox and Islam as

the two central religions in the former atheist USSR. Private ownership became legal and many bankrupt

machinery plants, industrial mills, land allotments, sports and recreational centers were bought by the newly

affluent class of private businessmen. It was a time of opening borders and of mass migration of ethnic

minorities (Germans, Greek, Ukrainians and others) to their historical homelands in the western world

(Vishnevskiy, 2000). The true picture of western development came as a massive culture shock. After



decades of soviet deficit, protectionism and dogma, it was not unusual that materialism should prevail over

spiritual values, and consumerism flourished widely in the former socialist states. Social hierarchies changed,

but power still remained with the new wealthy politicians and businessmen (often connected to the criminal

world) who built their wealth during the obscure time of economic uncertainty and shifting power bases.

Environmental management

Environmental policy performance of a country can be measured through the environmental performance

index (EPI, previously known as environmental sustainability index). EPI uses different categories (such as

“productivity of natural resources”) for calculating the environmental performance of a country. EPI has

demonstrated that some of the CEE countries have higher environmental performance levels than developed

countries. For example, Slovakia's EPI of 74.5, Czech Republic's EPI of 71.6, Hungary's of 69.1 and

Romania's 67.0 have demonstrated a better EPI than the USA (63.5) or Canada (66.4). Those CEE countries‟

EPI levels indicate their relative success in setting up environmental policies, which are beneficial both for

ecosystem vitality, public health and local communities (Yale University, 2010).

Although pollution in CEE countries decreased due to economic decline, depletion of environmental

resources and destruction of ecosystems occurred because of weak management and lack of control. For

example, in the 1990s, the fisheries committee in Russia reported severe eutrophication and extensive fish

death in the Volga, Ural and Kama rivers (Curtis, 1996). In the Black Sea, fish catch considerably declined in

the early 1990s, due to deoxygenation caused by hydrogen sulfide, oil and mercury from the inflowing rivers.

This situation promoted cooperation between neighbouring coastal countries (Bulgaria, Georgia, Romania,

Russia, Turkey and Ukraine), and in 1992 they signed a Convention to protect the Black Sea from pollution

(Doussis, 2006). However, due to shortage of funds, conflict of interests and poor collaboration between the

sea-bordering states, cooperation over environmental issues was hindered. Another legal framework, the

Black Sea Contingency Plan, was developed and signed in 2003 when the risk of oil spills from intensive oil

transportation increased (Kideys, 2008; Tarasova, 2006). This was especially important and challenging, as

two of the coastal states (Bulgaria and Romania) became European Union (EU) members in 2007. Although

EU authority in the region remained restricted, it promoted sustainable water management among the Black

sea countries for long-term management of the sea (EurAktiv, 2010).

Meanwhile, the link between environmental degradation and economic growth became apparent through

empirical studies. For the post-transitional period, the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) for the six CEE

countries (Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, and Romania) agreed with the theory that

environmental pollution rises with income growth (Archibald and Bochniarz, 2008). The same situation was

observed in a study of economic growth and water pollution of 25 CEE and fSU countries, which also

presented an inverted U-line of EKC between biological oxygen demand and income per capita (Archibald et

al., 2009). At the same time, consumption in the socialist economy countries fell and income distribution

became more unequal, with the lowest earnings in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland (Flemming and

Micklewright, 2000). Thus, upon becoming independent countries, the CEE states and the fSU have neither

experienced higher incomes nor improved their environmental conditions.

Drivers of sustainability

An early attempt to address environmental sustainability issues in CEE was made under the communist

regime in a 1983 inventory report “An Analysis of the ecological situation in the Czechoslovak socialist

republic” (Mezricky, 2008). The report, however, failed to suggest measures which might prevent further

pollution. It neither analysed the extent of the degradation of natural resources nor stipulated any measures

for pollution prevention. Furthermore, no future inventories were required. Although the government

immediately concealed the report, it was widely accepted and published abroad, raising people‟s awareness

of the lack of environmental sustainability in CEE states.

Meanwhile, certain cities in transitional countries set up examples of sustainable communities in isolated

areas. From 1980 to 2002 the Chinese town of Shenzhen rapidly increased its GDP, population and green

land areas, thus making it a potential model for pursuing SD in evolving socialist economies (Ng, 2002).

With the help of foreign investments, five-year implementation plans, environmental monitoring and impact



assessment, the development of Shenzhen made it possible to avoid the negative outcomes of rapid

construction and urbanisation, such as noise, waste generation, air and water pollution (Mitchell, 2002).

Concepts of SD and environmental democracy were slowly introduced into governmental agendas in the

transitional countries. In the fSU, environmental rights were first introduced in the constitution in the 1970s.

However, in reality, they were not enforced in statutory laws until the 1990s, prompted by the Chernobyl

nuclear disaster in the Ukraine. In 1996 the first Russian president Boris Yeltsin issued a decree “Concept for

the transition of the Russian federation to sustainable development” referring to SD as “national and

individual wealth… in harmony with the environment” (Presidential Decree, 1996, p.7; Henry, 2009). In the

CEE sustainability issues also received governmental attention, e.g. the Hungarian government adopted the

National Strategy for Sustainable Development in 2007, and established the National Council for SD in 2008

(ESDN, 2012).

Environmental rights also started to be protected in the transitional countries, such as the 1998 Aarhus

convention on access to information and public participation in environmental decision-making. It was the

first international agreement designed to help protect "the right of every person of present and future

generations to live in an environment adequate to his or her health and well-being" (UNECE, 2009: article 1).

The convention was signed by the European community and 39 European states and has been in force since

2001 (Kremlis, 2005). In the fSU, 13 out of 15 states (namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus‟, Estonia,

Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Ukraine)

ratified this treaty between 1999 and 2002 (UNECE, 2013). Russia expressed its intention to ratify the

Aarhus Convention in 2011 and had already prepared draft modifications in national legislation. However,

the convention has not yet been ratified there (UNECE, 2011; Popravko, 2013). The convention, however,

“shall establish, on a consensus basis, optional arrangements of a non-confrontational, non-judicial and

consultative nature for reviewing compliance" (UNECE, 2009: article 15). Thus, the convention is lacking

the mechanisms for its enforcement and compliance, although it does play a key role in setting up

environmental rights.

Conclusion

As can be seen from the analysis above, development of the countries in transition is closely related to the

legacy of the focus on economic growth, arms race, environmental deterioration and social inequality left by

the centrally planned system. To fill the gap between regulatory frameworks, environmental policies and

production practices in the countries in transition it is important to implement political, economic,

environmental and institutional reforms simultaneously as they are mutually interdependent and reinforce

each other. Overall, environmental reforms fall behind if political and economic reforms are slow (OECD,

1999). Development of environmental institutions and procedures are fundamental, as economic and political

reforms by themselves are not sufficient. Public participation in decision-making, regulatory support and

integration of social, economic and environmental concerns play crucial role en route to the sustainable

development in the transitional countries.

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