Stout, Sturdy and Strong: A typology for early nineteenth‐century American whalers
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Transcript of Stout, Sturdy and Strong: A typology for early nineteenth‐century American whalers
Stout, Sturdy and Strong: A typology for early nineteenth‐century American whalers
Photo: Ch bedian) arles W. Morgan restoration (S. Naha
Madeline McAllister
Dep ogy
ar olFlinders University tment of Archae
South Australia
Declaration
I certify that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university; and that to the best of y knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or ritten by another person except where due reference is made in the text.
mw
Madeline McAllister
ii
Abstract
The excavation of a shipwreck in Koombana Bay, Western Australia (WA),
believed to be an early nineteenth century American whaler, posed the question of what
diagnostic construction features represent a vessel of this type. This thesis aims to
identify diagnostic construction features of American whalers through historical and
archaeological research and compile them into a typology that can be tested and
improved upon in future research. Ultimately, the typology will be compared to the
unidentified Koombana Bay shipwreck to determine if it can be classified as a whaler
and, if so, can it be identified as one of three whalers known to have wrecked in the
rea. a
Compiling a typology on the construction of early nineteenth‐century American
whalers is based on the theory of a shipbuilding tradition, debated and proven by
numerous scholars. An in‐depth study of previous archaeological work on pelagic or
offshore whaler shipwrecks in WA proved that little is known about their construction.
This study aims to begin to fill gaps in our knowledge of whaling in the nineteenth
entury. c
iii
Acknowledgements
Firstly to my supervisor, Dr Jennifer McKinnon, thank you, thank you, thank you
for all of your patience and guidance through this research. Looking back at some of my
early d afts, I can’t believe it got to this stage. r
A big thank you to some of the few whaling nerds in Australia Jason Raupp and
Ross Anderson. Jason for his support and advice in my research, some important
aspects would have been missed without his input. Ross invited me to join the Carpark
Whalers project that sparked my ideas and questions for this research.
The Maritime Archaeology Department at the Western Australian Museum
(WAM), particularly: Dr Michael McCarthy, Jeremy Green, Myra Stanbury, Dr Jennifer
Rodrigues, Nicolas Bigourdan and Jennifer Craig for offering their advice and guidance
through my research and ultimately assisting with the final editing phase.
To one of my closest friends, Danielle Wilkinson, I cannot believe you put up with
reading my very first drafts and helping me to at least get them to a decent level to show
others (along with my whinging and worrying)!
My family ― thank you for putting up with these last few years of university, your
funding and unconditional support has made my dreams come true. To my sister Ally,
who now knows more than she ever wanted to about whaling in the nineteenth century,
thank you for listening. Mum and Dad, thank you both for helping me to look past the
advice of following a more suitable career than maritime archaeology. Looking back
now I know: it all started with you.
Lastly, a special thanks to Ben McKinnon. There aren’t enough words to describe
my thanks for your support and help but, I love you and thank you for being there.
iv
Table of Contents
Declaration ............................................................................................................................................................ii
Abstract................................................................................................................................................................. iii
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication..............................................................................................................................................................v
Table of Contents.............................................................................................................................................. vi
List of Figures......................................................................................................................................................ix
List of Tables.........................................................................................................................................................x
1.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................1
1.1 Historical background of known whalers wrecked in Koombana Bay ..........................3
Samuel Wright1.1.1 (1840).......................................................................................................................3
North America 1.1.2 (1840) .......................................................................................................................4
1.1.3 North America (1843) .......................................................................................................................4
1.2 Koombana Bay excavation (November 2011)...........................................................................5
1.3 Research questions................................................................................................................................7
1.4 Methodology .............................................................................................................................................8
1.4.1 Literature review................................................................................................................................8
1.4.2 Historical background ......................................................................................................................8
1.4.3 Data and discussion ...........................................................................................................................9
1.5 Limitations ........................................................................................................................................................... 9
1.6 Significance ...............................................................................................................................................9
2.0 Literature review .....................................................................................................................................10
evious arc2.1 Pr haeological work: pelagic whalers, WA ...........................................................10
Day Da2.1.1 wn (1886) .............................................................................................................................12
Lively (c.12.1.2 807―1810).....................................................................................................................15
Cervantes (c2.1.3 .1844.............................................................................................................................16
Persévér2.1.4 ant (1841)..........................................................................................................................16
Lancier (1839)2.1.5 ...................................................................................................................................17
vi
2.1.6 Samuel Wright (1840), North America (1840) and North America (1843) ............17
2.1.7 Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................18
2.2 Archaeological typologies and shipbuilding traditions in maritime archaeology ..19
2.3 Historical and literature sources depicting a ‘type’.............................................................20
2.3.1 Charles Desmond’s ‘Typical New Bedford Whaler’...........................................................20
2.3.2 Reginald Hegarty’s ‘Birth of a Whaleship’.............................................................................21
Charles W. Mo2.3.3 rgan (1841) ...........................................................................................................22
Two Bro2.3.4 thers (1816) ......................................................................................................................23
2.3.5 Horatio (1876) ..................................................................................................................................23
.4 Conclusion ..............................................................................................................................................23 2
3.0 Historical background............................................................................................................................25
3.1 Whaling methods and styles in the nineteenth century.....................................................27
3.1.1 Shore‐based whaling......................................................................................................................27
3.1.2 Bay whaling ........................................................................................................................................27
3.1.3 Pelagic whaling .................................................................................................................................27
3.2 The American whaling industry....................................................................................................28
3.2.1 The golden years of American whaling ..................................................................................30
3.2.2 American whalers in WA..............................................................................................................32
3.2.3 Final years and the decline ..........................................................................................................35
4.0 Methodology ..............................................................................................................................................37
4.1 Approach .................................................................................................................................................37
4.2 Historical research..............................................................................................................................38
4.3 Case study: Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck ...........................................................40
4.3.1 The Koombana Bay foreshore excavation ............................................................................41
4.4 Limitations..............................................................................................................................................42
5.0 Data ................................................................................................................................................................43
5.1 Historical data.......................................................................................................................................43
5.1.1 General descriptions.......................................................................................................................43
Agate (15.1.2 853) ......................................................................................................................................48
.............................................................................5.1.6 Horatio (1876) .....................................................48
5.1.7 Comparison of Charles W. Morgan and Two Brothers ships’ lines..............................50
vii
5.2 Archaeological data ............................................................................................................................53
Day Dawn (c.1886)5.2.1 .....................................................................................................................53
5.2.2 Charles W. Morgan (1841).......................................................................................................55
5.3 Compilation of data ...........................................................................................................................58
5.4 Case study: Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck ...........................................................66
5.5 Conclusion ..............................................................................................................................................72
6.0 Discussion ...................................................................................................................................................73
6.1 Typology..................................................................................................................................................73
6.2 Application of the typology to the case study .........................................................................76
6.3 Conclusion ..............................................................................................................................................80
6.4 Revisiting the research questions ................................................................................................80
6.5 Future research and recommendations ....................................................................................85
7.0 Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................86
8.0 References...................................................................................................................................................88
9.0 Appendices..................................................................................................................................................99
viii
List of Figures
shipwrecks (WAM/Landgate) ................2 Figure 1. Map of WA showing all known pelagic whaler .........................
...............6 Figure 2. View of site, facing east (WAM)Figure 3. Plan drawing of the section unearthed (WAM)....................................................
n of historic Carthy 1982)............18
...................................................................5
Figure 4. Map depicting Koombana Bay foreshore and the possible locatioshipwrecks determined through GPR surveys and historical research (Mc
.......21 Figure 5. Desmond’s illustration of a typical whaler (Desmond 1919:187) ...........................her ..............32
Figure 6. American whaling areas from an 1851 chart by American Naval Oceanograpr Whipple 1979:70) .................. 1835 to 1880 (Gibbs 1995:65) ..............35
Matthew Maury based on whaling logs (McAllister afteFigure 7. Foreign whalers reported in WA shores from
Figure 8. Bow shapes (McAllister after Koskie 1987:5)...................................................................44onstruc , sternpost and frames (Hegarty 1964:29)
Figure 9. C tion of a whaler showing keel, stem
..............................................................................................................................................................47
Figure 10. Horatio under tow (Edwin Blackburn, n.d.) ....................................................................49Profile plan o : Profile plan
...........................................................................................................................51 Figure 11. Top: f Two Brothers (McAllister after Channing) and belowof Charles W. Morgan
ster after : Charles W. ......... ......................52
Figure 12. Top: Two Brothers section plan (McAlli Channing) and belowtion plan (McAllis ....................................
Iron standing and awn ......................55 Morgan sec ter after Allyn 1970a) .....
Day D..............56
Figure 13. hanging knees from (McCarthy 1980:18).....................................................
.............57 Figure 14. Charles W. Morgan in 2012 (S. Nahabedian)Figure 15. Charles W. Morgan in the nineteenth century (www.newporthistorical.org).
umbers ............66 Figure 16. Outlines of features from site plan (Figure 3) labelled with feature nFigure 17. Iron crutches in the bow (WAM/P. Baker)............................................
..........................69
..........................69 Figure 18. and breast‐hook (below) (Stammers 2001:120)Figure 19. Sheathing on southern hull (WAM/P. Baker) .................................................................Figure 20. Charles W. Morgan ship line plan with the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck's bow form placed over the 8 feet line .................................................................................................79
Iron crutch (above)70
ix
x
List of Tables
. .........................................12 Table 1. List of all pelagic whalers shipwrecked in WA .................. .......
17) .........................................38 Table 2. Analyses of ship‐finds (after C
.............................................................................59
rumlin‐Pedersen 1997:162: AFCWM 1:7) ..................................................58 Table 3. Data from Charles W. Morgan (MSM 197
................
sources .............................................................................63 Table 4. Construction data for whalers
m general ..........................................................................................67
Table 5. Construction data fro
....................................................68
Table 6. Approximate frame dimensions.........................................................
ck....................................................71 Table 7. Planking dimensionsTable 8. SEM data from Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwre
sions .........................................................72 Table 9. Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck dimenTable 10. Typology ...........................................................Table 11. Comparison of Koombana Bay and Typology...................................................................76
...................................................................75
1.0 ntroduction I
Whaling was one of Australia’s first significant and profitable industries in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Lawrence and Staniforth 1998:7). Three types of
whaling were practised in Australia: bay whaling, shore‐based whaling and pelagic or
open sea whaling. Of these, the most expensive to operate and most lucrative was
pelagic whaling (Gibbs 1996:8). In the late eighteenth century, the sudden demand for
whale oil resulted in huge amounts of time and money invested in whalers around the
world. Crews signed up for three to four years at a time and returned with a cargo of
hundreds of casks of whale oil (Wace and Lovett 1973:14). Whalers roved the world’s
seas in search of whales, often hunting along the remote coastline of southwestern
Australia, a favoured, rich whaling ground known then as New Holland (modern‐day
WA) (Starkey and Barnard 2008:117).
Numerous pelagic whalers wrecked along the Australian coastline during rough
weather. Soon after wrecking, most were reported as salvaged or had their salvage
rights sold (The Inquirer [Inq.], 26 April 1843:2). Of all of the whalers wrecked around
Australia, the largest concentration is found on the western coast. Whaler shipwrecks
have been identified along the WA (WA) coastline, from the remote Rowley Shoals in
the far northwest to the port of Albany in the southwest (Figure 1) (Atkinson 1987;
Bocock et al. 1990). Of these whalers, the majority were built during the nineteenth
century in the north‐eastern area of the United States of America (USA), Massachusetts,
Maine, Connecticut, New York, Delaware and New Hampshire.
Figure 1. Map of WA showing all known pelagic whaler shipwrecks (WAM/Landgate)
Previous work on pelagic whalers wrecked along the WA coast largely entailed
basic archaeological surveys and identification of shipwreck sites, although some
2
excavation has taken place (McCarthy 1980; Stanbury 2012). Review of archaeological
work carried out on pelagic whaling shipwreck sites in WA will identify gaps in our
knowledge of construction of American whalers built in the early nineteenth century.
While some previous surveys and excavations studied the construction of whalers
(McCarthy 1980; Totty 1986), further research is needed in order to successfully
dentify whalers wrecked on the WA coast. i
1.1 Historical background of known whalers wrecked in Koombana Bay
The pelagic whaling industry represents a vital foundation of trade in the early
days of WA colonies circa 1820s onwards (Bach 1976:75). During the mid‐nineteenth
century, the whaling industry saw a dramatic explosion; the American fleet rose from
84 vessels in 1821 to 736 vessels in 1846, encompassing half of the world’s whalers
(Heppingstone 1969:3). At this time in WA around 300 American whalers hunted off the
coast (Anonymous 1998:554). During the height of pelagic whaling three American
whalers, Samuel Wright (1840), North America (1840) and North America (1843), were
wrecked on the beach at Koombana Bay in the southwest.
1.1. l Wright (18401 Samue )
The 372‐ton Samuel Wright was blown “high and dry” onto the beach during a
strong gale on July 8, 1840 (Ommanney 1840:3). A well‐known visitor to WA, Samuel
Wright travelled from USA to New Holland for many years and the crew had even
established their own vegetable garden at Castle Rock for fresh supplies (Henderson
1980:171). William Badger built the Samuel Wright in Portsmouth, New Hampshire,
USA, in 1824 (Brighton 1986). Little is known about the vessel except that it was built
specifically for the cotton trade and is reported as ship‐rigged with two decks, a square
stern and a billet head. A relatively large vessel, Samuel Wright had a draft of 13.7 feet
(ft) (4.17 metres (m)), 110 ft (33.52 m) long and 28 ft (8.53 m) across the beam
(Henderson 1980:171). The vessel was converted to a whaler for John Osgood of Salem
in 1833 (Brighton 1986).
3
On the night of July 8, Samuel Wright was secured to ride out a storm. The ship’s
captain, Samuel Coffin, later wrote that “The ship rode it out bravely until the seas broke
over our top‐mast heads; my chain then parted and left me with only two anchors, and
my fifth and largest anchor being below...we could not fit it ready before we struck”
(Perth Gazette and Journal [PGJ], 18 July 1840:3). Although still in good condition,
Samuel Wright was sitting too far up from the shore to be refloated (PGJ, 18 July
1840:3). The shipwreck was later auctioned for salvage and bought for £350 by Captain
Coffin who remained in the Bunbury area (PGJ, 1 August 1840:2).
0) 1.1.2 North America (184
In the same storm that wrecked Samuel Wright, another American whaler was
driven ashore. North America was anchored in Koombana Bay and the captain, Master
Kempton, planned to spend the winter bay whaling (Henderson 1980:174). The crew
attempted to ride out the storm but the vessel was driven ashore and, like Samuel
Wright it sat “high and dry”, although suffering far more damage (Ommanney 1840:3).
Little is recorded of the features of the vessel, except that it was listed as a 260‐ton
American ship from Delaware (Henderson 1980:174; PGJ, 1 August 1840:2). After it was
wrecked on the beach, it was auctioned and bought by J.R. Phillips for £400 (PGJ, 1
ugust 1840:5). A
1.1.3 North America (1843)
A few years after the first two American whalers were driven onto the beach,
another North America went ashore only a few yards from the other vessel of the same
name (Henderson 1980:174). The wrecking event was described in some detail a few
eeks later: w
About 10 o'clock, the North America, who had only one anchor out,
began to drive; she had at that time top‐gallant‐masts and royal‐
masts up. She let go her only other anchor and kedge, which, it is said,
went down foul. She soon struck on the east end of the bar, and
there grounded. When day‐light broke on Tuesday morning, she had
still all her masts up. Her crew, it is said, lost all self‐possession when
she began to drive, and were in a state of mutiny: the master could
scarcely prevent them taking to the boats (Inq., 26 April 1843:2).
4
North America was later sold for £400, 400 casks of whale oil were unloaded in
an attempt to lighten and refloat it and successfully repaired only to again break its
moorings (Inq. 26 April 1843:2, Henderson 1980:204). Dimensions are recorded as 285
tons, 95.5 ft (29.11 m) in length, 26 ft (7.92 m) in breadth and 13 ft (3.96 m) in draft
Henderson 1980:204). (
1.2 Koombana Bay excavation (November 2011)
Recent excavations near the town of Bunbury, WA, partially unearthed a section
of a wooden‐hulled vessel thought to be one of three American whalers wrecked in the
area (Figure 2). A small section of the vessel was uncovered, approximately 2.5 m x 4.5
m, and revealed a narrow, wooden‐framed and planked vessel with copper‐alloy
fastenings and sheathing, and iron crutches or knees (Figure 3).
Figure 2. View of site, facing east (WAM)
5
Figure 3. Plan drawing of the section unearthed (WAM)
At least two shipwrecks in this area are known to have been uncovered during
mining operations in the 1960s (McCarthy 1982). As a result, the shipwrecks were
‘picked over’ and burnt with large amounts of material removed. This was reflected on
the site excavated as it was almost sterile of artefacts, with the exception of a broken
glass bottle and a bone. Identifying the vessel therefore relies on analysing the
structural aspects, thus raising the question, can an American whaler be identified from
its construction features alone?
This study aims to elucidate information about construction of American
whalers in the early nineteenth century through historical and archaeological analyses.
This data will be compiled to create a typology which will be compared to the
unidentified site at Koombana Bay to determine if it is an American whaler.
6
Through focussed historical research and the archaeological study of whaler
remains, information pertaining to whaler construction in the early nineteenth century
and shipbuilding technologies employed in the north‐eastern area of USA can be
ascertained. This allows for a typology of American whalers built in the early nineteenth
century to be determined and applied on the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck as
an example. It is well‐known that numerous merchant vessels were often converted into
whalers. Samuel Wright was constructed as a merchant vessel for the cotton trade
(Brighton 1986). Therefore, directly linked to determining the construction aspects of a
whaler is a discussion on the modifications made to general merchant vessels to convert
them into whalers and outlining these differences.
I argue that a typology of early nineteenth‐century American whaler construction
characteristics can be developed using historical documents and archaeological data,
and that this typology can be applied to unidentified shipwrecks to determine whether
they are whalers.
1
.3 Research Questions
1. What construction features are typical or define a whaler built in the north‐
eastern area of USA in the early nineteenth century? Can these features be
eveloped into a typology? d
2. What is the archaeological evidence for pelagic whaling in WA? What questions
have previous archaeological investigations addressed in terms of pelagic
whaling? What gaps exist in our knowledge about pelagic whaling?
3. What construction features were identified on the Koombana Bay Unidentified
Shipwreck? What archaeological evidence suggests it may or may not be a
whaler?
4. Can this shipwreck be classified as an American whaler using the typology? If so,
can it be identified as Samuel Wright (1840), North America (1840) or North
merica (1843)? A
5. Can this typology be applied to other possible American whaler shipwrecks as a
method of classification?
7
1 .4 Methodology
Archaeological and historical research was conducted to identify data on
construction of whalers. The theory of a shipbuilding tradition and key terms based on
Crumlin‐Pedersen’s (1997:1617) criteria for analysing the construction of wooden
shipwrecks was employed as a basis for this research. Furthermore, outlining the
archaeological methodology involved in excavating and recording the Koombana Bay
unidentified shipwreck is essential in understanding the limitations of applying the
ypology. t
1.4.1 Literature Review
Archaeological studies of known whaler shipwrecks of the period were
researched and reviewed to identify gaps in our knowledge of American pelagic whaler
shipwrecks off the WA coastline. A brief review of the archaeological theory of
hipbuilding traditions reinforced the research agenda. s
1.4.2 Historical Research
Historical sources from the WAM Library, the State Library of WA and
international institutions were utilised. Key terms involved in the research included
related vessel names, dates built/wrecked, towns/states built in, shipbuilding
yards/materials and common shipbuilding practices.
1.4.3 Archaeological methodology
Data from the shipwreck site at Koombana Bay was gathered using basic
archaeological methods. Site plans were recorded using baseline/offset method to
measure distance to and dimensions of features. Profile sections of the bow were
completed in a similar method, except a standing frame was used as a baseline and the
offsets were measured from there: no measurements could be taken of the underside of
the shipwreck as it was not excavated in case the structure collapsed. No scantling
dimensions (with the exception of the stem) were recorded on site, all measurements of
tructural features were measured from site plans. s
8
1.4.4 Data and Discussion
Data from historical and archaeological research was analysed and compiled to
create a construction typology. The typology was then applied to the shipwreck
uncovered during the Koombana Bay project as a case study to test the typology and
determine if the shipwreck is or is not a whaler. The results will be discussed in detail in
terms of whether its application to the case study was successful and if the typology is
reliable and accurate.
1.5 Limitations
Given the wealth of information recorded about all aspects of the whaling
industry, determining the usefulness of selected historical and literature sources was
difficult. Access to specific historical sources was limited as few records of shipbuilders
and shipwrights exist: they were not a common aspect of building a ship in the early
nineteenth century (Vanhorn 2004:2). For this reason some valuable data was only
available from sources dated to later than the early nineteenth century. Any source that
dates to a later period was assessed individually as it could have limited the reliability
of the data is in terms of depicting a vessel from the early nineteenth century.
Furthermore, accessing some important references or historical records was
problematic due to not being able to visit the international museums, libraries and
archives in person.
Archaeologists uncovered and recorded a small section of the shipwreck. Thus,
leaving most of the shipwreck buried, which made it almost impossible to measure
timbers and study diagnostic features. Finally, the application of the typology is limited
to one case study in this thesis; the typology must be applied to further sites in the
uture to verify its reliability. f
1
.6 Significance
9
From a broader perspective, an in‐depth study into the construction methods,
technologies and features of American whaling vessels from the early nineteenth
century will be a valuable resource for historians and archaeologists. Through the
identification of diagnostic features, this study has the potential to enable comparisons
between American whaler shipwrecks, general merchant traders and merchant vessels
later converted for whaling. The results will be a useful resource in identifying early
nineteenth‐century American whalers from their construction features in future
research. These observations may apply wherever American whalers operated.
From a shipbuilding perspective, the depicted ideals of shipwrecks are rarely
seen in real life. Images of ships standing upright, with masts and rigging intact, are
scattered throughout popular literature. In reality, shipwrecks rarely survive in that
condition for long. Instead, they deteriorate and collapse with sometimes only buried
remains surviving. The Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck is largely intact, still
holding its true form, and is an opportunity to research easily recognisable construction
features in their original context. Determining the identity of this shipwreck is
significant to the rich heritage of Koombana Bay’s whaling industry and interaction with
foreign whalers, history that is not well known by the general public.
From a local perspective, the whaling industry played a vital role in the
development of colonial WA. Dr Martin Gibbs (2010) has suggested that trade between
foreign whalers and small coastal settlements kept the struggling settlers from
disappearing altogether. While Gibbs’ (1996) archaeological investigations of whaling
settlements has provided evidence of this, more work needs to be done to understand
the archaeological potential of pelagic whaling shipwreck sites and the associated
material culture. Information is lacking regarding the construction of early nineteenth‐
century whalers, particularly vessels that journeyed to the Australian coast and Indian
Ocean.
10
.0 Literature review 2
The scale of previous archaeological work conducted on pelagic whaler
shipwrecks in WA varies from basic site inspections to complete excavations. The first
part of this chapter outlines previous work and research conducted on known pelagic
whaler shipwreck sites. The gaps in our knowledge about construction of early
nineteenth‐century American whalers are outlined and the importance of carrying out
his research is discussed. t
The second part of this chapter discusses the theory behind archaeological
typologies and the classification of artefacts. A typology is a basic method of
archaeological classification, involving observation of a group of artefacts, in this case
shipwrecks, and determining if a distinct set of physical characteristics exist that can be
used to sort them into categories (Hocker 2004:2; Adams and Adams 2007:214). For
this study, the common characteristics analysed are lower hull construction features,
such as keel assembly, scantlings and dimensions, which represent an early nineteenth‐
entury American whaler. c
Lastly, a brief discussion on the literature about construction of early nineteenth
century American whalers will allow for the assessment of the reliability and usefulness
f the sources in creating a typology. o
2
.1 Previous archaeological work: Pelagic whalers, WA
Despite the substantial list of whaler shipwrecks in WA (Table 1), only six have
been located. Lancier (1839) and Cervantes (1844) were inspected, with small‐scale
artefact recovery and archaeological recording undertaken (Kenderdine 1995;
Henderson 2007; WAM File 409/71). The only two pelagic whalers extensively
archaeologically studied are Day Dawn (1886) and Lively (1810). The following sections
etail the previous work undertaken on each site. d
11
Table 1. List of all pelagic ipwrec n WA whalers sh
Where built
ked i
Year Converted
Shipwreck Date built
Date wrecked
Where wrecked
Located Studied
Lively
1787 France c.1798 c. 18071810
Rowley Shoals, North‐West
Yes Yes excavated
Lancier
1834 Seychelles N/A 1839 Stragglers Rock, Perth
Yes Yes surveyed
North America
N/A Unknown (USA)
N/A 1840 Ko , ombana BaySouth‐West
No No
Samuel Wright
1824 Portsmouth, Maine (USA)
N/A 1840 Ko , ombana BaySouth‐West
No No
Governor Endicott
1819 Salem, sachusMas etts (USA)
c.1838 1840 Ge , ographe BaySouth‐West
No No
Persévérant
1836 Redon (France)
c.1838 1841 D irk HartogIsland,
Mid‐West
No Yes
Avis
1827 Bath, Maine (USA)
c.1841 1842 Two People Bay,
South‐West
No No
North America
1804 New York (USA)
c.1829 1843 Ko , ombana BaySouth‐West
No No
Cervantes 1836 Bath, Maine (USA)
c.1841 1844 Jurien Bay, Mid‐West
Yes Yes Surveyed
Halcyon
1806 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
(USA)
c.1833 1844 Ge , ographe BaySouth‐West
No No
Runnymede 1849 Hobart, Tasmania (Australia)
N/A 1881
F renchman’sBay,
South‐West
No Yes
Day Dawn (Thomas Nye)
1851 Fa n, Mas etts
irhaves s(USA) achu
NA 1886 Careening Bay, Perth
Yes Yes exc ed avat
Eyre Unidentified
N/A N/A N/A c. 1820 Eyre, South Coast
Yes Yes Surveyed
2.1.1 Day Dawn
12
(1886)
Day Dawn has an extensive history in terms of previous archaeological work. The
shipwreck was first located in 1976, close to shore on Garden Island, Cockburn Sound. It
was completely excavated and moved or relocated twice (McCarthy 1980, 1981;
Kimpton and Henderson 1991). Initially, large‐scale archaeological work moved the
shipwreck a small distance away into a deeper area so it was protected from dredging
activities for new harbour facilities (McCarthy 1981). This project was carried out by
the Maritime Archaeological Association of WA (MAAWA), under the guidance of the
Department of Maritime Archaeology, WAM (Erskine 1997b). The excavation lasted for
ten days and involved dredging the underside of the shipwreck site to enable sliding the
vessel into a deeper trench (McCarthy 1980). Construction features of the vessel such as
the mast steps, keelson and capstan were recorded using photography and site plans,
whilst the internal and external frame contours were also mapped (McCarthy
1980:1922). Detailed measurements were taken of fastenings (both spacing and
diameters) and scantlings (McCarthy 1980:22). Artefact material recovered included an
iron staple and an iron hanging knee, both with charred timber loosely attached
indicating they were part of the deck supporting system (McCarthy 1982:19).
Furthermore, the iron staple suggests that the vessel was two‐decked, as this feature is
typically used to provide support between decks (Stammers 2001:119120).
MAAWA’s excavation and research concluded that the vessel was three‐masted,
two‐decked and more than 31 m in length, possibly built in Boston (McCarthy 1982:23).
According to McCarthy (1980:154), researching the construction features of the
shipwreck alone likely would have resulted in identifying Day Dawn as one of two other
shipwrecks, Harrison or Annie Leslie. The shipwreck was only identified as Day Dawn
after timber planks, carried as part of the cargo, were found with ‘DAY DAWN’
imprinted on them and a capstan marked with ‘D.A. Taylor – Boston’ (McCarthy
1980:31).
13
Despite the initial large‐scale archaeological work conducted on Day Dawn, little
attention was paid to analysing the structure of the vessel in order to identify the
shipwreck. No scantlings or dimensions of structural features (other than the iron
knees) were presented in the major post‐fieldwork publication, despite noting that
these measurements were taken (McCarthy 1980). Whilst this may be related to the
focus of the publication primarily reporting the preliminary inspections and consequent
excavation, there was undoubtedly a focus on identifying the vessel by analysing the
artefact material alone.
Recommendations from this excavation were made for future research on the
three mast steps. All the mast steps had different construction designs suggesting that
each mast was rigged differently (McCarthy 1982:32). Not enough evidence was
available at the time to either prove or dismiss this idea, which highlighted the need for
h to be undertaken in this area (McCarthy 1982:32). future researc
In the face of a requirement that the shipwreck be again moved the Museum’s
then ‘Inspector of Wrecks’ and the contractor to the Royal Australian Navy
recommended that the shipwreck be dismantled, recorded, conserved and reburied in
similar fashion to the Basque Whaler in Red Bay (Grenier et al. 2007). The
recommendations were rejected by senior Museum staff as too expensive and leading to
the loss of provenance for the remains (WAM File 6/78). As a result, it was decided that
in 1990 the site would be moved once more, this time two kilometres away from the
original location. This was the first time such a large‐scale relocation had been
conducted in Australia and the methodology was reported in detail. To justify the time
and expense required for this project, a significance assessment was conducted
evaluating the shipwreck under historical, scientific, archaeological, technical, social and
interpretive aspects (Kimpton and Henderson 1991:25). Despite uncovering and
moving the entire shipwreck for a second time, no further research into the shipwreck
itself was completed. The only publication resulting from this project was Kimpton and
Henderson’s (1991) discussion of the methodology involved in moving the shipwreck.
Investigations in 1995 included test excavations to analyse the construction of
Day Dawn and resulted in numerous publications across a broad spectrum including:
construction, survivors from the shipwreck, management options for shipwrecks ‘in the
way’ and the biodegradation of the site (Erskine 1997a, 1997b; Moran 1997; Thomson
1997). This research was conducted as part of the Graduate Diploma in Maritime
Archaeology organised by WAM and was conducted on the Day Dawn site due to the
rapid deterioration of the shipwreck after it had been moved for a second time (Michael
McCarthy, personal communication 2012).
14
Erskine’s (1997a) analysis of the construction of Day Dawn is thorough in
detailing the dimensions of the shipwreck’s construction features and is, to date, the
only in‐depth research on the construction of an American whaler wrecked in WA.
Numerous construction features recorded during the 1995 fieldwork were presented
and discussed, such as the keelson, rider keelson, frames, fastenings, ceiling planking,
outer planking, sheathing, a mast step, knees and the hull form (Erskine
1997a:112115). Features such as the keelson, frames and knees were compared to the
1970 construction plan of Charles W. Morgan, the last remaining wooden American
whaler built in 1841. Whilst this comparison had value, the discussion did not elaborate
on the similarity of the two whalers, with the exception of a detail on the presence of the
spacer blocks between frames (Erskine 1997a:114). Only one comparison to known
information on nineteenth‐century shipbuilding was made, Charles Desmond’s Wooden
Shipbuilding published in 1919. However, more comparisons were needed, as only one
could not prove the initial theory that the construction of American whalers hardly
changed in 150 years. Erskine described one of the mast step assemblies in detail;
however, no further research was undertaken into why the recorded mast step may
have differed from the other mast steps, as suggested by McCarthy (1980:32).
Erskine’s work demonstrated that similarities exist in the construction features
of American whalers built in the mid‐nineteenth century. Furthermore, the level of
discussion and analysis of some integral construction features, such as mast steps, stem
and stern assemblies and scantlings, provide an indication of the gaps in the current
nowledge about construction of these vessels. k
15
2.1.2 Lively (c. 18071810)
Another pelagic whaler subject to a major excavation is the British‐owned Lively
located in the remote Rowley Shoals off the northwest coast. The first excavation season
was completed in 1982 and a small amount of artefact material was retrieved to aid in
the identification of the vessel (Henderson 1984). Further excavation revealed that no
timber features remained and could not be analysed (Myra Stanbury, personal
communication 2012). Research into identification of the artefacts excavated,
particularly metal fastenings, is ongoing (Stanbury 2012). Due to the remote location of
Lively and the cost involved in undertaking archaeological work, initial research focused
on the significance of investigating the shipwreck sites of pelagic whalers and the role
these shipwrecks played in the colonial history of WA (Henderson 1984; Atkinson
1987). Lively was an English whaler (although originally a French prize), previous and
current research focuses on the British South Sea Fishery and late eighteenth‐century
French shipbuilding. Consequently, despite the large‐scale archaeological excavations
and continuing research, study of Lively contributes mainly to the knowledge of British
whaling in New Holland, the South Sea Fishery and late eighteenth‐century French
hipbuilding. s
2.1.3 Cervantes (1844)
Cervantes, another American whaler, built in 1836, wrecked off the WA coast 100
miles (161 kilometres) north of Perth on 24 June 1844 (Henderson 2007:273). The
shipwreck site was first inspected by Harry Bingham and Geoff Kimpton over three days
in 1970 (WAM File 409/71). Dimensions of the shipwreck remains were recorded and
some artefact material was recovered (WAM File 409/71). Henderson completed a
further inspection in May 1988, and another was conducted by Cook in 2004 (WAM File
409/71). Inspection reports state that the shipwreck seemed to have been routinely
uncovered and covered by sand and that a large amount of structure, approximately a
30‐metre long section, remained in situ (WAM File 409/71). Despite the initial
investigation including a detailed site plan and section profiles, no further research was
undertaken on this shipwreck. The site plans remain in draft form and a report on the
inspection includes basic information only, such as the co‐ordinates to the location and
personnel involved (WAM File 409/71). Cervantes is an ideal site to either further
develop or test a typology of an early nineteenth‐century American whaler, as it lies in
hallow water and is uncovered for a majority of the year. s
2.1.4 Persév (1841)
16
érant
Persévérant was a French whaling vessel of 335 tons built in 1836 at Redon,
France (Stanbury 2007:110). In 1841, Persévérant wrecked off Dirk Hartog Island in the
middle of WA (Henderson 2007:248; Stanbury 2007:106121). Artefact material, all
dated to the first half of the nineteenth century, was located on the northeast side of
Dirk Hartog Island in 1976 (Henderson 2007:249). A WAM team inspected the site in
1988 and 2006 and identified it as a survivors’ camp associated with Persévérant.
However, searches for the shipwreck, believed to be close to shore, near the survivors’
camp, have not revealed any material (Henderson 2007:251). Magnetic targets
recorded during the 1998, 2003 and 2006 surveys along the shoreline led to the general
conclusion that, after its initial impact and stranding, the Persévérant drifted shoreward
here it became totally grounded and eventually broke up (Green 2007:154155). w
2.1.5 Lancier (1839)
Another French (Seychelles) whaler, Lancier, wrecked off Rottnest Island, west of
Perth in 1839 whilst attempting to pass through a rocky passage (Kenderdine
1995:121). The shipwreck was relocated and inspected numerous times by WAM since
the early 1970s (WAM file 449/71/2). The presence of try‐pots, used to render oil,
indicated this was the site of the Lancier shipwreck, the only known whaler wrecked in
the area (Henderson 2007:222). During an inspection in 1994, artefacts were recovered
for further analysis, including a silver pocket watch. No test excavations or surveys to
locate any structural remains have been completed and extant wooden structure is
ikely to be minimal as the site is situated on a reef. l
2.1.6 Samuel Wright (1840), North America (1840) and North merica (1843)
As described in the introduction, three American whalers are thought to be
located in close proximity to each other in Koombana Bay. Two unidentified shipwrecks
were uncovered in the early 1960s during sand mining activities (McCarthy 1982:9).
The exact location of these shipwrecks was not recorded and they were reburied soon
afterwards.
A
17
Extensive ground penetrating radar (GPR) surveys and archival research refined
the location of possible historic shipwreck sites in the 1980s (McCarthy 1982). As
shown in McCarthy’s map of possible locations for historic shipwrecks in Koombana
Bay (Figure 4), at least six were in the area, only three of which were whalers. Further
GPR and magnetometer surveys conducted by the City of Bunbury (CoB) in 2009
located geophysical anomalies in the area. In November 2011, WAM and CoB completed
test excavations in order to identify the anomalies and determine if they were
shipwreck‐related (Anderson and McAllister 2012). Three sites were located in Lot 881
and Lot 882 on the Koombana Bay foreshore and one appeared to be a nineteenth‐
century wooden ship. A lack of artefact material resulted in a detailed analysis of the
wooden structure in order to date and identify the vessel.
Figure 4. Map depicting Koombana Bay foreshore and the possible location of historic shipwrecks determined through GPR surveys and historical research (McCarthy 1982)
2.1.7 Conclusion
Overall, the previous study of Day Dawn’s construction and lack of study of other
whalers in WA’s waters underscores how little is known about the construction of
American whalers and what exactly represents a typical whaler. The initial analysis of
the structure of the shipwreck from Koombana Bay only generated detailed
descriptions of the construction features similar to Erskine’s (1997a) analysis of Day
Dawn. This thesis aims to compile information available on the construction of early
nineteenth‐century American whalers to create a typology and apply it to the
Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck to determine if it is one of the three known
merican whalers in the area. A
18
2.2 Archaeological typologies and shipbuilding traditions in maritime
archaeology
It is widely recognised that vessels constructed at a certain place during a certain
time have similar features that are specific to the conditions of their construction
(Crumlin‐Pedersen 1997; Hocker 2004). This discernible pattern of construction
features is known as a “shipbuilding tradition” (Hocker 2004:5). For example, Crumlin‐
Pedersen found that research into a large number of ship‐finds from Northern Europe
in the medieval period indicated that they all had a similar structure and design
(1997:17). Furthermore, it has been suggested that the type of ship, along with its
technical and functional characteristics, can be recognised through analysis of the
remains of a shipwreck (Lenihan 1983:53; Gawronski et al. 1992:18; Crumlin‐Pedersen
1997; Pomey 2011:25). For example, a tanker by its very nature will be a large floating
box while a racing yacht will need smooth, clean lines and a narrow bow. If similar
features from ships that were employed for the same purpose and built during the same
period are compiled, they may represent a ship type or “shipbuilding tradition”, thus, a
compiled list of their features can be created as a typology. As in other areas of
archaeology typologies are useful because they can be utilised to identify shipwrecks
(i.e., artefacts) and to refine ship types (i.e., artefact types).
Classification of shipwrecks using construction typologies was questioned in
terms of its usefulness and value by Maarleveld (1995:56) but in the last decade has
been re‐addressed and discussed in detail by Hocker (2004:7). Maarleveld (1995:4)
discussed typologies, or the classification of ‘ship‐types’, in terms of errors made by
archaeologists themselves when applying this tool to shipwrecks. Maarleveld (1995:6)
claims that typologies or classifications of shipwrecks are biased to western thought,
involving the application of modern nomenclature and western ideals to ancient
shipwreck sites. Whilst the error of applying modern ideals to ancient shipwrecks does
have implications, historic shipwrecks are different. Historical vessels, such as early
nineteenth‐century American whalers, are described in enough documentation that
nomenclature is generally not an issue. Furthermore, the culture that relates to the
typology, early nineteenth‐century USA, is in no danger of misconceptions through
estern ideals as it was a western culture.
19
w
As Hocker (2004:2) stated, “Classification, the ordering of nonidentical [sic]
objects on the basis of stylistic or conceptual relationships, is a primary tool for
archaeology, from the field to the highest realms of theory and interpretation.” Creating
or defining a typology of a certain type of vessel’s construction is a tool for classifying
shipwreck remains. Whilst Hocker (2004:2) states that classifying is a primary tool, he
also stresses that problems exist with employing this method. For example, unlike
grouping pieces of pottery by styles, or classifying bottles into types, classifying a
shipwreck is complicated. Ships are large, complex structures that are subjected to a
variety of cultural influences and the differences between individual shipwrights at the
time of construction. Hocker (2004:2) rightly warns that creating a typology with rigid,
defining characteristics or features for a vessel type could ignore the individual thought
and variation between cultures.
Overall, as Maarleveld (1995:6) stated, employing typologies in order to classify
shipwrecks is a beneficial tool for maritime archaeology; however, it should not be
gospel. In terms of American whalers, this is only the beginning and identifying
shipwrecks along the WA coast will enable future research into the broader scope of
social aspects related to these sites. As such, a construction typology of American
whalers from the early nineteenth century will be beneficial to future research of
pelagic whaling vessels and the maritime industry of whaling.
2. Historical and literature sources depicting a ‘type’
The following discusses the reliability and usefulness of references and
documents found during historical research that provide detailed descriptions of
scantlings and construction features for whalers. Combined, they provide some of the
ata for a construction typology of early nineteenth century American whalers.
3
d
2.3.1 Charles Desmond’s ‘Typical New Bedford Whaler’
Charles Desmond (1919:187) included an illustration of a ‘typical’ New Bedford
whaler in Wooden ShipBuilding (Figure 5). This is an excellent reference for the typical
rigging style expected for a whaler. Significantly, the image depicts three masts, a
square stern, a bluff bow and a wide beam forward. Furthermore, listed in the
20
illustration are typical dimensions and tonnage of an 1850s era whaler from New
Bedford.
Figure 5. Desmond’s illustration of a typi al whaler (Desmond 1919:187) c
21
2.3.2 Reginald Hegarty’s ‘Birth of a Whaleship’ One text provided extensive information on specific structural characteristics of
early nineteenth‐century American whalers, Birth of a Whaleship by Reginald Hegarty
(1964). This publication, which Hegarty (1964:18) states is based on notes from ‘old’
shipwrights and ship carpenters, attempts to portray the construction methods and
features of whalers. Dimensions and assemblies of structural features are provided and
described in detail.
2.3.3 Charles W. Morgan (1841)
To date, no detailed publication has been produced on the construction of the
last remaining nineteenth‐century American whaler, Charles W. Morgan. This is a
disappointment for archaeologists attempting to research shipbuilding practices, not
just for whalers, but for American wooden vessels from this era. Charles W. Morgan is
not wrecked in dangerous waters nor buried beneath metres of silt and sand; the ship is
whole, and still floats at the Mystic Seaport―Museum of America and the Sea
(henceforth Mystic Seaport). Currently, a seven‐year long project is underway to restore
the ship in preparation for a thirty‐eighth voyage, and detailed recording is being
conducted by historic shipwrights working on the vessel (Mystic Seaport―Museum of
America and the Sea 2012). Whilst this is a significant step in understanding nineteenth‐
century American ships, the research will not be finished or published in time to be
utilised in this study. Some ship plans (Allyn 1970a, 1970b) and illustrations of
construction features (Bray 19701986) completed in the 1970s can be added to the
typology. The ships plans, both depicting the lines of Charles W. Morgan and a detailed
deck plan, provide general information on hull form and shape. Unfortunately, the
illustrations of construction features have no detailed descriptions or measurements
and do not include a scale (Appendix 1). Nevertheless, they are a valuable reference on
f construction features, such as the keel, mast steps, stem and sternpost. the assembly o
The entire life of Charles W. Morgan is related in detail in Leavitt’s 1973
publication. Significantly, in the preface Leavitt (1973:xiii) notes the difficulty of finding
any information on the early years of the vessel; no photographs or drawings are
available, however, it is obvious the whaler was altered in its long years of service. This
underlines the lack of detailed historical documentation relating to the construction of
essels, in particular whalers in the early nineteenth‐century. v
22
2.3.4 Two Brothers (1816)
Another set of ships’ plans for an early nineteenth‐century American whaler
contains useful information regarding the construction of a vessel (Channing 1974).
This plan shows the lines and deck layout for Two Brothers, a merchant vessel built in
1816 and converted to a whaler in 1831 (Lund et al. 2008). Unlike the plans for Charles
W. Morgan, these plans show not only details for hull form and deck layout, but also
describe the sizes and types of timber used in major construction features of the vessel.
hese plans are largely useful as a comparison to purpose‐built whalers. T
2.3.5 Horatio (1876)
Specifications for the construction of Horatio, an American whaler built in 1876,
are included in the typology (Church 1938:174179). Despite the date of the vessel’s
construction sitting outside the temporal constraints of ‘early nineteenth century’, the
specifications contain essential details on construction of American whalers and add to
the comparative data for this and future studies. Furthermore, the differences between
this specific vessel and early nineteenth‐century whalers are minimal. As Kane Borden
(personal communication 2012), a watercraft researcher and documentation
coordinator from Mystic Seaport has suggested, the specifications for Horatio may be
beneficial to this study. The only differences between Charles W. Morgan and Horatio
are the hull design. For example, Charles W. Morgan has the characteristic bluff‐bow,
whereas Horatio was constructed at a period when fine, sharper bows similar to clipper
ships were in favour. Furthermore, changes and adaptations to the construction of
whalers from 1841 to 1876 were minimal―fastening patterns, joinery and various
assemblies would be similar (Kane Borden, personal communication 2012). One change
expected is the composition of copper alloys, the nineteenth century saw
experimentation and improvement in metals used for shipbuilding (McCarthy
2005:115). Therefore, the specifications provided in the Horatio document provide
dditional useful and essential specific details for construction of an American whaler. a
2.4
23
Conclusion
It is clear from the review of previous archaeological work conducted on pelagic
whaler shipwrecks in WA that construction of American whalers is an area of research
that has little archaeological attention. Despite the known location of shipwrecks in
accessible environments with large amounts of structure remaining, only some detailed
recording or research has been conducted. Ultimately, the majority of pelagic whaler
shipwrecks in WA have not been located. Creating a typology by which nineteenth‐
century shipwrecks can easily be assessed and classified will enable positive
identification of the remaining pelagic whaler shipwrecks sites.
Assessment of literature on the nineteenth‐century whaling industry revealed that
relevant historical sources exist which can provide detailed information on the
construction of whalers. Furthermore, discussing the archaeological theory of
typologies outlined the benefits and limits to using a typology as a classification method
for shipwrecks.
3.0 Historical background
24
Whaling is one of the oldest industries in the world, so old that the origins are
practically unknown. For example, a Neolithic site in Bangu‐dae, South Korea
demonstrates evidence of whaling activities from as early as 5000 BC (Lee and
Robineau 2004), and in Scandinavia rock carvings from 10,000 BC depict harpooning
whales (Whipple 1979:44). However, the pursuit of whales from boats, or modern
whaling, possibly originated in Japan or Northern Europe. Records exist of the Japanese
and the Tatars of China hunting whales in large boats, although they never ventured far
from shore (Scammon 1874:185; Hohman 1928:18). On the contrary, suggestions have
been made that ‘Northmen’ (from Northern Europe) were the first to hunt whales from
on 1874:185; Jenkins 1921:59; Hohman 1923:18). boats (Scamm
Undoubtedly, the first regular and successful known whaling industry was that of
the Basques of Biscay in northern Spain. Basque whaling is regarded as the beginning of
modern whaling by numerous historians (Cheever 1850:2; Scammon 1874; Tower
1907; Jenkins 1921; Hohman 1923; King 1975; Whipple 1979:43; Davis et. al 1997
Grenier et al. 2007). The peak of Basque whaling was the twelfth to thirteenth centuries
and the success of this industry is evident from records of vessels sent out of various
ports in Biscay until 1721 (Tower 1907:12; Jenkins 1921:61). One example of the size
and capacity of the Basque whaling industry, in comparison to other whaling nations in
the sixteenth century, is the size of the whalers. In the sixteenth century Basque whalers
were reported to have ships up to 400 tons with crews of forty men, whilst the English
averaged less than 50 tons (Jenkins 1921:66). At this time, Basque whaling also
extended across the Atlantic Ocean with a base at Red Bay in Labrador, Canada (Grenier
et al. 2007).
25
During the sixteenth century, France attempted to partake in this profitable
industry but did not truly set out to establish a French whaling fleet until the late
eighteenth century which was subsequently interrupted by the French Revolution
(Tower 1907:12). It is interesting to note that at this time the French attempted to
entice Nantucket (USA) whalemen to Dunkirk to aid in the endeavour of a successful
whaling fleet (Tower 1907:12). The English, however, began whaling as early as 1594,
with the Spitsbergen fishery (island in Svalbard, Norway) proving to be the most
enticing (Scammon 1874:187; Tower 1907:12; King 1975:90; Jackson 1978:328).
Reports of the profits made from whaling in Spitsbergen, and later Greenland, led to the
appearance of Dutch, Spanish, French, Danish and Russian whaling vessels (Scoresby
1823:100). The competition over rights to whaling in the north sparked tension,
sometimes resulting in conflict (Tower 1907:14; Jackson 1978:12). Eventually, rights
were claimed by the English, Danes and Dutch during peace meetings, of which only the
Dutch ventures resulted in decent profits (Scammon 1874:189; Tower 1907:14). The
South Sea Company and the Greenland Company were formed around 1725 to stimulate
the dwindling English whaling industry, but met with little success whilst the Dutch
continued to reap heavy profits (Tower 1907:15). During the seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries the Dutch were the most prosperous whalers. With advances in
technology such as the harpoon, they ruled the European whaling seas (Tower
1907:17). By 1815 the Dutch fishery had passed into history, mainly a result of the
dwindling dominance of its economy in Europe.
Sail and oar‐powered whaling vessels operated between the twelfth and the
nineteenth centuries (Davis et al. 1997:31). During this period, the dominant whaling
nation of the time changed with almost every century. For example, the Dutch in the
seventeenth century, the British in the eighteenth century, the Americans in the
nineteenth century and the Norwegians and Russians in the twentieth century (Davis et
al. 1997:31). Undeniably, the largest whaling industry was that of the Americans.
It should be noted that little reference is made in the majority of the texts to the
whaling industries of Asian whalers, despite speculation of whaling in Japan and
Chinese Tartary possibly founding modern whaling (Scammon 1874:185). This leaves a
large gap in the history of the whaling industry throughout the world which, is most
likely a result of language barriers, as the first publication on the Japanese whaling
industry in English was only recently published (Kalland and Moeran 2010).
3.1 Whaling methods and styles in the nineteenth century
26
3.1.1 Shore‐based whaling
Shore‐based whaling defines activities carried out by a permanent station in a
bay or sheltered area (Parkinson 1997:17). Whaleboats were sent out to hunt southern
right and humpback whales from shore and no large pelagic whalers were necessary,
although sometimes small schooners were utilised as launching platforms for boats
(Gibbs 1996:8). Cutting‐in and trying‐out, which refer to the blubber processing stages,
was conducted at the shore‐based station. Cutting‐in, also known as flensing, describes
the process of carving blubber, meat and bone off the whale carcass and cutting the
blubber into small pieces (Pearson 1983:41). Trying‐out defines the process of boiling
the blubber down into oil to then be stored in wooden casks on board (Pearson
1983:41).
3.1.2 Bay whaling
The term bay whaling describes the opportunistic whaling activities generally
carried out by pelagic whalers whilst they were anchored in a bay or sheltered area of
the coast for the winter (Pearson 1983:41). It can also refer to whalers purposely
staying in bays to hunt southern right and humpbacks that migrated along the coast,
and involved setting up shore‐based try‐works (Gibbs 1996:8).
3.1.3 Pelagic whaling
Pelagic or ‘off‐shore’ whaling refers to deep‐sea whaling involving a ‘mothership’
acting as the base for the whaleboats, where the caught sperm whales were processed
for storage and transporting cargoes of whale oil. These vessels were almost completely
self‐contained and often carried out whaling voyages three to five years long (Parkinson
1997:11). Whaleboats were deployed from the ship as soon as whales were sighted and
once killed, the whales were towed back to the ship to be processed (Pearson 1983:41).
This was far more efficient and productive compared to shore‐based whaling
perations as everything was conducted on and from the vessel itself. o
3.2 The American whaling industry
27
Well before European colonists arrived, Native Americans hunted whales from
open long boats in bays and close to shore (Cheever 1850:2; Spears 1910:6; King
1975:2). Although the history of Native American whaling activities is significant and
warrants further research, it will not be discussed further as it is outside the scope of
this res h. earc
The beginnings of colonial American whaling famously began in 1614 when
captain John Smith turned from his original voyage plan to chase whales along the New
England Coast (Jenkins 1921:223). The earliest references of whaling by actual settlers
relates to catching drift whales in Massachusetts, but it is not known exactly when the
colonists began actively going out to sea to hunt them (Cheever 1850:5; Starbuck
1877:8; Jenkins 1921:223; Dakin 1934:29). However, whaling was a regular business in
Massachusetts by 1688, as was reported in correspondences to England detailing the
profits the colony had from ‘whale killing’ (Tower 1907:21). By the end of the
eighteenth century whaling was a well‐known activity for the American colonies (Tower
907:37; Jenkins 1921:224). 1
At first the whales were so plentiful that boats did not have to venture far to
acquire the needed amount of oil (Starbuck 1877:5). The accidental capture of a sperm
whale further out to sea in 1712 sparked the construction of larger sloops,
approximately 30 tons, to venture into deeper waters (Macy 1835:45; Scammon
1874:203; Starbuck 1877:20; Jenkins 1921:225). The whales were flensed on board and
the blubber was stored to be brought back for trying‐out on shore at Nantucket (Macy
1835:48; Jenkins 1921:225). By 1715 Nantucket had a fleet of six sloops for whaling;
this had increased by 1730 to a fleet of twenty vessels ranging from 3050 tons, with
schooners of up to 70 tons being introduced (Jenkins 1921:225).
The demand for sperm oil, higher quality than regular whale oil, further
stimulated the whaling industry in USA. The location of sperm whales in deeper waters
created a need for construction of larger vessels that ventured further away for longer
periods (Macy 1835:50; Jenkins 1921:225). In 1737 several American vessels were
as Davis Strait, between Canada and Greenland (Jenkins 1921:225).
28
hunting as far
Export of whaling products overseas indicates the early success of the American
whaling industry. The need to export whale oil arose when the amount produced
exceeded the demand from the colonies (Starbuck 1877:23). A regular trade between
Nantucket and London was present by 1730 (Macy 1835:49; Starbuck 1877:24; Jenkins
1921:226). The Davis Straits fishery faded away after 1741 due to interferences by
French and Spanish privateers that eventually affected the entire whaling enterprise at
his time (Starbuck 1877:53; Jenkins 1921:226). t
The annual production of whale oil in 17711775 was approximately 45,000
barrels of sperm oil, 8,500 barrels of whale oil and 75,000 pounds of whale bone
(Jenkins 1921:227). In 1775 with the beginning of the War of Independence, whaling
practically ceased (Jenkins 1921:2270). Significantly, one of the first major steps taken
by the British was to ban colonial trade and further place an embargo on fishing
anywhere along the New England coast (Starbuck 1877:36; Tower 1907:37). The fact
that this was the first step taken by Britain underlines the importance of the whaling
trade for American colonies, and how significant it was by 1775. The combination of
trade bans and loss of 134 vessels to the English effectively made the industry extinct by
the end of the war (Scammon 1874:209; Jenkins 1921:227). As a result it took two
decades for the whaling industry to slowly re‐emerge, mainly due to the taxes placed on
exporting to England. A small reprieve to the industry came in the form of a commercial
treaty with France. However, once the French Revolution broke out the treaty
crumbled; and yet, despite this, it gave the American whaling industry the stimulus to
venture into the Pacific with the first whaler reaching the Pacific Ocean in 1791 (Jenkins
1921:227).
From 1791 the American whaling industry experienced highs and lows, but by
1810 it resumed a strong standing. At this point the distances American whalers went to
reach the favoured whaling grounds often saw them on trips lasting between two and
two and a half years. Nantucket and New Bedford were the largest whaling ports in USA
(Cheever 1850:8; Jenkins 1921:227).
29
The War of 1812, between Britain and USA, lasted only three years; however, the
American whaling industry was again devastated and practically reduced to nothing
(Cheever 1850:8; Jenkins 1921:233). As a result of the impact that conflict had on the
industry, it is unlikely that the American whaling fleet ever reached more than 200
essels at any one time over the period 17851815 (Tower 1907:4546). v
3.2.1 The golden years of American whaling
There can be no doubt that the greatest years for the whaling industry anywhere
in the world were the decades 1820 to 1850 (Davis et al. 1997:38). No fleet had ever
grown to such multitudes as the American fleet during this time and at no period before
or after would the amount of whalers roaming the seas ever be matched. Numerous
factors influencing the American whaling industry and the world market for whale
products saw USA rise above whaling industries from other countries. Some of these
factors included low production costs combined with a high productivity rate and the
additional benefit of industrialisation creating favourable circumstances in the domestic
and foreign markets for whale products (Davis et al. 1988:570). During this period the
American fleet made up at least 722 vessels out of the total world fleet of approximately
900 (Hohman 1923:6). The enormity and importance of the whaling industry to
communities in USA was significant, as whaling historian Walter S. Tower (1907:6)
stated: ‘Whole communities were dependent on its success. When voyages were
successful there was prosperity and plenty. When voyages failed there was hardship
and hunger.’
30
The demand on products derived from whales drove the industry to steadily
grow in the early nineteenth century. Whaling produced five main commercial
products―ambergris, spermaceti, and sperm oil from sperm whales, whale oil and
whale bone from baleens (Pearson 1983:40; Davis et al. 1997:29). Ambergris is a thick
waxy substance regurgitated or secreted by sperm whales; it has an earthy scent and
was the basis of numerous perfumes (Davis et al. 1997:29). Spermaceti is also a waxy
substance but this was only found in the head cavity of sperm whales (Colwell 1969:8).
The value of spermaceti came from its multiple uses, for example, cosmetics, soaps,
pharmaceuticals, leatherworking, lubricants, photographic material, fabrics dressing,
candles and more (Chamberlain 1988; Davis et al. 1997:29). Whale oil from other
whales was primarily used for illumination, although further uses included the base for
paints, varnishes, putty and medicinal products (Pearson 1983:40). Whale products,
such as whale meat, bones and entrails were rarely utilised, although whale bone and
baleen did have uses for women’s clothing, umbrellas, brushes, springs and furniture
(Colwell 1969:10; Pearson 1983:40; Cousteau and Paccalet 1988). The demand for
whale products increased the price of whale oil, and accordingly fuelled the world
whaling industries.
As outlined above, wartime inflicted havoc and demise on the American whaling
industry. In comparison the years of peace saw a boom for whaling. As Davis et al.
(1997:38) have stated, the brief period of reconstruction of the fleets after the War of
1812 was a lead up to the four‐decade period of overwhelming growth. This boom was
reflected in the size of whalers, the additional fishing grounds that were utilised and the
increasing number of ports that sent out whalers to partake in the profits of whaling.
During the years 18201835 the American whaling fleet slowly and steadily
increased. At an early stage in this period most of the new fishing grounds, such as the
Pacific, south Pacific, the coast of Japan and the Indian Ocean, were investigated and
incorporated into common whaling grounds (Figure 6) (Tower 1907:4849). In
particular, the coasts of New Zealand and New Holland (WA) became inexhaustible
fishing grounds in the nineteenth century, especially for sperm and southern right
whales (Scammon 1874:212214). Growth of the industry by this time was rapid, with
whaler numbers doubling between 1829 and 1831 (Jenkins 1921:234).
31
Figure 6. American whaling areas from an 1851 chart by American Naval Oceanographer
Matthew Maury based on whaling logs (McAllister after Whipple 1979:70)
From 1835 onwards, the American whale fishery underwent phenomenal
growth and prosperity. There were nearly 30 whaling ports in operation with some
boasting up to 200 whalers (Cheever 1850:7; Jenkins 1921:234). From 1835 to 1860
the annual amount of whale products equalled: 117,950 barrels of sperm oil 25,913
barrels of whale oil and 2,323,512 pounds of bone (Jenkins 1921:235). Therefore, it is
not surprising that American whalers became a common occurrence in the remote ‘New
Holland’ fishing ground throughout this period.
32
3.2.2 American Whalers in WA
The need for new fishing grounds drove whalers into the Pacific Ocean in the late
eighteenth century, and thence into the Indian Ocean and to the coast of ‘New Holland’
(Hohman 1923:38). As Wolfe (2003:35) outlined, the discovery of the fishing grounds
off the ‘New Holland’ coast occurred in stages. The first recorded American whalers to
visit the Australian coast were Asia and Alliance. Both vessels made land at Shark Bay on
the north coast of WA in 1792, although they were disappointed with the fishing ground
(Heppingstone 1969:37). It is likely that they were too early in the season to find
sufficient whales on the north coast to hunt. British colonisation of WA officially started
when King George Sound (Albany) was declared a colony in 1826 and Swan River
(Perth) declared not long afterwards in 1829 (Paterson 2006:101). However, it was not
until the 1830s that American whalers began to show a real interest in the coast of ‘New
Holland’. The first record of a whaler purposely venturing to the Indian Ocean is Ceres in
1830, and even then it was two years before more vessels followed (Starbuck
1878:275). No commercial or ‘large‐scale’ American whaling was purposely undertaken
at the New Holland fishing ground until the early 1830s. Most whalers would reach the
coastline at Cape Leeuwin in the southwest and then travel either north or east to
fishing grounds. During these journeys the southwest whaling grounds were discovered
and by 1834 the coastline between Augusta and Bunbury was well known and utilised
by American whalers (Wolfe 2003:35).
Two American vessels from Salem arrived for the 1837 fishing season in Albany
with the aim of evaluating the stocks and profits to be made from the southwest
coastline (Colonial Secretary’s Office [CSO] 52/142: 24/3/1837). One of these vessels
was Samuel Wright, the same vessel to wreck a few years later in Koombana Bay. It was
also recorded by locals that American whaling ships were visiting the southern colonies
for several years and trading with the settlers (Molloy 1934). The arrival of foreign
whalers to the remote colonies was reported as a means, although infrequent, to trade
with the whalers. Furthermore, their arrival sparked excitement in settlements that
rarely received visiting vessels (Gill 1966:131). Settlers exchanged fresh water and food
for commodities such as tobacco, spirits, leather, hats and boots (Gill 1966:131).
33
American pelagic whalers journeying to the ‘New Holland’ coast soon began to
set up a ‘home port’ in a bay or inlet somewhere along the south‐west coastline to stay
for the winter months of the fishing seasons (Wolfe 2003:35) As a result the most
common style of whaling carried out by Americans off the WA coast is closer to bay
whaling. They would either hunt in the bay or travel to close fishing grounds and return
to try‐works that they set up in their ‘home port’ (Heppingstone 1969:38). Bountiful
profits made from hunting off ‘New Holland’ resulted in American whalers becoming
regular visitors, in the years following the declaration of the Swan River Colony (Gibbs
2000:3).
As previously mentioned, WA owes the success of numerous colonies and
settlements to the whaling industry. Although exaggerated, Herman Melville described
the importance of whaling to Australia:
After its first blunderborn [sic] discovery by a Dutchman, all other ships
shunned these shores as pestiferously barbarous, but the whale ship
touched there. The whale ship is the true mother of that now mighty
olony. [Koskie 1987:54] c
In the early nineteenth century WA colonies were struggling due to isolation
from Britain and little success in farming or producing goods (Gibbs 2000:10). This led
to a poor reputation in Britain and minimal funding to set up other industries such a
shore‐based whaling. Therefore, it is no surprise that the gradual increase in numbers
of foreign pelagic whalers, particularly from USA and France, caused tension and ill will
from colonists (Randall 1987:33; Gibbs 2000:8). Whilst there may have been anger and
unrest towards the American whalers for ‘stealing’ what was thought of as British
resources, the arrival of the whalers every season also brought trade and social
gatherings.
34
Importing whaling equipment from Britain was costly for the struggling
colonists. Furthermore, the colonies did not have the infrastructure to replace
consumables in the whaling industry such as rope and harpoons (Gibbs 2000:10). Good
fortune came from American whalers, who would sell or swap spare equipment, no
longer needed for whaling once they had a full cargo, in return for fresh food and water.
Sale of cheap equipment from American whalers wrecked in the early 1840s also aided
in setting up shore‐based whaling stations (Gibbs 1998:39) In addition, experienced
and skilled American whalemen began to appear in the colony either by staying after
completing their contract, being shipwrecked or discharged with sickness (Gibbs
2000:11). These men became valuable workers for the fledgling shore‐based whaling
stations. In the same way, American whalers provided employment opportunities for
men in the colony. Aboriginal people also interacted with foreign whalers by carrying
messages and acting as guides (Gibbs 2003:1). Eventually they were recruited as
valuable crew members for their sharp eyes, reportedly able to see a whale spout at the
same distance as a spy glass (Whitecar 1860:83). In this way, the American pelagic
whalers provided resources, skills and employment opportunities for the early
European colonies in WA.
By the 1850s American whalers were a well‐known feature of the WA coast and
the fleets were expected to arrive at the end of every year. The arrival of the vessels
often prompted large‐scale social events and the crews almost became part of the
settlers’ society. For example, in April 1858, an American captain contributed to the
construction of a new schoolhouse in Geographe Bay (Heppingstone 1969:45). One
captain’s wife sparked gossip and fashion envy by coming ashore wearing a ‘bloomer’, a
yet unseen American fashion statement of the time (Heppingstone 1969:44). This is
further reinforced in the detailed journal of William Whitecar (1860:137) aboard Pacific
during 18551859, in which the familiarity of the coast and the settlers to the American
whalers is a recurring theme.
3.2.3 Final years and the decline
Undoubtedly the population of whaling stock did influence the decline of whaling
in the nineteenth century, although other major economic factors also affected the
industry (Figure 7). The final prosperous years of the whaling industry began with the
1850 gold rush and outbreak of Civil War (18611865).
35
Figure 7. Foreign whalers reported in WA shores from 1835 to 1880 (Gibbs 1995:65)
The 1850 gold rush enticed whaling crews to venture into the gold fields instead
of signing up for another whaling voyage. Therefore owners and captains were
struggling to find enough experienced people to crew their ships and as a result many
whalers transported people and goods to the goldfields as an alternative means to earn
profit (Churchward 1949:63).
It is suggested that the flooding of the markets with large quantities of whale oil
dropped the prices and combined with the financial crisis of 1857, created a general
depression of all industries throughout USA at this time (Tower 1907:67). The
discovery of petroleum in 1859 was the first real threat to the industry and the final
blow that saw whale oil prices further slump and not return (Colwell 1969:1; King
1975:90).
The scale of the American whaling industry steadily declined from then to the
1880s. It is often said that the enormity of the whaling industry and continuous whaling
during the nineteenth century resulted in such a substantial drop in the population of
whales that the industry eventually died off (Maran 1974:3; Davis et al. 1997:131).
Species such as the right whale had already become scarce in the 1840s due to targeting
of calves and mothers (Morton 1982:292).On the contrary, studies on world economies
found that the rate of whaling compared to sperm and humpback whale populations
and procreation abilities indicate that impact on whale stock levels was minimal (Davis
et al. 1997:148). Whatever the reasons behind the decline in American whalers visiting
WA, the nineteenth century whaling industry never recovered and the last American
whaler to hunt along the WA was Platina in March 1888 (Dickson 2007:621).
36
4.0 Methodology
This chapter first discusses the methodology employed to compile relevant data
for a typology on early nineteenth‐century American whalers. The second section
outlines the historical research methods employed. A brief explanation of the
archaeological methods used during the excavation and recording of the Koombana Bay
unidentified shipwreck is presented in the third section. Subsequently, the application
of the typology to the unidentified shipwreck at Koombana Bay as a case study is
ummarised and the limitations of this research are discussed. s
4.1 Approa
ch
A shipbuilding tradition describes the theory that vessels built at a certain place,
at a certain time, for a certain purpose share similar construction features (Hasslöf
1956, 1963, 1966; Crumlin‐Pedersen 1965; Marsden 1976; Ellmers 1984a, 1984b;
Adams 1985; Prakash 1990; Hocker 1991; Kahanov and Pomey 2004). This research
assesses whether a typology is a valid method of classifying a shipwreck by its structure
alone.
Balme and Paterson (2006:177) stated that a typology should be based on
variables determined by an archaeological theory, that similarities and differences in
the variables (in this case construction features) compiled in the typology must be
recognisable and that it must be exhaustive. The typology is based on pre‐determined
construction features that have similar dimensions and assemblies. A combination of
historical and archaeological sources is utilised to compile an exhaustive set of data
hich then is assessed against the typology. w
37
Ole Crumlin‐Pedersen, a pioneer in the field of analysing shipbuilding traditions,
outlined the essential criteria to analyse ship finds (1997:1617). Table 2 is an adapted
version of Crumlin‐Pedersen’s (1997:1617) basic criteria for analysis of shipwreck
finds. This table will be used as a guide and reference to identify relevant construction
features of American whalers.
Table 2. Analyses of ship‐finds (after Crumli 617) n‐Pedersen 1997:1
AnalysiShip details s of finds Year of construction 1. analysis of fastenin gs
2. typology Materials utilised 1. species of timber
2. composition of fastenings Building site 1. provenance of materials
tions 2. adaptation of hull to local condiBasic type (construction) 1. structural layout
mast step
2. keel, stem, stern and
g assemblies
o3. meth ds of joinin asts 4. number of m
Shape (design) 1. line
2. proportions
nd stern3. shape of stem aFunction 1. shape and prop
ortions 2. size (tonnage) 3. types of cargos
Type name 1. historical documentation i.e. rig type: ship, barque, brig etc
clature i.e. “whaler” 2. vernacular nomenhip” vs. “whales
Measurements metric/imperial 1. main dimensions2. scantlings 3. ‘rules‐of‐thumb’
Keywords from this table form the base criteria for historical and archaeological
research. It should be noted that structural features above the water‐line, such as decks,
masts and rigging, have been left out of this research. As is common with most wooden
ships, only the lower structure of the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck survived
to be recorded in 2011. Therefore, the focus of this research is to determine the typical
lower hull structure of an American whaler represented in historical sources to
compare with archaeological data from shipwrecks.
4.2 istorical Research H
Historical research is essential in order to identify data pertaining to
construction of early nineteenth‐century American whalers. Sources from a variety of
38
institutions were consulted in relation to this study. Initial investigation commenced
with the WAM maritime library, files, shipwreck database and map room. The maritime
library holds a large quantity of publications on the whaling industry in general and the
WA whaling industry. The shipwreck database at WAM provides primary descriptive
information for each known shipwreck. Finally, the shipwreck files at WAM contain a
range of information such as shipwreck reports, newspaper articles, public enquiries
and site inspections. Researching these files provided a solid basis for historical
research into the background of shipwreck sites and, the previous archaeological work
conducted on pelagic whaler shipwrecks along the WA coast.
By searching the WAM library and databases, large amounts of general
information about the whaling industry and basic descriptions of whalers were found;
however, few specific details about the construction of American whalers were
available. Another useful resource for details on the wrecking events proved to be the
National Library of Australia digital newspaper archive, Trove (National Library of
Australia 2012). Here, key terms such as shipwreck names and dates could be entered
and any newspaper article mentioning these came up in the search. This provided
further background information and, in some cases, basic reported dimensions of the
whaler shipwrecks although, newspapers are often unreliable sources as they are not
primary sources.
After exhausting the WAM libraries, international libraries, museums, archives
and state record offices were searched online in an effort to find primary sources of
information such as shipbuilding contracts. The following is a list of the institutions
that were part of this search:
New Bedford Whaling Museum―Library catalogue and the Kendall
Whaling Museum
Mystic Seaport―the Museum of America and the Sea: Ships plans,
manuscripts and arts and objects collections
A archives Boston State Records Office―Open Public ccess
39
Massachusetts Archives Collection (16291799)
Peabody‐Essex Museum―Maritime Art and History Collection
ue New Bedford Public Library―online catalog
ortsmouth Athenaeum―online catalogue P
The success of these searches varied from non‐relevant data and inaccessible
collections to generous offers of support and advice, the most helpful institution being
Mystic Seaport. Advice and information was freely offered by Mystic Seaport personnel
and provided a basis for significant information in the typology, such as the
specifications for the whaler Horatio (Church 1938:174179).
During this search, another database was located, the American Offshore
Whaling Voyages Database (Lund et al. 2008). Run by the National Maritime Digital
Library, this database contains all American vessels that departed on whaling voyages,
along with essential information regarding where the vessels were built and who
owned them. Unfortunately, no sources are available for specific information provided
on the database. However, this information is readily provided by the website author
upon enquiry (Judith Lund, personal communication 2012).
One type of archival data that was a valuable reference was the ship line plans of
Charles W. Morgan and Two Brothers. Comparison of Charles W. Morgan, a purpose‐built
whaler, and Two Brothers, a converted whaler, show differences in hull form between
the two vessels. Whilst Two Brothers is smaller and was constructed earlier than Charles
W. Morgan, it is expected that the ships are similar enough to warrant a reliable
comparison, as whalers were often described as having a traditional hull form (Davis et
al. 1997).
4.3 Case Study: Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck
The scantlings, measurements and information gathered from the Koombana
Bay Unidentified Shipwreck are compared to the typology. This is used as an example to
test the typology and determine if it is a successful tool for classifying shipwreck sites.
Ultimately, applying the typology to the case study attempts to identify the shipwreck
ite itself.
40
s
4.3.1 The Koombana Bay foreshore excavations
The City of Bunbury (CoB) approached the WAM during early planning stages in
the redevelopment two blocks of land, Lot 881 and Lot 882, in order to determine if any
culturally significant sites, such as shipwrecks, were in existence. The two blocks of land
are situated approximately 170 kilometres (km) southwest of Perth and cover an area
of approximately 350 m x 150 m. In 2009, CoB surveyed the blocks with a Ground
Penetrating Radar (GPR) to determine if any geophysical anomalies were present.
Anomalies were identified and WAM was asked to investigate the anomalies and
determine if they were shipwreck‐related and protected by the Maritime Archaeology
ct 1973. A
During the 2011 excavations, a water probe survey was conducted to determine
the depth of anomalies located during the GPR survey. Three test excavation trenches
were set out and shipwreck‐related material was identified at varying depths in all
trenches. Mechanical excavation was utilised until appropriate depths were reached
and then manual excavation was employed for accuracy. Trenches 1 and 2, located in
ot 881, revealed the remains of late nineteenth to early twentieth‐century vessels. L
Only one trench was excavated in Lot 882. This trench was approximately 10 m²
and eventually reached about five metres in depth. The site is situated below the water
table so well pumps were placed around three sides of the trench and continually
pumped out water to enable excavation. Approximately five metres of a bow or stern
ection of a wooden vessel was uncovered. s
Recording the site included photographing all features and the overall structure
as well as drawing site plans, section profiles and cross‐sections of the hull. Timber and
fastening samples were taken for analysis, and material corrosion and degradation
levels were also recorded throughout the excavation. After the project was completed,
the majority of artefacts were reburied at the site.
41
4.4 Limitations
In order to compile a successful classification typology, the limitations of this
study must be acknowledged. First, it may be difficult to determine the useful historical
and literature resources from the extensive information recorded about all aspects of
the whaling industry. Success of the historical research is highly dependent on the
availability of information. Because this study is being conducted in Australia, there are
limits to the document availability and inability to visit overseas museums, archives and
libraries to conduct more detailed searches of non‐digitised material is also a constraint.
In terms of testing the typology, adequate structural features may not have been
recorded from the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck and determining whether the
vessel is a whaler or not may not be possible. This is a limitation of applying the
ypology to one case study. t
One overall limitation to this study is that it disregards the variety in
construction that may occur due to social complexities and individual thought and
perspective. Just like today’s society and building homes, you can get a general idea of
the house you want to build from common or popular designs, but add your own style
depending on individual needs. The same could apply to construction of ships in the
early nineteenth‐century. This refers back to Maarleveld’s (1995:6) statement, that
although creating a typology for classification is a basic method in archaeology, it should
not be gospel.
One last limitation relates to the knowledge of the author. The author is an
archaeologist, not a shipwright, shipbuilder nor a naval architect. While every
endeavour to learn correct and relative nomenclature for wooden shipbuilding has been
made, there remains the possibility that important aspects may be overlooked as they
may ne d the knowledge and eye of a true shipwright. e
42
5.0 Data
This chapter outlines data collected during historical and archaeological
research on the construction of early nineteenth‐century American whalers. First is an
outline of data from historical sources on general descriptions of American whaler
construction, followed by information on specific dimensions and vessels. Second is a
summary of archaeological data discerned from previous archaeological studies. The
data is compiled into a table for comparison. From this table, the similarities present are
discussed as a typology. Last is an outline of the data gathered from the Koombana Bay
nidentified Shipwreck. U
5.1 Historical Data
5.1.1 General descriptions
The sheer size of the American whaling fleet and its impact on the American
economy during the nineteenth century is reflected in historical literature with
descriptions and histories recounted in numerous publications (Scammon 1874;
Starbuck 1878; Tower 1907; Jenkins 1921; Hohman 1923; Churchward 1949;
Heppingstone 1969; King 1975 Davis et al. 1988). Some of the most emotive
descriptions of nineteenth‐century whalers were written by whaling historian Elmo
Hohman (1928). He recalls that, “The typical ‘blubber‐hunter’―broad on the beam, bluff
bowed, square rigged and resembling, on dark nights when the try pot fires were
burning, a miniature inferno―had disappeared from the seas.” (1928:3). Dakin
(1934:2), another whaling historian stated that a whalers appearance was related to the
necessity of their employment, they were not built for speed. These descriptions suggest
that whalers may have looked different from general merchant vessels because they
were b
43
uilt for a certain purpose.
These strong, staunch vessels with broad beams and bluff‐bows (Figure 8) were
built not only to survive rough weather and long voyages, but also to withstand the
strain of large whale carcasses that were lashed to the side for cutting‐up (Hohman
1928:1112). Furthermore, speed gained from a sleek, sharp hull form was not
essential, as whaleboats were used to chase down whales while the whaler remained
and waited for the boats to return (Dickson 2007:3031). Therefore, whalers did not
need to evolve and employ the sharp hull form favoured by clipper ships and merchant
vessels.
Figure 8. Bow shapes (McAllister after Koskie 1987:5)
Lack of evolution in the overall shape of American whalers during the early
nineteenth century is noted by numerous sources (Morton 1982:85; Erskine
1997a:111). Due to an essential need for seaworthiness and strength, whalers survived
for a long time and whaling methods did not change nor did the overall construction of
whalers (1982:85). Significant in describing this lack of evolution is Hohman’s
(1928:42) discussion on the overall changes of whalers from the 1800s to the outbreak
of Civil War in 1860. Whalers did not change greatly over this period despite a
phenomenal boom in the industry. Instead, the demand for whalers was solved with
multiplication of the same type of vessel, not through advances in hull, size, and type of
equipment or methods of capture (Hohman 1928:42). Previous analyses have noted a
slight increase in size from 300 to 400 tons and a consequent increase from 26 to 30
crew along with a gradual preference for bark‐rigged over ship‐rigged vessels (Hohman
1928:42; Dickson 2007:27). A publication by Davis et al. (1997) highlights the impact
economic changes in the nineteenth century had on the evolution of whaler
44
construction significantly, the sudden changes post‐1860s, such as the gold rushes
around the world. Ultimately, no significant change in technology or methods employed
in construction of whalers occurred from 1800 to 1860.
Whalers were renowned for their longevity as many survived throughout the
entire period of the ‘golden years’ (Jenkins 1921:235). As Rod Dickson (2007:27), a
whaling historian, outlined:
To illustrate the longevity of these ships, the Philadelphia built
whaler Truelove was launched in 1764 and by 1868 had made 72
whaling voyages. In 1873 at the age of 109, the grand old lady was
still afloat and working. Rosseau lived and worked for 91 years, the
Maria, 90 years, Charles W. Morgan, 85 years of active service, the
Triton 79 years, the Ocean 75 years, and the James Arnold 74 years
f hard service. o
The long life of most purpose‐built whalers could be related to the construction
characteristics of the vessels themselves, the conditions that they sailed in and the tasks
for which they were built. Characteristics required for whaling caused whalers to be
useful only in a narrow maritime extraction industry and most whalers were specially
built to take the strains of lifting huge weights of blubber (Hohman 1928:12; Morton
1982:81; Dickson 2007:27).
Dickson (2007:27) states that the strength of whalers came from oversized
structural timbers and materials used in the vessels construction, in comparison to
merchant vessels of a similar size. Whalers also tended to carry oversize windlasses just
behind the bowsprit both for anchoring and for lifting whale carcasses for flensing
(Dickson 2007:27). On the other hand, Howard Chapelle (1935:288), a naval architect,
clearly states that merchant vessels were classed by their employment, not by
differences in construction. Chapelle (1935:288) also states that the whaler was the
best‐known of these ‘employment‐classified’ vessels as it was simply a general
merchant ship that was employed in the whaling industry. Overall, the majority of views
45
on the construction differences for whalers suggest that they were built with specific
needs and therefore had unique, characteristic construction.
Charles Desmond included an illustration of a ‘typical’ New Bedford whaler in his
1919 publication. Significantly, the first part of the image (Figure 5) depicts three masts,
a square stern, a bluff bow and wide beam towards the bow of the vessel. Furthermore,
dimensions listed describe a ‘typical New Bedford whaler’ from 1850 as 108 ft (33 m) in
length, a beam of 29 ft (8.8 m), a depth of 19 ft (5.8 m) and approximately 400 tons
esmond 1919:187). (D
According to Reginald Hegarty (1964:21), the bow of a whaler was full and
“almost square” on deck level in order to accommodate the unusually long and bulky
windlass and try‐works, whilst below the waterline they became much sharper. The
stem was 12 inches (30.5 cm) sided and 18 to 24 inches (45.7 cm to 60.9 cm) moulded
(Hegarty 1964:27). White oak trees with a large root were preferred as this added
strength to the lower end. The root would be fashioned as a knee and sat on the keel;
alternatively, a heavy knee could be bolted to the foot of the stem, but this was
onsidered bad practice (Hegarty 1964:27). c
The keel was constructed of two timber ‘logs’, one placed on top of the other,
varying from 14 inches² (30.5 cm²) to 16 inches² (40.6 cm²) (Hegarty 1964:26). Overall,
the keel was 3 ft (91 cm) deep and sat 2.5 ft (76 cm) below the bottom of the hull when
complete (Hegarty 1964:26). A shoe was then added which measured 6 to 8 inches
(15.2 cm to 20.3 cm) thick and was fastened to the keel with treenails or spikes
(Hegarty 1964:27). Floor timbers (frames) were rabbeted to the top of the keel and the
keelson was then bolted on top (Hegarty 1964:31). Similar to the keel, the keelson was
two 16 inches² (40.6 cm²) logs, one placed on top of the other (Hegarty 1964:31). On
top of the keelson, sister keelsons made of oak planks 14 to 16 inches (30.5 cm to 40.6
m) wide were fastened to the keelson for further support. c
46
The sternpost was also sided 12 inches (30.5 cm) and moulded 18 to 24 inches
(45.7 to 60.9 cm). The timber ran from the transom past the keel and was fastened to
the shoe (Hegarty 1964:28). Hegarty (1964:28) also mentions that for extra strength
and support for the sternpost, brass ‘anchor’ plates were bolted to the sides of the keel
and sternpost. Two sets of timbers fastened together with treenails formed the frames
for a whaler (Hegarty 1964:30). Although no specific dimensions were stated, floor
timbers were usually half the thickness of the keel, approximately 6 inches (15.24 cm)
Hegarty 1964:30). For illustration of the framing, keel, stem and sternpost see Figure 9. (
Figure 9. Construction of a whaler showing keel, stem, sternpost and frames (Hegarty 1964:29)
The first plank up from the keel is called a garboard strake. In the case of a
whaler, the garboard strake was made of white oak 4 inches (10.1 cm) (Hegarty
1964:35). The ceiling planking was hard pine and 2 to 3 inches (5 cm to 7.6 cm). No
imensions for outer planking were given (Hegarty 1964:35). d
47
Timbers described for construction of whalers, according to Hegarty (1964:26),
are typically from the New England area: white oak (Quercus alba), locust (Robinia
pseudoacacia), white pine (Pinus strobus) and pitch pine (Pinus rigida). However, timber
was also imported from interstate; yellow pine (Pinus palustris) from Georgia and live
oak (Quercus virginiana) from Florida (Hegarty 1964:26).
5.1.2 Agate (1853)
In an account of shipbuilding in Essex, Massachusetts, Dana Story (1995:75)
gives dimensions and a brief description of Agate built in 1853. The whaler was heavily
built, with a broad, full body well forward in order to allow for the heavy brick try
works and cargo hold. The bulwarks were 3.8 ft (1.16 m), relatively high, and timber
utilised in building the vessel was white oak (Quercus alba) from Massachusetts and
white pine (Pinus strobus) from New Hampshire. Agate was 74.1 ft (22.59 m) long, 20.1
ft (6.13 m) beam, 8.6 ft (2.62 m) in depth and 81 tons (Story 1995:75). Despite the
unusually small tonnage for the period, it is important to note the description of the
hape of the hull, bulwarks and the timber used. s
5.1.6 Horatio (1876)
Little is known about the whaler Horatio (Figure 12), except that it was built in
New Bedford circa 187677 and lost off the Caroline Islands in the Pacific in 1899
(Lund et al. 2008). As the shipwreck has not been relocated, the reliability and accuracy
of the specifications recorded in the shipbuilding contract cannot be verified (Church
1938:174179). However, the data in the document can be used as a reliable indication
of the common practices for whaler construction in the nineteenth century.
48
Figure 10. under tow (Edwin Blackburn, n
Complete sided and moulded dimensions are given for the keel, keelson and
rider keelson of Horatio. The keel is white oak (Quercus alba) specified as 12.5 inches
(31.7 cm) by 18 inches (45.7 cm). Constructed of yellow pine (Pinus palustris), the
keelson was recorded as 12 inches² (30 cm²). Like the keelson, the rider keelson was
also yellow pine (Pinus palustris) but 14 inches² (35.5 cm²) (Church 1938:174). The
keelson was fastened to both the floor timbers and keel with copper bolts 1.125 inches
(2.8 cm) in every second floor timber (Church 1938:176). The stem was white oak
(Quercus alba) and sided 12 inches (30 cm) and the sternpost is also white oak and
sided 10 inches (25.4 cm) towards the lower hull and 14 inches (35.5 cm) where it
intersects the transom (Church 1938:174). The apron was live oak (Quercus virginiana)
and sided 18 inches (45.7 cm) (Church 1938:174).
Horatio .d.)
49
A variety of different timbers are noted for use as frames including: white oak
(Quercus alba), locust (Robinia pseudoacacia), yellow pine (Quercus virginiana) and
hackmatack (Larix laricina). Only the moulded dimensions are given for the frames, 12
inches (30.5 cm) at the keel and 5.5 inches (14 cm) at the upper decks (Church
50
1938:174). Futtocks were fastened to the keel with one inch (2.5 cm) copper bolts
(Church 1938:176). Each deck beam had two hackmatack (Larix laricina) knees (one
fore and one aft) that were 6 inches (15.2 cm) thick (Church 1938:175). In total, there
were six breast‐hooks in the bow, although no type of timber was mentioned. Two were
located below the lower deck, one in‐between the lower and upper decks, one in the
upper deck frames and one incorporated into the bowsprit, although no dimensions
were given (Church 1938:176).
Both the ceiling and outer hull planking are recorded as typically 3 inches (8 cm)
thick and constructed of yellow pine (Church 1938:174). The outer hull planking was to
be fastened with “composition spikes sufficient to work the planks snug to the frames”
and to be square fastened with locust treenails driven through and wedged on the
inside and outside (Church 1938:176).
Morgan and Two Brothers ship lines 5.1.7 Comparison of Charles W.
The ship lines below represent Charles W. Morgan and Two Brothers. Ship lines
are technical drawings that display the curves and shape of a vessel’s hull (de Kerchove
1961:458). Generally, these drawings involve three views of the vessel: a sheer or
profile plan, a section plan (cross section) and a half‐breadth plan (showing several
waterlines) (de Kerchove 1961:458). Unfortunately, only the plans for Charles W.
Morgan are complete (all three plans available), while the plans for Two Brothers only
include a section plan and a sheer plan.
Figures 13 and 14 represent both the profile and section views for both vessels.
The important structural features to note from comparison of the two are the form and
shape of the bow section. The angle of the ship lines in the bow of each vessel is quite
different. For Charles W. Morgan, the bow slowly slopes upwards, whereas Two
Brothers’ bow is sharply angled. This indicates that Charles W. Morgan has the typical
rounded, bluff bow of a whaler in comparison to the older Two Brothers. On the other
hand, comparison of the stern to midships section lines for both vessels shows they are
nearly identical.
Figure 11. Top: Profile plan of (McAllister after Channing) and below: Profile plan of Two Brothers Charles W. Morgan
51
Figure12. Top: Two Brothers section plan (McAllister after Channing) and below: Charles W. Morgan section plan (McAllister after Allyn 1970a)
52
5.2 Archaeological Data
5.2.1 Day Dawn
Day Dawn, originally Thomas Nye, was built in Fairhaven, Massachusetts, in 1851
purposely for the whaling industry (McCarthy 1980:28). The vessel was ship‐rigged
with three masts and average tonnage for a whaler of this period at 355 tons (McCarthy
1980:28). Historic documents show that Thomas Nye made three successful voyages as
a whaler from Massachusetts before being sold to a Boston merchant ship owner in
1862 and then disappearing from records (McCarthy 1980:29). Five years later (1867)
the vessel reappeared and was named Day Dawn and registered to Sydney, Australia
(American Lloyds Register [ALR] 1867). Day Dawn changed owners over the next
nineteen years, after which it was stranded at Quindalup in the southwest of WA (The
West Australian [TWA], 16 July 1886:3). After being sold for 140 pounds, Day Dawn was
towed north to ‘South Bay’ (metropolitan waters near Perth) and used as a hulk,
described in the newspaper as a vessel of ‘tough old draft and with immense stowing
capacity’ (The Inquirer and Commercial News [ICN], May 18 1887:4). No records exist
of the final sinking/scuttling of the vessel. After it was relocated in 1976, extensive
archaeological work provided detailed information on the construction of the vessel.
The keelson was made of white oak sided 1.15 ft (34.5 cm) and moulded 1.3 ft
(38 cm) (Erskine 1997a:112). In terms of fastenings, pieces were scarf joined and
secured with 1.125 inches copper bolts on every alternate floor timber (Erskine
1997a:112). Evidence of stern deadwood was recorded and Erskine describes it as very
similar to that of Charles W. Morgan’s deadwood assembly. The rider keelson was made
of pitch pine and sided 8 inches (20 cm), moulded 9.25 inches (23.5 cm) and fastened to
th iron drift bolts (Erskine 1997a:113). the keelson wi
53
Erskine’s (1997a:113) recording and analysis of the frames in Day Dawn gave
insights into the framing method and dimensions of the hull. The floor timbers are sided
9.6 inches (24.5 cm) and moulded 10.25 inches (26 cm), although the timber itself was
not identified (Erskine 1997a:113). Interestingly, the spacing between frames varied: 4,
6, 9.5 and 12 inches recorded from only five sets of frames (Erskine 1997a:113). The
frames were also recorded as being in pairs in the lower hull and only single timbers
further up towards the deck. The frames were fastened with copper alloy bolts 0.75
inches (19 mm) in diameter and although no treenails were recorded, spacer blocks
were identified and these were typically secured with treenails (Erskine 1997a:113).
Spacer blocks were placed between frames to deter rot (Erskine 1997a:114).
Ceiling planking was pitch pine, 3 inches (75 mm) thick and 10.6 inches (27 cm)
to 1.8 ft (50 cm) in width (Erskine 1997a:115). They were fastened to frames with
treenails 1.25 inches thick (32 mm), copper spikes square‐sided at 0.5 inch (12 mm)
and copper bolts 0.75 inch (19 mm) diameter (Erskine 1997a:114). Planking was
fastened with one treenail and one spike per plank into each frame (Erskine
1997a:114). The outer hull planking also pitch pine and 3 inches (75 mm) (Erskine
1997a:115). No fastening patterns were recorded.
Day Dawn’s sheathing was fastened to planking with brass flat head tacks at 2
inches (50 mm) spacing (Erskine 1997a:115). No analysis of the composition of the
elements has been completed.
One mast step was recorded in 1995 and, due to its proximity to the stern
deadwood, suggested to be the mizzen mast step. Dimensions were recorded as 1.45 ft
(42 cm) in length, 5 inches (12 cm) width and 5.5 inches (14 cm) depth (Erskine
1997a:115).
Two iron knees were recorded during the 1995 excavations (Figure 15). One
staple knee (between decks support) and a rounded arm of the staple knee (both with
fastenings still attached) indicate that they were part of the ship’s structure (Erskine
1997a:115).
54
Figure 13. Iron standing and hanging knees from Day Dawn (McCarthy 1980:18)
5.1.4 Charles W. Morgan (1841)
Remarkably, one American whaler from the nineteenth century has survived to
the present day (Figures 10 and 11). Charles W. Morgan was built in New Bedford,
Massachusetts, in 1841 and served as a whaler for 80 years (Bray 1979:90). From 1841
until 1886, Charles W. Morgan undertook thirteen whaling voyages before being sold to
owners in San Francisco (Bray 1979:91). Twenty years later the vessel returned to New
Bedford and was employed as a whaler until its thirty‐seventh and last voyage in 1920
55
(Bray 1979:91). In the following years Charles W. Morgan had little use except as a set
for movies such as ‘Down to the Sea in Ships’ and ‘Java Head’ (Leavitt 1973:77). In 1941
Mystic Seaport purchased the 100‐year‐old dilapidated whaler for use as a museum
vessel (Leavitt 1973:82). Two major restoration projects completed since 1973
provided essential information of features such as false keel, masts and rebuilding the
entire between decks including knees, refastening, re‐caulking and re‐sheathing (Bray
1979:912; Comstock 2008:2).
Figure 14. Ch in 2012 (S. Nahabedian) arles W. Morgan
56
Figure 15. Charles W. Morgan in the nineteenth century (www.newporthistorical.org)
Original framing removed in the 1970s was red oak (Quercus rubra), white oak
(Quercus alba) and chestnut oak (Quercus prinus) (Jackson 2012:66). Once the ceiling
planking had been removed futtocks were revealed that were not much more than
‘gnarled branches’ with one side squared off (Jackson 2012:66). In terms of spacing, the
frames were closer than a general merchant ship but not packed as tightly as a man‐o‐
war (Jackson 2012:66). Interestingly, the keel and lower futtocks were reported to be in
such good condition in the 2012 restoration that they were left in place. The lower hull
fastenings were “surprisingly scant”, mainly black locust treenails with some copper
alloy bolts and spikes (Jackson 2012:67). Bottom hull planking was 3 inches (7.6 cm)
thick, 14 inches (35.5 cm) wide and varied from 40 to 48 ft (12.2 to 14.6 m) long.
Research on constructing and outfitting Charles W. Morgan from 1840 to 1841
provided general details on the materials including pig iron, copper nails, oakum for
caulking and packing, pine, oak, ash and mahogany (Schultz 1967:2016). Ongoing
57
58
research (20082013) during the restoration will provide further specific details on the
construction of Charles W. Morgan; however, these details were not available at the time
of writing.
Analysis of Copper‐Alloy fastenings from Charles W. Morgan
An unspecified analysis of sample copper alloy fastenings, conducted in 1972,
provided approximate elemental compositions (Table 3) (Mystic Seaport Museum,
Mystic Seaport, Connecticut [MSM] 1972: Analysis of Fasteners from Charles W. Morgan
[AFCWM] 1:7).
Table 3. Data from Charles W. Morgan (MSM 1972: AFCWM 1:7)
Round head spike Percent (weight) % Square head spike Percent (weight) % Copper 84.05 Copper 86.55 Zinc 11.04 Zinc 9.35 Lead 1.08 Lead 0.64 Iron 0.02 Iron 0.01 Tin 3.44 Tin 3.28 Misc. 0.37 Misc. 0.17 Total 100% Total 100% Rod with washer Percent (weight) % Small Nails Percent (weight)% Copper 99.45 Copper 81.49 Zinc 0.01 Zinc 10.94 Lead 0.07 Lead 2.09 Iron 0.01 Iron 0.02 Tin 0.01 Tin 4.92 Misc. 0.45 Misc. 0.54 Total 100% Total 100%
5.3 Compilation of data
The data gathered during historical and archaeological research is compiled into
Table 4 and Table 5 for ease of comparison. Dimensions and assemblies are compared
and contrasted in order to assemble the typology.
Table 4. Construction data for whalers
Feature Charles W. Morgan Day
Formerly mas Nye
Dawn
ThoAgate Horatio
Year built 1841 1851 1853 1877
Port built Fairhaven, Massachusetts New Bedford, Massachusetts Essex, Massachusetts New Bedford, Massachusetts, (Possibly Port Jefferson, NY)
Tonnage 351 460 (above average for this period
and for a whaler) 81 Unknown: possibly 300‐340 t
Length 113 ft (34 m) 123.3 ft (38 m) 74.1 ft (23 m) 103 ft (31 m)
Beam 27.6 ft (8.4 m) 28 ft (8.5 m) 20.1 ft (6.1 m) 27.8 ft (8.5)
Depth 17.7 ft (5.4 m) 14.3 ft (4.35 m) 8.6 ft (2.6 m) 17 ft (5.2 m)
No. Of masts
3 3 ? 3
No. of decks
2 2 ? 2
Hull formBluff‐bowed, broader towards
the bow. Most likely bluff‐bowed, with a broad beam (Erskine 1997)
Heavily built, broad, full body well forward towards the bow.
Unknown: ratio indicates a broad vessel.
Beam to length ratio
1:4 1:4.4 1:3.7 1:3.7
59
Mast step assemblies
Three different styles.
Mizzen mast step: rectangular cut‐out in the rider keelson 1.45 ft (44 cm) x 5 inches (12.7 cm) x 5.5 inches (13.9 cm)
Frames
White oak, chestnut oak, red oak, American chestnut, longleaf yellow pine. Some were unfinished gnarled timbers.
Not framed as tightly as man‐o'‐war, but closer then cargo ships of the same tonnage.
Futtocks arranged in pairs
5 floor timbers measured average siding 9.6 inches (24.4 cm)
Average moulding 10.25 inches (26 cm)
Spacing varied: 1.6 inches (4 cm), 3.7 inches (9.4 cm), 1.6 inches (4 cm), 4.7 inches (11.9 cm) and 2.35inches (6 cm)
First futtock joined to floor timber with butt joint, no treenails, copper alloy bolt
Moulded 12 inches (30 cm) at keel, 5.5 inches (13.9 cm) at upper decks.
White oak, locust, yellow pine, hackmatack.
Knees
No wooden knees located.
1x iron hanging knee, long arm 6.56 ft (2 m) 1x iron staple knee, length 5.4 ft (1.6 m) (However had main deck removed in 1885 and replaced with beams)
Lower deck: Sided 7 inches (17.8 cm) hackmatack, upper deck: 6 inches (15.2 cm) hackmatack.
60
Shoe/false keel
6 inches (15.2 cm) x 12.5 inches (31.7 cm) white oak
Keel
12.5 inches (31.7 cm) x 18 inches (45.7 cm) white oak
Keelson White oak
Sided: 13.5 inches (34.3 cm) Moulding: 15 inches (38 cm)
14 inches² (35.5 cm²) yellow pine
Sister keelson
Pitch pine
Sided: 8 inches (20 cm) Moulding: 9.3 inches (23.6 cm)
12 inches² (30 cm²) yellow pine
Bilge clamps
4 inches (10 cm) or 5 inches (12.7 cm) yellow pine
Ceiling planking
3 inches (7.6 cm) Pitch pine
3 inches (7.6 cm) yellow pine
Hull planking
3 inches (7.6 cm) thick, length from 14 ft (4.3 m) to 40 ft (12 m)
3 inches (7.6 cm) pitch pine 3 inches (7.6 cm) yellow pine
Stem Sided 12 inches (30 cm) white oak
Sternpost
Sided 10 inches (25 cm) at bottom and 12 inches (30 cm) at transom white oak
Apron sided 18 inches (45.7 cm) live oak
Transom
sided 12 inches (30 cm) to 14 inches (35.5 cm) live oak
Breast hooks
white oak
3 below lower deck.
6 breast‐hooks and pointers. 2 below lower deck, 1 in deck frame, 1 between decks, 1 in upper deck frame and 1 over the bowsprit
61
Fastenings
Copper drift bolts, square sectioned copper alloy spikes. Scant, only half the floor timbers were drift bolted to the keel. Round head spike: 84.05% C, Zn: 11.04%, Pb: 1.08%. Square head spike: Cu: 86.55%, Zn: 9.35%, Sn: 3.28%. Rod with washer: Cu 99.45%. Small nails: Cu 81.49%, Zn: 10.94%, Pb: 2.09%, Sn: 4.92%.
Ceiling planking is fastened in a single fastening pattern (one treenail and one spike per plank into each frame)
Keelson: fastened through alternate timbers with 1.12 inches (2.8 cm) copper bolts
Floors to keel: 1 inch (2.5 cm) copper bolts. Lower keelson: 1.12 inches (2.8 cm) copper bolts in alternate floor timbers, riveted to bottom of keel. Lower deadwood, stem, keel and apron: fastened with copper up to copper line. Bottom planks: composition spikes sufficient to fit plank snug to timbers, square fastened. Rider keelson: iron bolts.
Treenails1.25 inches (3.2 cm) diameter Black locust.
1.25 inches (3.2 cm) diameter
locust inside and outside of planking,
Caulking “best, new oakum”
Notes: Built entirely of New England
timber.
62
Table 5. Construction data from general sources
Feature Desmond's
"Typi aler" cal New Bedford Wh
Hegarty’s
Birth of a Whaleship
Year built approximately 1850 approximately 1850
Port built New Bedford,
Massachusetts
New England States
Tonnage approximately 400 t approximtely300 t
Length 108.3 ft (33 m) 108 to 116 ft (33 m to 35 m)
Beam 29 ft (8.8 m) 25 to 28 ft (7.6 m to 8.5 m)
Depth 19 ft (5.8 m) 14 to 15 ft (4.3 m to 4.6 m)
No. Of masts 3 NA
No. of decks 2 2
Hull form Bluff‐bowed, broader towards the bow.
Bluff‐bowed, broadest 2/5 aft of the bow. The sides of a whaler are practically straight at the beam.
Beam to length ratio 1:3.7 1:4 Mast step assemblies NA NA
Frames NA White oak, paired and fastened together with treenails.
Knees NA NA
63
Shoe/false keel NA 6 to 8 inches (15 cm to 20 cm) thick
Keel NA Two large timbers made of smaller scarfed white oak timbers, one placed on top of the other. Combined thickness 3 ft (90 cm).
Keelson NA Two large timbers 16 inches (40 cm) square, made up of smaller scarfed white oak timbers. Combined thickness 2.7 ft (80 cm)
Sister keelson NA One to two oak planks on either side of the keelson, 14 to 16 inches (35 cm to 40 cm) wide
Bilge clamps NA NA
Ceiling planking NA Hard pine 2 to 3 inches (5 to 7.5 cm)
Hull planking NA 3 inches (7.5 cm) minimal thickness
Stem NA
White oak, 12 inches (30 cm) sided, 18 to 24 inches (45 to 61 cm). Best practice to have a tree with a large root at the base for a strong knee‐like joint to the keel.
Sternpost NA White oak, 12 inches (30 cm) sided, 18 to 24 inches (45 to 61 cm). Cross‐tenoned to the shoe and keel.
Apron NA
Transom NA
Breast hooks NA Large, timber (extended from the stem about 6 ft
64
65
(1.8 m)
Fastenings NA Treenails, iron bolts and spikes, copper alloy
fastenings and sheathing.
Treenails NA 1.12 or 1.25 inches (2.8 or 3.2 cm) diameter, locust timber.
Caulking NA NA
Notes: NA NA
5.4 Case study: Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck
The following section describes the structural features recorded from the
Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck site (Figure 16). As discussed in Chapter 1, due
to the location of the shipwreck, only limited excavation was possible as the ground
water table level could not be lowered further. Only 2.5 m x 4.5 m section was recorded
(Figure 16) and aspects such as mast‐steps, the keel and keelson were not recorded.
Furthermore, previous unearthing and salvage of the shipwreck resulted in degraded
structural timbers, such as the stem timber. Due to limitations with time and lack of
planning for recording features, dimensions for specific frames, planking, fastenings and
iron reinforcements were not measured on site. All measurements, with the exception
of the stem, are taken from detailed site plans. Due to the degraded state of most
timbers, the measurements and dimensions can only be described as approximates.
Features recorded include frames, hull planking, knees, stem/sternpost, deadwood and
various fastenings.
Figure 16. Outlines of features from site plan (Figure 3) labelled with feature numbers
66
Frames
Visible frames included six timbers on the north side of the hull and ten on the
south side (Figure 16). Timbers on the north side of the trench were in a relatively good
condition. Dimensions of these frames ranged from 5.5 inches to 7.9 inches (14 cm to 20
cm) sided and 5.9 inches to 10.2 inches (15 cm to 26 cm) moulded (Table 6). A timber
sample from F0043 identified white oak (Quercus), native to North America and Europe,
another sample from F003 revealed eucalyptus native to Australia (Ian Godfrey, WA
Museum, Fremantle, WA [WAM] 2012: Timber Identification [TI] 1:3).
Table 6. Approximate frame dimensions Frame (Feature
r) Numbe
Sided Moulded Spacing
Northern hull section F0003 6.3 inches (16 cm) 8.66 inches (22 cm) 13.5 inches (34 cm) F0004 5.5 inches (14 cm) 10.2 inches (26 cm) 13.5 inches (34 cm) F0005 5.5 inches (14 cm) 10.2 inches (26 cm) 9 inches (22 cm) F0006 5.9 inches (15 cm) 10.2 inches (26 cm) 1.2 inches (3 cm) F0013 2.76 inches (7 cm) 7.8 inches (20 cm) NA F0014 NA (buried) NA (buried) Average 5.2 inches (13.2 cm) 9.4 inches 12 inches (30.5 cm)
Southern hull section F0045 7.5 inches (19 cm) 7.5 inches (19 cm) 2 inches (5 cm) F0043 7.1 inches (18 cm) 7.5 inches (19 cm) 3.15 inches (8 cm) F0042 5.9 inches (15 cm) 4.5 inches (11.5 cm) 4.7 inches (12 cm) F0041 19.7 inches (50 cm) 8.6 inches (22 cm) 5.9 inches (15 cm) F0010 6.3 inches (16 cm) 8.6 inches (22 cm) 4.7 inches (12 cm) F0037 7.9 inches (20 cm) 7.1 inches (18 cm) 4.7 inches (12 cm) F0031 19.7 inches (50 cm) 7.9 inches (20 cm) 5.9 inches (15 cm) F0032 2.7 inches (7 cm) 5.9 inches (15 cm) 4.7 inches (12 cm) F0033 3.9 inches (10 cm) 9.5 inches (24 cm) 6.7 inches (17 cm) F0034 6.7 inches (17 cm) 8.6 inches (22 cm) NA Average 8.7 inches (22.1 cm) 7.57 inches (19.23 cm) 4.71 inches (12 cm)
Stem timber
Stem dimensions were recorded on‐site; the stem was sided 11 inches (28.5 cm)
and moulded 10.5 inches (26 cm). Identification of a timber sample showed that the
stem is white oak (Quercus), native to Northern American and Europe (WAM 2012:TI
1:3).
67
Planking
These dimensions (Table 8) were recorded from profile drawings of the
northern hull section; the measurements are approximates. Samples identified
indicated that two different timbers were used; white oak (Quercus) for ceiling planking
and pitch pine (either longleaf pine (Pinus palustris) from southern North America, slash
pine (Pinus caribaea) from central America or loblolly pine (Pinus taeda) from south
and south‐eastern America for outer hull planking (WAM 2012:TI 1:3).
Table 7. Planking dimensions
Width Thickness
Ceiling planking 6.7 inches (17 cm) 2 inches (5 cm)
Outer hull planking 9.5 inches (24 cm) 3.2 inches (8 cm)
Iron reinforcements
No wooden knees or breast‐hooks were present on the site, only iron reinforcing
crutches (Figures 17 and 18) (Stammers 2001:120). The approximate length for each
arm of the iron crutches was 3.3 ft (1 m), width of the arm section was approximately 4
inches (10 cm) and tapered to approximately 2.3 inches (6 cm) at the end of the arm.
68
Figure 17. Iron crutches in the bow (WAM/P. Baker)
Figure 18. Iron crutch (above) and breast‐hook (below) (Stammers 2001:120)
69
Indications of the bow Sheathing
It was essential to determine if the section uncovered was the stern or the bow
for comparison with the typology. As the dimensions of the stem (or possible sternpost)
were not indicative, other features became a more reliable method for identifying the
section, such as copper alloy sheathing. The way sheathing was applied to hulls can
indicate which end of a vessel is the bow (Ronnberg 1980:125). For example, one
general rule was that “…the forward edge of any plate is overlapped by the aft edge of
the plate forward of it.” (Ronnberg 1980:130). This meant that the sheathing
overlapped from the bow to the stern of a vessel and ensured that unnecessary wear on
sheathing caused by friction of water movement did not occur. This method of
sheathing was present on the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck and indicated that
he bow was the section recorded (Figure 19). t
Figure 19. Sheathing on southern hull (WAM/P. Baker)
70
Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) analysis of copper alloy fastenings
SEM analyses were conducted on sample copper alloy sheathing, two bolts and a
sheathing tack from Koombana Bay unidentified shipwreck. The same samples were
used for both the SEM analysis and the XRF analysis at the Department of Materials
Conservation, Western Australian Museum. Under the guidance of Mr Kalle Kasi, the
XRF employed was a Bruker AXS Handheld Tracer III‐V+ with channel resolution of
2048. The XRF was set up with a Rhodium tube source and SiPIN detector with a
resolution of approximately 190 eV at 10,000 counts per second over an area 8 mm². All
analyses were conducted at 40keV, 3.5μA, using a 0.025 mm (0.001") titanium/0.305
mm (0.012") aluminum (yellow) filter in the X‐ray path and a 180 second live‐time
count. Replica analyses of 180 seconds were carried out twice per area. The machine
was calibrated with applied copper alloy empirical calibrations (Freo_CU1.CFZ – ‘in
house’ curves derived from modern copper alloy reference standards issued by Bruker)
and each sample was mounted on carbon tape. Occasionally, the samples were moved
before being scanned again to ensure that the results were representative of the
artefacts. Table 9 contains the major elements detected and the percentage weight in
each fastening. This data provides a valuable comparison with the fastenings analysis
from Charles W. Morgan.
Table 8. SEM data from Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck
Sheathing tack % weight Medium round bolt % weight
Cu (copper) 79.68 Cu (copper) 69.96
Zn (zinc) 20.32 Zn (zinc) 30.04
Total % weight 100 Total % weight 100
Sheathing % weight Large round bolt % weight
Cu (copper) 59.47 Cu (copper) 60.83
Zn (zinc) 36.99 Zn (zinc) 36.8
Pb (lead) 3.54 Pb (lead) 2.36
Total % weight 100 Total % weight 100
Table 10 displays the data for the construction features recorded from the
Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck. Large amounts of data, such as the frames, have
een condensed into averages only. b
71
Table 9. Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck dimensions
5.4 Conclusion
Historical research revealed a wealth of data relating to the construction of
purpose‐built early nineteenth‐century American whalers. Previous archaeological data
provided further general information and also filled some of the gaps in specific
dimensions. Overall, both general and specific data on the construction of purpose‐built
whalers was gathered and a construction typology for purpose‐built whalers is
compiled from this information. The typology is discussed in the following chapter,
along with a comparison to the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck construction
features.
Construction Feature Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck
Frames (average) Siding: 6.95 inches (17.65 cm) Moulding: 8.49 inches (21.56 cm) Spacing: 8.2 inches (20.8 cm) varied
stralian eucalyptus White oak and AuKnees None present, except for iron crutches Ceiling planking (bilge) 1.6 inches (4 cm)
White oak Hull planking 3.2 inches (8.13 cm)
Pitch pine Stem Siding: 11 inches (28 cm)
s (26 cm) Moulding: 10.5 incheWhite Oak
Fastenings Iron: NA (corroded) y: copper/zinc copper/zinc, Muntz Metal
Copper alloSheathing:
Treenails White oak
72
6.0 Discussion
This final chapter discusses the results of historical and archaeological research
compiled together to create a construction typology for early nineteenth‐century
American whalers. Furthermore, the typology is compared to the Koombana Bay
Unidentified Shipwreck as a method of classification and these results are then
discussed. The research questions are revisited and the success with which this
research was able to answer them is assessed and, finally, future recommendations and
conclusions are stated.
6.1 Typology
Table 12 contains all of the relevant data gathered from the historical and
archaeological research that is representative of the construction of an early
nineteenth‐century American whaler. The construction features included in the
typology are discussed below.
Initially, general information compiled from both the historical and
archaeological data allowed the period of 1800 to 1860 to be determined as temporal
constraints and northeast USA (Maine, Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and
New York) to be set as spatial limits for the typology. Average length for a whaler was
approximately 100 to 118 ft (30.5 m to 36 m), average beam was 25 to 29 ft (7.6 m to
8.8 m) and the average depth was 14 to 17 ft (4.27 m to 5.18 m). Overall, whalers had
three masts and two decks and were approximately 300 to 400 tons. Whalers were
repeatedly described as broad‐beamed and bluff‐bowed, which was reinforced by a
wider than average beam‐to‐length ratio of 1:3.7.
According to the Horatio contract, scantling dimensions for frames in the lower
hull of a whaler were approximately 12 inches (20.3 cm) moulded and sided with 12
inches (20.3 cm) spacing between frames. In comparison, measurements from Day
Dawn revealed smaller frames, sided 9.6 inches (24.4 cm) and moulded 10.25 inches
(26 cm). Spacing was also smaller, varying from 1.6 inches (4 cm) to 4.7 inches (11.9
cm). Overall, frames were paired and fastened together with treenails. Breast‐hooks
were white oak (Quercus) and, although no dimensions were stated in any sources, the
73
total number of breast‐hooks in the bow of Charles W. Morgan was stated as two to
three below the lower deck, one in the lower deck frame, one between decks, one in the
upper deck frame and one in bowsprit.
Knees were constructed from a variety of timbers including live oak, white oak,
yellow pine, and hackmatack as well as red oak. Scantling dimensions for wooden knees
were only found in the shipbuilding contract for Horatio, and were sided 7 inches (17.8
cm) moulded and sided. As this data is from a source dated to a later period, it is only an
indication of possible dimensions and not reliable as a typical representation of early
nineteenth‐century American whalers.
The keel of an early nineteenth‐century American whaler was specified as white
oak, 12.5 inches x 18 inches (31.7 cm by 45.7 cm). Again, this data is from the Horatio
document and may not be an accurate representation of an early nineteenth century
American whaler. Hegarty (1964) reported that the keel was a combination of two ‘logs’
equalling 3 feet (91 cm). The false keel or shoe was also white oak and 6 inches by 12
inches (15.24 cm by 20.3 cm). Dimensions for the keelson varied from source to source
but were on average 13 to 14 inches (33 cm to 35.5 cm) sided by 14 to 16 inches (35.5
cm to 40.6 cm) moulded. Both Day Dawn and Horatio had keelsons constructed of white
oak and drift bolted to the keel through every second floor timber with 1.12 inches (2.8
cm) wide copper bolts and riveted through the keel. A sister or rider keelson was made
of pine and only Day Dawn and the contract for Horatio had scantling dimensions for
this construction feature. Again, Horatio had larger timbers than Day Dawn; Horatio had
a sister keelson 12 inches (30 cm) moulded and sided, whereas Day Dawn’s was sided 8
inches (20.3 cm) and moulded 9 inches (22.8 cm).
Generally, both ceiling and hull planking were constructed of either pitch or
yellow pine. Once again the scantling dimensions varied. Both Day Dawn and Horatio
had ceiling and outer hull planking that was 3 inches (7.5 cm) thick, although Hegarty
(1964:35) suggested that the ceiling planking could be as small as 2 inches (5 cm) thick.
Hegarty was the only source with data on bilge clamps; they were also constructed from
pine but were 4 to 5 inches (10.16 cm to 12.7 cm) thick.
74
Both the stem and sternpost were white oak (Quercus species) and had similar
scantling dimensions. The stem was sided 12 inches (30.5 cm) and moulded 18 to 24
inches (45.7 cm to 60.9 cm), whereas the sternpost was sided 10 to 12 inches (25.4 cm
to 30.5 cm) and moulded 18 to 24 inches (45.7 cm to 60.9 cm). The apron was live oak
and sided 18 inches (45.7 cm). Once again this data was only found in the contract for
Horatio and in Hegarty’s descriptions. Comparison with archaeological data is needed
before these dimensions can be reliable as representing a typical early nineteenth‐
century American whaler.
ypology
75
Table 10. T
Year built 1800‐1850
Port built Northeastern, USA
Tonnage 300‐400 t Length 100 to 118 ft (30.5 m to 36 m) Beam 25 to 29 ft (7.6 m to 8.8 m) Depth 14 to 17 ft (4.27 m to 5.18 m) No. of masts 3 No. of decks 2 Hull form Bluff‐bowed and broader towards the bow to allow for try‐works Beam to leratio
ngth 1:3.7
Mast‐stassemb
ep lies
Unknown
Frames Lower hull: 12 inches² (20.3 cm²) with 12 inches (20.3 cm) ther spacing (can vary with spacing), pairs that are fastened toge
with spacers. Knees 7 inches² (17.8 cm²): Live oak, white oak (Quercus species),
yellow pine, hackmatack, red oak. Shoe/false keel 6 inches by 12 inches (15.24 cm by 20.3 cm): white oak Keel 12.5 inches by 18 inches (31.7 cm by 45.7 cm): white oak. Two
‘logs’ = 3 ft (91 cm)deep Keelson 13 to 14 inches (33 cm to 35.5 cm) by 14 to 16 inches (35.5 cm to
40.6 cm): oak/white oak
sister keelson 8 to 12 inches (20.3 cm to 30.5 cm) by 9 t cm t
o 12 inches (22.8 cm to o 40.6 cm) wide. 30.5 cm): pine, 14 to16 inches (35.5
bilge clamps 4 or 5 inches (10.16 cm to 12.7 cm): pine ceiling planking 2 to 3 inches (5 cm to 7.6 cm): pine
hull planking 3 inches (7.6 cm): pine Stem Sided 12 inches (30.5 cm): white oak, moulded 18 to 24 inches
(45.7 cm to 60.9 cm) Stern post Sided 10 to 12 inches (25.4 cm to 30
m.5 cm): white oak, moulded ) 18 to 24 inches (45.7 cm to 60.9 c
Apron Sided 18 inches (45.7 cm): live oak Breast hooks 2‐3 below lower deck, white oak
1 in deck frame 1 between decks 1 in upper deck frame 1 in bowsprit
Fastenings Keelson – 1.125 inches (2.86 cm) copper bolts to alternate floor timbers, riveted through the keel. Rider keelson: iron bolts, 1.1875 inches (3.02 cm) Floor timbers: alternate/half floor timbers drift bolted to keel, 1 inch (2.5 cm) copper bolts. Stem, keel, apron, lower deadwood all copper fastened to copper line on ship. Planking: Ceiling planking is fastened in a single
enail and one spike per plank into each fastening pattern frame). (one tre
Treenails 1.125 (2.86 cm) to 1.25 (3.17 cm) inches: locust Caulking Oakum 6.2 Application of the typology to the case study
Features recorded from the unidentified site can now be compared to those
outlined in the typology. The basic principle is that a majority of similarities will suggest
the unidentified site is a whaler and vice versa. Table 12 shows the Koombana Bay
construction features with the typology features and provides an explanation for
whether they fit the typology or not.
arison o and Typology
76
Table 11. Comp
Construction feature
f Koombana Bay
Koombana Bay Typology Does it match
typology? the
Frames Sided: 6.86 inches (17.5 cm,)Moulded: 8.46 inches (21.5 cm) White Oak and Australian Eucalypt
12 inches² White Oak
(30.5 cm²), No
Knees None present, except for iron crutches
7 inches² (17.8 cm²)Live oak, white oak,
k.
yellow pine, k, red oahackmatac
No
Ceilinplanking
g
1.6 inches (20 mm) 3 inches (7.62 cm) Pitch pine
No
Hull planking
3.2 inches (80 mm) Pitch pine
3 inches (7.62 cm) Pitch pine
No
Stem Siding: 11 inches (285 mm)0.5 inches (260 Moulding: 1
mm) White Oak
12 inches² White oak
(30.5 cm²) No
Treenails White Oak Black locust No
Comparison shows that the framing dimensions do not match those in the
typology; they are smaller, for example 6.86 by 8.46 inches compared to 12 inches²,
almost half the size of the expected dimensions for a whaler. Furthermore, whilst
identification of white oak (Quercus) matches the typology, there was evidence of
Australian eucalypt. Repairs conducted with resources gathered whilst in Australia as
the majority of other timber identifications indicated that the vessel was built in North
America or Europe.
77
No evidence of wooden structural timbers such as knees and breast‐hooks was
present at the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck. Instead, iron reinforcing crutches
were present, some still fastened to the ceiling planking. Most early nineteenth‐century
American accounts of shipbuilding do not mention the use of iron reinforcements.
Stammer’s (2001:116) research into the development of iron knees clearly states that,
due to the wealth of timber resources in USA in the nineteenth century, iron was
unnecessary. However, one example of iron use was found in an 1827 shipbuilding
contract (Mystic Seaport Museum, Mystic Seaport, Connecticut [MSM], 1827: Records of
the Hillman Shipyard [RHS]1:3). This contract states that “...cast iron hanging and
standing knees between decks to every other beam...” were to be included. Whilst the
contract does not indicate that this vessel was a whaler, it suggests that iron
reinforcements were present in American shipbuilding in the early nineteenth century
and should not be ruled out when assessing the construction of an unidentified
shipwreck from this period.
Both of the planking dimensions differed from the typology. The ceiling planking,
inside the hull, was much smaller than the typology. In comparison, the outer hull
planking was only slightly larger. Interestingly, the ceiling planking was identified as
white oak (Quercus) native to North America and Europe (WAM 2012:TI 1:3). The outer
hull planking was identified as pitch pine, either longleaf pine (Pinus palustris), slash
pine (Pinus caribaea) or loblolly pine (Pinus taeda)(WAM 2012:TI 1:3).
The stem timber was sided 11 inches (28.5 cm) and moulded 10.5 inches (26
cm). Whilst the sided dimensions were similar to the typology, 12 inches (30.5 cm), the
moulded dimension was almost half that of the typology, 18 to 24 inches (45.7 cm to
60.9 cm). However, identification of the timber, white oak (Quercus) native to North
America and Europe, also fits the typology (WAM 2012:TI 1:3).
Copper alloy fasteners from both Charles W. Morgan and the Koombana Bay
Unidentified Shipwreck were analysed to determine approximate percentages of
element composition. Table 9 displays the data for the Koombana Bay Unidentified
Shipwreck analysed with a Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM). Table 3 displays data
gathered during unspecified analyses of copper‐alloy fastenings from Charles W. Morgan
(MSM 1972: AFCWM 1:7).
78
The composition percentages for Charles W. Morgan indicated that all of the
copper alloy fastenings dated to the initial 1841 construction period as the majority
contained high percentages of copper (MSM 1972: AFCWM 1:7). In comparison, the
copper fastenings from the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck showed different
compositions that are indicative of a later period. For example, the sheathing had an
approximate composition of 60% copper and 40% zinc which indicates that it is Muntz
metal (McCarthy 2005:115). Muntz (or yellow) metal was patented by George Muntz in
1832, although it was not widely used until the 1860s (Bingeman et al. 2000:224). Even
in England, where Muntz was based, only 200 ships were sheathed with Muntz metal by
1840 (Flick 1975:78). It is less likely to have been in common use in north‐eastern
American shipyards pre‐1840s, which suggests that the Koombana Bay Unidentified
Shipwreck was constructed post‐1840s. The combination of approximately 3% lead in
both the sheathing and large round bolt also indicates that this is possibly ‘leaded Muntz
metal’ which further dates these fastenings to post 1840s (Simons 1969:97).
Comparison of both sets of copper alloy fastenings indicates that the Koombana
Bay Unidentified Shipwreck has fastenings that do not match fastenings from Charles W.
Morgan, dated to circa 1841, and was likely constructed post‐1840s.
Comparison of Koombana Bay Shipwreck to Charles W. Morgan ship lines
Once the section of uncovered shipwreck at Koombana Bay was identified as the
bow, the site plan was compared to the ship lines plan of Charles W. Morgan as a means
of determining if the bow shapes were similar. Depth gauge markers were identified on
the stem of the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck which suggested that the site
plan represents approximately the 8 feet level of the vessel. The site plan was traced
and the form of the bow was placed over the 8 feet line on the ship line plans for Charles
W. Morgan (Figure 20).
Figure 20. Charles W. Morgan ship line plan with the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck's bow form
placed over the 8 feet line
As depicted in Figure 20, the red lines represent the shape of the Koombana Bay
Unidentified Shipwreck. The forward end of the bow is placed directly over the 8 feet
line of Charles W. Morgan, yet, further down, the bow of the Koombana Bay Unidentified
Shipwreck is much sharper and intercepts the 6 feet line of Charles W. Morgan. This
suggests that the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck has bow lines that are finer
than those of a whaler such as Charles W. Morgan.
79
6.3 Conclusion
Comparison of the typology to the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck as a
method of classification had ranging results. The timber species and scantling
dimensions of the stem and outer hull planking were similar to the typology, although
the stem did not match in terms of moulded dimensions. On the other hand, the
majority of scantling measurements, presence and absence of specific features and
fasteners from the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck did not match the typology.
No timber knees or breast‐hooks were recorded but, instead, iron reinforcements were
present; the ceiling planking, copper alloy fastenings and frames also differed. In
particular, the comparison of elemental composition of the copper alloy fastenings
suggests that the Koombana Bay shipwreck is from a later period as it has exceptionally
different compositions. In conclusion, the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck is
most likely not an early nineteenth‐century American whaler based on the typology
created in this research.
6 Revisiting the research questio s This section discusses the overall results of this research. In order to do this, the
research questions outlined in the introduction are revisited and addressed
individually.
.4 n
What is the archaeological evidence for pelagic whaling in WA? What questions have
previous archaeological investigations addressed in terms of pelagic whaling? What gaps
exist in our knowledge about pelagic whaling?
80
Pelagic whaler shipwreck sites along the WA coastline and previous
archaeological work were researched and described to determine the gaps in our
knowledge of pelagic whalers. Out of thirteen pelagic whaler shipwrecks only five have
been located and surveyed and, only two have been excavated and researched.
Furthermore, of the thirteen pelagic whaler shipwrecks, eight are American. Previous
research of pelagic whaler shipwrecks has mainly focused on locating and identifying
sites and the methodology involved. Some shipwreck projects, such as Day Dawn,
included research into site environments and survivor histories. The only previous
research on the construction of an American whaler, Day Dawn, provided extensive
descriptions but lacked further analysis and comparison (Erskine 1997a). Neither
research into the identification of construction features expected to be found on a
possible whaler shipwreck nor differences between general merchant vessels and
whalers was conducted. It was clear that gaps existed in our knowledge of the typical
construction of early nineteenth‐century American whalers, particularly details such as
scantling dimensions and fastening patterns. Overall, the majority of work on pelagic
whalers shipwrecked along the WA coast involved identification of sites.
What construction features are typical or define a whaler built in the northeastern area
of USA n the early nineteenthcentury? Can these features be developed into a typology? i
Historical and archaeological sources were consulted for data on the
construction of early nineteenth‐century American whalers. Data on the general shape
and size of a whaler was repeatedly described in numerous sources, whereas
determining specific dimensions and assemblies for construction features of American
whalers was more difficult as this information was often not recorded in historical
documents. Basic, general information from historical documentation, shipbuilding
contracts and archaeological data provided some essential dimensions. One source,
Hegarty’s (1964) ‘Birth of a whaleship’, included details on constructing whalers,
including specific dimensions, compiled from shipwright’s plans and models. All of this
data then formed the basis for the typology of early nineteenth‐century American
whaler construction. Overall, early nineteenth‐century American whalers were bluff‐
bowed, broad beamed and constructed with large structural timbers native to the
north‐eastern states of USA.
The comparison of ships’ lines of Charles W. Morgan and Two Brothers enable a
brief comparison of purpose‐built to converted whalers. This further reinforced the
characteristics represented in the typology as Charles W. Morgan showed a much
broader bow than the older Two Brothers, which if not purpose‐built for whaling was
likely suited to different tasks requiring a narrow bow.
81
Data compiled into the typology resulted in a detailed, yet limited, outcome.
Repetition of general dimensions and descriptions means that this data appears reliable
until further testing. Specific details found during historical and archaeological research,
such as dimensions for the keel, frames, planking, stem and sternpost, were rarely
repeated in further sources. On the other hand, data such as the analysis of copper alloy
fastenings of Charles W. Morgan proved to be a valuable and reliable reference for
comparison. Overall, the specific data included in the typology provides an example only
and needs further investigation to be considered exhaustive.
Overall, the average dimensions for early nineteenth century American whalers
are: length approximately 100 to 118 ft (30.5 m to 36 m), beam was 25 to 29 ft (7.6 m to
8.8 m) and depth was 14 to 17 ft (4.27 m to 5.18 m). Whalers were described as having
three masts and two decks and approximately 300 to 400 tons. The general description
of a whalers’ appearance was repeatedly described as broad‐beamed and bluff‐bowed,
which was reinforced by a wider than average beam to length ratio of 1:3.7 of the
verage dimensions. a
What construction features were identified on the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck?
What archaeological evidence suggests it may or may not be a whaler?
Due to limited excavations of the Koombana Bay unidentified Shipwreck, which
only uncovered approximately 5 m², some indicative construction features were not
recorded. Construction features that were recorded include the stem, frames from both
sides of the hull, iron reinforcements, copper alloy sheathing, along with ceiling and
outer hull planking. The majority of these features were not measured on‐site and,
consequently, dimensions were taken from scaled site plans (with the exception of the
stem timber) and cannot be determined exact. Nevertheless, they were accurate enough
to compare with the typology. Analysis of copper alloy fastenings revealed elemental
compositions such as Muntz metal (60 % copper and 40% zinc) and leaded Muntz metal
(approximately 3% added lead). Features such as the keel, keelson, rider keelson,
ternpost and mast‐steps were not recorded. s
Can this shipwreck be classified as an American whaler using the typology? If so, can it be
identified as Samuel Wright (1840), North America (1840) or North America (1843)?
82
Application of the typology to the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck aimed
to test how useful the typology was as a method of classification and identification. The
construction features from Koombana Bay were compared to the typology on the
principle that a majority of similarities between the two suggested that the unidentified
site was a whaler. In hindsight, this was not the best case study to test the typology as
numerous features were not recorded and therefore could not be compared. Further,
dimensions of structures were not recorded during the excavation but were measured
from site plans at a later date. Despite these limitations, applying the typology to the
Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck provided results.
Comparison of the construction features to the typology showed that the
unidentified site had largely different dimensions and, in some cases, different features.
Frames, stem and ceiling planking were far smaller than those expected of a whaler;
whilst no timber knees or breast‐hooks were present, instead iron reinforcing crutches
were found. Timber identification narrowed down the origins of the shipwreck to
Northern America but could not provide further detail. Interestingly, one frame was
identified as Australian eucalypt and could possibly suggest the vessel had been
repaired whilst on the Australian coast
The combination of comparison with the typology and data on the elemental
composition of copper fastenings suggests that this shipwreck is not an early nineteenth
century American whaler and that it was most likely constructed post 1840s. The
shipwreck is therefore less likely to be considered Samuel Wright (1840), North America
(1840) or North America (1843).
Can this typology be applied to other possible American whaler shipwrecks as a method of
lassification? c
83
This research first employed the theory that ships built at a certain place, during
a certain period, for a certain purpose share similar construction features; that is, they
represent a shipbuilding tradition. Consequently, this research determined that early
nineteenth‐century American whalers had hull forms unique to the requirements of
whaling as they were broad‐beamed to accommodate oversized windlasses and try‐
works on deck. Further, whalers were renowned for being stout, sturdy and strong due
to oversized structural timbers. This was all reflected in the typology compiled during
this study.
Hocker (2004) and Maarleveld (1995) both analysed and debated the reliability
of employing typologies as a classification method in archaeology. Typologies are a
primary archaeological tool, but must be employed with caution and in conjunction with
other methods (Hocker 2004:2; Maarleveld 1995:6). This was demonstrated in this
research by combining comparison to the typology with comparison of elemental
composition of copper alloy fastenings which together provided a more reliable
conclusion. Hocker (2004:2) also stated that a rigid typology could ignore the influence
of individual choice and variation. A shipbuilding contract (MSM 1827: RHS [1] Coll. 9)
reinforced this theory as it specifically stated that iron reinforcements were to be used
in the construction of a whaler in 1827. In comparison, a common theme in historical
sources was that iron reinforcements were not employed in whaler construction as
timber resources were readily available and cheaper. This further reinforces the rule
that although typologies are a valuable tool in archaeology, they are but one tool and
research should incorporate all sets of information related to individual shipwrecks.
Using the typology of an early nineteenth‐century American whaler as a method
of classification for the Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck proved useful in this
case study. The construction features recorded from the Koombana Bay site were
clearly different from those in the typology. Whilst this means that the typology can be
applied to other shipwrecks as a method of identification, the Koombana Bay site was
limited in terms of the amount of construction features recorded and therefore the
ability to definitively say this shipwreck was or was not an early nineteenth‐century
American whaler is not possible, although it is likely not based on the typology. As
Balme and Paterson (2006:177) pointed out, a typology must be exhaustive to be truly
reliable. Further research may identify other anomalies in the construction of whalers
that can be related to individual influence and circumstances, whilst also refining the
typology.
84
6.5 Future research and recommendations
Further testing and refinement of the information in the typology is essential in
order to determine if the specific construction details are representative of early
nineteenth‐century American whalers. More extensive research into sites such as Day
Dawn and Cervantes would prove beneficial. Furthermore, specific information on
American whaler construction may be available in documents and archives in USA.
Therefore it is recommended that an in‐depth search of historical sources located in
American institutions be conducted to determine if all historical resources have been
exhausted.
The lack of structural features recorded from the Koombana Bay Unidentified
Shipwreck may have had an impact on the conclusions drawn from comparison with the
typology. Therefore further structural features be excavated and recorded, such as the
mast steps, keelson, keel and sternpost are recommended. Additionally, further
identifying the timber samples to pinpoint their exact geographic region of origin would
provide further evidence to identify the shipwreck.
The typology must be further tested on other shipwreck sites to add more data
on construction features and to compare with data from historical sources such as the
shipbuilding contract for Horatio. Revisiting Day Dawn and recording any scantling
dimensions and fastenings patterns that were not completed previously would provide
valuable data.
This research shows that American whalers were unique vessels. They
represented a shipbuilding tradition and a type of vessel. This research can lead the way
for future studies into the construction of early nineteenth‐century whalers from other
countries, such as Australia, Britain and France, to further fill the gaps in our knowledge
of whaling in the nineteenth‐century. Overall, more research into all aspects of early
nineteenth century whaling, particularly in WA, should be conducted to reveal vital
aspects of a little‐known maritime heritage.
85
7.0 Conclusion
During the nineteenth century, whalers journeyed to ports and whaling grounds
all over the world including the distant New Holland coast (now WA). The New Holland
whaling grounds were popular from the 1820s to the ‘golden years’ of whaling in the
1840s, and colonial settlements along the coast reported numerous visits from foreign
whalers. Eight of thirteen pelagic whaler shipwrecks along the WA coast were
American, reflecting that nation’s dominance in whaling at the time. Whaling is a large,
often overlooked, part of Australia’s colonial heritage and this research demonstrated
that many aspects of whaling in WA, including construction of American whalers are not
well‐known. Recent excavations in Koombana Bay revealed an unidentified wooden
shipwreck that was possibly one of three American whalers. Without the presence of
identifiable artefact material such as try‐pots, whale bones, casks or try‐work bricks
identifying the shipwreck by its construction alone was difficult. This research compiled
information on the construction of early nineteenth century American whalers to
determine if they were unique vessels with unique sets of construction features. The
subsequent construction features were then combined into a typology that was applied
to the unidentified site as a method to determine whether the shipwreck was a whaler.
Consequently, this research began to fill the gaps in our knowledge of whaling in WA.
However, much remains to be learned. In order to begin to understand the broader
aspects of whaling in WA, we must first identify whaler shipwrecks.
Historical and archaeological research revealed a wealth of information on
construction features of early nineteenth century American whalers. From this data a
typology was compiled and forms the basis for identification of the six remaining
American whaler shipwrecks in WA. Comparison of the typology to a case study, the
Koombana Bay Unidentified Shipwreck, proved that this is a successful method for
classifying a shipwreck. Despite only a small section of the shipwreck being recorded,
comparison with the typology suggests that the construction features are not similar
enough to represent an early nineteenth‐century whaler. Therefore, the Koombana Bay
Unidentified Shipwreck is most likely not an American whaler and not Samuel Wright
(1840), North America (1840) or North America (1843).
86
The typology compiled in this research has limitations. Only the general
dimensions are reliable as they were repeated in numerous sources. On the other hand,
specific data on dimensions, structures and fastenings was lacking with the majority of
this data found in the contract for Horatio, which is not specifically for early nineteenth‐
century American whalers. Therefore, this typology relies upon further research to
determine if the data specified is accurate. Known American whaler shipwrecks such as
Day Dawn and Cervantes have large structural remains and will provide essential data.
Further, an in‐depth study of American archives and institutes may reveal valuable
sources not available through online repositories.
Overall, this research confirmed what others suggested: that early nineteenth‐
century American whalers were built with specific characteristics unique to the needs
of pelagic whaling. Further it demonstrated that a typology is a useful method for
classifying a shipwreck by its construction alone. This research only scratched the
surface in terms of the knowledge to be learned about all aspects of nineteenth‐century
whaling along WA. Furthermore, it underlined the lack of information known about the
construction of whalers, vessels that literally fuelled the world throughout the
nineteenth century. It is hoped that this typology may be applied to American whalers
shipwrecked elsewhere around the world as a basis for identification.
87
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9.0 Appendices
Appendix 1. Illustration construction features s of Charle W. Morgan(Kathy Bray 1979‐83)
s
1. Keel assembly
2. Deadwood assembly
99