Style and Sociological Background of Croatian Renaissance Music Author(s): Koraljka Kos Source:...

Style and Sociological Background of Croatian Renaissance MusicAuthor(s): Koraljka KosSource: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 25, No. 1/2 (Jun.- Dec., 1994), pp. 203-231Published by: Croatian Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/836944 .Accessed: 28/06/2011 10:16

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K. KOS, STYLE AND SOCIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND, IRAMDA 25/1,2 (1994) 203-231 203

STYLE AND SOCIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND OF CROATIAN RENAISSANCE MUSIC

KORALJKA KOS

University of Zagreb, Academy of Music, Department of Musicology, Gundulideva 6, 41000 ZAGREB, Croatia

UDC: 78.034(862):78.067

Original Scientific Paper Izvorni znanstveni mlanak First published in: / Prvi put objavljeno u: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 13, No. 1, 1982

Abstract - Rdsumd

The characteristic layers of Croatian 16th-century music were formed by the mediaeval tradition of religious music in Latin, folk songs, Glagolitic chant, musical fragments in mystery plays and Renaissance forms of drama, popular urban songs with lute accompaniment, and professional musical forms of vocal polyphony and instrumental music. In tracing these speci- ficities several aspects are discovered and discussed: the continuity of the existence of this

music, the popular basis of musical culture, the corrections in the periodization (together with certain territorial ones) of early Croatian music, and the fullness of a relevant musical practice permeating every area of contemporary life. In this results of all relevant research are included, bringing an interdisciplinary synthesis origi- nating from different areas: music itself, literature, theatre, visual arts, philosophy, and archi- val documentation.

The Historical Background

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the territory of Croatia was directly menaced by Turkish and Venetian power. In the South, cultural centres were to be found in the Adriatic coastal towns, which were greatly influenced by Hu- manism and the Renaissance. In the North, numerous Croatian artists and musicians contributed to the Renaissance movement at the courts of Corvin and Szapolyai in Buda. This fact alone indicates that in the territory of Northern Croatia conditions were not propitious for artists and musicians. Feudal lords spent their energies battling with invaders and in internal struggles. The middle class was only just beginning to develop and create its economic potenital and thus the church provided practically the only opportunity for organized musical activity. At the same time, however, both in the north and south of Croatia, mu-

204 K. KOS, STYLE AND SOCIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND, IRAMDA 25/1,2 (1994) 203-231

sical life felt the impact of a strong folk tradition, which even penetrated into urban centres. Viewed as a whole the social structure of the country showed fewer differences than in the more developed European countries. This was reflected both in the state of music generally and in the specific needs for certain musical genres and forms.

The vicinity of Italy, Venice in particular, played an important role in shaping the musical life in the coastal regions of Croatia: Dalmatia and the Croatian Lit- toral were marked by close commercial and cultural ties with Italy. The works of some Croatian musicians of the time are, consequently, marked by Mediter- ranean Renaissance trends as defined by contemporary theorists. Especially strong were the ties with Venice, which dominated all the towns with the exception of Dubrovnik. Many musicians from the eastern Adriatic coast were educated in Venice or were active there for varying periods of time. In Venice stands the tombstone of Mihajlo Bogoti4; Willaert's pupil Barges published Patricio's madrigals there; in Venice, probably in C. van Rore's circle, the compositions of Schiavetto were conceived; Venice, too, saw the rise of Andrea Antico, the composer and publisher from Motovun in Istria. Sacrae Cantiones, a collection of Lukacic's motets, was also published in Venice on the threshold of the Baroque, in 1620. The ties of Croatia with Italy are also apparent from the dedications to particular persons in Dalmatia and the Croatian Littoral occasionally found in music printed on the other side of the Adriatic. The presence of numerous Italian musicians in the Adriatic coastal region at the time should also be noted.

The relatively rapid acceptance of new stylistic trends and movements was the natural consequence of these close ties between the two countries. It is not an accident that the first translation of an Italian opera libretto into a foreign language was the work of the Ragusan Pasko Primovi4.1 The frottola, that popular and typically Italian form, was also used by Croatian composers. Almost immediately after their victorious upsurge in Italian music, early Baroque mo- nodic trends are also to be found in the work of Ivan Lukaci4 from ?ibenik.

Survey of Research

Owing to the fact that the investigation of early Croatian music is a development of recent decades, the picture we have of it is still incomplete. In what follows we shall therefore try to summarize the results achieved up to now in investigating the Croatian musical heritage of the sixteenth century with special regard to the perspectives revealed by some recent work in this field.

The names of individual Croatian composers or foreigners working in Croa- tia first appeared in works by historians and literary historians2 or in musicologi-

1 Bojan BUJI(, An Early Croat Translation of Rinuccini's )>Euridice<<, Muzikologki zbornik,

Ljubljana 1976, XII, pp. 16-31. 2 Serafin CRIJEVI(, Bibliotheca Ragusina...; Ivan KUKULJEVI(, Slovnik...; gime LJUBIR, Dizio-

nario... (Note: the titles of works which are listed in the Bibliography are referred to in abbreviated form in these notes).


cal papers published abroad and dealing with Croatian musicians who had been active in other countries. In the latter these personalities were discussed as the representatives of foreign cultures and their nationality was often not mentioned at all. Franjo Kuha?, the first Croatian musicologist (and ethnomusicologist) was primarily interested in more recent Croatian music and in the ideology of the national musical language. The discovery and promotion of works by old Croa- tian composers - Renaissance and Baroque in particular - was primarily the work of another scholar, Dragan Plamenac.3 At a concert in the Zagreb Hrvatski glazbeni zavod (Croatian Music Institute) held on December 19, 1935 he presented works by A. Patricio, G. Schiavetto, I. Luka'id, T. Cecchini and V. Jelid. At the musicological congress which was held in New York in 1939 he read a paper on Croatian music of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, drawing the attention of scholars to the musical culture of this part of Europe. In this paper and in its shorter version published in Gustave Reese's Music in the Renaissance, Plamenac notes that a sharp division exists in the musical culture of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Dalmatia between traditional folk music and art music which, as he points out, was strongly influenced by Italian music. In his opinion the Slavic character of the country was still unable to express itself in its own artistic musical idiom. Lacking direct music sources Plamenac explains the lute songs to texts by Ragusan Renaissance poets, as analogous with the Italian popular forms rispetti and strambotti. The results of Plamenac's research, and these are also relevant for the early Baroque composer Ivan Lukacid, were summarized by Bo'idar ?irola in his book Hrvatska umjetnikca glazba (Croatian Art Music, 1942). They are also accepted by Josip Andreis in his synthetic presentation of Croatian music which, where earlier periods are concerned, tends to deal primarily with Dalmatian music culture.4 The writings of Albe Vidakovid dealt mainly with Baroque composers (V. Jelid), and the mediaeval music tradition. Interest in the early music of Northern Croatia was much less extensive than interest in Dalmatian musical culture. Only in the works of Franjo Fancev and Dragutin Kniewald, along with some smaller studies (Barlk and others), elements may be found which help us to compose the mosaic of a musical life which has remained almost unknown to the present day.

A follower of Plamenac's efforts to revitalize early Croatian music, Lovro Zupanovid, published several critical editions of Croatian Renaissance composers and wrote substantial introductory texts for them, containing both a thorough bio-bibliographical documentations and analyses of particular works.5

3 His studies on the Croatian composers in the period of the Renaissance are listed in the Bib- liography.

Josip ANDREIS, Music in Croatia...

5 Lovro ZUPANOVIR, Hrvatski skladatelji XVI stoljfea... (Croatian Composers of the Sixteenth Century); Iz renesanse u barok... (From Renaissance to Baroque...); Scdamnnaestfrottola... (Seventeen Frot- tole...).


We have witnessed in recent years a growing interest in Croatian 16th-century music, resulting in an increasing differentiation of the problems investigated. Although only a small number of music sources of that period have survived, its picture is gradually being filled in by discoveries and analyses of a series of other spheres of musical life. Thus some studies deal with the instruments used, the activities of players and organ builders, the iconographic sources of the time,6 the sociological background, the performing practice and elements of the aesthetics of music found in the works of 16th-century Croatian philosophers.7 On the other hand, comparative stylistic analyses of texts set to music both by Croatian and foreign madrigalists show that the professional level of Croatian Renaissance polyphony was comparable to similar achievements in European music in that time.8

One of the most delicate problems in evaluating early Croatian music is the question of foreign influence. Misunderstandings arise most often when the acceptance of general and typical stylistic and technical elements of composition is interpreted as the borrowing of individual achievements.9 Our older musical historiography follows our literary historians in pointing out the dependence of the Croatian musical Renaissance on foreign sources. Such judgements also pre- dominate in international musicological writings whenever they are concerned with this country and its composers. Recent investigation has shown, however, that Croatian musical culture in general, and that of the sixteenth century in particular, exhibits its own specific traits. It is characteristic that such observations have been made by foreign as well as Croatian scholars.10 It should not be forgotten, on the other hand, that there are entire areas of source material showing that various foreign models were taken over and refashioned according to specific needs. Thus future stylistic investigation will have to determine the degree of influence exerted by central European sources on Croatian religious songbooks.

Musicological investigation conducted up to now has primarily been con- centrated on early Dalmatian music and restricted to the >>represantative<< forms of musical production. However, the overall picture of Croatian musical culture is enriched when we take into account a series of popular musical sources, primarily religious and secular songbooks, which deserve full attention. Conducted along several unrelated lines, traditional research created unnecessary division within specific fields of an organically unified culture. Musicologists took insuf- ficient notice of the results of research obtained by literary historians, who conducted individual investigations of the kajkavian, &akavian-ikavian or Glagolitic heritage. All these investigations, those in the field of ethnomusicology in particular, reveal aspects of a rich tradition which also contains musical elements.

6 Koraljka KOS, Musikinstrumente...; part of the sources analyzed date from the sixteenth century. 7 Works by Ivo SUPICI(, Zlatko POSAVAC and Stanislav TUKSAR.

8 Koraljka KOS, Appariran...; Madrigali A. Patricija i J. Skjavetida (Madrigals by A. Patricij and J. Skjavetie).

9 Zoran KRAVAR, Studije o hrvatskomn knjievnom baroku (Studies in Croatian Baroque Litera- ture), Nakladni zavod Matice Hrvatske, Zagreb 1975, pp. 282-283.

10 Francesco Savero PERILLO, Le Sacre Rappresentazioni Croate...


This is why awareness of the entire body of our pre-Baroque musical culture will be obtained only when the results of investigation in a series of related fields are collected and integrated.

Traditional research methods necessarily created a fragmentary picture even within the framework of historical musicology proper. But the reality was different. The world of the Glagolitic tradition, early kajkavian literature and ?akavian-ikavian idiom were closely intertwined: the fanfares of town musicians and the singing of the people in church; unbridled Renaissance lute songs, and the cultivated polyphonic music sung by connoisseurs; the efforts of Protestant reformers to create a body of songbooks, and similar efforts on the part of the Catholic Counter-Reformation; dance music and ricercari for organ; the Glagoli- tic tradition and the Latin plain-chant - all represented integral parts of a rich, many-layered and exuberant musical life. Particular elements were bound to influence each other and can only be understood if viewed within the broad context of their historical existence.

Sources*

The relatively small number of surviving 16th-century compositions was the result of the destruction caused by wars and the late development of the music printing in Croatia. The printing presses which were active, albeit inter- mittently, in Croatia and Slovenia at the time did not, as far as we know, print music. This is the reason why the entire body of surviving printed Croatian music from the sixteenth century was published abroad (Venice, Rome, Fossom- brone etc.). Two important songbooks with texts, but without musical settings, were published in GradiSe (Burgenland, Austria) at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Part of the material survives in manuscript.

In the survey which follows, forms of musical practice have been included for which only indirect evidence exists, yet this is evidence which allows us to offer a general definition of their characteristics. Lost works or those surviving only in a partial form have also been included with the hope that the wholes might be reconstructed at some time in the future. Some vocal polyphonic compositions have survived in international collections containing works by various composers. In these editions four madrigals by Andrea Patricio have survived and two by Giulio Schiavetto, as well as two greghesche by the latter. The pieces by the two Croatian composers appeared in these collections along with works by renowned 16th-century composers.

Croatian compositions of the time, surviving in manuscript or published form, along with those the existence of which is inferred from indirect sources, represent nearly all the typical 16th-century musical forms. We have first divided them into large groups according to compositional texture and then subdivided them within these large groups according to their form and purpose.

* Our knowledge about the sources has been enriched in recent years (Ed. remark, 1994).


Vocal monophony, secular and sacred, and the primitive forms of polyphony associated with it, represent the oldest group of compositions most strongly influenced by tradition. Within this group we distinguish - in regard to function and origin - three basic layers of musical sources: liturgical music in the narrow sense, both Latin and Glagolitic; paraliturgical music comprising a series of religious forms, yet outside the liturgical function; and the third and richest layer, the autochthonous folk tradition in music. What follows is an attempt to summarize the available information about the sources and their specific qualities within each of these three layers with regard to the period under consideration.

Liturgical Music. Troughout the sixteenth century the tradition of church music with Latin text (within the so-called western ritual) was continued both on the coast and in the interior of Croatia. The original body of Gregorian melodies along with new additions dating from the late Middle Ages was notated in a series of liturgical codices kept mainly in Zagreb (the Metropolitan Library in the National and University Library, the Cathedral Treasury, the Archives of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts) and in the libraries of various monas- teries in the Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia. These codices, the oldest of which date back to the eleventh century, contained the body of liturgical music which was certainly used in the period under consideration. This is the reason why in Croatia there are relatively few newly written liturgical codices with music notation, especially those for which it may be said with certainty that they were written in the sixteenth century. Among them mention may be made of the monu- mental Liber Antiphonarius Ecclesiae Cathedralis Zagrabiensis (MR 1), the Liber An- tiphonarius (MR 8) or so-called >>Gothic Antiphonary< discovered in the Trski Vrh chapel near Krapina in 1898, and the Graduale (MR 177, property of St. Nicholas' church in Krapina), all of them kept at the National and University Library in Zagreb.

In the 16th-century Croatia still had a very strong tradition of regional ritual variants, including the so-called >>Zagreb-Ritual<, which was only abolished by Bishop Maksimilijan Vrhovac at the end of the eighteenth century. This put an end to many musical-liturgical particularities, in one of the last oases of old traditions in Central Europe.

Parallel with church music in the Latin language the coastal regions of Croa- tia in the sixteenth century still kept their traditional Glagolitic chant, the nature of which may be guessed at only from studies of later sources. In his book on the development of Glagolitic singing in the Zadar region Jerko Bezic produces several interesting historical documents of Glagolitic practice." As a rule Glagoli- tic singing was not notated. The exception is two notated pieces found in the Glagolitic collection of 1556 (Archives of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and arts). These fragments prove that there were Glagolitic priests who knew musical notation. The notated tunes are the musical setting of two Glagolitic texts from the mystery Muka Spasitelja nasega (The Passion of Our Saviour). It has been determined that the text is a copy of some older sources: the melody is partly

11 Jerko BEZI(, Razvoj glagoljalkog pjevanja... (The Development of the Glagolitic Chant...).


reminiscent of Gregorian chant. Among older sources of Glagolitic singing mention should be made of Play blalene Gospoje majke Bofje (The Lament of the Blessed Virgin) which was written down by the Franciscan Simun Klimantovie from Lukoran in his ritual manuals from 1512 and 1514.12

Here we should deal with the problem of the vernacular in church ritual, which will in turn lead us to the second group of monophonic works, the so- called paraliturgical music. Dragutin Kniewald has investigated the use of church singing in the vernacular in Zagreb Cathedral by analyzing the report of the Diocesan Synod held by Bishop Juraj Draskovic in 1570. From one quotation from this report we can infer that Mass in Zagreb Cathedral - celebrated in Latin but according to the so-called Zagreb ritual - contained a sung, partly troped Ordinary which was translated from Latin into Croatian. Along with it Latin hymns and sequences translated into Croatian and Croatian religious songs were sung by the congregation instead of the Latin text of the Proprium. The singing of Croatian paraphrases of the liturgical text of the Ordinary developed gradually into independent church songs, which were sung especially on saints' days. Indirect evidence exists that singing in Croatian existed in Zagreb Cathe- dral and the parishes of the Zagreb diocese as early as the mid-fifteenth century, although no such text or music have been so far discovered. Evidence of this is provided by the strict prohibition against singing in the vernacular during Mass; this prohibition was made at the Tmava (Tymau) Synod in the time of Bishop Nikola Olah. It banned all songs in the vernacular except those which had defi- nitely been permitted a hundred years before or those which were in the course of receiving such permission.13 Kniewald's supposition, based on historical evidence, has become an accepted fact since the discovery of 16-century songbooks containing religious songs in the vernacular. As the books date from sixteenth century, we may suppose that these songs had also existed in earlier periods. Further research will certainly add to our knowledge of that rich repertoire which resulted partly from the actual practice of interpolating the vernacular into church ritual.

In regard to the paraliturgical music which we shall discuss next, special attention will be given to some sources so far neglected. These are songbooks of religious or religious-secular content with or without a musical setting. The presence of secular texts in these collections testifies to the closeness of both spheres - religious and secular - in everyday life.

The following works from the seventeenth century have up to now been considered the oldest extant collections of printed and manuscript religious songs (hymns) in Croatian: Krajarevie's Molitvene knysicze (Prayer Books - preserved only in their second edition, Bratislava 1640); Kraja&evie-Petretic's Szveti Evangeliomi (Sacred Evangelioms) containing the Croatian translation of the Gos-

12 Jerko BEZIC, ibid., pp. 144-147. 13 Dragutin KNIEWALD, Hrvatski jezik... (The Croatian Language...)


pel and various hymns (Graz 1651) and the so-called Pavlinska pjesmarica (Paulite Songbook) in a manuscript dated 1644. To these sources Josip Mantuani added the oldest printed collection of Croatian artistic religious poems with a musical setting: Pisni za naypoglavitiye, naysvetiye i nayveselye dni svega godischia (Songs for the Most Important, Holiest and Merriest Days of the Year) published by Atanazije Jurjevic (Georgiceo) in Vienna in 1635.14

Thanks to Marijan Smolik and Ivan ?kafar, and also to Olga ?ojat, we are able today to present several other sources. These are first of all two songbooks by Grgur MekiniC Pythiraeus, a Croat from Burgenland (Gradisce), published in Sv. Kriz (Kerestur) in Gradisce in 1609 and 1611 under the title Dusevne pesme, psalmi (Spiritual Songs, Psalms). These are therefore the first printed Croatian songbooks; they belong to the Protestant sphere. In view of the importance of these collections, printed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, which obviously embody the musical practice and tradition of even earlier times, we shall briefly recapitulate those results of their scholarly research which are of special importance for the musicologist.15

In the introduction the editor stresses that his collection is the first printed collection of such songs, which allows us to conclude that others had existed earlier in manuscript. This belief is corroborated by the impressive number of old Croatian popular songs found in this collection. Volume I contains 160 poems in all, divided into 36 groups, and Volume II contains 141 poems. Every text is accompanied by the title of the melody to which it is sung and the characteristic remark, ad notam. As a result of their origin and kind, the songs of these collections were obviously influenced by various sources, although a considerable number of them are completely original.

Both songbooks were printed in Imre Farkas's printing shop, which indicates a lively cultural activity in Burgeland at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century. It is interesting to note that the title of the first volume tells us that the songs are diacke (melodies), a term which will remain a constant attribute of the Croatian church songs of Burgenland written in the cakavian-ikavian dialect.16

The material of both of Mekinik's collections is a significant source for the investigation of Croatian hymnody and of early Croatian literature and music in general. They show how far the influence of German Protestant songbooks reached. But at the same time they also show, that new and specific contents

14 Janko BARLt, Crkvene pjesme o. Nikole Krajadeviea, Prilog za povijesni razvoj hrvatskih crkvenih pjesama (Father Nikola Krajadevid's Church Songs, A Contribution to the Study of the Historical Development of Croatian Church Songs), Sv. Cecilija, 1915, IX/1, pp. 2-9, IX/2, pp. 25-29; Josip MANTUANI, Hrvatska crkvena pjesmarica iz god. 1635 (A Croatian Church Songbook from 1635), Sv. Cecilija, 1915, IX/4, pp. 73-79; Janko BARLE, Pavlinska pjesmarica iz godine 1644. (Paulite Songbook from 1644), Sv. Cecilija, 1916, X.

15 Marijan SMOLIK, Grgur Mekinik in njegovi pesmarici (Grgur Mekinik and His Songbooks...);

Ivan 9KAFAR, Gergur Mekinik Pythiraeus... 16 Ivan 9KAFAR, ibid., 284-285.


and melodies had been brought into the fairly standardized literary-musical models of Central Europe. A closer analysis of the musical element of both volumes will contribute to our awareness of the spiritual forces, currents and influences in early Croatian music.

The most recent investigations of early kajkavian literature have yielded another collection, adding to the number of available sources and indicating the concrete relationship between the texts and the melodies sung at that time. This collection is of importance not only for the study of traditional religious and folk songs, but for Slavic studies as well. It is the so-called Prekomurska pjesmarica I (The First Preko- murje Songbook) probably dating back to 1593, and still awaiting linguistic analysis to tell us whether it belongs to the Croatian or Slovene literary tradition.

The songbook has 532 pages, it is divided into five sections and contains religious and secular poems. Some are of a decidedly epic character such as for instance Cantio de Rakoczio and Pjesma o Sigetu (Ballad of Siget), some purely lyrical or religious. The collection contains various manuscripts from various periods, it was used both in church and at home and is a significant proof that the kajkavian Croats had secular and church poetry and singing even before the Reformation. The poem Cantio de matrimonio bears the name of Andrija ?ajtik and the year 1534. Several other poems may also be attributed to this writer and therefore may probably also date from the 1530s. Olga ?ojat conjectures that these poems were perhaps sung to instrumental accompaniment and bases her conjecture, among other reasons, on a kind of permanent motif which in the Ballad of Siget is repeated several times (>My good gentlefolk, hear to the end...<< etc). She also points out that the singer (speaker) of the Ballad of Siget addresses his audience as >gentlefolk<<, which indicates the social background of the performance. On the other hand, in Tu'im vnogo Bogu (I Complain Greatly to God) listeners are called >breth- ren<<, which indicates that the poem was addressed to wider circles of the society (the song is of a didactic character and warns against drinking).17

After seeing the sections of the songbook published up to now we might also venture upon some theses concerning its musical aspects. The terms cantio or cantio alia above certain poems also indicate that these poems were sung and enable us to distinguish two groups among them; one contains purely lyrical short poems without special titles, marked by Cantio. Ad notam; the other one contains more voluminous poems of an epic character bearing characteristic titles which often contain the word cantio (Cantio de matrimonio, Cantio de Rakoczio, etc.), yet without the specific direction ad notam (E. g. the lyrical song beginning with Da diei i hvali ma duga - has the following remark above the first line: Cantio elegans. Ad notam. Discer). On the basis of this double marking one may conclude that we are dealing here with two kinds of music: the longer epic poems were probably mostly interpreted in a declamatory and recitative manner, while the songs bearing the characteristic direction ad notam were probably sung to more developed and widely known melodies. Let us finally point out that singing is

17 Olga 9OJAT, O Prekomuskoj pjesmarici I (1593?) (Concerning the First Prekomurje Songbook,

1593?).


sometimes mentioned in the texts of the poems themselves. The final stanza of the Ballad of Siget begins with these lines: >>Zalosne pesmi vezdaj nam se pojo, a prvle so se nam veselo spjevale<< (>>We always sing mournful songs, while earlier we sang merilly<<).18

We should also mention another fragment, recently singled out by Ivan ?kafar. It is the text of a song about the Resurrection Kristug je gore ustal - Christ arose from the dead (Cantio de Resurrexione) recorded in bosaneica (a Bosnian version of the Cyrilic script) on a loose page of a Latin missal belonging to the parish of Klimpuh in Burgenland (published in Esztergom in 1501). The text of the song was written down by Juraj Vukovid in 1564. It is important to note that within the Zagreb diocese several variants of melodies were discovered along with this text (the music is to be found in the Paulite Songbook, 1644, and the first two editions of Cithara Octochorda, 1701, 1723). Later the same song is found in various 18th-century editions of the Sacred Evangelioms. The Latin text is preserved in the Paulite Songbook but the melody, as far as is known, has no parallel in traditional Latin hymnody. The model for it is probably to be found in the 12th-century sequence of Victimae paschali laudes.19 This fragment establishes another link in the long chain of Croatian musical tradition and indicates spatial and temporal continuity in the life of particular songs.

The works we have discussed provide material evidence of the rich practice of religious and secular vocal monophony in Croatia in the sixteenth century and even earlier.

It is known that, together with Primoi Trubar, some Croatian writers were also active in the Protestant printing press in Urach near Tiibingen. They came mainly from Primorje and Istria (Juraj Juri6id from Vinodol, Juraj Dalmatin, and others).20 The songbooks published by Trubar might also contain some of their work. Trubar's associate, Stjepan Konzul Istranin >>sang and played and also had a fine collection of songbooks. He presented some of them to Duke Christoph of Wiirtenberg in 1564 and received 24 thalers for them. These songbooks are in the Duke's Stuttgart collection.<<21

The surviving songbooks of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century prove that a great number of works in verse existed even before that time. This may also be deduced from the well developed literary language (in spite of its dialectal elements) of the religious and secular songs which were often entered into manuscript collections for several generations.

What can be said about the musical element in these groups of sources? Me- lodies have not been recorded in them, although some are to be found in later

18 Quoted from published fragments of the Songbook in Olga ?OJAT, op. cit. 19 Ivan 9KAFAR, op. cit., pp. 285-288. 20 Andrej RIJAVEC, Glasbeno delo na Slovenskemr u obdobju protestantizmna (Music in Slovenia in

the period of Protestantism), Ljubljana 1967. 21 Franjo BUCAR, Povijest hrvatske protestantske knjiievnosti za reformacije (History of Croatian

Protestant Literature During the Reformation), Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1910, pp. 91,121-122; Consul Stephan, EITNER, Quellen-Lexikon, 3.


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4 ?Wow2wEM L 0 t ft- -ft tEAM =MM m

Petar Hektorovik: Ribanye i ribarscho prigovaranye (Fishing and the Discourse of Fishermen), Venice 1568


editions, making some conclusions about their character possible. As investigation has shown, the sources of these songs are various - ranging from mediaeval hymnody to melodies of folk origin. The special value of these simple monophonic melodies is their connection with the vernacular. Through them are achieved (as far as we know) the first authentic links of the kajkavian and ikavian-rakavian idiom with music; although often restricted within rhythmic and melodic models, these songs are the first attempts to set the Croatian language to music and are analogous to the chronologically parallel forms of vocal-instrumental insertions into theatre performances, which have been almost completely lost, and to the popular urban lute song. We should stress that this was done with the purpose of composing and writing down, or simply writing down what existed at that time as a living tradition. This is why the musical elements in our oldest songbooks must be regarded as an important effort to raise the anonymous folk tradition into the semi-professional sphere. The reasons for doing this, as we have already said, were practical and didactic. These works are therefore not to be regarded as Renaissance >oeuvres< marked by the per- sonality of the composer and written down for posterity. Being no more than links between high >>professional<< art and the anonymous musical culture of the widest segments of society, these sources provide irrefutable proof of a rich musical practice, determined by its historical moment and closely linked with its society.

Folk music. Only a small number of historical sources mention folk music or singing in the vernacular before 1500.22 The first notated folk melodies in Croatia known to us at present date back to the sixteenth century. They are found in Ribanye i ribarscho prigovaranye (Fishing and the Discourse of Fishermen) by Petar Hektorovic (written in 1555, published in Venice in 1568) and are accompanied by the important remark that they are sung in two parts.

A series of historical and literary sources offer us invaluable information about folk music practice, customs, dancing and the instruments used. A part od these sources has attracted the attention of scholars within a wider context of a general cultural and historical nature.23 It is only recently, however, that the musicological and ethnomusicological investigation of these sources has started. In this context we should mention the novel Planine (The Mountains) by Petar Zorani&24 and the works of Marko Marulik, which are richly studded with musical elements.25

We should draw the reader's attention particularly to the famous passage dealing with folklore in De situ Illyriae et civitate Sibenici (1487) by the Croatian

22 Jerko BEZI(, Aussermusikalische Daten...

23 Tomo MATI(,

Hrvatski knjidevnici mletadke Dalmacije... (Croatian Writers from Dalmatia under Venice...)

24 Lovro ZUPANOVI(, Glazbeni elementi u Planinamna... (Musical Elements in The Moun- tains...); Olinko DELORKO, U potrazi za narodnom romansom.. (In Search of the Folk Poem...); Franjo FANCEV, Dosad najstarija poznata hrvatska pu&ka pjesma (The Oldest Known Croatian Folk Song...)

25 Ivan BO?KOVIC, Marko Marulie i glazba (Marko Marulie and Music)


poet and Latinist Juraj ?ilgori&-Sizgoreo.26 In chapter XVII of this work, entitled De moribus quibusdam Sibenci, various kinds of folk songs are mentioned and compared with ancient classical literature. Among others ?iigorik mentions la- ments (which move the heart and bring tears to one's eyes), love songs, songs in dialogue which accompanied the pressing of olives, and wedding songs sung in the ring dance. Franjo Francev has already remarked upon the importance of

?i.goric's observations about folk art which show its influence on Croatian

Renaissance literature; he has also identified one of the folk sources mentioned by Zoranik in Planine - the song A ti divojko ?egljiva (Oh, You Frolicsome Lass) which may tell us something about the character of erotic and lascivious folk poetry such as ?iigoric obviously had in mind when talking about the love songs sung at night by passionate and playful youth. ?iLgorik's text has also been evaluated more recently from the ethnomusicological and aesthetic standpoint.

Croatian Renaissance literature certainly offers us an abundance of information about the customs of the times, many of these being related to singing and playing. It is difficult and, in any case, unnecessary always to differentiate between specifically rural and urban customs, and those equally popular in both settings. In his paper Hrvatski knjizevnici mletafke Dalmacije i fivot njihova doba (The Croatian Writers of Dalmatia under Venice and Life in Their Times) Tomo Mati has, for instance, shown (using facts taken from historical and literary sources) that the kolo had a universal character and was danced by people of all social classes. Special places called igriga existed where the kolo was danced. Matic also refers to the folk custom of singing in front of girls' houses and adorn- ing the doors of their houses, the singing of poeasnice, songs honouring more prominent members of society (and probably confined to more educated circles), the wailing at funerals and other customs with musical connections.

At the end of this section dealing with folk music we should also add that some of this folk tradition has been preserved in songbooks of later periods, included in the sphere of religious music.

Vocal monophony with instrumental accompaniment. This group has been singled out owing to its transitional character: the forms included in it represent popular music primirily connected with town life. They are sometimes amateur and sometimes professional achievements and reflect new aesthetic tendencies to a much greater degree than do the traditional forms of rural music. Among them are various forms of music to be found in theatre performances, the popular urban lute song as well as transcriptions of polyphonic vocal compositions for the popular media: voice accompanied by the lute.

We primarily single out the only musical source known to us so far illus- trating this sphere of the musical life: two books of transcriptions published by

26 Grada za povijest knjifevnosti Hrvatske (Materials for Croatian Literary History), M. REPEL, ed., Zagreb 1899, II, 11; cf. also V. Gortan's translation >O smjestaju Ilirije i o gradu Sibeniku< (Con- cerning the Location of Illyria and the Town of gibenik) in Hrvatski latinisti (Croatian Latinists), I, collection Pet stoljeda hrvatske knjidevnosti (Five Centuries of Croatian Literature), book 2, Zora - Matica hrvatska, Zagreb 1969, p. 146.


IR ENE ouero

DELLA BELLEZZA, DEL SIGNOR

MICHELE O NALDI.

DIALOGO OTTAVO.

S T qu; ioflandofopra me alqvanto, er come o/fd.o A chepenfate ? dif- itsla. lopenfaua, dfr'o, cliio dubi- tai, non haue•ti fatto indarno tutte

Squeflodfcorfo dcllekle delddtar- te del dire, et delparlare, potendo moflrar tuttala belle(za edd par-

lar nelparlar voflro. delquale la medejima arrte, nonpo- trebbe formare on pi; 7ello, la ciui CIellZa indarnefi sfJorereb e l'altrui lingra dinmoflirare. nelquale i pui fcorger tu:tta a bel/le61 dc/lI'arte del dire, ch'e pef

Michele (Miho) Monaldi: Irene, ouero della bellezza, Venice 1599. >>Dialogo ottavo<<, the most comprehensive Croatian Renaissance musico-aesthetical treatise (title page).


Franciscus Bossinensis in Venice and Fossombrone at the beginning of the century, in 1509 and 1511.27 In accordance with the practice of his time, Franciscus Bossinensis transcribed for voice and lute a series of popular frottole by his Italian contemporaries. By assigning the upper melodious part of the four-part vocal texture to the solo voice and arranging the remaining three parts into a predomi- nantly chordal instrumental accompaniment, Bossinensis realized the possibili- ties latent in the structure of the frottola itself, makind it still easier to perform and bringing it closer to the taste of a wide public.

We have only indirect data about music in the 16th-century Croatian theatre. Although some writers are very cautious when defining the role of music in the pre-Baroque Ragusan theatre,28 there is no doubt that Renaissance comedy, as well as pastoral and various similar dramatic forms are inconceivable without a musical element, such as singing and dance numbers to instrumental accompaniment etc. It is obvious that many of these numbers were improvised according to a then widely accepted practice and that attitudes towards this music were such as to consider notation unnecessary.

We also learn indirectly about music in old Croatian mystery plays, from directions which explicitly refer to parts which were sung and often to the accompaniment of a definite instrument. Although Croatian mystery plays belong to the mediaeval theatre tradition and their structure follows the European model, recent investigation has indicated the originality of their expressive means.29

A characteristic form of urban musical life - the popular song with lute accompaniment deserves special attention. A considerable amount of evidence con- firms its presence in everyday musical life. Among them are several diocesan prohibitions with regard to the clergymen's habit of singing secular love songs with the accompaniment of the lute or some other instrument.30 This is proof that the wave of Renaissance joie de vivre had in urban areas spread even among the clergy. In defining the character of the popular urban song one might perhaps go one step further. Starting from the meaning of the word zaeinjati and zaeinjavac

27 Lovro 2UPANOVIC, Hrvatski skladatelji XVI stoljeda (Croatian Composers of the 16th Cen- tury); Benvenuto DISERTORI, Lefrottole per canto e liuto...; Claudio SARTORI, A Little Known Petrucci Publication...

28 Wilfried POTTHOFF, Die Dramen des Junije PalmotiC. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Theaters in Dubrovnik imn 17. Jahrhundert, Franz Stein Verlag, GmbH, Wiesbaden 1973, pp. 10-11 and 34-41.

29 Francesco Saverio PERILLO, Le Sacre Rappresentazioni Croate...

30 These are: the constitutions proclaimed by the Archbishop of Split, Bemardo Zane, in 1511 (FARLATI, Illyrici sacri, III, 430); the regulations issued in 1535 by Andrija the Archbishop of Split (>>...statuimus quod nullus clericus, sacerdos personaque ecclesiastica, cuiusvis gradus et conditionis existat audes noctu post tertiam campanam per civitates incedere neque per suburbia absque lumine et in casu necessitatis, nec cantilenas cum liutis vel aliis instrumentis decantare amatorias...v. cf. FARLATI, ibid., II, 444); the edict publishing the decisions of the Council of Trent issued by Jeronim, Bishop of Sibenik, in 1564, also containing a sharp criticism of those clerics who sing at night (>>Clerici, qui etiam cum lumine de noctu exeuntes cantaverint lascivas et amatorias cantilenas, quas matinatas vocant, seu cantantibus se associaverint, carceri manicipabuntur et aliis poenis maioribus arbitrio nostro punientur.c< cf. FARLATI, ibid., IV, 482).


(a man who starts the song), so frequent in Marulik and other writers of the time, Marin Franitevid concludes that zaeinjavci were the singers of urban secular folk songs."3 In his writings on Croatian Renaissance music Dragan Plamenac has already drawn attention to poular forms of vocal monophony to lute accompaniment, connecting them with some Italian popular musical forms such as the strambotti and rispetti. It seems, however, that the true nature of those songs might be better characterized by analogy with the literature produced by the first generation of our Renaissance poets. In Franirevid's words >>what char- acterizes their idiom and expression actually comes from this popular urban lute song, the nature of which may be guessed from what was common to the entire area in which our Renaissance versification was born.<<32

This music by unknown singers and players, which echoed at night in the streets of Split and other Dalmatian towns, was certainly different from Bossi- nensis's transcriptions, which radiate Renaissance refinement and show clear professional pretensions, although they are still to be numbered among the more popular forms of the musical life of the time. Nor is this music close to the traditional rural music which even today, in Dalmatinska Zagora for instance, retains its rough musical effect. Born in urban centres where the most divergent influences were interwoven, the popular lute song was a specific expression of the typical Renaissance >>discovery of the world and of man< - both in its choice of texts and its musical material. Its lightness may be inferred from the nature of its verses: periodic structure, refrains, melodiousness, symmetry of rhythmic and metrical structures, which were probably often suited to dancing - these are the hypothetical characteristics of this music which has not come down to us in notated forms, but has left convincing evidence of its existence all along the coast. This typically Mediterranean, yet specifically Slavic song covered a continuous and relatively wide area of Croatia.

Vocal Polyphony. Vocal polyphony, the highest achievement of professional Renaissance music, was also present in 16th-century Croatian music, its greatest exponent being Giulio Schiavetto (Julije Skjavetic). Dragan Plamenac and Lovro Zupanovic are principally to be thanked for our present awareness of Skjavetik and other masters of polyphony and the presentation of their work in modem critical editions.33

The few existing sources of Croatian secular and religious vocal polyphony primarily present the typical smaller forms of Renaissance vocal polyphony. We have no proof that any of our composers composed a polyphonic mass - that central form of sacred vocal polyphony of that period. Among the secular forms let us first mention those typical of Italian Renaissance culture: the frottola, a popular, moderately polyphonized form with a stressed melody in the upper

31 Marin FRANICEVIC, Razdoblje renesansne knjilevnosti (The Period of Renaissance Litera- ture), collection Povijest hrvatske

lokjiewvnosti (The History of Croatian Literature), book 3, Liber- Mladost, Zagreb 1974, pp. 11-12.

32 Marin FRANICEVIC, ibid. 33 See Bibliography.


part, represented by Andrea de Antiquis from Motovun, and the lively greghesca (two of which were found in Schiavetto's work). The chief form of secular Ren- aissance polyphony - the madrigal - appears with four madrigals by Andrea Pa- tricio from Cres and only two of the numerous madrigals composed by Giulio Schiavetto: two parts of his collection of thirty four-part and five-part madrigals have been lost, so this great opus remained a torso. Yet, even in this modest group of existing madrigals by Schiavetto and Patricio we find the reflection of the early and mature phases respectively of this typical Renaissance form: its early phase represented by the wide melodic spans and quiet pace of Patricio's vocal music, and its maturity to be found in Schiavetto's stronger drive towards description, refined play of detail, and subjectivity in the interpretation of the poetic text.

In the field of religious polyphonic music, four of the eighteen motets composed by Giulio Schiavetto have survived owing to a fortunate set of circumstances.3 In accordance with the religious polyphony of this time, Schiavetto builds his mystical five- and six-part sound frescoes on the contrapuntal polyphonic tradition of the Franco-Flemish composers of the fifteent century, showing that he is a complete master of the central medium of his time: polyphonic choral music.

Instrumental Music. Let us try, finally, to reconstruct the instrumental scene. A number of sources indicate the presence of instruments and instrumental music in everyday life. There are, for example, archive information about money paid to musicians on festive occasions in Dubrovnik and other Dalmatian towns. The documents show that they participated in the most varied events: on one occasion it would be the launching of a ship, on another a wedding or a reception for some dignitary, sometimes a serenade or public festivity. Various names de- note the common instruments of the epoch: trumpets, flutes, small drums, comets, lutes... The organ is mentioned most often as an insturment of extraordinary status, as organists on regular pay were the most respected musicians. We may suppose that music, which accompanied singing or dancing and which often had a clearly representative function, mainly followed mediaeval practice. At the same time, however, we may infer the development of a gradually more and more independent original instrumental texture and style, a process which is characteristic of the sixteenth century. We may also follow the emancipation of individual instruments from their connection with the life of particular social classes and the growing social status of professional musicians. New, specifically instrumental forms have been developed for keyboard instruments and for the lute. All these typical Renaissance tendencies in instrumental music are also to be found in the few music sources of our instrumental music from the beginning of the sixteenth century: the ricercari which preceded some of Bossinensis's transcriptions for voice and lute of Italian frottole, and the transcriptions for organ

34 Thanks to Plamenac's copies of these motets from the 1564 edition; this edition disappeared,

along with much other valuable material, from the Berlin State Library during World War II. Schiavetto's first book of motets (1564) has recently been rediscovered and is now accessible (Ed. remark, 1994).


of Italian frottole made by Andrea de Antiquis from Motovun. In these latter pieces we may already detect the typically instrumentally coloured organ style.35

At the end of this survey of instrumental forms two sources, dating back to the 17th century, should be mentioned as they obviously reflect earlier musical practice. The first is a sizeable manuscript collection, which unfortunately was subsequently lost, of compositions for organ notated in tablature (1616); the other is the music of Italian popular dances in violin tablature in a codex from the island of Hvar written around 1625.36 The information regarding music found in indirect sources has still not been systematically investigated. It is, however, of exceptional importance for the study of Croatian music, especially in its early stages. Aesthetic views in philosophic treatises may help us, for instance, to intuit the spirit of the epoch which defined all its artistic trends, music included. The investigation by Stanislav Tuksar of a series of works by Croatian Renaissance philosophers - Skalie, Grisogono, Vranid6, Petris (Petrie), Gutetie and Monaldi, has cast light upon attitudes and judgements more or less characteristic of their period. The study of Croatian musical terminology in the literature and diction- aries of the 16th-century will also be fruitful. Investigation of Faust Vranrie's dictionary of 1595 shows that it contains 43 Croatian musical terms37 which were for the most part also used in the literature of the epoch.

Croatian literature of the sixteenth century reveals a differentiated musical terminology and descriptions of a series of musical situations many of which were certainly the result of day to day observation of musical practice. Of particular interest are the musical elements in the works of Marko Marulie and Petar Zoranic. The authors who analyzed and evaluated these elements - Ivan Boskovic and Lovro Zupanovie - lay particular stress on the names of folk instruments and descriptions of performance practice in the works of both writers.38 This is a sign that musical elements, as one of the characteristic motifs of Renaissance literature, were not just mechanically borrowed from foreign models, but evoked on the basis of everyday experience.

Only in Zagreb and Dubrovnik has there been systematic research which has produced much information relating to organs and organists, organ builders, town musicians and their status, prohibitions regarding musical practice, etc.39 Further information may be collected from prefaces and dedications in printed works and art works depicting musical subjects. An insight into the performing

35 Lovro 2UPANOVI(, Hrvatski skladatelji XVI stoljeea... (Croatian Composers of the 16th Cen- tury), p. 11.

36 Franjo DUGAN, Tabulatura za orgulje... (Organ Tablature...); Dragan PLAMENAC, An Un- known Violin Tablature...

37 See Stanislav TUKSAR's studies in the Bibliography. 38 Ivan BOgKOVIC, Marko Maruli i glazba (Marko Marulie and Music); Lovro 2UPANOVIC,

Glazbeni elementi u Planinama... (Musical Elements in The Mountains...). 39 Zoran HUDOVSKY, Razvoj nzuzi~ke kulture u Zagrebu... (The Development of Musical Culture

in Zagreb...); Miho DEMOVIC, Razvoj glazbene kulture u Dubrovniku... (The Devolopment of Musical Culture in Dubrovnik...).


repertoire is however, of special importance for our awareness of the overall musical culture. Although the 16th-century repertoire is relatively limited when compared to that of later periods, investigation of music sources in libraries and archives shows that in the cultural centres of Croatia music of an international rank could be performed. Of particular interest in this respect are the libraries of the monsteries of Saint Francis in Split and of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik.40

Musicians and the Sociological Background to Musical Activity

Even a partial insight into sources allows us to outline some sociological coordinates of musical life. Salmen's picture of the multi-layered structure of the musical culture in sixteenth century Europe4' may help us to set up for our country as well a corresponding, although less diversified, hierarchic system.

Thus in the sixteenth century we had the following forms of >>specialization< among musicians:

a) Players and singers over a wide sociological status scale - from itinerant musicians to permanently employed town players and organists; popular singers called cantastorie who along with religious songs (kantari) also sang mythological songs, and the zawinjavci who had a multiple role: they sang the popular urban lute songs, but they also led the chanting of group songs (zaweti = begin) or played when people danced; in this group we should also mention various folk singers and players, especially the guslari - the creators and performers of epic folk songs with the accompaniment of the bowed stringed instrument called >gusle<.

b) The church cantorie or choirs, religious singing schools which supplied music for church rituals; they specialized mainly in vocal music.

c) Among the various musical professions we should also mention the mak- ers of instruments, organs in particular, whose presence in Croatia has been proved in various ways; further, printers and publishers of musical editions, two of whom were born in Istria and earned a considerable reputation abroad: they were Andrea de Antiquis from Motovun, active in Italy, Rome in particular, and Jacques Moderne from Buzet who worked in Lyon as publisher and Maftre de Chapelle in the local church of N6tre-Dame de Comfort.

d) It should also be stressed that numerous amateurs were an important factor of musical life; the borderline between amateur and professional musical activity was, moreover, rather vague in Croatia as in other European countries.

Some forms of musical activity characteristic of the musical life of 16th-century Europe were, however, not represented in Croatia. Owing to the special political and economic situation the Croatian nobility could not support court

40 6iril PETEgI(, Nekoliko priloga... (Some Contributions...). 41 Walter SALMEN, Musikleben im 16. Jahrhundert (Musikgeschichte in Bildern, III, 9), VEB Deut-

scher Verlag fir Musik, Leipzig 1976.


musicians, although it is known that some feudal lords were lovers of art and music; further, no evidence exists that we had singing societies or associations resembling those of the Meistersinger, which were developed in German countries.

The dependence of musical practice on the needs of a specific society may the time being be demonstrated by a survey of the musical past of Zagreb, and especially of the musical life of Dubrovnik. Using extensive available documentation Miho Demovic has presented the richly varied picture of the musical life of this city.42 In Dubrovnik music played a part on numerous occasions and in a variety of places: in streets and squares, in legal practice (the pronouncing of sentences and public punishments), at work, in battle and during military pa- rades; in public houses; at dances - where, depending on the social status of the occasion, it took various forms; at banquets or house parties of elegant dilettantes and aristocrats; in church and religious processions; at civic festivities and pa- rades; at theatrical performances; in music instruction.

As regards composers, most of those representing our musical culture of the 16th century have already been mentioned in this paper. Just like the performers and publishers of music, or like our writers and artists, they also fre- quently went to other European countries, integrating their work into foreign cultures. Some of them were active at courts and in religious centres; they often bore latinized, germanized or italianized names, so that some of them have un- doubtedly been lost to Croatian culture. Among these who left Northern Croatia to work at the court in Buda we could probably find the names of some musicians. It is known that the Ragusan Gavro Tempariric was active in Vienna as a prominent member of the court chapel. Names such as Antun Tudrovi4, Frano Gutetik-Paprica, Nikola Gaudencije, Benedikt Babic, Emanuel Zlatarik, Sekundo Brugnoli may be added to the list of Ragusan composers and musicians.

It will also be necessary to make a systematic study of the activities of foreign musicians in Croatia, especially those permanently living and working there.43

Stylistic Traits

In connection with the new feeling for language we should stress the question of the vernacular. Middle-class musical culture developed relatively late in Croatia, and it is only in the sixteenth century that its first signs are to be found. Yet, it is this musical culture (along with folk culture) that will be marked by the use of the vernacular. This is why in this period vocal music in the Croatian language will only be found in paraliturgical forms, such as religious songs and

42 Miho DEMOVIK, Musik und Musiker in der Republik Dubrovnik vom Anfang des 11. Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts.

43 Significant in this respect are the investigations of Miho Demovie; these throw light on the activities of the musicians from the Courtoys family who played an important role in the musical life of Dubrovnik during the 16th century and at the beginning of the 17th century. See also in this volume pp. 110-116.


in the secular field, apart from folk music, in the popular songs in the theatre and the lute songs of the zawinjavci. The forms of high professional polyphonic music, such as the madrigal and motet (whose representatives - Patricio and Schiavetto - joined the dominant current of Netherlandish-Italian style), were written in Italian or Latin, as was the case nearly everywhere else in Europe.

The musical culture of 16th-century Croatia thus reflects the dominant Euro- pean stylistic formation - that of the Renaissance - and along with it mediaeval traditions as well as the influence of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation together with the constant presence of autochthonous folk musical expression. The interlinking of these influences still awaits investigation. The existence of Renaissance concepts in Croatian 16th-century culture may be inferred both from its art and literature and the evident presence of new aesthetic judgements in the work of the Croatian philosophers of the period. As regards available compositions, structural and aesthetic analysis shows them to be typical Renaissance works. Essentially new in the musical idiom of Schiavetto and Patricio is the fact that each of their works is conceived as a unified whole, as the expression of individual creative effort, and that their formal conception expresses a new understanding of sound and a new attitude towards the text. The presence of the Renaissance spirit is evidently felt in other, more popular spheres of the musical life, such as the musical segments in Renaissance comedy or pastoral, the urban lute song or the beginnings of instrumental music.

The multilayered structure of European 16th-century music is also signifi- cantly present in the Croatian music of the period. Along with the Renaissance element this music very clearly reveals the presence of original folk music and religious song, the characteristics of which may be reconstructed on the basis of later notated music. These two layers - the folk and popular-religious tradition - are very closely interrelated.

Conclusions. Perspectives

From all that has been said so far there emerges a picture of musical culture in 16th-century Croatia which - although not quite concrete with regard to certain details - is nevertheless a complex one. The span of this culture ranges from folk tradition to the highly professional achievements of vocal polyphony, rank- ing with the general European level of the time. Full understanding of this heritage is possible only within a broader cultural and artistic context (in which music is intimately related to literary and theatrical forms) as well as within its autonomous sphere: its function in a direct and lively musical practice in a time and place whose needs it was meant to satisfy.

The organic interrelationship of the musical idiom with the overall cultural life in 16th-century Croatia is one of the important factors required when setting up criteria for evaluation: this living and very real relation between the musical heritage and its broader cultural context, as well as the functioning of this heritage within concrete historical and social situations, is proof of its autochthonous


origins. Exactly like literature, drama and art, the musical heritage of 16th-century Croatia is organically intertwined with the real needs of the society from which it sprang - from the urban lute song to popular religious hymns, from musical fragments of theatre performances to polyphonic madrigals - providing proof of the high degree of identity characterizing this heritage.

One of the manifestations of the living force of this music is its historical resilience: the continuity of its existence manifesting itself in a series of forms and individual traits which in a variety of metamorphoses have endured over the centuries, from the Middle Ages up to the nineteenth century.

That this is so, is certainly due to the popular basis of the culture eloquently confirmed by both direct and indirect sources; it is this basis which is above all responsible for the temporal and spatial continuity of the Croatian musical heritage. Just as in Renaissance literature the lexical elements and stylistic devices were marked by folk tradition (a trend which may also be noticed in the art and drama of 16th-century Croatia), so in music we also feel the presence of the popular idiom. It is felt in the use of the vernacular in religious ritual, in the character of the urban lute song, the melodic flow of notated Glagolitic tunes, or the musical counterpart of the earliest surviving kajkavian songbooks.

Owing to the existence of several new sources it is possible today to make some corrections in the periodization of early Croatian music. The existence of the secular and religious song, hitherto scarcely documented at all, has recently been confirmed by a series of reliable sources: songbooks and collections dating from the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

The discovery of new sources from inland also leads us to make certain territorial corrections in regard to hitherto accepted views about the musical heritage of the continental as opposed to the coastal parts of the country. It is ab- solutely necessary to look at this from a new angle, and to correct the cliches about the gap dividing the musical heritage of Northern Croatia from that of the coastal regions. The literary contacts and the intertwining of linguistic and lexical influences alone speak of the contacts and closeness of these two regions.

Instead of several scattered surviving works we are faced with the fullness of a relevant musical practice permeating every area of life at that time. This fullness of musical life also throws new light upon those rare published surviving ex- amples of highly professional music which have hitherto monopolised all the attention of musicologists: it is only in this wider context that these representative sources receive their full raison d'etre, appearing as the logical highlight and summa of a manyfaceted and complex musical life. Owing to the fact that those less representative samples of music coming mainly from popular or folk music are also a part of 16th-century musical culture, it is their very existence which proves that the refined vocal polyphony of Schiavetto is not a fiction suspended above this soil in a vacuum, and equally that it is not exclusively the product of Italian influence, but that it is an organic part of an articulated musical practice. This practice is confirmed, in addition to other evidence, by a rich international repertoire to be found in Croatian archives, a repertoire which must have been


performed and therefore must have been accessible to the reproductive and per- ceptual capacities of native performers and listeners.

Let us sum up. The characteristic layers of Croatian 16th-century music were formed by the following components: the mediaeval tradition of religious music in Latin; folk songs; Glagolitic chant; musical fragments in mystery plays and in Renaissance forms of drama; popular urban songs with lute accompaniment; and clearly professional musical forms of vocal polyphony and instrumental music. Within these layers we find various relationships of traditional and new, typically Renaissance stylistic elements. While mediaeval religious music in Latin continues in its course relatively untouched, keeping and cultivating a series of archaic forms (we need only remember here the primitive polyphony in Bishop Oswald Thuz's Antiphonary written in Zagreb in the fifteenth century,44 or the first Croatian polyphonic composition in the vernacular - the well-known Hvar bicinum from the fiteenth century),45 and while the Glagolitic musical tradition and the music in mystery plays, hardly touched by new currents, retained clear mediaeval traits specifically coloured by the musical idiom of folk music, a series of other forms opened up to receive new stylistic currents. Thus the urban lute song achieved a unique synthesis of popular tradition and the freshness, spon- taneity and gusto of the Renaissance. Similarly, the >>musical numbers<< in Ren- aissance drama necessarily reflected what was new and popular - in their southern melodiousness, in their dance rhythms, the use of major and minor instead of old church modes, and a clear periodic form probably related to the verse structure of our Renaissance poets.

It should be stressed, however, that mediaeval practice and stylistic forms per- sisted and remained a characteristic of 16th-century Croatian music, along with the folk influence, a trend which was to remain present until the beginning of the nineteenth century. Thus on the mediaeval tradition will be superimposed new, clearly Humanistic and Renaissance forms of musical practice marked by stylistic and technical procedures reflecting the new conceptions and immanent development of musical texture in the sixteenth century.

The folk traditions which we have already mentioned, this link with pre- Renaissance rural and urban popular music, give special colouring to the entire musical life of 16th-century Croatia; thus the musical heritage it created may be defined as a specific cultural and artistic phenomenon to be distinguished from the other musical cultures of the same period. It is possible to mark this distinc- tion even in regard to the Italian music of the time, although it is impossible to deny the strong influence of its stylistic currents and of its techniques on Croatian

44 Benjamin RAJECKY, Mittelalterliche Mehrstimmigkeit in Ungarn, Musica Antiqua Europae Orientalis, Warsaw 1966, I, pp. 223-236; Karol SZIGETI, Mehrstimmige Gesinge aus dem 15 Jahrhun- dert im Antiphonale des Oswald Thuz, Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Buda- pest 1964, VI, pp. 107-117.

45 Bojan BUJIK, Jedan rondel iz Dalmacije (A Rondellus from Dalmatia), Arti Musices, Zagreb 1972, 3, pp. 107-116.


music. Equally obvious are the influences of the Reformation and Counter-Ref- ormation in the field of educative literary-musical efforts upon that specific sphere of popular culture, fragments of which have survived in the form of songbooks. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that the Italian Renaissance on the one hand and the central-European religious and ideologic currents on the other must be considered important factors influencing Croatian musical life, it must be stressed at once that both these trends were neither as clear-cut nor as pure on Croatian soil as in regions where they were born, for they developed new elements and new colours and nuances in their new habitat.

Along with that unique Netherlandish-Italian stylistic ideal - the paragon of high polyphony (especially in the motet and madrigal) - which was the norm for composers of different nations including ours, numerous other spheres of musical activity could to a larger degree express a specific milieu, soil and people. Thus the Croatian music culture of the 16th century reflected in some of its achievements the merging process which led to the creation of a unified Ren- aissance musical language, while remaining in many other aspects the individual expression of its own country, its culture and its traditions.

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Safetak

STIL I SOCIOLOCKA POZADINA HRVATSKE RENESANSNE GLAZBE

Ovaj prikaz sabire rezultate dosadasnjih istra.ivanja

glazbene kulture u razdoblju renesanse u Hrvatskoj, sintetizirajuei interdisciplinarno niz odvojenih podrudja. U uvodu su ocrtane posebnosti politikkih, ekonomskih, dru'tvenih i kulturnih koordinata unutar kojih egzistira hrvatska glazbena kultura na prijelazu iz srednjega u novi vijek. Iz njih proizlazi i specifiana prostorna i vremenska artikulacija ovog dijela nase glazbene bastine.

Nakon pregleda i ocjene dosadasnjih istra.ivanja,

uotava se danasnji trend k specijalistiakom istralivanju pojedinih aspekata glazbene kulture u Hrvatskoj u 16. stoljedu. Kao rezultat tradicionalne metodologije

istra.ivanja, koje je u prvom redu bilo usmjereno na >>reprezentativne<< oblike, ispusteni

su iz painje eitavi slojevi spomenika, narofito pu&ka naboina i svjetovna pjesma i srodni popularni oblici glazbene prakse. Uz to se - zbog

istra.ivanja na nizu odvojenih kolosijeka - nepotrebno odvajalo

pojedina podrudja jedne organski cjelovite i u .ivot

urasle glazbene prakse. Pri uotavanju oblika i vrst$ glazbene prakse u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju renesanse povezani su

podaci koje pru.aju

satuvani notni (glazbeni) spomenici s informacijama koje proizlaze iz knjiievnih, arhivskih, likovnih i filozofsko-estetiakih izvora. Na temelju tih podataka glazbena je ba'tina prezen- tiranog razdoblja grupirana prema kompozicijskom slogu, oblicima i namjeni kako slijedi: vokalno jednoglasje (liturgijska, paraliturgijska i narodna glazba), vokalno jednoglasje uz instrumentalnu pratnju, vokalno viseglasje i instrumentalna glazba.

Posebna je painja poklonjena onim izvorima koji su dosad bili na periferiji muzikolo'kih in- teresa. U paraliturgijskoj glazbi to su pjesmarice s naboinim (&esto i svjetovnim) pjesmama, kojih vrijednost nije toliko u autonomno glazbenoj sferi koliko u neposrednosti i

svje.ini glazbenog iskaza.

Posebna je vrijednost tih izvora njihova povezanost uz narodni jezik. Preko njih ostvaruju se prve autentikne veze kajkavskog ili ?akavskog knjiievnog idioma s glazbenim medijem u okviru nastojanja da se anonimna puaka tradicija uzdigne u poluprofesionalnu sferu.

U grupi izvora vokalnog jednoglasja uz pratnju instrumenata posebno se istide specifiano rene- sansni karakter u primorskim podrudjima ra irene gradske populame popijevke uz pratnju lutnje, i u vezi s njome uloga zacinjavaca u glazbenoj praksi.

Nadalje su razmotrene sociolo ke koordinate glazbenog .ivota

i djelatnost pojedinih muzifkih specijalizacija. U odsjeku posveeenom stilskim znadajkama ukazuje se na prisutnost tada dominantne


europske stilske formacije - renesanse - u nagi izvorima, uz perzistenciju srednjovjekovnih stilskih tradicija, na utjecaj reformacije i protureformacije te konstantu koju tvori autohtoni purki glazbeni izraz. U zaklju&cima apostrofira se organska povezanost glazbenog idioma s cjelinom kulturnog zbi- vanja u Hrvatskoj u 16. stoljedu. Izrazito puaka podloga nase glazbene kulture toga vremena faktor je koji osigurava i njezin vremenski i prostomi kontinuitet.

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