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II I

SOUTHERN BAPTIST REAC~rIONS TO THE RACE PROBLElVISIN THE TURBULANT SIXTIES AS FOUND IN RELl<jVANT

SOU~rH}JRN BAPTIST JOURNAL ARTICLES

A Seminar PaperFor History 6502

Dr. Michael ClarkThe University of New Orleans

byClinton E. Stockwell Jr.

July 26, 1976

I'Southern Baptist Reactions to the Race Problemin the Turbulant Sixties as Found in Relevant

Southern Baptist Journal Articles"

A Southern 'Caste System?'Racism has been defined by Southern Baptist moral philo-

sopher and theologian T. B. Maston as "the dogma that one eth-nic group is condemned by nature to congenital inferiority andanother group has been destined to congenital superiority.,,1Historically, the Southern Baptist convention was created asessentially a pro-slavery institution opposed to the abolition-ist stance of their Northern Baptist brethren. 2 The sl'averyissue divided not only the Baptists, but other major denomina-tions as well including the Presbyterians and the Methodists.3

According to Gaustad, the Baptists fell apart in 1845 due to abasic and familiar problem; "the growing chasm between slavery'sfriends and slavery's foes.,,4 This is not to say that therewere not some other important disagreements such as the desireon the part of the Southerners for a greater centralization.But,j;he split was occasioned by the slavery issue, for a Southern-er was refused an appointment to the mission field because hewas a holder of slaves'I4I-~-__,W1:nthrQP Hudson shares the It slaveryissue" interpretation as the cause of the split:

During the decades prior to 1845, various compromisesbetween proslavery parties and anti-slavery parties wereattempted, but they proved to be unsatisfactory. As aresult, a Southern Baptis~ Convention was organized inAugusta, Georgia in 1845.According to the hf.stor-Lan , Robert Moats Miller, the South

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has actually never been a bastian of evangelical protestant-ism. nWe must acknowledge from the onset that the 'ProtestantSouth' has always been more Southern than protestant, moresecular than sacred.,,6 Miller has pointed out the culturalroots of Southern white protestantism; for the 'Bible Belt'has never be~n really 'biblical' in its perspective on therace issue. Even the fundamental d,ctrines held to by Baptistswere held in conj~tion wi~eultural beliefs. According toRufus Spain; "theories of race were as much a part of SouthernBaptist thinking as the virgin birth or the second coming.,,7

. ~Yet, the years after the Second World war .~ understoodby modern scholars of Southern Baptist history to b~an era ofphenomenal change. For example, George D. Kelsey suggests thatSouthern Baptist racial thinking must be divided into two erasof time. The first era is the age prior to the Second WorldWar and was deminated by the prejudicial ruralism of theReconstruction era. The second era followed the beginning ofthe Second World War and has been highlighted by internal con-flict and rapid change as the South ceased to be an agrariansociety and became steadily intluenced by the mass media andnational pressures to obtain a higher level of education.8

Kelsey writes that events surrounding the crisis of WorldWar II led to ~ crucial Supreme Court decisions about therace issue which in turn forced Southern Baptists and otherholdouts of the Confederacy to look more closelY at their ownracial attitudes. The result was an overdue dissolution of theold Southern white 'Caste System. ,9 The purpose of this paper

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will be to uncover the depth of this change among SouthernBaptists, particularly in the t~bulant years of the 1960'swhen the race crisis reached its apex among Southerners. Thefocal point of this study will be the effects of the CivilRights Bill of 1964 upon the thinking of Southern Baptistsand their leaders as d1scussed in relevant periodical articles(all of which are produced by some agency of the Southern Bap-tist Convention}_ It is interesting to note that the CivilRights Bill of 1964 occurred a full century after the famousEmancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. If PresidentLincoln declared the Negro free in 1863, these fre_doms werenot fully realized until the passage of the Civil Rights Billby President Ly.ndon Johnson in 1964. Parallel to the legisla-tions :r;egardingcivil rights in the post-\,(0rld,':.-WarII era,Southern Baptists have been more prone to defend the freedomsof the Negroes in the present than to defend their own culturaluniformity, as in the past.

Southern Baptists and their 'Not So SilentSouthern White Protestant Majority.'

What then is the significance of the study here undertaken?"Baptists (as a family of denominations) constitute the largestprotestant group in the United states. The World Almanac for1974 lists 21 different Baptist bodies with a total membershipof 26, 315"23S •.,j,1? :' This significant figure is larger than the

population of world Judaism (~ourteen million), and larger thanthe world's faste~t growing religion, Soka Gokkai (NichirenShoshu), which boast 16 million adherents since 1945.11

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Of .the number of Baptists cited above, 11,826,463 are Southern12Baptists in thirty-one states. Of the twelve million South-

ern Baptist worldwide, better than eighty-nine percent residein the eleven states of the old confederacy plus Oklahoma andKentucky. 13

Therefore, since this large body of Protestants is foundin a particular geographical location, this st~dy should proverepresentative of what the middle and lower classes of the whiteSouthern protestants are thinking. However, there is one nec-cessary delim.~tation that conditions the scope of this study.The opinions of the Southern Baptist authors here representedare the opinions of the more literary and the more educated amongSouthern Baptists. Therefore, this study represents moredefini tely the Q,pinions of the leadership of the SouthernBaptists, but not the thinking of the grass roots majority.However, it will be evident in the pages that follow that thereactions in the journal articles by the Southern Baptistleadership discloses the general feelings and attitudes of themajority of Southern Baptists. Therefore, the prevailing view-points of those on the radical right and those on the left (mod-erates) will be discussed from the evidence available.

The Civil Rights Movement in the United StatesSince the Beginning ofW~rld- War,:JI

The crisis of the Second World War necessitated the employ-ment of the largest minority group in the United States- theAmerican Negro. In 1941, the United States government forbade

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the discrimination of minQ~ities (in particular- the AmericanNegro) in the defense industry. Th.t~"act.ion was followed byanother legislation of expediency in 1945. At this time,President Truman (a Baptist) passed a law desegregatiug thearmed forces.

The fifties and the sixties marked an upsurgence on Negroself-consciousness epitomized by Martin Luther King, Jr'. andthe Southern Christian leadershiJ. Conference (~). On May17, 1954 in the court case, "Brown versus the Board of Educationof Topeka, Kans.as," the Supreme Court ruled that segregationin public schools was unconstitutional. Further, in the latefifties, Blacks led by King and the ~ pushed for desegrega-tion in other areas, including the public transits.

However, it was the decade of the sixties that witnessed theultimate breakthrough f,o~the Civil Rights Movement. In thesixties, King and leaders of the Student Nonviolent GoordinatingCommittee (SNCC) obtained desegregation of other public facili-ties including public libraries, public supermarkets, and themovie theater~. Yet, it was not until 1964 that presidentJohnson passed the m0st important legislation on civil rightsin our nation's history.

In June, 1964 he (Johnson) signed the most powerfulcivil rights act yet passed by -congress: discriminationin public places became a crime; federal agencies wouldsupervise employment practices; and, most important, thePresident could impound federal money from_anYf~gen9Y-state and local gove~nments as well as private businessesengaged in public contracts - that countenancedsegregation. 14

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This legislation was followed with white resistance onthe right, white passivity in the middle, and black militancyon the left. For the advocates of 'black power,' it was thecase of receiving too little too late. For the whites in themiddle and on the right, the Civil Rights Bill was a threat tothe prejudices and the cultural absolutes that had lasted fortwo centuries.

Unfortunately, the Civil Rights Bill of 1964, as importantas it was, did not secure jobs for the unemployed, nor did itprovide food for the impoverished black tfolks~. -These factorshelp explain the severity of the riots that followed the assas-sination of Martin Luther King, Jr. Johnson was now in troubleboth at home and abroad with the continued escalation of theVietnam War.15 The 'turbulant sixties' was a crucial time forthe Civil Rights movement and the country as a whole. Also,the accepted position of segregation among Southern whiteprotestants underwent a crucial challenge.

Southern Baptists and Race Relations inthe Post World War Two Era

A. 1940-1959:According to an article by Leon McBeth, proressor or church

history at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary; in 1934,a Southern Baptist Convention President refused to eat dinner

16at a public gathering because there was a Negro present.This attitude represented the predominant attitude among South-ern Baptists prior to the Second World war.\:But the era followfngthe War would witness winds of rapid change. But how profound

_ 0/1_) l_;':Jo-- _ - i\ -I-t ~

[" ('4~

7/~.~es. winds of Change~ Previously, the churches of theSouth were "culturally imprisoned'! and the beliefs and themores of a given church were conditioned by the mores of theimmediate surrounding community. Sectionalism and the absenceof mass communications in the rural South further cemented theSouthern Caste system. .Fu~.t.her,biblical proof texts wereutilized along with pseudo-scientific arguments in order to'prove' that the Negro was accursed, inferior, and 'content'to~e lazy, easy-going, and incapable of looking after his ownaffairs. "The story of white protestantism and the Negro isthe story (i)fAmerica and the Negro.u17

But Southern Baptists passed a series of 'resolutions' in .~C,,,,('

1939, 1940, and 1941 for better cooperation with Negro Baptist:Y »:In 1946, the Home Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Con-vention (SBe) published a series of study books on racism in-cluding Of One by T. B. Maston. In the same year, a special

;:>

committee drafted a race relations pronouncement, a "Statementof Principles.,,19 The statement acknowledged that the Negrowas a person, that prejudice should be eliminated as unchristian,that injustices against the Negro should be protested against,that the Negro should have voting rights, and should serve onjuries if he is equally qualified with those whites servingjury duty. The committee resolved to cooperate with Negroes invarious building, educational, and misSionary projects. Thoughthere is no line of authority from the national convention tothe state convention or the local churches, several state con-ventions including North Carolina, Virginia, and Georgia voted

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to absolve tacial distinctions for better health, educationaland working conditions.20

According to Pro.fessor McBeth, the Baptl~rts were"<"forcedtoface the race issue in the 1940's for several reasons. First,after Presi~ent Truman desegregated the armed forces, therewas larger exposure of white armed service pers@nnel to service-men of other races. Second, there was a widespread denuncia-tion of the racist pretensions of the Hitler regime. ManyBaptist writers began to equate racial prejudice with Nazismwhich caused some to question their stance on race relations.Third, the blacks themselves began to rise educationally andeconomically. As a result, white protestants were forced tochallenge their former reconstructioniet.,position on racism.21

Lld\', ~\jI.r' In 1951, the theological seminaries of Louisville, New~ ~y Orleans and Fort Worth began admitting all qualified applicants,

regardless of race. Also, Wayland Baptist College of Plainview,~ Texas became the first white Baptist college to admit a Negro.V"J( .'~v,.lic.rY' The Southern Baptist Convention endorsed the Supreme Court's

~"'" decision to desegrega.te public schools in 1954, and the Chris-f'~~~. tian Life Commission appealed for Baptists to extend equal(.vI'ii' freedoms to all peoples, regardless of race. However, after

1954 Bailey records that "the cleavage between rank and .filecommunicants and denominational leaders widened markedly.,,22

Hence, the year 1954 symbolizes the radical disparitybetween Baptists on the ultra-conservative radical-right, andthe more liberal clergymen who favored desegregation. Baptistson the Left were few and far between, if they existed at all.

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Whereas most laymen held to regional perspectives, pas-tors sh~wed increasing detachments from the cultural milieuin which they labored, and increasingly concerned themselveswi th truths applicable'to all men in all conditions. In,many localities, laymen now rallied to the defence of re-gi~nal traditions as passionately as their forebears a cen-tury before.23Reactions to "forced integrationlt by fundamentalists on the

Right were especially strong among Southern Baptists. The fun-damentalists condemned the NAACP, Martin Luther King, Jr. andthe practice of civil disobedience as a form of protest. Three

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hundred anti-segregationalist Baptist clergymen in Dallas voiced O""..\-€ •.,./their opinion against forced integration. Fif,~y-three Atlantaclergymen considered integration to be "Satanic, unconstitution-al, and one of the main objectives of the Communist Party ••••,,24

In a recent stud~ by Julia Kirk Blackwelder, both moderatesand Right fundamentalists held to nativism, ;,political and econo-mic conservatism, puritanicalness, the separation of church andstate, and the allegiance to the conspirace theory of history.Yet, the moderates have continued to be friendly toward socialissues, while the radicals have not changed in the years 1954-1969.25 Blackwelder pointed out that though the moderates sup-ported the rightness af "Brown versus the Board of Education ofTopeka, Kansas" in 1954, they were 'cool' on pressing the issueto insure desegregated schooling. As a "moderate," Billy

Graham (a Baptist) endorsed desegregation, but insisted thatonly the Christian message could bring authentic racial harmony.26

Representative of the IIradical right" was W. A. Criswell,Pastor of First Baptist Church of Dallas, Texas. Criswellvoiced his segregationalist bias in a speech to a state Baptist

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conference on evangelism in 1956:I'm a segregationalist when it comes to the woman I takehome at night. I pick out one, and that one is my wife.We are a segregated family. We don't invite everybodyto come home with us. If we did we could not have ahome, and the same thing applies to the church ••••21

Criswell stated in the South Carolina legislature the very nextday that: "Sometimes you can get broad and liberal and itdoesn't matter •••but there are other things that are preciousto you such as whom are you going to marry and who is it thatdaughter of yours is going to marry.1128 W. A. Criswell'sreaction to "forced integrationU is characteristic of the reac-tion of Southern Baptist fundamentalists on the Right. Criswellis afraid that his daughter may end up marrying a Negro. Thisemotional and illogical piece of reasoning is characteristicof the response of most Southern Baptists. Several state con-ventions followed suit by threatening to withdraw from theSouthern Baptist Convention to organize an association of chur-ches which favored racial segregation. Therefore, by the be-ginning of the 1960's, the cleavage among Southern Baptistsbetween those who ~avored desegregation, and those who wereagainst desegregation was deeply rooted.

B. Southern Baptists and Racism in the Turbulant Sixties:Though 105 of 206 state colleges were integrated in 1957,

only 55 of 188 protestant institutions were so integrated. Butthe 1960's demonstrated rapid progress among protestant insti-tu~1ohs. For example, two Baptist colleges, Wake Forest andBaylor admitted Blacks in 1962 and 1963.29

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1964 was a year of real progress among Southern Baptists,~

though the attitudes of the 'grass-roots' pOPulace~onlYthreatened. The Baptists held aeonferenC{in Atlantic City andcommended those churches and individuals that were attemptingto extend Christian ministries to the people of all races-;butnov.a't temp't to legislate an activi st stance was taken. Further,the emphasis on local church autonomy among Southern Baptistsmade it impossible for any national convention to legislate de-segregation of the churches. Also, in 1964, 3,290 persons assem-bled in Glorietta and RiBgecrest Baptist assemblies to discuss"Christianity and Race Relations."

The next year, the Southern Baptists met in Dallas for theirannual convention. Several leaders admitted that lithe SouthernBaptists witness for Jesus Christ continues to be challengedmore seriously and more fundamentally by the racial crisis thanby any other ideological movement or moral problem in our time.1I30

The convention decided on the practice of "racial justice."However, the Southern Baptist Convention was i~potent to disci-pline or to enforce its conclusions on those Baptist churcheswho "still decline to recognize that segregation does violenceto the Christian creed.1t Positively, the convention proposed toprovide leadership necessary to obtain equal rights for all races,but the denomination was too loosely structured to have anyimmediate effect among most Baptists.

The delegates acknowledged much that would contribute to"persuading" other Baptists to "open the doors of the church toall the races." They acknowledged that they "followed the vain

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traditions of men instead of the mind af Christ," and that theyhad frequently been "stumblingblocks rather than steppingstonesin the area of race relations.1131 They then proceeded to pledgeto be agents of reconciliation between blacks and whites, toopen the church doors to all nations and races, to counterpersonal prejudice, unfair housing practices, discriminatoryemplo.yment, and the denial of voting rights for Negroes. How-ever, an amendment to the,:;.abovestatement on race relations im-provement dulled its potential effect.

This convention of Baptists recognizes the authority andcompetency of every local church affiliated with the South-ern Baptist Convention in dealing with any question, socialor otherwise.32The Baptists concluded their convention by reemphasizing

their committment to the priorities of evangelism and worldmissions. Social concerns were still relegated to a distantsecond or third place. A contemporary account of the Dallasconvention by Newsweek Magazine summarized the effects of theDallas convention.

The convention's national officers and commissions haveno power to inforce its autonomous churches to abide byits resolutions. Most of the convention's 33,000 congre-gations are segregated, and despite the spirited effortsof the Christian Life Commission, they will probably remainso for a long time to come.33Additionally, "Race Relations Sunday" was included in the

church calendar, but only one church observed it in Florida in1965. However, by 1970, six to seven thousand congregationsmade some observance of Race Relations Sunday.

In 1968, the convention met in Houston, and a paper enti-tled "A Statement Regarding the Crisis of Our Nation" was read

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by Victor T. Glass. Despite the deployment of some $850,000to work with National Baptists, the Houston convention acknow-ledged that they had done little to alleviate ra.cial tensions.Yet, a response was demanded to counter racist attitudes sothat they woulJ.respect "every individual as a person possessinginherent dignity and worth." ]'urther, numerous PhD dissertationsand MA theses have been written by Baptists in the general areaof race relations. Also, several books have come out of the1960's including Kenneth K. Bailey's Southern White Protestantismin.the Twentietb Century. Yet, the majority of Southern Baptistswere slow to react to the impending crisis, and their religiousconservatism was linked to the psychological hold of a culturalconservatism.

Religious and Cultural ConservatismAmong Southern Baptists

Despite the "good intentions" of the Christian Life Com-mission, racial practices too often lagged far behind the con-vention's pronouncements. C. W. Scudder, a professor of Chris-tian Ethics at Southwestern Seminary in Fort Worth, Texas reflectsupon this disparity:

Our pronouncements usually make the headlines, but ourpe~ple seem to be satisfied just to sit and listen anddo'nothing about wha.t they hear. 34Why is it that these good intentions are so hard to ac-

tualize among Southern Baptists? First of all, Baptists a.retota.lly autonomous in their ecclesiology. One Baptist leadersaid the following about the effect of the 1965 convention in

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Dallas: "The Southern Baptist Convention has no authorityover its churches or its membership. Our leadership is bypersuasion only.,,35 Each Southern Baptist congregation iscompletely independent, having a church polity that is bothcongregational and democratic. Therefore, each congregationhandles its own affairs with no authority lines from the stateor national conventions. Yet, there is a strong continuityamong Baptists that is largely cultural and class-stratified.

Bailey has pointed out the nature of Baptist localismand culturalism peculiar to the Southern white protestantmind.

Southern Protestantism has been generally less concernedabou t conditions of labor, racial injustice an~fairciva.L proceedures than Northern Protestantism;,1 almostsurely more concerned about personal conduct, blue laws,prohibition, and unchristian influences in publicschools.36

Southern Baptists stress "loving your brother," but seldominvestigate what this might mean socially and politically."Such qu.estions of public policy and institutional reform areviewed as political questions which are not fit subjects forchurch discussions. ,,37 ~ ..,.;t ~

Baptists at heart ar8 not real~F anti-Negro, but simplyconservative and apolitical. Further, this is reinforced bytheir anabaptist heritage of the separation of church andstate, the emphasis on 'spiritual truths' over economic andpolitical realities, and their innate cultural and religioussupport of the status-quo which prohibits them from being af1steppingstone" for progressive action in dealing with social

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issues. Unfortunately, Baptists in genera~ seem to be more in-terested in perpetuating their cherished "successrul business-men's image" rather caring ror the poor, or comforting theoppressed and underpriveledged of other races.

This all too typical response or a general disdain ofsocial involvemen"ay be clearly recognized in the sermon ofone pastor fo,llowing the march to Selma, Alabama. After themarch to Selma in March or 1965, the Reverend Donald Schillingof Marin City, Calirornia (a Presbyterian) called the event"the greatest ecumenical conference in history.,,38 Yet, thisattitude was countered, according to Newsweek, by a representa-tive Southern Baptist minister.

In, th:e:;F,irst-13.aptlst {Wll}1;;e.),: church, the Reverend RolandJarrard delivere-d a semion in the good Southern Baptisttradition or ignoring social issues and emphasizingspiritual responsibilities. 'There are a lot of thingswe don't understand,' he sermonized, 'but much of it issimply a power struggle. '39 ,Another stumblingblock in the way or progressive social

involvement is the concern among Southern Baptists ror theirown programs, buildings, and concern over numbers. C. R. Daley,editor of the Western Recorder in Kentucky at the time of thewriting of the editorial here cited has pointed out that theBaptists have been engrossed in maintaining their programs andinstitutions, while having lost sight or the original purpose

40of these programs. Daley goes on to criticize SouthernBaptists as monolithic in their cultural patterns, being tooconcerned ror popular acceptance, and too concerned aboutfinances and growth, rather than risking standing for and issue

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held by a minority.In the face of one of the greatest opportunities inhistory to give a clear witness to truth and justice,Baptist churches have taken mostly the route of expediencyand silence.41This unfortunate indictment against current Southern

Baptist attitudes is stated.guite clearly by their own foremostauthority on the subject of social issues, T. B. Maston."They frequently identify cultural conformity to theologicalorthodoxy," he said.42 Regretfully, Southern Baptists havetraditionally defended the status quo in race relations; or,as Maston states, have been part of the 'f silent assent". 43

Psychologically, Baptists have apparently been prejudicedagainst the Negro in fear of the Black economic threat to their ~

ey., t.----own holdings, or their own psychological insecurity. 44 Thispoint is revealed very clearly by an anonymous church inGeorgia in August, 1964.45 The pastor reports his having strug-gled over the issue of accepting Blacks into his church. Thedeacons of that congregation at first voted to accept them, butlater balked when some of their businesses tllost sa1.estt andothers were persuaded to vote otherwise by pressure from othermembers in the community. Some of the congregation voiced their:fears that "if y'~u give them an inch, they'll take a mile," or"in six weeks there will be hundreds of Negroes in our church."These emotIonal overstatements caused enough fear and dissensionthat the church body voted to outlaw integration of their churchby a count of 150 to 95 on August 16, 1964. The fear that the"niggers are going to take over," or "one day my daughter might

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marry a nigger" overshadowed any rational appraisal of thesituation. As the Past~r reported; "noone seemed to care whatthe mind of Christ was. The main motive was 'how can we keepthese niggers out of our church?'!! In addition to theseemotioBal arguments used to dissuade the congregation from in-tegrating, the Pastor noted that, in actuality, the deaconswere afraid that they might find out that the Negroes wereequal to, if not in many cases superior to the white populace.If they kept the Negro out ot their assembly, they could con-tinue to believe themselves superior to the Negro unthreatened.Also, there was the other factor mentioned; namely that if

they let the Negro into their church, it might effect theirpocketbook. ~he Pastor warned his congregation suggesting thatthe Bible teaches that "my house shall be called a house ofprayer for all nations." However, this plea went unheaded.Furthermore, despite the fears of the whites that the Negroeswere out to take over the White churches, Reimers notes that inactuality, only 1% of the Negro populace worshipped in 10% ofthe total number of white protestant churches.46

In the one hundred or so journal articles surveyed for the'research for this paper, not one author could be cited as defen-ding the causes of segregation. These articles were written al-most exclusively by Southern Baptist leaders who are ready forchange in regards to Baptist attitudes in socia.l ethics. The

~anti-integrationist element among Southern Baptists ~~ onlyto be found in relatively insignificant letters to the editor.The following quotations may serve to illustrate the mentality

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of this non-literary 'grass-roots' majority. Characteristical-ly, all of the letters here cited emphasize "spiritual respon-sibilities" over involvement in society. IlWeare in the busi-ness of saving souls rather than ,trying to solve social ills,"wrote one upset traditionalist. Mr. and Mrs. R. W. Scarbroughof Bessemer, Alabama considered themselves "Southern Baptistswith firm convictions toward segregation to take drastic action(siC1 to preserve what we feel is God's will. II Unfortunately,"God's will" is too often strangely similar to the norms of thestatus quo. S. L. Wha:t;leyof Birmingham seems to typify the"radical right" point of view; he wrote that Baptists shouldignore political and social issues, but continue to emphasize"spiri tual truths. 'I47

In another letter, one concerned Baptist wrote that racerelationships and cooperation with Blacks would serve "no worth-while purpose," and would "only create more dissension in ourchurches. ,,48 One California Baptist wrote against some of themore progressive pastors there characterizing them as "weak,stupid people." He added that Negroes are not mentioned in theBible and that they must have descended from the ape. (Onewonders if the person here quoted from was also an arch oppo-nent of evolution, for the whi tea.) A picture was then Shown; ~!~'.of a Negro with a qu~stion of whether or not God actually looke~like a Negro.49

The above survey of Southern Baptist atti tudes_ of ','the1960's reflects the negative side of the issue. The individu-als cited above represent the radical right spectrum, which is

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still in existence today (1977) as is evidenced by the Plains,Georgia congregation. Though no statistics are readily availa-ble for such a loosely structured denominational body, it isthis writer's opinion that the attitude of racial prejudicestill dominates the broad populace of laymen among the Baptists.Another conclusion can be drawn .from the evidence that is """,At?-

available; the wrrji ters among Southern Baptists are unanimously (.1 ~opposed to segregation. They criticize the stance of thesegregationalists, yet patiently hope for enlightened change.Once again, no statistics are available as to the exact numberof "progressivel1 Southern Baptists. One can only generalizethat they are in the minority, are more educated, and comprisethe dominant literary v0ice among the Southern Baptists.

Winds of Change?With\,the above indictment leveled at sou'thez-n Baptists,

are there really any signs of progressive change? First, thereader may need to be reminded that the above criticisms thathave been directed at Bapti*s have been done so by Baptistleaders themselves. Second, of the nearly one hundred journalarticles consulted, not one of the articles cited supportedthe segregationalist side of the Baptist spectrum. The uniformi-ty of these opinions against segregationalist extremes suggeststhat the leadership is indeed more progressive than the grass-roots majority.

One author describes racial tensions to be a "result of

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s4.1'1.,,50Ross Coggins describes the race crisis in the followingwords:

Race prejudice today is a liability we cannot afford. Itperverts our gospel, challenges our sincerity, dissipatesour witness.51

Coggin$ goes on to describe racism as a "millstone around theneck of foreig~ missions •••race prejudice and foreign missionsare mutually exclusive.n52 A missionary wrote the BaptistRecord while at work in Nigeria stating that the attitudes ofsome native Mississipians had made her work even more diffi-cult. She wrote the following:

You send us out here to preach that Christ died for allmen. Then you make a travesty of our message by refusingto associate with some of them becauae of the color of .their skin. You are supposed to be holding the lifelinesfor us, and you are twisting them into a noose of racismto strangle our message. Communists do not need to workagainst the preaching of the gospel here; you are doingit quite adequately.54

Other Baptist.s .have attacked the inconsistency of other SouthernBaptists who have supported legislation against liquor andgambling; but have made no real effort to support legislationagainst ra~ial discrimination. 53

r- ~'~\ Nevertheless, some Baptist leaders have taken profound steps.r .«IV~~7\ to deal with the race crisis of 1964. OR September 9, 1964,. "" .l' a n Coromittee of Concern" was organized "to make it possible

for men, women and children of good will to respond to the vio-lence, hatred and destruction with concern, compassion and con-struction." The purposes of the Committee was to rebuild whathad been destroyed in MissiSSippi in the summer of 1964, andto demonstrate good will and cooperation between the races and

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and between the differing religions.This interfaith project was begun by William P. Davies,

Secreta~y of the Department of work with the Negroes with theM' i f 6·- b(f~·1SS ssippi Baptist Convention. Quoting rom Isaiah 1:1, ~ ~._Catholics, Protestants, and Jews began to rebuild ~;;;.;;;.s ~'1~ .that had been damaged or destroyed by burnings or bombs. ~unds ~were kept under the care of the treasury of the Mississippi Bap-tist Convention.55 The first church rebuilt was Christian Un-ion Baptist near Jackson on January 24, 1965. By September,twenty-two of the~ churches had been dedicated. The Committeewas determined to rebuild every on~f the forty-one churchesthat had been destroyed or damaged the previous year. BySeptember, 1965, the Committee had allocated $119, 257 formaterials and an estimated $125,000 of free labor and othermaterials donated to the project. The average cost per churchwas $12,000 and only $45,000 was needed to complete the pro-ject. Anne McWilliams discusses the accomplishments of theproject.

What has the Committee of Concern accomplished? Ithas exchanged beauty for ashes in the creation of beauti-ful houses of worship. But it has done much more. Ithas substituted right for wrong, good for evil, love for ,Jhatred. It has furnished a way for concerned Mississipians 6~to take positive action in helping golve the racial ~pproblems confronting the state ••••5 ~~ ~ I

Relat::::h::n::;~t~::oS::: :::u:::e::ec:::::::~10~::g:R:::y (~~~~yI'one church observed it that yea.r, several thousand had begun \..,_to observe it by 1970.57 Yet, there were negative reactions to"Race Relations Sunday" as well. For example, a California

22

Pastor voiced resentment that "missionary money was beingspent in this non-Christian, political propagan(la program."A Louisiana minister felt that Race Relations Sunday wouldjust create more problems in the church. A South Carolinaclergym~ stated bluntly that "r-dQ,llot use your literaturein m'} church.u58

On the other hand, two pastors in California, one Blackand one White, traded pulpits for one Sunday out of the year.But there is no evidence from this token gesture tha.t eithercongregation desegregated.59 Other churches were more closelywedded to transitional neighborhoods. For example, JohnNichol of Decatur, Georgia stated his willingness to "riskfailure as an institution in order to be faithful as churches.,,60A yoke relationship between a White and Black congregation

61developed in Louisville to deaL with urban problems. LuciusM. Tobin, a Black graduate of the University of Michigan andRochester Divinity School was hired by the Home Mission Boardto teach classes on Biblical literature and the Sociology ofReligion. A course was added to the curriculum of the South-western Seminary entitled Church History 431: "The NegroChurch in America."

After the Detroit riots in 1968, some Southern Baptistsbegan to rebuild a center in Detroit donated by the Cass ParkBaptist Church to minister within the urban environment ratherthan fleeing to suburbs.63 A unique ministry was undertakento deal with their urban situation. Numerous ministries wereset up including a Day Care Kindergarten for children of working

23

parents, a health clinic, a counselling center, an adulteducation center, a juvenile rehabilitation center, a libraryand reading room, and an institute was formed with fifty-fivepersons in 13.classes :for the fall of 1968. Such an innovativeministry in an urban area was a.nother posLtive developmentamong Southern Baptists.

In the late sixties, Baptists began to invite criticismand began to listen intently to the viewpoints of Blackjandother non-SBC leaders a.bout the Southern Baptist reputationin race relations. Black leaders like Jesse Jackson, DallasLee, and Emmanuel McCall w~re invited to speak before variousBaptist conventions. Emmanuel McCall pointed out the problemby saying that

Christianity is the white man's way of keeping the niggerin his plape. Just be a good nigger on earth, ~d by andby when yo¥ get to heaven everything will be all right.b3

McCall then proceeded to outline some constructive ways thatSouthern Baptists could take in regard to the race problem.The first step is to reevaluate traditional racial myths as totheir origin and validity. Second, try to get to know peopleof other races on a more personal basis. Third, deal gentlywith the weak when they are wrong and immature. Fourth, beconcerned for things that have to do with society; with sur-vival problems that demand better medical services, betterschools, fairer court proceedures, better employment opP0rtuni-ties, and low cost financing without 'loan shark tactics'.Finally, McCall suggested that the Whites not give $10,000 to.'

24

Biafara for hunger, but change the attitude and the legisla-tion and the attitudes that cause hunger in the United states."Just get your feet off our necks so that we can stand up likemen," he concluded.64

Kyle Haselden, a non-Baptist ethics professor was invitedto write an article for the Southern Baptist journal the Reviewand Expositor.65 Haselden noted that "good wishes" are not

\~"i'\~enough; an active role to eliminate racial injustices from thef\

top down.We cannot solve the moral and spiritual problems ggtilwe begin to solve the basically economic problem.

ConclusionThe preceeding paper was an attempt to show the histori-

~ ,)f-(JI..;

cal development of Southern Baptist racial attitudes ~ theSecond World War; and particularly the decade of the sixties.The evidence suggests that the major problem connected withBaptist conservatism in regards to social action is culturalrather than theological (based on religious beliefs). Ontheological grounds, Baptist writers on the subject have unan-imously rejected the cultural conservatism of the majority ofSouthern Baptist laymen. However, the evidence would seem tosuggest that change will be slow and painful, for Baptists arenot likely to give up their individualism and 'democratic' formof church government. One can only sympathize with a state-ment uttered by Leon McBeth at the conclusion of one of his

25

essays. "We are not yet like we should be, but thank God weare no longer like we use to be."

26

FOOTNOTES1T• B. Maston, Christianity and World Issues, (New

York: Macmillan and Co., 1957), 92.2Robert G. Torbet, A History of the Baptists, (Valley

Forge: Judson Press, 1963), 292-3. Torbet adopts a more mod-erate position: IIThe Southerners did not attempt to defendthe evils in the sl'~:verysystem, but described the institutionas an inherited disease to be cured slowly •••• 1!

3Edwin Scott Gaustad, A Reli ious Ristor of America,(New York: Harper and Row, 1974 , 1 9-201. See also Louis E.Lomax, The Negro Revolt, New York: Harper and Row, 1962), 18.

4Ibid., 1895winthrop S. Hudson, "Baptists," Encyclopedia Britannica

Macropaedia, Vol. 2 (1975 ed.), 715.6Robert Noats Miller, "Southern White Protestantism and

the Negro 1865-1965," in The Negro in the South Since 1865 ed.by Charles E. Wynes, (Tuscalusa: University of Alabama Press,1965), 234.

7Cited in Miller, "Southern White Protestantism," 234.8George D. Kelsey, Social Ethics Amon~ Southern Baptists

1917-1969, (Metuchen, N.J.: The American Theo ogical LibraryAssociation, 1973), 206.

9Ibid., 211 ff.10Leo Rosten, ed., Religions of America, (New York:

Simon and Schuster, 1965), 34.11A• Jase Jones, "The Jewish People and the Baptist

Witness," Home l'-Ussions, (Mar-ch , 1975), 65; M. Thomas Starkes,"Buddhism, Zen, and Nichilren," Home Missions, (M.arch, 1975), 55.

12Rosten, 34.13The Southern Baptist Handbook, (Nashville: The Broad-

man Press), 1963.14Robert D. r>llarcus,A Brief History ot the Uni tad States

Since 1945, (New York: st. Martin's Press, 1975), 123.15Encyclopedia Britannica,II, Micropaedia, (1915 Edition),

"Civil Rights," 958. .S. v.

27

16Leon McBeth, "Southern Baptists and Race Since 1947,"Baptist Program, (Feb., 1973), 10.

17David Reimers as cited in Joseph C. Hough, Jr.,Black Poweradn White Protestants, (New York: Oxford Universi-ty Press, 19b8), ,180.

18T• B. JvIaston,tiThe Southern Baptist Convention actsthrough Resolutions, Statements," Home JiIissions, 37 (August,1966), 23.

19Kenneth K. Bailey, tlSoutherllBaptists 1940-1963: AsViewed by 8.Secular Historian," B8.E:tistHistory and Herita~e,III, (Jan., 1968), 9-16 •. The Sout ern na1tist ConventionAnnual, (Nashville: Broadroan Press, 1947 , 47-48.

20SBC Annual, 47-48.21Leon McBeth, "Southern Baptists and Race Since 1947,"

Baptist History and Heritage, VII (July, 1972), 158.22Bailey, "Southern Baptists 1940-1963," 24.23lP.i£.~4Ibid., 26.25Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Fundamentalist Reactions tOt

the Civil Rights Movement Since 1954,n Abstracts International,(Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, Oct., 1973), v. 33 #4, p.1813-A.

26Ibid•27Cited in Howard H. QUint, Profile in Black and White,

(Westpcnt: Greenwood Press, 1958), •28Ibid•

29Bailey, "Southern Baptist 1940-1963), 25.30Southern Baptist Convention: Book of Reports, (June

1-4, 1965), 246.

p. 94.3311What will we say or do?" Newsweek, (June, 14, 1965),

34u Church Rac,ia.1Practices Behind Resolutions, SeminarianClaims,1t Home Missions, (April, 1966), 34.

35Newsweek, (June 14, 1965), 94.

28

36Bailey, Southern White Protestantism in the TwentiethCentury, 164.

37nough, Black Power and White Protestants, 183.38"Selma, Civil Rights, and the Church IVIilitant J "

Newsweek, (March 29, 1965), 76.391.ill.40C• R. Dailey, "Why are Baptists Silent?" Baptist

Program, (Dec , , 1964), 11041~.42To B. lVIaston,"Southern Baptists and the Negro,"

Home Missions, (July, 1966), 19.43Maston, "Southern Baptists and the Negro (Part Two)n

Home Missions, (Sept., 1966), 42.44Maston, Home Missions, (July, 1966), 1945" An Anonymous Pastor Faces_ the Race Issue ,'-'Baptist

Program, (Aug., 1964). >

46David IVi. Reimers, White Protestantism and _the Negro,(New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 178.

47"Letters," Home Missions, 36 (April, 1965), 2.48Ibid•

49"In the Wake of Tattnall Square," Home Missions, (Dec.,1966), 36.

50Jesse C. Fletcher, "The Racial Thorn in the World'sSide,1t Baptist Student, (Feb., 1966), 24.

51Ross Coggins, "IvIissions,and Race," Window, (Sept.,1964), 39.

52~., 40.53W• T. Moore, "Southern Baptists and Hace Relations,1I

Home IvIissions, (Jan., 1965), 15.54James W. Silver, MiSSiSSiPti: The Closed Society,

(New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Wor a, 1966), 55.55"Bauty For Ashes," Baptist Program, (Jan., 1965), 16.

29

56Anne W. NcWilliams, "Out of the Mississippi Ashes,"Baptist Program, (Nov., 1965), ,4. See also Silver, Mississippi:The Closed Society', 286-7.

57Leon McBeth, "Southern Baptists and Race Since 1947,"Baptist History and Heritage, VII (July, 1972), 155-171.

58Floyd A. Craig, "What'H:§tppened Race Relations Sunday?"The Baptist Program, (Jan., 1969), 7.

59"Memorable Day for Two Churches," Baptist Program,(Jan., 1967), 7.

60John Nichol, "Integrity of Witness," Home Missions,39 (Jan., 1968), 11.

61wesley M. Patillo, Jr., rlThey Call it a Yoke Rela-tionship," Baptist Program, (Dec , , 1969), 11-12.

62Leon McBeth, "Why Study the Negro Church," BaptistProgram, (Sept., 1969), 7-8, 30.

63Emmanuel :NcCall, "The Black Struggle: How Can YouHelp?" Baptist Student, 49 (November, 1969), 22.

64~., 23.65Kyle Haselden, tiThe Peril and the Promise in Race Re-

Latt cns ;" Review and Expositor, 66 (May, 1969), 43-53.66~., 53.

30

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Hough, Joseph C. Jr. Black Power and White Protestants. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1968.

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31

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32

B. Periodical Articles:

If A Barrier Falls: The U. S. Negro Moves to Vote." Newsweek.(August, 1965), 15-16.

"A Long Hot August." Baptist Program. (August, 1965), 3-5.

Acklin, Gant E. "Militancy and l'Unorities. fI Baptist Student.39 (Feb., 70), 3.

Adams, Bob. nSwitbh of Fight?" Baptist Program. (May, 1969),7-8.

"An Anonymous Faces the Race Issue." Home l\1issions. (August,1974).

"An Interview with Bill Lawson.." The Baptist Student. 48(Feb., 1969), 42-47.

Bailey, Kenneth K. "Southern Baptists 1940-1963: As Viewedby a Secular Historian." Battist History and Heri-tage. III (Jan., 1968), 9-1 •

"Baptists Demonstrate in Harlem." Home Missions. 39 (Jan.,1968), 19-21.

Barnette, Henlee. "Racism: Fact or Fallacy?" Baptist TrainingUnion. Special Issue: Morals in America. 39(Sept., 1964), 20-21, 66.

"Beauty ,or Ashes." Baptist Program. (Jan., 1965), 16.

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Buchanan, Harry A. and Bmb W. Brown. "Shall the Twain BecomeOne?" Home Missions. 39 (Jan., 1968), 22-23.

"Church Racial Practices Behind Resoluti@ns, Seminarian Claims."Home Missions. (April, 1966), 34-35.

Coggins, Ross. "J.'vl1ssionsand Race." Window. 36 (Sept., 1964),39-40.• !tIssues and Answers in Race Relations." Window.--------38 (Feb., 1967), 11-13.

Craig, Floyd A. "What Happened Race Relations Sunday?" TheBaptist Program. (January, 1969), 7-8.

Daley, C. R. "Why Are Baptists Silent?" Baptist Program.(Dec., 1964), 11.

33

Davis, Willam P.Student.

"The Race Issue: Where Are We?"47 (June, 1968), 11-12.

Baptist

Day, Kenneth. "Detroit Rebuilds Following Riot. It Home Jvlissions.39 (Je., 1968), 23, 43.

"Decision in Dallas. 'I Baptist Program. (August, 1965), 19.Fillpot, Dave. "The Wall is Down.A Home Missions. 39 (Jan.,

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Home-

• "Working With National Baptists," Home fvIissions.--------(Jan., 1965), 16a-16p •• "Missionary Implications of Racial Tensions.1t Home--------~Missions. (July, 1966), 16-17.

Grant, Daniel R. "How to Effect Change in a Local Church?"Home Missions. 40 (July, 1969), 21-22.

Havlik, John F. "Evangelism and Social IVIinistry: A New Lookof the Sixties in Southern Baptist Evangelism."Baptist History and Heritage. VI (Jan., 1971), 34-39.

Haselden, Kyle. "The Peril and the Promise in Race Relations."Review and Expositor. 66 (May, 1969), 43-53.

Hayworth, Beth. "Time to Listen, Time to Act. II Home Missions.39 (Feb., 1968), 7.

"Heaven For Whites, Hell For Negroes?" The Baptist Student.48 (March, 1969), 3, 18.

Herzog, Frederick. "God: Black of White?" Heview and Exposi-tor. 67 (Summer, 1970), 299-213.

Horner, Chevis F. "Blasting Barriers in the Church." BaptistProgram. (Jan., 1968), 5-6.

34

Jackson, Jesse L. "Chastising the Rich Young Ruler: A BlackPreacher's Analysis." Home JvIissions. 40 (July,1969), 23-25.

Kelsey, George. "Racism:Baptist Program.

Special Problem For Christianity."(Dec., 1966) ,1 7-18.

Knight, Walter L. "Bridging the Gap." Home Missions. 38.(Jan., 1967), 5-6.

Lee, Dallas M. "Justice is Something You Do." Home Missions.40 (Dec ,, 1969), 17-19.

Maston, T. B. "Bible and Racial Distinctions.tI BaptistStudent. 43 (May, 1964), 9-11.

_____ • The Race Question and Missions," and "Race Relations."Encyclopedia of Southern Baptists. II. Nashville: TheBroadman Press, (1958), 1128-1129.

_____ .• "Southern Baptists and the Negro (PT. One)."Missions. (July, 1966), 18-19.• "Southern Baptists and ·The Negro (Pt. Two)."

---------M·issions. 37 (Sept., 1966), 38-42._____ • "-Southern Baptists and the Negro." The Ba.ptist stu-

~. 46 (March, 1967), 11-13.

Home-Horne

_____ .• "The SBC Act}3 through Resolutions, statements."Home Missions. 37 (August, 1966), 23-24.

McBeth, Leon. "Southern Baptists and Race Since 1947." BaptistHistory and Heritage. VII (July, 1972), 155-171.

It_____ • Southern Baptists and Race Since 1947.tI BaptistProgram. (Feb., 1973), 10-11.

_____ • "Why Study the Negro Church?" Baptist Program.(Sept., 1969), 7-8, 30.

Lodge, George C. "Discr1mination.~ Window. 36 (Sept., 1964)6-10, 24.

McCall, Emmanuel L. "The Black Struggle: How Can You Help?"Baptist Student. 49 (November, 1969), 19-23.

McOl~llan, ItBaptists and the New South.tt Baptist History andHeritage. III (Jan., 1968), 9-16.

McGregor, Don. tlFruitdale Faces the Future. tl Baptist's Men'sJournal. 38 (July, 1967), 7-10.

35

McWilliams, Anne Washburn... "Out of the Mississippi Ashes."Baptist Program. -,(Nov., 1965), 3-4.

"l\1emorableDay For Two Churches." Baptist Program. (Jan., 1967),7.Moore, W. T. "Southern Baptists and Race Relations."

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Nichol, John. "Integrity of'Witness." Home Missions. (Jan.,1968), 9-11.

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36

'''WhatWill We Say or Do?" Newsweek. (June 14, 1965), 94.

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Record, Jane and Wilson Record. "Ideological Forces and theNegro Protest. tl Annals of the American Academy ofSocial Science. (Jan., 1965), 92.