SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ

1872-1896

Stelios Irakleous

Abstract

The paper examines the linguistic variety of the Karamanli newspaper Αγγελιαφόφορος τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν (= Messenger for the children) in the context of Turkish dialects and its importance for the Karamanli community from the sociolinguistic perspective, addressing issues like linguistic diversity and education.

Introduction The first Karamanli missionary newspaper, Αγγελιαφόρος, was published in 18721 by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The Karamanli (or Greco-Turkish in missionary terminology) Αγγελιαφόρος was another step in continuing their pioneering role in the publication of periodicals. By branching out, the missionaries aimed to cover a new range of concerns and reach a new readership in an environment of expanding literacy.2

The American missionaries had already been publishing the Armenian Avedaper (Armenian language in Armenian characters) since 1855 and from 1860 the Armeno-Turkish version of Avedaper (Turkish language in Armenian characters).3 Along with Αγγελιαφόρος, in 1872, the missionaries began the publication of what they referred to as “Child’s paper” namely the

1 For a catalogue of Karamanlidika newspapers and periodicals, see (2010): 123-134. On

Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν see also İbar (2010): 18-24 2 Henceforth A.B.C.F.M. Concerning the history of A.B.C.F.M., see Tracy (1842) and

Ussama (2008): 1-71. Concerning the pioneering role of the missionaries, see Johan Strauss (2003): 43. The American missionaries had been publishing their Magazine of Useful Knowledge since 1839 in Armenian and Greek (Αποθήκη των Ωφελίµων γνώσεων), see Bliss (1972): 380. Regarding the Greek version of the periodical, see Nasioutzik (2002): 261-365. On the effect of the missionary periodical Αποθήκη των Ωφελίµων γνώσεων. see Nasioutzik (2002): 293-365, and for its influence on the Karamanli periodical of Evangelinos Misailides, see Balta (2013b): 205-245. Concerning the development of literacy in the Ottoman Empire in 19th century, see Fortna (2011).

3 Greene, (1905): 171 and Greene (1916):140.

394   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS illustrated monthly editions of the aforementioned papers, which were intended for children and issued simultaneously in all three versions.4 The phenomenon of publishing a newspaper or a book in several languages simultaneously was not new and had to do mainly with the communication of meaning between the different communities that were separated by language and script.5 It was still a period when correlation of language and script or language and ethnicity was not as it would become in the 20th

century.6 Τhe circulation of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν began, as already

mentioned, in 1872 and ended somewhere at the end of the 19th or the

beginning of the 20th century, certainly before 1905.7 The paper was printed by D. J. Aramian up until 1877 and by A.Boyadjan up until 18968 and the editors were Edwin E. Bliss (1872-March 1873), Joseph K. Greene (April 1873-1884) and Henry S. Barnum (1885 - end).9 It should be noted that the aforementioned editors were in charge of all six papers (three for adults and three for children) as the missionaries considered them to be just two, one for adults and one for children. Consequently, they always referred to Avedaper, Child’s paper or Christian Messengers.10

The date of discontinuation of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν is not as clear as the reason for it, which was financial insufficiency. The cost of production was large and always exceeded the income from subscriptions, which did not cover even half of it.11 The papers were also supported by donations12 but still this was not enough. Yet the missionaries kept the papers

4 “In addition to these weekly issues a monthly Child’s paper (illustrated) is published, also

in three forms.” Edwin E. Bliss (1872): 380. There was also a fourth version, the Bulgarian named Zornitsa which started in 1874, see Greene (1874): 300.

5 Strauss (2005): 239-240. Johan Strauss mentions, apart from the missionary papers, the official newspaper Takvim-i Vekaleti founded in 1831 and others.

6 Fortna (2011): 10. 7 In “The Jubilee of the Avedaper” Joseph K. Greene writes: “For many years a monthly

illustrated paper for children, in Armenian, in Armeno-Turkish, and in Greco-Turkish, was also published; and this paper, in Armenian, called the Child’s Avedaper is still continued”, see Green (1905):171.

8 The dates mentioned here are according to the issues of Αγγελιαφόρος τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν used for this paper. Concerning the printing offices of the A.B.C.F.M., see Coakley (1998): 5-34.

9 Greene (1916): 140. It should be also borne in mind that these names were probably the names of editors in chief, while other people were responsible for smaller parts of the work. In a report by Joseph K. Greene in 1880 we read “Mr Pettibone has become responsible for the Child’s Papers ...”. The name of Mr. Pettibone is not mentioned anywhere in the issues of the Αγγελιαφόρος τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν. See The Missionary Herald 75 (Boston 1880): 132. Also in 1874 Greene mentions Dwight as editor of the three monthlies and Riggs of the fourth (The Bulgarian Zornitsa), (1874): 300.

10 The Missionary Herald 78 (Boston 1882): 511; The Missionary Herald 74 (Boston 1878): 329 and Greene (1916): 141 respectively.

11 Barnum (1903): 436 and Greene (1916): 141. 12 In the Missionary Herald of 1893, under the section Donations, Nicola Kouroujouk

Oglou supported financially the publication of the Turkish Greek Child’s paper. The Missionary Herald 89 (Boston 1893): 80.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 395   running, believing in their role and importance. Concerning the discontinuation of the paper, Evangelia Balta sets it at 1895, based on the issues she located13 while the ARIT Istanbul sets it at 1897 for both the Armenian Turkish and Karamanlidika versions14 but it does not provide any documentation on that. In the pages of The Missionary Herald in 1903, in a report by Henry S. Barnum, editor of the papers at the time, we read:

"This Avedaper (“Good News Bringer”) has continued from that beginning (1855) and hopes to celebrate its jubilee with the first number of 1905... " quoting original source. At first, the paper was issued twice a month, and later, for a time, only once a month, but after a few years it became, and still is, weekly. For the Armenians using the Turkish language an Armeno-Turkish edition has been issued since 1860 and since 1872 a Greco-Turkish edition for Turkish speaking Greeks. From 1872 there has also been a separate paper for children, which is published monthly. The necessity of printing the paper in three editions greatly increases its cost...15

Of course, he might be referring just to the Armenian paper but, since

there is no solid information on the discontinuation of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν, neither in books written by the editors (e.g. Joseph K. Greene 1916), nor in the Missionary Herald,16 we need to leave the date of discontinuation with a question mark for the time being. For the current research, eighteen yearly volumes of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν were used, dating from 1872 to 1896. The aforementioned volumes were found in the Library of Leiden University17 and in digital form online.18 The only considerable gap lies in the period 1882-1885 where four volumes were not found and we miss the transition from the editorship of Joseph K. Greene to Henry S. Barnum found therein.

Contents

The contents of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν cover a great majority of subjects and are subjected to changes from time to time. These changes 13 Balta (2010): 123. 14 http://www.dlir.org/eresources/93 15 Barnum (1903): 436-437. 16 The periodical of the American missionaries that was published once a year, containing

the proceedings of the A.B.C.F.M. The almost complete collection of The Missionary Herald can be found at http://www.hathitrust.org/.

17 For an overview of the Karamanlidika collection of Leiden University, previously owned by Robert Anhegger and given as a gift along with other items to Leiden’s University Library, see Schmidt (2011): 291-318.

18 http://www.archive.org/.

396   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS sometimes concur with the change of editor but this does not always happen. A rough allocation can be made in decades in view of the fact that every decade we see some major changes in the contents. Although it is mentioned that the reading material was prepared in Istanbul,19 it should be noted that only some of the articles were originally written in Istanbul while, others were slightly altered,20 or were a composite of similar articles21 contained in The Child’s Paper and The Child at Home, both published in the United States22. Here it must be mentioned that the American Tract Society, which had been publishing The Child’s Paper until approximately 1860, published The Child at Home after that date. This happened after a schism within Protestantism in the United States between the American Tract Society and the Parent Board, based on the refusal of the latter to publish material, which denounced slavery in the southern states.23 The Child’s Paper continued its publication, while the American Tract Society started to publish its own periodicals, one of which was The Child at Home, an appealing periodical, probably more impressive than The Child’s Paper, with many engravings.24 The periodical had also a more expensive coloured edition.25 The fact that

19 Greene (1874): 300. 20 e.g. The article “The boyhood of Martin Luther” published in The Child’s Paper March

1853 appeared in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλαρ Ιτζούν January 1874 under the title “Μάρτιν Λούδερ”. Several articles from The Child’s Paper from the decade 1850-1860 were published in 1860 in a book under the title Flowers of Spring Time where the same article is also available, see Knight & et al. (1860): 68.

21 e.g. “The dromedary”, The Child’s Paper March 1856, “The dromedary” Flowers of Spring Time (1860): 127 is found in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλαρ Ιτζούν May 1873 “Τζόλ κεµισί” and January 1877 with the same title. The article from 1877 shares the same picture as in the American publications. See also two publications in The Child’s Paper about the discovery of printing, “The discovery of the art of printing” The Child’s Paper June 1856 (“The first printing” Flowers of Spring Time (1860) p. 69), and “Invention of printing” The Child’s Paper March 1852 (Flowers of Spring Time (1860): 209) were intermingled to produce “Ματπαά σεναατηνήν ιτζατή” Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλαρ Ιτζούν January 1877, again with the same picture. It is possible that some articles in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλαρ Ιτζούν like “Ποτζεσµανλάρ” September 1875, “Τζηκκηρνάτ” June 1878 and “Νιακάρα σελαλεσί” March 1880 were inspired or borrowed from The Iluustrated London reading book, “The Bushmen” (1851):191-194, “The car of Juggernaut” (1851): 44-48 and “The falls of Niagara” (1851): 385-389.

22 For a very interesting account concerning periodicals for children published in the 19th century United States see http://www.merrycoz.org/. Thanks go to Antonis Hadjikyriacou for providing me with issues of the periodicals from Princeton University library.

23 Concerning this dispute about slavery, among the Protestants in the United States, see Bucer (1860): 2. The author notes: “On what ground do they justify the schism, and their assumption of a hostile attitude towards the Parent Board? It was because that Board refused to publish books and tracts, and articles in their papers, explicitly denunciatory of Southern Slavery”.

24 The way the periodical was perceived by its rivals, who had criticized its publication and appearance, is indicative of this: “And hero too is the Child at Home, presenting on its front page, a large attractive picture, prepared doubtless “at immense cost” – illustrating the horrors of the slave trade – though, rest assured, never a line shall darken its fair pages” Bucer (1860): 2.

25 http://www.merrycoz.org/

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 397   Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν uses the same header and setting26

as The Child at Home raises the question as to whether the two periodicals, apart from the material, also share the same ideas and this is something which warrants investigation. Returning to the material in the periodicals, the lack of issues of the American ones does not allow for full-scale research on the contents for the time being, which would have answered questions such as from which periodical did the majority of articles come, something that undeniably would have been very interesting and useful.

As far as the contents of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν are concerned, they include mainly moralistic stories, parts or questions from the Bible, but also descriptions of foreign towns, civilizations, customs, animals and games.27 Furthermore, we come across brief biographies28 of well-known people (mostly from western countries and less from Asia), articles concerning occupations, articles of scientific interest, about the eyes, the ears, the stars, or insects, for example. Additionally, regular columns, Christian songs with scores and, rarely, missionaries’ personal stories.29 We also come across references to Sunday schools (e.g. October 1880 “Παζάρ κουνού µεκτεπλερί τερσλέρ” [Pazar günü mektebleri dersler: Lessons of Sunday school]) and serialised stories. The system of serialised stories in newspapers was a widespread practice in Western Europe from the 1830’s onwards and had manifold advantages, like keeping interest alive and subsequently contributing to circulation.30

The articles are always anonymous with the exception of the regular column “Τζοτζουκλάρ νάσηλ Χριστόσα χηζµέτ ετεπιλίρλερ” [Çocuklar nasıl Hristos’a hizmet edebilirler: How children can be of service to Jesus] that was undersigned by Σεβκουλού Αµουδζάν Α.Α., and the letters, or answer to riddles sent in by the readers. It seems that anonymity was a general missionary practice, promoting collective work for a cause without seeking self-promotion.31 Along with anonymity, we have no reference to the origin of those articles that were borrowed from elsewhere. There can be no doubt that many articles were borrowed, since, apart from the fact that it was a

26 The structure of the two periodicals is identical in all ways and so is the size of the

paper (37 × 27 cm), the frequency of publication (once a month) and the number of pages (4, four). The Child at Home and Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν share another aspect in respect of their material, songs with scores, something t h a t i s m i s s i n g from The Child’s Paper.

27 Concerning learning practices of the tıme and of the periodical through certain articles, see Karabiçak (2011): 2-11.

28 Here I am referring to general information concerning persons and not biographies in the strict sense of the term.

29 In the issue of November (1872) p. 40 we come across the article “Τατλή πίρ ολούµ” [Tatlı bir ölüm: A sweet death] which refers to the recent death of the daughter of Joseph K. Greene.

30 Strauss (2005): 230. 31 Nasioutzik (2002): 263.

398   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS general practice back then,32 we see stories from foreign literature (e.g. May 1878 “Ούτζ κατηνλάρ” [Üç kadınlar: Three women]). The only references to the source can be seen as late as 1889 and 1890. In the issues of July and August 1889 we see (Αλµάντùζατ ùαν αληνµήσ ùτ ùηρ [Almancadan alınmışdır: Taken from German]) and (Αλµάντùζατ ùαν µουτερτ ùζεµ [Almancadan mütercem: Translated from German]) respectively. In March 1890 we come across the name (Έδβανς [Edvans]) three times and in October and December (Βηρµόντ Κρόνικηλ [Vermont Chronicle]) and (Ουέλ Σπρίγγ [Well Spring]) respectively.

Another important dimension of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν was its numerous pictures. Every issue contains detailed, and often impressive, article-related, depictions that attracted local printers, who often borrowed clichés from them.33 Actually, their impact was so large that it affected the papers that followed in the Ottoman Empire.34 The pictures were printed in Cambridge and were sent to Istanbul, where the printer would arrange their position in the paper. The procedure of receiving and preparing the pictures is described in an article in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν in May 1874 under the title “Ρεσίµ καζµάκ [Resim kazmak: Digging for pictures]”, where among other things it says: “Που τασβιρλί κιαγητλάρ Ιστάνπ ùολα κο ùντ ùεριλίρ. Κυρ Αραµιάν ονλαρή αλήπ ù π ùός ù γερλερινί π ùασµά ιλέ τ ùολτ ùουρούρ.”[Bu tasvirli kaġıtlar İstanbol´a gönderilir. Kir Aramian onları alıb boş yerlerini basma ile doldurur: These illustrated papers are sent to Istanbul. Mr Aramian takes them and fills the gaps with them].

Regular columns The Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν includes eight regular columns. Seven of them start and end within the first decade of publication while one of them starts in the last decade. Those are:

1. Τζοτζουκλάρ Αγγελιαφόροσου ιτζούν: 1872-1877 1872 (pp. 7, 20, 35); 1873 (pp. 18, 27); 1875 (pp. 8, 15, 18, 27, 47); 1876 (pp. 2, 4, 5, 7, 11, 15, 23); 1877 (p. 9).

2. Τζοτζουκλάρ νάσηλ Χριστόσα χηζµέτ ετεπιλιρλέρ: (Σεβκουλού/ Μουχαπετλού Αµουδζάν Α.Α.): 1872-1873 1872 (pp. 8, 14, 18, 24, 26, 30, 34, 38, 44); 1873 (p. 3).

3. Τζοδζουκλαρηµά πιρ σόζ: 1874-1875 1874 (pp. 30, 34, 39, 45); 1875 (p. 5).

32 See the case of the Greek version of the Magazine of Useful Knowledge, Nasioutzik (2002):

248-251. 33 Strauss (2002): 43. 34 The Missionary Herald 78 (Boston, 1882): 511. Strauss (2005): 230.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 399  

4. Πιλµέδζε: 1873-1878 1873 (p. 4). 1875 (p. 36); 1876 (pp. 4, 16, 28, 40, 48); 1878 (pp. 8, 12, 20, 35); 1887 (p. 20); 1888 (p. 20); 1889 (pp. 24, 36).

5. Κιτάπι σερίφ οκουγιάν τζοτζουκλάρ πίρ χικαγιέ/σουαλλέρ/πιλµέτζε: 1873-1878 1873 (pp. 16, 44, 47); 1874 (pp. 4, 8, 12, 16, 20, 32, 36, 20, 44, 48); 1875 (pp. 28, 32, 48); 1876 (pp. 8, 16, 20, 28, 32, 40, 44); 1877 (pp. 4, 8, 12, 16, 20, 24, 32, 36, 44).

6. Κουτζούκ τζοτζουκλαρά µεκτουπλέρ: 1877-1878 1877 (pp. 41, 46); 1878 (pp. 2, 6, 11, 16, 19, 22, 27, 31, 34, 45).

7. Songs with scores: 1873-1877 1873 (pp. 24, 32, 38, 48); 1874 (pp. 24, 48); 1875 (pp. 4, 16, 24, 36, 44); 1876 (pp.12, 48); 1877 (p. 4).

8. Ιντζιλίν εσασί χακικάλαρηντάν παζηλαρή: 1894-1895 1894 (pp. 20, 24, 28, 32, 40, 44, 48); 1895 (pp. 4, 8).

1 . B i o g r a p h i e s The volumes used for this paper contain 35 biographies in total. During the first decade of publication we come across only three biographies, two in 1873 (pp. 3, 42) and one in 1874 (p. 5), seventeen in the second decade: five in 1881 (pp. 17, 30, 39, 40, 41), three in 1886 (pp. 5, 34, 43), three in 1887 (pp. 13, 17, 29), two in 1888 (pp. 9, 29) and three in 1889 (pp. 14, 21, 47) and fourteen in the last decade: one in 1890 (p. 18), two in 1892 (pp. 3, 47), seven in 1894 (pp. 9, 13, 19, 23, 30, 33, 39) and five in 1895 (pp. 15, 19, 22, 25, 39). 2 . S e r i a l i s e d s t o r i e s

The serialised stories in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν began in 1876 and stopped in 1881. During that time ten stories were serialised, with most of them serialised in two or three issues, while the largest was serialised in five issues (May - September 1878 “Ούτζ κατηνλάρ” [Üç kadınlar: Three women]).35 In the category of serialised stories we can also place what we could refer to as “Australian months”, a period where the periodical contained several articles on Australia, concerning towns, animals, islands, people, etc. (July - December 1889).

35 The rest are “Μάρκοσου γιολδζουλουγού” [Markos’un yolculuğu: February-April 1876],

“Τζοπανήν µισαφιρί” [Çobanın misafiri: January-February 1877], “Πέτρο Ιβάνοβιτζ” [Petro İvanovıç: March-May 1877], “Πουζλάρ ιτζιντέ” [Buzlar içinde: June-July 1877], “Πόπ” [Bob: August-October: 1877], “Ιταάτα πίρ ορνέκ” [İdaata bir örnek: February-April 1878], “Κελεπέκ” [Kelebek: May-July 1878], “Κιόζ” [Göz: February-April 1880], “Φίλ” [Fil: May- June 1881].

400   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS Language The language used in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν is simple and that is quite normal, since it was a periodical directed at children. Moreover, we should always keep in mind the missionary principles concerning proselytization. The missionaries believed that the procedure of converting to Protestantism should be preceded by education, so the various publications should not only be comprehensible to everyone,36 but should also b e in the language that the people spoke.37 Following the spirit of this idea, the citation from Luke’s gospel “Τζοτζουκλαρή πανά κελµεγιέ πράκην” Λουκ. ΙΗ΄16 [Çocukları bana gelmeye brakın], under the title of the periodical during the first decade, was changed in favor of “Πρακηνήζ, τζοτζουκλάρ γιανηµά κελσινλέρ” Μαρκ. Ι΄14 [Brakınız, çocuklar yanıma gelsiner], from Mark’s gospel, during Barnum’s editorship an informal sentence closer to everyday speech, in comparison with the previous formal version with the use of a verbal noun (gelmeye).38

Besides simple language, the paper seems to have a set of words influenced by Ottoman orthographic tradition,39 something like a definite code that remains throughout all the years of publication, despite the changes in editorship that affected other aspects. Some of those words are:

Table 1

τùεγιού deyü

ιτζούν içün

γιαχότù yahod

σερχόςù serhoş

πùαγτζέ baġçe

τζούνκι çünki

36 Clogg (1968): 172-173. 37 Murre van den Berg (2006):13 and Balta (2013a): 177. 38 This change of this citation was previously noted, see Karabiçak (2011): 5. 39 Eckmann (1950): 31. Anhegger (1979-1980): 168. Kappler (2002): 92-95. Kappler (2003):

331-336. The influence of Ottoman orthographic tradition is also obvious in an article concerning how the Indians write their letters. I find very amusing the fact that a periodical, which is Greek in script and Turkish in language, criticizes Indians who still communicate through ideograms, since “they have not yet found letters like ours, such as elif and ba”. The original text reads: "Που γιαπ ùανιλερίν π ùιζίµμ κ ùιπ ùί ελίφ π ùα χρουφατλερί π ùουλουνµματ ùηγηντ ùάν ονλάρ π ùοïλέ τασβίρλερλε µμεκτούπ ù γιαζαρλάρ..." Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν (September 1878): 35.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 401  

άβφ avf

αλτούν altun

χίσς hıss

εγί eyi

καπού kapu

ατùέµ adem

πùρακµάκ brakmak

ρέτùτù redd

πùοùγιοùύκ böyük

σεβκùοùυλοùύ sevgülü

αγάτùζ aġac

ογούλ oġul

γιανγήν yanġın

αγλαµάκ aġlamak

ιστιφράγ istifraġ

οϊρενµέκ öirenmek (öġrenmek)

ιϊνέ iine (iġne)

From Table 1 the link to the Ottoman orthographic tradition becomes

obvious, not only for the majority of graphemes that are easily transliterated, but even for more complicated occasions like the graphemes gayn <غ> persian kef <گگ>, which are always rendered by <γ> and <ϊ> respectively.

Another group of words are those which are influenced by the Ottoman orthographic tradition but are written in more than one way from time to time. In the cases of “hidmet” and “o”, two words that are very much in use in the texts, the change from one form to the other concurs with the change of editor and probably has to do with the point of view of each editor. The rest do not appear so often, but every form can be traced in the Ottoman writing tradition.

402   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS

Table 2 hidmet: χηζµέτ 1872 - 1881 (1884?) > χητµέτ 1886 - 6/1895 > χηζµέτ 7/1895 – 12/1896 o, on-: ολ, ον- 1872 - 1881 (1884?) > ο, αν- 1886 – 1896 akşam: αχσ ùάµ 1872 – 1889 > ακσ ùάµ 1890 – 1896 soġuk: σοούκ/σογούκ kelebek: κεπενέκ 1877 > κελεπέκ 1880 güvercin: κ ùιοκ ùερτ ùζίν 2/1872, κ ùο ùβερτ ùζίν 3/1872, κ ùο ùυβερτ ùζίν 5/1888, 4/1895, κ ùο ùγερτ ùζίν 4/1889, 3/1890. M o r p h o - p h o n o l o g y The language of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν can be divided, in morpho-phonological terms, into three distinct periods, which concur with each one of the editorships. During the period 1872 until April 1873 under the editorship of Edwin E. Bliss, we observed that the suffixes do not always follow the vowel harmony and the consonants remain unchanged like in older forms of language (e.g. σεβκ ùουλί [sevgüli], σεβκ ùουλού [sevgülü], κ ùο ùρο ùυνίρ [görünir], κ ùελίπ [gelip], οτουρούπ ù [oturub], εττùί [etdi], κορτ ùί [gördi]). This reversion is obvious in the final consonant in - (y)Ip and in all suffixes starting with <d>, something that remains unchanged in all three periods. It looks like this reversion of consonant forms was a predetermined missionary practice, since it appears in many editions, possibly influenced again by the Ottoman orthographic tradition.40.

During the editorship of Joseph K. Greene (May 1873-1884) consistency in the use of fourfold vowel harmony is observed, maybe as a result of more serious editing. However, during the editorship of Henry S. Barnum (1885-1896), we again come across phenomena from the Edwin E. Bliss period, when the vowel harmony was not fixed (e.g. ογλήµ [oġlım], ολτ ùηγή/ολτ ùουγού [oldıġı/olduġu], ολµής ù/ολµούς ù [olmış/olmuş]). The morpho-phonology of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν surely deserves to be dealt with more thoroughly, but this can be done only after separately studying the three aforementioned periods, due to their major differences. Writing system

The newspaper is written in a customized version of the Athenian system, which is subject to changes concerning various graphemes from time to time. The Athenian system was the successor of the system first introduced in 1826 by the British missionaries in the book Ραππί Ιισά ελ µεσιχίν αχδί τζεδιδινίν γιουνανί λισανινδάν τουρκ λισανινά τερτζουµεσί, and was the one 40 Kappler (2002): 92-93. Irakleous (2013): 83-88.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 403   that led to the generalization of the single dot above letters.41 Janos Eckmann and Jean Deny called the system Athenian, because the first editions using this system were printed in Athens.42

The new system was the outcome of the missionaries’ wish to represent

the Ottoman language in the Greek alphabet in the best possible way43 and first appeared in the book Ahdi-i Cedid – Καινή Διαθήκη   of 1838. The missionaries’ two systems created the basis for the standardisation of the writing systems of Karamanlidika. The custom of using characters in the Greek alphabet with the single dot above (<κù>, <τ ù>, <τ ùζ>, <σ ù>, <ο ù> and <ο ùυ>) created for the first time a clear grapheme-phoneme relationship and was widely used in publications. The missionaries wanted their publications to have a standardized alphabet because they were used for educational purposes as well. Nevertheless, the consistency shown in other missionary publications is not very obvious in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν where a continuing effort to change certain graphemes can be observed. D i a c r i t i c s o n c a p i t a l l e t t e r s From the beginning of the newspaper in January 1872 until March 1876 there are no diacritics on capital letters, probably due to the absence of the proper equipment in printing machines or fonts. During that period they used other methods in their effort to render graphemes. The main issues were <C>, <Ş> <Ö> and <D>. After 1872, when <C> in capital form was rendered by <Τζ>, so there was no distinction between <c> and <ç>, the digraph <Δζ> was used, while <D> in capital form was rendered by <Δ>. In the rest of the text, the system with diacritics was used, so on many occasions we come across two forms of the same word (e.g. Δζεβάπ/τ ùζεβάπ [cevap],Δενίζ, τ ùενίζ [deniz]: 12/1873). The digraphs <Εο> and <Σσù> for rendering <ö> and <ş> respectively were used from the beginning (e.g. Εολο ùύµ [ölüm]: 1/1872, ΚΕΟΡ [kör]:4/1872) and (Σσùίµτ ùι [şimdi]: 6/1872, Σσùεϊτάν [şeytan]: 5/1872).

All the aforementioned phenomena were abolished from the main body of the newspaper as of April 1876, when the diacritics began to be used on capital letters, however, for reasons that are not obvious, the missionaries continued to experiment with the use of <ΔΖ> in the header of the newspaper. So we see ΤΖΙΛΤ [cild] from 1872 until 1875. The form <ΔΖ> was used in the rest of the text from 1873. In 1876 it changes to ΔΖΙΛΔ [cild] and remains for one and a half years while the diacritics on capitals were used from April of the same year. In August 1877 it changes again, becoming ΤΖΙΛΤ [cild] with the diacritics on the letters <T> until 1886, when the form ΔΖΙΛΔ reappears, without obvious reasons and remains until 1896. It is not clear why

41 Anhegger (1979-1980): 171. Anhegger (1991): 3. Kappler (2003): 320. 42 Anhegger (1991): 3; Kappler (2003) : 321. 43 Gavriel (2010) : 261.

404   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS the header follows the changes in script,44 belatedlly. The change in the header occurs some months after the changes in the body of the periodical, but the last change concurs with the change of the editor. Maybe the reason lies in the fact that the images were being printed in the United States so it was time consuming to create the new matrix and get it ready for printing.

D i a c r i t i c s o n l o w e r c a s e l e t t e r s

Apart from the graphemes used in the Athenian system, efforts to represent two more graphemes in Ottoman writing are noticeable in Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν. These are hı <خخ> and nef <ڭ>. While the grapheme hı <خخ> was rendered by <χ ù> for only a period of seven months (1/1872 – 7/1872) and for the rest of time by <χ>, the grapheme nef <ڭ> had a longer and more complicated course.

Table 3

χù> (1/1872 – 7/1872)> = <خخ >

Χùότùζα Hoca

γιαχùότ Yahod

µαχùσούς Mahsus

χùόςù Hoş

χùοσùνούτ Hoşnud

The grapheme nef <ڭ>, during the period Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ

ιτζούν was being printed, was rendered in six different versions, whilst at certain periods of time, certain graphemes were used for determinate words. After the initial period 1/1872 – 7/1872, when nef <ڭ> was rendered by <ν ù>, in the months that follow 8/1872 – 11/1872 nef <ڭ> was rendered by <ν>. After the first year, only two words continued to render the grapheme nef <ڭ>, but each one of them in different ways. Those words are: sonra and anlamak. It should also be noted that this grapheme was only

44 The same phenomenon (belated change) occurs in the change of <Σσ ù> to <Σ > with

diacritics in the information of the newspaper on the last page of every issue (12/1876), but no further changes were made there.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 405   rendered in the abovementioned stems (with a few exceptions) and never in suffixes.

Table 4

1/1872 – 7/1872 Σόνùρα ανùλαµάκ

8/1872 – 11/1872 Σόνρα ανλαµάκ

12/1872 – 11/1876 Σόνγρα

12/1872 – 8/1887 ανναµάκ

8/1876 – 3/1892 Σόγγρα

12/1886 – 3-1892 ανκùλαµάκ45

4/1892 – 12/1896 Σόνρα ανλαµάκ

O t h e r G r a p h e m e s In the first year of publication, there are no graphemes in the Greek alphabet that are not used in the Athenian system (Μεκσικό instead of Μεξικό 11/1872, πσαλµός instead of ψαλµός 7/1772). From 1873 onwards, Greek words maintain their original orthography (e.g. ψαλµός: 5/1873, λαύα: 1/1890, ωκεανός: 1/1896),46 while the digraph <Δζ> and the grapheme <δ> reappear in the editorship of Henry S. Barnum but only in names of foreign origin (Δζον [John]: 1/1886, Δζέρι [Jerry]: 9/1886, Ωξφορδ [Oxford]: 4/1986, Λεϊδήν [Leiden]: 3/1886, Έδουαρδ [Eduard]: 12/1886).

45 The first appearance of the digraph <νκ ù> was with σόνκ ùρα (5/1878) for just one time.

After its introduction in anlamak it appeared a few times with the words γιανκ ùλής (9/1889), πενκ ùζεµέκ (10/1889), τινκ ùλεµέκ (12/1889). It was used regularly, but not as a digraph, in words like ζενκ ùίν.

46 This turn towards the Greek language is also obvious in terminology, e.g. in January 1873 we read “Christmas” in a description, in January 1887 “Μιλάτι Ισά γιάνι Χριστούγεννα” and in January 1888 “Μιλάδ εορτησί (Χριστούγεννα)”, while in January 1896 we see only the Greek term “Χριστούγεννα”.

406   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS Allocation and Impact There is great difficulty in calculating the readership of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν, since in their reports the American missionaries were referring to the Avedaper or Child’s papers, confusing the reader in this way. It is never clear, apart from a few occasions, whether they are referring to the Armenian paper, to the Armeno-Turkish or even to all three. The only clear references and numbers concern Zornitsa. Looking at the numbers of subscribers given from time to time, we can reach a rough conclusion that should be used cautiously. In 1874, Joseph K. Greene, in his report, refers to 4000 subscribers, of whom half are of the Bulgarian version Zornitsa,47 which leaves 2000 for the other three versions. The next report on subscribers comes in 1878, referring to 657 for Avedaper Child’s papers, probably Armenian or Armeno-Turkish, and Zornitsa 2446.48 In the issue of November 1880 of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν, we read that all three versions have 1250 subscribers, while Zornitsa has 2500, while in a report from 1882, we see that the Armeno-Turkish version has 900 subscribers.49 If the three Child’s papers had altogether in 1880 1250 subscribers and the Armeno-Turkish alone 900 in 1882, it is almost certain that the readership of Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν was less than one third of 1250. Besides that, it is known that the missionary influence was much less among Greek Orthodox Christians than among Armenians. Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν circulated in a period of growing literacy compared with the past, but still the distribution of literate people was small and nothing like the reading public of the 20th century.50 We should also bear in mind the fact that the missionaries always tended to overestimate the impact of their publications51

for several reasons,52 but it is certain that the readership of the paper learnt a lot about subjects they would never have imagined.

47 Greene (1874): 300. 48 The Missionary Herald 74 (1878): 329. 49 The Missionary Herald 78 (1882): 251. 50 Strauss (2003): 43. Literacy in 1860 was around 2 per cent, see Fortna (2011): 20. 51 Strauss (2003): 46. 52 In Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν ( July 1892), we read that 20 issues were given as

a present to the Sunday school of Talas, probably in an effort to give the school a boost.

ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΦOΡΟΣ ΤΖΟΤΖΟΥΚΛAΡ ΙΤΖΟYΝ 1872-1896 407   Conclusion The evolution of and the relation between the contents, the language and the writing system of the periodical demonstrates the constant effort made by the missionaries to create a periodical comprehensible to the majority of children (through its small articles and simple sentences), educational and eye-catching, through its various articles accompanied by relevant images. Furthermore, the writing system created a quite accurate representation of the Ottoman writing, so that children would understand the Ottoman more easily. This led them to adopt from the Ottoman writing only what was apparent, and that was the consonants (see, /d/ and /b/ in suffixes, while they tried to find ways to render graphemes like gayn and nef). Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ ιτζούν is a source that has much to offer, not only because it is the only missionary periodical for children ever printed in Karamanlidika, but also for its various aspects that can give many insights into a number of subjects. Missionary publishing and practices, cultural aspects, article borrowing and historical linguistics are some of them. Finding the missing volumes would be helpful, not only to create a full collection, but also to close the big gap covering the period 1882-1885, in which there is a change in editorship. Through this research, we might also find the definite date of discontinuation. The indexing of contents in decades would provide useful information on the writings of the missionaries and the borrowing of articles. Furthermore, it would make it easier to observe whether there was a transformation of the periodical in terms of its contents and it would take the first step towards a more thorough study of the contents, which I believe has much to offer to the study of education.

The detailed study of the language of the periodical, apart from the influence of the Ottoman orthographic tradition, should be divided into periods of editorship, since, as already mentioned, there are major changes in language when the chief editor changes. Lastly, all the aforementioned should ideally be done in comparison with the Armenian and Armeno-Turkish versions. The contents and the language will probably not have any serious deviations (if any, apart from names and terms mentioned before) but since the Child’s Papers were interconnected, we ought to study them as such.

408   STELIOS IRAKLEOUS

BIBLIOGRAPHY American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, Αγγελιαφόρος Τζοτζουκλάρ

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karamanisch- turkischen Literatur”, Anatolica 7: 157-202. Anhegger, Robert (1991). “Das Temaşa-I Dünya des Evangelinos Misailidis

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