RUNNINGITHARD:MANAGINGSOCIALRELATIONSHIPSAMONGSTWOMENINCARCERATEDINHAWAI‘I

ADISSERTATIONSUBMITTEDTOTHEGRADUATEDIVISIONOFTHE

UNIVERSITYOFHAWAIʻIATMĀNOAINPARTIALFULFILLMENTOFTHE

REQUIREMENTSFORTHEDEGREEOF

DOCTOROFPHILOSOPHY

IN

SOCIOLOGY

DECEMBER2016

By

CoreyT.Adler

DissertationCommittee:

ValKaleiKanuha,Chairperson

MedaChesney-Lind

SusanChandler

MarilynBrown

EarlHishinuma

Keywords:Women,Incarceration,Hawai‘i

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Manyscholarshavesaidthatcompletingadissertationisalong,lonely

process.Whilemyjourneyhasindeedbeenlong,ithasnotbeenlonely.Therehave

beensomanypeoplewhohavetakenthisjourneywithme;Iamhumbledand

gratefulbytheopportunitytoacknowledgeandthankthemhere.

Myfirstthanksaretomychair,ValliKaleiKanuha.Youhavebeenateacher,a

mentorandafriend.Yourknowledge,wisdomandactivismareinspiring,andI

respectandadmireyourwillingnesstoshareyourgiftswithothers.Ourlong

discussionsaboutsociology,feminism,Hawai‘i,teaching,familyandfriendshelped

metoseeandconsidertheworldfrommultipleperspectives.Yourbeliefinmeand

myworkbolsteredmyconfidence.Iwillcontinuefightingthegoodfightarmedwith

thetoolsIdevelopedunderyourguidance,andwillpassthemontofuture

generationsoflearnersandchangeagents.

Iwouldalsoliketoexpressmyheartfeltthankstotherestofmycommittee:

SusanChandler,EarlHishinuma,MedaChesney-LindandMarilynBrown.Your

supportandguidancehavebeeninvaluable.Susan,yourcriticaleyeandpolicy

knowledgepushedmetoconsidermyworkasmorethanascholarlyexercise.Earl,

thankyouforearlyopportunitiestolearnandgainresearchexperience.Your

steadfast,logicaloutlookallowedmetoseewaysoutoftheemotionalityof

academe.Meda,yourworkandyourlongtimecommitmenttogirlsandwomenhave

beensoinfluentialtothefield,andIamgratefultohavelearnedfromyou.Marilyn,I

iii

thankyouforyourwillingnesstojoinmycommitteeinthelasthour;yourwork

inspiredmine,andIamsothankfulforyourinterestandenthusiasm.

ToLorraineRobinson,TaliaCardines,KelcieWatsonandtherestofthe

staffatKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhine:conductingthisresearchtrulywouldnot

havebeenpossiblewithoutyoursupportandhelp.Ithankyouforyourtrustinme.

Fromlogisticstodiscussionsaboutpreliminaryfindings,youwereinstrumentalto

thecompletionofthisdissertation.Ilookforwardtoworkingwithyouinsupportof

incarceratedwomenforyearstocome.

Tothewomenwhoparticipatedinthisstudy:Ithankyouforyouropenness

andwillingnesstosharethestoriesofyourlives.Whilethatwhichyoushared

allowedmetocompletethisstudy,Iknowthatyouparticipatedinthehopesof

helpingotherwomen.Ihonoryourexperiencesandwillstrivetoletyourvoices

leadthewaytogreaterunderstandingofwomenincarceratedinHawai‘i.

Tomyvillage,Mom,Dad,Dana,Kelly,Jon,Cody,andJeff:thankyoufor

believinginme.Mom,Ican’tthankyouenoughforyourendlesshoursofsupport,

encouragementandhelpkeepingmydailylifetogether.Thewheelswouldcertainly

havefallenoffifitweren’tforyou.Dad,yourworkhasalwaysbeenaninspiration;

thankyouformodelingwhatatruecommitmenttoajustworldlookslike.And

thankyouforcomingtotherescuewhenIneededyou.DanaandKelly,youaretwo

ofthebestsistersagirlcouldaskfor.Yourdailycheck-ins,offersoffoodanddeep-

breathingtechniqueswerelifesavers.Thanksalsotobrothers-in-lawJonandCody

foryourenthusiasmalloftheseyears.

iv

Tomyhusband,Jeff:thankyouforyourendlesspatiencethroughoutthis

endeavor.Wemet,fellinloveandfellimmediatelyintothisdissertation.Two

moves,onehouse,onedogandtwokidslater,wecanclosethischaptertogether.I

loveyou.

Finally,tomychildren,JoelandEmi:youcameintomylifeduringthis

processandweremyinspirationtofinish.YoutrulyarethelightsofmylifeandI

lookforwardtoseeingyouaccomplishyourowngoalsanddreams.

v

ABSTRACT

Usingsemi-structuredinterviewmethodsandgroundedtheoryanalysis,thisstudyofsixteenwomeninaprisonworkfurloughprograminHawai‘iproducedadescriptivemodelofwomen’ssitesofsocialinteraction.Themajorsitesofsocialinteraction,labeledrelationaldomains,includedfamilies,intimaterelationships,drugnetworksandthecriminaljusticesystem.Ineachdomain,thewomenfoundsometimesopposingbutreciprocalfunctionsincludingaffirmationandsuffering,empowermentandabasement,andopportunitiestoengageinconventionalandcriminalizedbehaviors.Womenutilizedawiderangeofgenderedstrategiestomanageboththepositiveandnegativeaspectstheirrelationshipsineachdomain.Thewomeninthisstudywereabletosustainandmanagetheirmultiple,intersectingandindependentrelationshipsdespitethecomplexrolestheyplayinthosedomains.Asthedemandsandconflictswithineachrelationaldomainincreased,everyinformantdescribedfeelingoverwhelmedatsomepoint.Alossofequilibriummadethewomenvulnerabletotriggersthatpushedthempastthetippingpointintoanintenseperiodofdruguseseveraltermed,“runningithard.”Iarguethatrunningithardwasastrategyusedbythestudyinformantstoescapetheoverwhelmingandconflictingdemandsplaceduponthemintheirrelationaldomains.ThisstudyalsonotesthatNativeHawaiianwomen’srelationaldomainsintersectedindifferentandsignificantways.Implicationsfromthestudyincludeareconsiderationofwomen’saddictionandtheroleitplaysinincarceration.

vi

LISTOFTABLES

TABLE1:STUDYINFORMANTS

vii

LISTOFFIGURES

FIGURE1:RELATIONALDOMAINSANDINTERACTIONALPROCESSES

FIGURE2:RUNNINGITHARD

FIGURE3:NATIVEHAWAIIANRELATIONALDOMAINS

viii

LISTOFAPPENDICES

APPENDIXI:IRBAPPROVAL

APPENDIXII:DEPARTMENTOFPUBLICSAFETYAPPROVAL

APPENDIXIII:CONSENTFORM

APPENDIXIV:FACESHEET

APPENDIXV:INTERVIEWGUIDE

ix

TABLEOFCONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...........................................................................................................................iABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................................vLISTOFTABLES.........................................................................................................................................viLISTOFFIGURES......................................................................................................................................viiLISTOFAPPENDICES...........................................................................................................................viiiCHAPTERI:INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................1

StatementoftheProblem........................................................................................................2ResearchQuestions.................................................................................................................10SignificanceofResearch........................................................................................................11FeministMethodologyandReflexivity.....…………...……………………………………..13ReflexiveStatement..................................................................................................................15OrganizationalRoadmap.......................................................................................................22

CHAPTERII:AREVIEWOFTHELITERATURE:THEORIZINGGENDER,RACEANDDEVIANCE..........................................................................25

DefiningGender........................................................................................................................25Doinggenderinapatriarchy........................................................................................27

DefiningRace..............................................................................................................................32Consideringcontemporaryracialinequalityandracism..................................35

DefiningDeviance....................................................................................................................37Women’sdeviance:Labelingperspective................................................................41

TheorizingWomen’sCrimeandIncarceration...........................................................45Pathwaystheory.......................................................................................................................45ConsideringtheHawai‘iContext………………………………………………………………54ExamininggenderintheHawai‘icontext................................................................56ExaminingraceandethnicityintheHawai‘icontext..........................................59Defining“local”..............................................................................................................60

TheorizingWomen’scrimeandincarcerationinHawai‘i......................................63CHAPTERIII:STUDYMETHODS:TALKINGWITHINCARCERATEDWOMEN..................................................................................67

Semi-StructuredInterviewing............................................................................................69RecruitingandInterviewingtheResidents..................................................................67TheWomenintheStudy.......................................................................................................70AnalyzingtheData...................................................................................................................72Challenges....................................................................................................................................74

CHAPTERIV:FINDINGS:“RUNNINGITHARD:”ACONCEPTUALMODELOFINCARCERATEDWOMEN’SSOCIALRELATIONSHIPS...........................................................75

OverviewofConceptualModel...........................................................................................77TheFamily...................................................................................................................................80Managingthefamily:Caretaking.................................................................................85Managingthefamily:Concealing.................................................................................95

x

Managingthefamily:Leaving.....................................................................................102IntimatePartners...................................................................................................................104ManagingIntimatePartners:Findinglove............................................................105ManagingIntimatePartners:Concealing...............................................................108ManagingIntimatepartners:Leaving.....................................................................111

DrugNetworks........................................................................................................................118Managingdrugnetworks:Takingalittlesisterrole.........................................125Managingdrugnetworks:Takingawiferole.......................................................128Managingdrugnetworks:Takingasellerrole....................................................130Managingdrugnetworks:Controllingaddiction................................................133

CriminalJusticeSystem.......................................................................................................135ManagingtheCriminalJusticeSystem:Avoidingthesystem........................136ManagingtheCriminalJusticeSystem:Takingownership............................142Managingthecriminaljusticesystem:Resisting................................................147

RunningitHard.......................................................................................................................150ConsideringCulture:TheNativeHawaiianExperience........................................160

CHAPTERV:CONCLUSION................................................................................................................175APPENDIXI:IRBAPPROVAL..........................................................................................................185APPENDIXII:DEPARTMENTOFPUBLICSAFETYAPPROVAL.........................................186APPENDIXIII:CONSENTFORM......................................................................................................187APPENDIXIV:DEMOGRAPHICFACESHEET............................................................................190APPENDIXV:INTERVIEWGUIDE..................................................................................................191REFERENCES.........................................................................................................................................193

1

CHAPTERI

INTRODUCTION

Asaresearchernewtotheareaofwomenandincarceration,Ispentagood

dealoftimedoingpreliminaryliteraturereviewsandtalkingwiththestaffatthe

workfurloughsitewhereIwouldbeconductingmystudy.Theoverarching,

recurringthemeaboutincarceratedwomenwastrauma:childhoodtrauma,sexual

trauma,emotionaltrauma,traumaatthehandsofintimatepartners,trauma-

informedcare,trauma-basedtherapy.AsIbegantalkingwiththewomenatthe

workfurloughsite,firstasavolunteer,andlaterasaresearcher,Iwas,therefore,

notsurprisedtohearthemrelatehistoriesofchildabuseandneglect,rape,and

intimatepartnerviolence.Andyet,thewomen’stellingoftheirownliveswasmore

thansimplyatraumanarrative.

Thewomeninthisstudyweremultifacetedandcomplex.Theyportrayed

themselvesasgood,kind,caring,helpfulandprotectiveofothers.Theydiscussed

beingwillingparticipantsintheillegalbehaviorsthateventuallybroughtthemto

prison.Aboveall,thewomenspokeofthecomplicatednatureoftheirrelationships

withothers.Fromenduringabuseandvictimizationtotakingonprotective,

motherlyroles,thewomeninthisstudydefinedthemselvesintermsofothers,often

totheirowndetriment.Onewomansaiditmostclearlywhenshestated,

“relationshipshavealwaystakenmeout.That'swhatcausedmetogointoprisona

lot.”Whilespecificallyspeakingaboutintimatepartnerships,thisstatementwaskey

tounderstandingtheexperiencesofallthewomeninthisstudy.Thisstudyreflects

2

theprimacythewomenplacedontheirsocialrelationsanduncoversthestrategies

usedtomanagethesesocialrelationships.Thoughtraumadidindeedplayarolein

theirlives,forthewomeninthisstudy,themainnarrativewasthemanagingof

theirrelationshipswithothers.

StatementoftheProblem

SeriousviolentcrimeandpropertycrimeratesintheU.S.areonasteep

decline,havingdroppedtotheirlowestlevelsinoverthirtyyears(Rand2009).The

U.S.BureauofJusticeStatistics(BJS)reportsthatintheperiodbetween1999and

2008,therateofviolentcrime(includingrobbery,rape/sexualassaultandsimple

andaggravatedassault)droppedby41%,andtherateofpropertycrime(including

householdburglary,theftandmotorvehicletheft)declinedby32%(Rand2009).

Despitethesestatistics,U.S.incarcerationrateshaverisentothehighestinthe

world,withthegreatestgainsbeingmadeinthefemalepopulation(Hartney2006).

Despitea1%decreaseintheoverallnumberofprisonersheldinstateand

federalprisonsbetween2013and2014,thenumberofwomenheldinstateor

federalcorrectionaljurisdictionincreasedbymorethan1%between2013and

2014toover113,000women(Carson2015).Therearealsomore100,000more

womenareheldinjailsacrossthecountry(WestandSabol2008).Havinggrown

832%betweentheyears1977and2007,womenoffendersnowaccountfor7%of

theincarceratedpopulation(WestandSabol2008).Incarceratedwomenhavea

medianageof32,oftenhaveahighschooldiplomaorGED(60%),andarevery

likelytohavechildrenundertheageof18forwhomtheyhavefinancial

3

responsibility(72%)(Belknap2000;BloomandChesney-Lind2007;Bloom,Owen

andCovington2002).Theyarealsodisproportionatelywomenofcolor(Bloomand

Chesney-Lind2007;Bloom,OwenandCovington2002;Chesney-Lind1986;

Chesney-LindandPasko2004;WestandSabol2008).

Thelikelihoodofawomanenteringprisonvariesbyrace:0.5%ofwhite

women,3.6%ofAfricanAmericanwomenand1.5%ofHispanicwomenwillbe

incarceratedatleastonceinherlifetime(BonczerandBeck1998).Theestimated

rateofsentencedfemaleprisonersunderstateorfederaljurisdictionper100,000

U.S.residentsdemonstratesthisdisparity.34of100,000whitewomen205of

100,000AfricanAmericanwomen,and60of100,000Hispanicwomenarecurrently

incarcerated(WestandSabol2008).Finally,whileAfricanAmericansmakeup

roughly12.6%oftheU.S.population(U.S.Census2010),AfricanAmericanwomen

disproportionatelyaccountfor27%oftheincarceratedpopulation(Bloom,Owen

andCovington2002;WestandSabol2008).Whitewomenmakeup47%ofthe

incarceratedpopulation(WestandSabol2008)thoughtheU.S.populationis72%

whitewhenincludingHispanicorigin,63.7%whitenotincludingHispanicorigin

(U.S.Census2011).

Inadditiontotheover115,000womenincarceratedinfederalandstate

prisons,BJSreportsthatoveramillionwomenwereonprobation,parole,orsome

othertypeofpost-incarcerationsupervisionin2011,representing25%ofthetotal

4,814,200peopleundercommunitysupervision(MaruschakandParks2012).Once

releasedfromprison,manyfinditdifficulttotransitionbackintothecommunity.

4

Overhalfofthereleasedfemaleinmatesarerearrestedforeitheranewcrimeora

violationofthetermsoftheirparoleorprobationwithinthreeyears(Deschenes,

OwenandCrow2007).

Inoneanalysisoftherecordsof272,111formerprisoners,itwasfoundthat

ofthe23,562femaleinmates,57.6%ofthewomenwererearrested;37.9%were

reconvictedand16.7%wereresentencedtoprisonforanewoffensewithinthree

years,mostfrequentlyfordrugorpropertycrimes,andleastfrequentlyforviolent

crimes(Deschenes,Owen,andCrow2007:22).Whenexaminingrecidivismbyrace,

African-Americanfemalesweremorelikelythanwhitefemalestoberearrested,

reconvicted,resentencedtoprisonandreturnedtoprison,andHispanicfemales

wereslightlymorelikelythannon-Hispanicfemalestobere-sentencedtoprison

(Deschenes,Owen,andCrow2007:28).Descehenes,OwenandCrow(2007)also

foundthatthemostsignificantpredictorofre-arrestforwomenwasthenumberof

timesshewasarrestedinthepastandtheageatwhichshewasreleased.They

concludedthatgenderandrace/ethnicityweresalientfactorsforpost-release

recidivismandthatgreaterunderstandingofthiswouldyieldmoreeffective

interventions(Deschenes,Owen,andCrow2007).

Despitethegrowingnumbersofwomeninvolvedinthecriminaljustice

system,arrestdatadonotnecessarilyshowanincreaseinfemalecrimecommission

(BloomandChesney-Lind2007;Bloom,OwenandCovington2004).Instead,

analysisofarrestandincarcerationdatareportthatthenumberofwomenunder

criminaljusticesupervisionhasdisproportionatelyriseninrelationtothenumber

5

ofwomenarrested.Whereasthenumberofwomenarrestedrose38.2%between

1989and1998,thenumberofwomenundercorrectionalsupervisionroseby

71.8%(Bloom,OwenandCovington2004:34).

Theriseinwomenconfinedinorunderthewatchoftheprisonsystemhas

beenattributedtowhatmanyhavecalledan“incarcerationbinge”orthe

willingnesstobuildprisonsandputwomeninthem(Chesney-Lind1997;Owen

1999).Themovetowardsincarceratingwomenhasbeenlinkedtomanysocial

forcesincludingthewarondrugs,changesinlaw-breakingandenforcement,and

punitiveresponsestocrime(Belknap,CovingtonandBloom2003;Bloomand

Chesney-Lind2007;Bloom,OwenandCovington2004;Bush-Baskette2000;

Chesney-Lind1986;Chesney-LindandPasko2004;Owen1999).

Sentencingdatahaveshownthatthemajorityofincarceratedwomenhave

beenconvictedofnon-violentcrimes(Belknap,CovingtonandBloom2003;Bloom

andChesney-Lind2007;Bloom,OwenandCovington2002;Chesney-Lind1986;

Chesney-LindandPasko2004;Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999;Owen1999;Snelland

Morton1994).Approximatelyone-thirdofincarceratedwomenwereconvictedof

committingaviolentoffense(WestandSabol2008).Ofthatone-third,two-thirds

didsoagainstarelative,anintimateorsomeonetheyknew(SnellandMorton

1994).Theremainingtwo-thirdsofincarceratedwomenarenon-violentoffenders

mostfrequentlyincarceratedforpropertycrimeswhichareoftencommittedin

connectionwithaddiction,followedcloselybydrugoffenses(AnglinandHser1987;

WestandSabol2008).

6

Ithasbeensuggestedthatanti-druglawshavecastawidenetand

disproportionatelybroughtwomenintothecriminaljusticesystem(Belknap,

CovingtonandBloom2003;BloomandChesney-Lind2007;Bloom,Owenand

Covington2002;Bush-Baskette2000;Chesney-Lind1986;Chesney-LindandPasko

2004;Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999;Owen1999;SnellandMorton1994).

SincetheAnti-DrugAbuseActsof1986and1988,womenhavebeen

imprisonedfordrugcrimesatmuchhigherratesthanmen(Bush-Baskette2000;

Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999;Owen2003).Whereasdrugoffensesaccountedfor

32%oftheincreaseinmaleincarcerationinstateprisonsfrom1986-1996,they

accountedfor49%oftheincreaseinfemalestateprisonincarcerationduringthe

sameperiod(Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999).Harsherpenaltieshavebeenassociated

withthewarondrugsincluding“threestrikes”laws,longersentencesandchanges

tomandatorysentencingminimums.Together,thesechangeshavesweptlarger

numbersofwomenintotheprisonsystemforlongerperiodsoftime.Theselaws

oftentargetlower-leveldruguserswhoaremorelikelytobewomen,asopposedto

drugdealersandtraffickers,whoaremorelikelytobemen(Bush-Baskette1999;

Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999;Owen2003).Acombinationoflackofaccessto

addictionservicescoupledwithincreasedtechnologiesfordetectingdrugsinthe

bodyhavealsokeptdrug-addictedwomenimprisonedforlongersentences(Bloom

andChesney-Lind2007;CovingtonandBloom2003).Severalscholarshaveargued

thatthewarondrugsis,forallintentsandpurposes,awaronwomen,especially

womenofcolor(Bush-Baskette2000;Chesney-Lind1999;Owen2003).

7

DespitedeclinesinviolentandpropertycrimecommissionintheU.S.,the

prisonpopulationhasexplodedoverthepastdecades.Thelargestandmost

noticeablechangesintheprisonpopulationconcerntheincarcerationofwomen.

Womenofcoloraredisproportionatelyconfinedforlongerperiodsoftime,andare

morelikelytobeunderstatesupervisionthanwhitewomen(Bush-Baskette2000;

Chesney-Lind1999;Mauer,PotlerandWolf1999;Owen2003).

ThepoliciesthathavesweptwomenintoprisononthecontinentalU.S.have

hadthesameeffectinHawai‘i.MostwomenincarceratedinHawai‘iareconvictedof

drugandpropertyoffensesasopposedtoviolentcrimes(Brown2006).InHawai‘i,

methamphetamineusershavebeenthetargetsofrestrictiveandpunitivelaws

includingmandatorysentencing.Whilemethamphetamineusehasbeenlinkedto

cultural,historicalandindividualtraumainNativeHawaiiancommunities,

mandatorysentencinghasworkedhandinhandwithalackofdrug-treatment

optionstoensurethelong-termincarcerationofNativeHawaiians(Officeof

HawaiianAffairs2010,214).

AccordingtoareportbytheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs(2014),Native

Hawaiiansarestatisticallymorelikelytobegivenaprisonsentencethanallother

racial/ethnicgroupsexceptNativeAmericans.Conversely,whitedefendantsare

only67%aslikelytogetaprisonsentenceasaNativeHawaiiandefendantwhile

holdingage,genderandtypeofcrimeconstant(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs2014).

NativeHawaiiansarealsosentencedtolongerprisonandparoletermsthanother

8

racial/ethnicgroupsandmakeupthehighestpercentageofprisonershousedin

out-of-statejailsorprisons(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs2014).

Theincreasinglyharshsentencingstructurehascontributedtothebreakup

ofNativeHawaiianfamilies.AsNativeHawaiianwomenmorefrequentlyreceive

longersentencesthanthegeneralpopulation,theyaremorelikelytolosecustodyof

theirchildren.Thiscomesasaresultoffederalandstatelawsthatmandatethe

terminationofparentalrightstothoseunabletocarefortheirchildreninthe

foreseeablefuture(OfficeofHawaiianAffairs2010).

WhileincarcerationtrendsinHawai‘ireflectnationalstatistics,thereare

somedistinctfeaturesofHawai‘i’sinmatepopulation.TheHawai‘iDepartmentof

PublicSafetyoverseesfourjails,fourprisonsandafederaldetentioncenter,mostof

whicharelocatedontheislandofOahu.WomenoffendersareheldintheWomen’s

CommunityCorrectionalCenterandattheFederalDetentionCenter.Liketherestof

thecountry,femaleincarcerationratesinHawai‘irosesteadilythrough2008.The

women’scorrectionalfacilityreceivesapproximately20newinmatesamonth

(DepartmentofPublicSafety,StateofHawai‘i2008).Thenumberofincarcerated

femalesinHawai‘iincreasedfrom378in2000to475in2008,droppingto309in

2014(Carson2015;Sabol,WestandCooper2010).

Duringtheperiodofincreasingfemaleinmatepopulation,approximately

200womenoffendersfromHawai‘iweretransferredtoprisonsinTexas,Colorado,

andOklahoma(DePledge2009).Thiswasprimarilyacosts-savingsstrategy,

droppingthecostofhousinganinmateattheWomen’sCommunityCorrectional

9

Center(WCCC)from$86adayto$58.46adayinKentucky(Urbina2009).Thestate

beganreturningallfemaleprisonersbacktoHawai‘iafterallegationsofsexual

abusebyprisonguardsattheOtterCreekCorrectionalCenterinWheelWright,

Kentucky(DePledge2009;Urbina2009).

Currently,womenincarceratedinHawai‘iareheldinthewomen’sprison

facility,thefederaldetentioncenter,andincommunityprograms(DePledge2009).

Manyofthewomenhavepoly-substanceabuseandaddictionissues(Chandlerand

Kassebaum1994).AswiththedisproportionateconfinementofAfricanAmericans

notednationally,Hawai‘idisproportionatelyconfinesNativeHawaiianwomen.

AccordingtoarecentreportbytheOfficeofHawaiianAffairs(2014),though19.8%

ofwomeninthegeneralpopulationofHawai‘iself-identifyasNativeHawaiianor

partNativeHawaiian,44%ofwomenincarceratedunderthejurisdictionofthe

stateofHawai‘iareNativeHawaiian.

DespitetherecentdipsinthenumberofwomenincarceratedinHawai‘i

andtheU.S.,thefactremainsthatwomenarestillbeingimprisonedforlongperiods

oftimeforlow-leveldrugcrimesandarevictimsofpunitiveresponsestowomen’s

crime(Belknap,CovingtonandBloom2003;BloomandChesney-Lind2007;Bloom,

OwenandCovington2004;Bush-Baskette2000;Chesney-Lind1986;Chesney-Lind

andPasko2004;Owen1999).Thenegativeimplicationsoftimespentincarcerated

aremyriad.Astherearefewerwomen’sprisonsaroundthenation,womenareoften

housedawayfromthecommunityandfamilyinfacilitiesthatcannotmeettheir

10

physicalandmentalhealthneeds(Braithwaite,Treadwell,andArriola2008;

Freudenberg2002).

Whileincarcerated,womenareseparatedfromtheirsupportsystemsand

families,includingyoungchildren.Incarcerationofwomenwithchildrenhasbeen

linkedtonegativeoutcomesinchildrenincludinginsecurerelationships,antisocial

behavior,youthfuloffending,depressionandothermentalhealthissues,drugabuse,

andunemployment(Dallaire2007;MurrayandFarrington2008;Poehlmann2005).

Upontheirreleasefromprisons,womenoftenreturntocommunitiesunabletofind

housingandjobsandwithuntreatedorrecurringsubstanceabuseissues

(Braithwaite,Treadwell,andArriola2008;Freudenberg2002;Richie2001).

Additionally,manywomenreporthavingbeenviolentlyandsexuallyvictimizedby

agentsofthecriminaljusticesystemincludingpoliceofficersandprisonguards

(Alarid2000;Baro1997;KraskaandKappeler1995;Richie2012;Struckman-

Johnson,Struckman-Johnson,Rucker,Bumby,andDonaldson1996).Baro(1997)

presentedacasestudyofsexualassaultofwomenincarceratedinHawai‘iandfound

thatfemaleinmateswerehighlyvulnerabletosexualassaultandthattheyrarely

receivedlegalhelporprotection.

ResearchQuestions

Giventheinformationabove,myresearchquestionssoughttoexaminethe

trajectorytowardscriminalizationofwomeninHawai‘i.Specifically,Isoughtto

discoverhowwomeninHawai‘ibecomeinvolvedincriminalizedbehaviorsandto

uncoverthelifeexperiencesoflocalandNativeHawaiianwomenthatledtotheir

11

incarceration.Inadditiontoidentifyingthelifeexperiencesthatledto

criminalizationandincarcerationofwomeninHawai‘i,Iwantedtoknowhow

womeninHawai‘iwhohavebeeninvolvedincriminalizedbehaviorsdescribeand

understandtheirlifetrajectoriespre-andpost-incarceration.

Isoughttogainadeeperunderstandingofhowthelifeexperiencesoflocal

andHawaiianincarceratedwomenhavebeenshapedbyHawai‘i’shistorical,

politicalandculturalcontexts.Finally,asMaher(1997)prescribedaboutresearch

withwomenlawbreakers,Isoughtto“explorethetensionbetweenagencyand

victimizationandhowthisreflectspowerrelationsandpractices”byexamining

howwomeninHawai‘imanagedtheirpre-criminalizationprocessandnegotiated

theimpingementsupontheiragencybyformalandinformalsocialcontrolagents.

SignificanceofResearch

Forthepastthirtyyears,feministcriminologistshaveproducedan

importantbodyofworkexamininghowstructuraloppressionsandgender-based

victimizationfeaturesheavilyinthelivesofcriminalizedandincarceratedwomen

(BelknapandHolsinger2006;Chesney-Lind1989;Chesney-Lind1997;Chesney-

LindandPasko2004;Daly1994;DeHart2004;DeHart2008;GaarderandBelknap

2002;Gilfus1992;HerreraandMcCloseky2000;JoeandChesney-Lind1995;Richie

1996).Previousstudiesofincarceratedwomenhaveconsistentlyfoundhistoriesof

abuseandvictimization(Batchelor2005;Daly1992;DeHart2004;DeHart2008;

Gehring2016;SalisburyandVanVoorhis2005;Simpson,YahnerandDugan2008;

Wright,SalisburyandVanVoorhis2007).Daly’s(1992)workidentifiedandlinked

12

earlychildhoodabuseandcriminalizationtoadultincarcerationinfourdistinct

pathways.Recentempiricaltestinghasfoundsignificantrelationshipsbetween

genderedexperiences,druguseandmentalhealthissuesamongstincarcerated

women(Brennanetal.;Gehring2016).

Researchonwomen’scrimecommissionandincarcerationinHawai‘ihas

foundmuchsupportforthepathwaystheory(Brown2006;Chesney-Lindand

Rodriguez1983;Yuen,HuandEngel2005).Studiesconductedonincarcerated

womeninHawai‘ihaveidentifiedhighratesofchildhoodtraumaincludinghome

violence,placementinfostercare,sexualabuse,runningawayfromhome,dropping

outofschool,andteenpregnancy,aswellasdomesticviolenceandhomelessnessin

adulthood(Brown2006;Chesney-LindandRodriguez1983;Yuen,HuandEngel

2005).NativeHawaiianwomenwerefoundtoexperiencenegativelifeevents

earlierintheirlives(Brown2006;Yuen,HuandEngel2005).

Thisstudycontributestotheworkofpreviousfeministcriminologistson

thelivesofwomenincarceratedinHawai‘iintwoways.First,thisstudyusesa

differentsampleandmethodthanpreviousstudies.Chesney-LindandRodriguez

(1983)interviewedwomeninthestatecorrectionalfacility,whileBrown(2006)

conductedherstudywithwomenonparoleinthestateofHawaii.Yuen,Huand

Engel(2005)interviewedwomeninaHawai‘iprisonworkfurloughprogramand

quantifiedtheiropenandclosed-endedsurveyquestions.Mystudywasconducted

inthesameworkfurloughprogramasYuen,HuandEngel(2005),butusedsemi-

structuredinterviewingasthemaindatacollectionmethod,withgroundedtheory

13

astheanalyticalstrategy.Thisstudyalsoreliedonparticipant-observationsfrom

mytimeasavolunteerwiththestudysite,whichemergedasaresultofmy

research.Additionally,thisstudyaddstotheknowledgeaboutthelivesof

incarceratedwomeninHawai‘ibyexaminingtheintersectionbetweenstructure

andagencyamongwomenwhoengageincrime.

FeministMethodologyandReflexivity

Thereisnosinglefeministstandpointbecauseourmapsrequiretoomanydimensionsforthatmetaphortogroundourvisions.Butthefeministstandpointtheorists'goalofanepistemologyandpoliticsofengaged,accountablepositioningremainseminentlypotent.Thegoalisbetteraccountsoftheworld,thatis,‘science.’(Haraway1988:590)

Thoughthereisnosinglefeministresearchmethod,feministmethodology

is“theterrainwherephilosophyandactionmeet”(Sprague2005:5).Basedonan

understandingthatresearchhashistoricallybeenasourceofoppressionforwomen

andothermarginalizedgroups,feministmethodologystrivesforresearchthat

“excavates”women’sexperiencesandperspectives,givesvoicetopreviously

unheardconcerns;isrootedinchange-makingforwomenandothermarginalized

communities;activelyavoidsre-oppressingalreadymarginalizedgroups;and

minimizesharmandpower-controlrelationshipsbetweentheresearcherandthe

researched(Bhavnani1993;CookandFonow1986;DeVault1999).Thoughoftenin

contrastwiththepositivisttraditionofthesciencesinwhichtheresearcheris

invisibleor“godlike”(Haraway1988),feministscholarshiplocatestheresearcher

14

withintheresearchendeavor(AckerlyandTrue2008;Bhavnani1993;Cookand

Fonow1986;Day2012;DeVault1999;Haraway1988).

Feministandothercriticalscholarshavenotedthatthemostcommon

relationshipofresearcherandresearchedhasbeenthatofprivilegedacademician

anddisadvantaged,marginalizedsubject(Fine2004;JonesandJenkins2008;

Tomaselli,DyllandFrancis2008).Thesubjectsofqualitativestudiesoftencome

fromunderprivilegedandmarginalizedcommunities,whereas,theresearchersare

oftenprivilegedbyrace,classandgender.Theprivilegedstatusoftheresearcheris

furtherreinforcedthroughtheresearchprocessitself,whereintheresearcheris

positionedasthe“rational,”analyticvoice,andtheresearchedpositionedasan

objectified,subordinateOther(Fine2004).

Toavoidandresist“Othering,”Fine(1994)wrotethatsocialresearchers

mustfirstself-consciouslyengageinconstantreflectionoftheculturalandpolitical

contextsoftheSelf,theOther,andtherelationshipbetweenthetwo.Todosoallows

theresearcherto“workthehyphens,”orexamine“howweareinrelationwiththe

contextswestudyandwithourinformants,understandingthatweareallmultiple

inthoserelations”(72).Workingthehyphens,Fineargued,canmakeclearthe

powerdynamicsinherentintheresearchendeavorand,maketheresearcheraware

ofandavoidpaternalisticandobjectifyingresearch.

Inordertoworkthehyphens,Fine(2004)suggestedthatsocialresearchers

“probehowweareinrelationwiththecontextswestudyandwithourinformants,

understandingthatweareallmultipleinthoserelationships”(72).Inorderto

15

effectivelyexaminethepoliticalandculturalspacebetweentheresearcherandthe

participants,feministscholarsoftenemployreflexivity,orthe“self-critical

sympatheticintrospectionandtheself-consciousanalyticalscrutinyoftheselfas

researcher”(England1994:82).

Infeministmethodologies,researcherslocatetheirownpositionality(the

ascribedandachievedstatuseswhichserveassocialmarkersincludingsex,gender,

race,class,age,sexualorientation,educationlevel,maritalstatus,etc.)andthe

meaningsthesestatusesmayholdforinformantsinordertoacknowledgepower

(England1994;Finlay2002;Rose1997).Insodoing,itishopedthattheresearch

endeavorwillbemoreegalitarian,oratleast,lessobjectifyingtotheparticipants.

Consideringthepositionalityoftheresearcherandtheinformantscanprovidea

richer,contextualizedunderstandingoftheworld(England1994;Finlay2002;Rose

1997).Whilesomedebatehasarisenastotheutilityofreflexivestatements1,most

feministscholarsincludeadescriptionoftheirpositionalitysoastosituatetheir

work,analysisandconclusions,aswellas“provideastartingpointforthinking

aboutthesocialprocessandconsequencesofourresearchpractices”(Day

2012:82).

ReflexiveStatement

In2008,inthemidstofcompletingmyMaster’sthesisongirls’violencein

NativeHawaiianandSamoancommunities,mychair,Dr.Kanuha,invitedmeto

attendtheconferenceWomenandCrime:TheInterfacewithGenderandDomestic

1see Pillow (2003)

16

ViolenceinHonolulu,Hawai‘i.Iwaseagertoattend,largelybecauseofmyown

interestandpreviousworkasaneducatorandcrisiscounseloratalocalrapecrisis

center.Afterthemorningsession,Ijoinedasmallgroupofconferenceattendeesat

lunchwhereImettwowomenfromaprisonworkfurloughprogram.

Afterchatting,wediscoveredthatwewereallinourearlythirties.Aswe

spokeaboutourvariousinterests,Iwasstruckbyourcommonalities.Iwas

dismayedtothinkofthesewomenbeingsohighlymonitoredandregulatedbythe

State;Iimaginedmyselfinsuchasituationandfeltasenseofclaustrophobiaand

suffocation.Ifoundmyselfcontextualizingmyowngenderedexperiencesandthose

ofthesurvivorsIworkedwithattherapecrisiscenterwithinthepatriarchal

structuresthatwasexertingsuchinstitutionalizedsocialcontroloverthewomen

sittingnexttome.Simultaneously,IacknowledgedtheprivilegesthatIembodysuch

thatmyowntransgressionsagainstsocietalnormshadneverresultedin

incarceration.

Iwasmovedtofocusmydissertationworkonthelivesandexperiencesof

womenincarceratedinthestateofHawai‘i.Ihopedthisprojectwouldshedlighton

theU.S.socialstructuresthatsupportgenderinequalitiesthatcanresultinand

institutionalizegender-basedviolence.Asamiddleclass,multiracial,heterosexual

marriedwomanwhohasneverbeenincarcerated,thisprojectrequiredthetypeof

constantreflexivityprescribedbyfeministmethodologistsinordertoensurethat

powerdifferentialswereaddressedduringtheresearch,andthattheanalysisand

conclusionsavoidedre-marginalizinganalreadyoppressedgroupofpeople

17

(Bhavnani1993;England1994;Finlay2002;Rose1997).Thismeantbeingvery

clearonwhoIam,consideringhowIamviewedbyothersintheHawai‘iandprison

contexts,andbyseekingoutguidanceinanalyzingandinterpretingfromthosewho

hadgreaterculturalknowledgethanI.

Doingresearchataprisonworkfurloughsiteundoubtedlypositionedmeas

theprivilegedacademician.Beingoneofthefewprogramsforincarceratedwomen

inHawai‘i,thefacilityoftenhadnewvolunteersandstudentinternsforshort

periodsoftime.Boththestaffandwomenintheprogram(“residents”)were

relativelyindifferenttomyarrival.Thoughitwasacommonoccurrencefor

undergraduateandgraduatestudentstobebroughttotheprogram,Icametothe

siteasafriendoftheexecutivedirector,whohadworkedwithmyfatherinthe

1970’s.Thisrelationshipwasdisclosedbytheexecutivedirectorearlyinmy

introductiontotheresidentsandstaffasafeministmechanismofbuilding

connectionsandrelationships(ReganandBrooks1995).Thisendorsementafforded

meadegreeofacceptancefromtheresidentsandthestaff,butalsoalignedmewith

theprogramadministration.

Theexecutivedirectorhadacasual,open,andrigorousrapportwiththe

womenintheprogram;theresidentswerebotheagertospeakwithherandyet

alwayscognizantofherpowertosendthembacktotheprisonfacility.The

residentsheldthisattitudetowardmostofthestaff,andseemedtoworkto

maintainacasual-yet-compliantdemeanor.Becausetheexecutivedirectorendorsed

18

me,Iwastreatedinmuchthesamewayanewstaffmembermightbetreated:

greetedwithasmileandacknowledgementfromapolitedistance.

AsIwaitedformyInstitutionalReviewBoard(IRB)approvalandpermission

fromtheStateofHawai‘iDepartmentofPublicSafety(DPS)tobeginmyresearch,I

spenttimeatthefacilityasavolunteerinthelatespringof2011.Iassistedthe

executivedirectorwithofficerelatedwork,notinteractingwiththeresidents

frequently,butspendingtimeatthefacilityonaweeklybasis.Ioftencametothe

facilitystraightfromwork.

Asanassistantprofessoratacommunitycollege,Iworedressclothesand

heelssoastostaveoffchallengestomypowerasayoungerwomanfromstudents

andotherfacultyonmycampus.Uponenteringtheprisonworkfurloughfacility,

theseworkclothesandheelsfunctionedasyetanothermarkerofmydifference;

mostoftheresidentsandstaffworesneakersorrubberslippers.Isoonbegan

changingintoapairofflatshoesorslipperspriortoenteringthesite,ifonlytoease

myowndiscomfortofstandingout.

Mydualstatusesofgraduatestudentandassistantprofessoratacommunity

collegewithintheUniversityofHawai‘isystem,regardlessofwhatIwore,also

locatedmeinaprivilegedclass.Severaloftheresidentswereeitherinterestedin

takingclassesatthecommunitycollegewhereItaught,orhadattendedclasses

thereinthepast.Severalothershadtakenclassesatothercampuseswithinthe

Universitysystem.Thispositionedmeassomeonewhocould,potentially,hold

powerovertheminanotherinstitutionoutoftheprison.Afewoftheresidents

19

askedmeabouteducationalprogramstheywereinterestedin;Isharedasmuch

informationasIhadwiththemandofferedtofindmoredetailsiftheyneededthem.

Iwasabletoparlaymyteachingexperienceintodirectservicetothe

programandbeganteachingaseriesoflifeskillsclassesfortheresidents.This

allowedmetogettoknowthemonamorepersonallevel.Asthelifeskillsclasses

teacher,Iwasabletodifferentiatemyselffromtheactualsitestaff,toemphasizemy

lackofpowerwithintheagency,andpositionmyselfas“their”teacher,someone

broughtinespeciallyfortheresidents.Astheteacher,however,Ididhavethe

powertoinstructandguidethelessonsandwasgivenauthoritytosignattendance

andparticipationforms.AsIsubscribetoafeministpedagogy,Iattemptedtobuilda

spacethatwasparticipatory,encouragedandrespectedeveryone’sexperiencesand

focusedoncommunitybuildingandunderstanding(Shrewsbury1987).This

seemedtohelpwiththerapportandtrustbuildingbetweentheresidentsand

myself.Whilethepowerdynamicwerecertainlystillpresent,ifnotamplifiedbymy

roleasteacher,teachingthelifeskillsclassesallowedmetocontributetothe

programandtohelpmyselfandtheresidentsnameourpowerdifferentialswithina

moreclearlydelineatedstructure.

Inadditiontothepowerdynamicinherentinmystatusasanon-incarcerated

personteachingatthefacility,otherfacetsofmysociallocationalsoaffordedme

privilege.Despitemyfamily’sviolentpoliticalhistory(mypaternalJewish

grandparentsfledtotheUnitedStatesfromcentralEuropetoescapetheHolocaust

leavingmuchoftheirfamilybehind,andmymaternalJapanesegrandparentswere

20

internedattheTuleLakeWarRelocationCenterduringWorldWarII),duetoits

uniquepoliticalandculturallandscape,myracial/ethnicbackgroundhasgivenmea

privilegedpositioninHawai‘i(Okamura2008).WhileIhaveexperiencedmanyof

thesameinsider-outsiderself-identityissuesraisedbyothermultiracial/ethnic

people(BernsteinandDelaCruz2009;TaniguchiandHeidenreic2005),beingof

JapaneseandwhiteheritageinHawai‘iisnotanuncommonexperience:roughly

25%ofthestatepopulationreportsbeingmixedrace(Census2012).

Inconsideringthetworacial/ethnicgroups,whitepeopleinHawai‘iare

oftenassumedtohavegreatereconomicpowerandhigherlevelsofeducational

attainment.Theyare,however,oftenseenandtreatedasperpetualoutsiders

regardlessofhowlongtheyhavelivedinHawai‘i(Rohrer2005;Whittaker1986).

Hawai‘i-bornJapanesepeoplearealsoseenashavinggreatereconomicpowerand

higherlevelsofeducationalattainment,butareconsideredpartofthe“local”milieu

(Okamura1980).Thus,Ihavebeengenerallyperceivedandtreatedasamemberof

thedominantclassandmainlyacceptedasamiddle-toupper-middleclasslocal,

dependingonhowmylooksareperceived(whichfluctuatesdependingonwhoI

interactwith).

ItisalsoimportanttoacknowledgethatwhileIamathirdgenerationborn

andraisedinHawai‘iandamfamiliarwithmanyoftheinformalnormsandcultural

symbols,IamnotofNativeHawaiianancestry.Themajorityofthewomeninthis

studywereNativeHawaiian.TherestwereAsianPacificIslanderormixed-race

AsianAmerican.Iamsuretherewereinstancesduringtheresearchprocessin

21

whichIinadvertentlymissedculturallyrelevantsigns,symbolsandmarkers.In

termsoftheknowledgegeneratedbetweenmyselfandtheNativeHawaiian

residents,Iremainedcognizantofhowhistoricalandculturalcontextsshapedour

interactions,mebeingamemberofacolonizingclassinterviewingIndigenous

womenintheircolonizedland2.Ispentagreatamountoftimediscussingmy

findingswithmychair,aNativeHawaiianresearcherandscholar,whohelpedmeto

betterhearwhattheresidentsweretellingmeandtounderstandhowtheir

responsesweretheresultofourinteractionsasembodiedselves.

Inaconsiderationspecifictofemaleresearchers,Ispenttimeatthefacility

whileanewmotherandwhilepregnant.Aspreviouslymentioned,Ibegan

volunteeringattheprogramsiteinthespringof2011.Soonafter,Ibecame

pregnantwithmyfirstchild.IbecamepregnantwithmysecondchildjustasIwas

completingthestudyinterviews.WhileIwasnotvisiblypregnantatthetime,Idid

conductlifeskillsclassesupthroughmyninthmonthofpregnancy.Maher(1997)

conductedherethnographyofastreetdrugeconomywhilepregnantwithtwins.

Shenotedthatshehadalreadydevelopedarapportwithherinformantsbythetime

herpregnancywasshowing,which,shebelieved,helpedmakeherpregnancyanon-

issue(Maher1997).Similarly,bythetimemysecondpregnancywasshowing,Ihad

2JonesandJenkins(2008)discussthe“difficultiesandrewards”ofindigenousandnon-indigenouscollaborations,writingthat“emphasizingthatmutualunderstandingor“learningabouttheOtherisnottheaim—orevenpossible—fordominantgroupstudents”(476).Theywritethatthenon-indigenousresearchershouldfocuson“learningfromdifferenceratherthanlearningabouttheOther”(476).

22

alreadycompletedmyinterviewsanddevelopedarapportwithmanyofthewomen

andstaff.Thisseemedtominimizethefocusonmypregnancy.Workingthe

hyphensinthiscase,however,alsomeantconsideringhowmyvisiblypregnant

bodyandconversationsaboutpregnancyandchildcaremightaffecttheinteractions

betweenthewomenandmyself,asmanywereseparatedfromtheirownchildrenas

aresultoftheirincarceration.

Inordertoconductfeministresearchontheexperiencesofcriminalized

womeninHawai‘i,Ihadtoacknowledgethatwhileageandgendermighthavebeen

acommonality,thattheotheraspectsofmypositionalitydistancedmefromand

privilegedmeoverthewomeninmyresearchstudy.Throughouttheresearch

endeavor,Iattemptedto“workthehyphens,”consideringhowtheknowledge

generatedwasaresultofthesociallysituatedinteractionsbetweenthewomenwho

participatedinmystudyandmyself.

OrganizationalRoadmap

Thisdissertationispresentedinfivechapters.InChapterI,Ipresentthe

statementoftheissue,focusingonthestatisticsofincarceratedwomeninthe

UnitedStates.Iincludeastatementonfeministmethodologies,asitisaguiding

perspectivefortheresearchIconducted.Icontinuewithmyreflexivestatementto

locatemyselfasaresearcherandtoaskthereadertobearthatinmindasIpresent

thefindingsofthisstudy.

InChapter2,Ipresentthebackgroundliteraturethatinformedthisstudy.I

beginwithbydiscussingthreebodiesofrelevantsociologicalliterature:gender,

23

raceanddeviance,consideringbothclassicalandcontemporaryscholarship.Ithen

presentthetheoriesofwomen’scrimeandincarceration,focusingonthepathways

model,includingpathwaysresearchconductedincommunitiesofcolor.Next,I

discusstheHawai‘icontext,examiningthehistoryofcolonizationandcurrentday

conceptionsofgender,raceandincarceration.

InChapter3,Ilayoutmymethods,firstdiscussingsomeofthedifficulties

ofconductingresearchwithincarceratedpeoples.Iaddressmyownprocessof

gainingaccesstotheprisonaswellassomeofthechallengesIexperienced.I

discussindetailtherecruitmentofmystudyinformantsandtheuseofsemi-

structuredinterviewingasaresearchmethod.Next,Idiscussthehandlingofthe

dataaswellasadescriptionoftheanalysisofthedatausinggroundedtheory.

IdiscussmyfindingsinChapter4.Iarguethatthewomeninthisstudy

managefoursitesofsocialinteraction,heretitledrelationaldomains.These

domainsincludethefamily,intimaterelationships,drugnetworksandthecriminal

justicesystem.Ipresentaconceptualmodelthatdepictstherelationshipbetween

thefourrelationaldomains.Ithendiscussthestrategiesthestudyinformantsused

tomanagetheoften-overlappingrelationaldomains.Iarguethatthewomenreacha

tippingpointatwhichtimetheyengageinrunningithard,orafocusedengagement

inthedrugnetworks.Finally,Idiscusshowthemodelofrelationaldomainsdiffers

forNativeHawaiianwomen.

InChapter5,Ioffermystudyconclusions,limitationsandimplicationsfor

futureresearch.

24

CHAPTERII

LITERATUREREVIEW:

THEORIZINGGENDER,RACEANDDEVIANCE

DefiningGender

Priortothe1970’s,thedifferencesbetweenmalesandfemaleswere

explainedlargelyinbiologicalterms.Inequalitybetweenmenandwomenwas

largelyattributedtothesuperiorityofthemalebodyandpsycheoverthoseofthe

femalebody(Acker1992;Fausto-Sterling2009;Glenn1999;Valdes1996;Westand

Zimmerman1987).

Duringtheriseofthesecondwaveoffeminisminthe1960s,social

scientistsadvancedtheconceptofgender.Theysuggestedthatwhereassexis

biological,genderiscultural.Thatis,ifsexisthebiologicaltypeofanindividual,

genderisculturallylocatedinthebehaviorsandexpectationsplacedonindividuals

associallyconstructedinsocialinstitutionsacrosstime(Acker1992;Fausto-

Sterling2009;Lorber1994;LorberandFarrell1991;Glenn1999;Westand

Zimmerman1987).Theconceptofgenderwasanimportantstepinunderstanding

inequalitybetweenmenandwomenasasocialconstructasopposedtoabiological

inevitability(Glenn1999).

Firsttermed“sexroles,”earlystudiesofgenderfocusedonchildhood

socializationandthemoldingofmasculineandfemininetraitsthatwouldservethe

individualthroughouthisorherlifetime(Lorber1994).Thisviewofgenderfocused

onhowmasculineandfemininetraitsweretaughttochildrenviatheirfamilies,

25

schools,peergroups,etc.,andthenre/enactedoverthecourseofalifetime.

PsychologistBem(1974)identifiedtheleadingtraitsassociatedwithmasculinity

as“actsasaleader,”“aggressive,”“ambitious,”“analytical,”“assertive,”and

“athletic.”Whichfemininetraitsincluded“affectionate,”“cheerful,”“childlike,”

compassionate,”“gentle,”and“loveschildren”(Bem1974).

Inconsideringhowchildrenlearntotakeoneithermasculineorfeminine

traits,Bem(1981)explainedthatindividualsunderstandtheworldasgenderedand

incorporateeithermasculineorfemininetraitsintotheirownself-conceptsby

learningsocietalbehaviorsconsidereddesirableformalesandforfemales.

Individualsthenchoosepatternsofthesetraits,called“genderschemas,”that

correspondtotheirbiologicalsex.Bem(1981)locatedtherootofthisbehaviorin

societalinsistenceonadualisticdividebetweenmaleandfemaleandthe

subsequentgendersocializationbasedonthisassertionofdifference:

Whatpromptssomanyindividualstoorganizeinformationingeneral,andtheirself-conceptsinparticular,intermsofgender?Whytheprevalenceofgender-basedschematicprocessing?Theanswerwouldseemtoderive,inpart,fromthesociety'subiquitousinsistenceonthefunctionalimportanceofthegenderdichotomy,fromitsinsistencethatanindividual'ssexmakesadifferenceinvirtuallyeverydomainofhumanexperience.ThetypicalAmericanchildcannothelpbutobserve,forexample,thatwhatparents,teachers,andpeersconsidertobeappropriatebehaviorvariesasafunctionofsex;thattoys,clothing,occupations,hobbies,domesticchores—evenpronouns—allvaryasafunctionofsex(362).

Thisexplanationlinkedgenderbacktosex,re-integratingthesexandgender

categoriesthathadoncebeenconsideredseparate.

26

Newworkonsexandgenderre-examinedtheconceptofsexasa

biologicallydeterminedbinaryclassificationsystemandadvancedtheideathatsex

categoriesthemselveshavebeensociallyconstructed.Fausto-Sterling(2009)cited

thepaucityofresearchaboutintersexualitysuchthatindividualsbornwith

ambiguousgenitaliaandchromosomesresultedinmedicaltreatmentofintersexed

individualsthatperpetuatedthesociallyconstructedconceptofabinarysex:

Fromtheviewpointofmedicalpractitioners,progressinthehandlingofintersexualityinvolvesmaintainingthenormal.Accordingly,thereoughttobeonlytwoboxes:maleandfemale.Theknowledgedevelopedbythemedicaldisciplinesempowersdoctorstomaintainamythologyofnormalbychangingtheintersexualbodytofit,asnearlyaspossible,intooneortheothercubbyhole(Fausto-Sterling2009:10).

Thatsexissociallyconstructedopenedthedoortomorerobustargumentsfor

genderasasocialconstructandhelpedtoclarifythecomplexrelationshipbetween

sexandgender.

Doinggenderinapatriarchy.

Ratherthanseparatingthemintotwoseparatecategories,sociologists

theorizedaboutthelinksbetweensexandgender.Goffman(1977)proposedthat

individualsare“sorted”bytheirbiologicalmale/femalebodiesatbirththen

exposedtoa“sustainedsortingprocesswherebymembersofthetwoclassesare

subjecttodifferentialsocialization”(303).Theidealcharacteristicsofeach“sex

class”issociallyconstructed,andindividuals“lineup”theirbehaviorstobein

accordancewiththeexpectations(“gender”).“Sex,”Goffmanwrote,isa“propertyof

organisms”whilegenderisa“propertyoforganization”(306).

27

Inexaminingthe“parallelorganization”ofgenderbywhich“similarefforts

orservices,similarrightsorobligations,areorganizedinasegregatedmanner,”

Goffmannotedthatsortingbysex

providesareadybasefortheelaborationofdifferentialtreatment,theseadumbrativeelaborationstobeseenasconsonantandsuitablegiventheclaimeddifferenceincharacterbetweenthetwocategories(306).

Goffman(1977)furtheredthatasaresultof“institutionalreflexivity,”women’s

abilitytobearchildrenandbreastfeedbecamecircumscribedintoideasaboutthe

rights,dutiesandexpectationsofbothwomenandmen.Indemarcatingthe

boundariesbetweenthesexclasses,womenwereconscriptedtodomesticand

caretakingduties,whilemenwereassignedtopublicandprotectiveduties.Social

institutionssocializeindividualsbythesestandards,who,inturn,reinforceideas

aboutgenderbyembodyingtheexpectations.

Goffmanacknowledgedthatthearrangementofthesexes,thoughmeantto

becomplementary,was,infact,sexist.Hepositedthat“somewomen”mightthinkit

so:

inthecaseofpersonswhoarewomen,theissueisnotmerelythattheyareinacomplementarypositiontopersonswhoaremen;theissueisthatforwomen,thiscomplementarityalsomeansvulnerabilityand,inthefeelingsofsome,oppression(327).

Intheirseminalarticle“DoingGender,”WestandZimmerman(1987)

agreedwithmuchofGoffman’s(1977)propositions.Theybeganbydescribingthe

processofleadingfromsexclassificationto“doinggender.”Theyexplainedthat

individualsareclassifiedasbelongingtoaspecificsex(eithermaleorfemale)based

28

on“theapplicationofsociallyagreeduponbiologicalcriteriaforclassifyingpersons

asmaleorfemale”(WestandZimmerman1987:127)suchasgenitaliaor

chromosomaltesting(despitenotalwaysbeingdefinitive).Theavailablesex

classificationscompelindividualstobeplacedorclaimmembershipineitherthe

maleorfemalesexcategory,whetherornotone’sbiologyisinaccordance(e.g.,

transgenderedindividualswhomaintainmembershipinasexcategorythatisnot

congruentwiththeirbiologicalsexclassification).

InasimilarunderstandingtoGoffman’s,theywrotethatgender“isthe

activityofmanagingsituatedconductinlightofnormativeconceptionsofattitudes

andactivitiesappropriateforone’ssexcategory.Genderactivitiesemergefromand

bolsterclaimstomembershipinasexcategory”(WestandZimmerman1987:127).

Importantly,theyarguedthatgenderisnotafeatureofanindividual,butrather,is

“done”throughinteractingwithothersinordertodemonstrateone’sbelongingtoa

sexcategory(WestandZimmerman1987).

SimilartoWestandZimmerman’s(1987)conceptualizationofgenderas

beingaccomplishedthroughinteractionwithothers,Butler(1988)theorizedthat

genderisaperformancetiedtoone’sbiologicalsex.Shewrotethatgenderis“a

constructedidentity,aperformativeaccomplishmentwhichthemundanesocial

audience,includingtheactorsthemselves,cometobelieveandtoperforminthe

modeofbelief”(Butler1988:520).Asaperformanceorproductofsocialinteraction,

enactmentsofgenderlockindividualsintotheprescribedgenderrolesand

reinforcethesociallyconstructedmale/femaledichotomy.Butler(1988)described

29

enactingone’sgenderinasociallyacceptablewayas“strategiesofsurvival”ina

societythatrequiresindividualstoperformgendercorrectlyandpunishesthose

whodon’t.

Thoughanindividualmightchooseto“dogender”inwaysoutsideofthe

normforaparticularculture,heorsheisalwaysatriskforbeing“assessed”onhis

orherperformance(WestandZimmerman1987).Doingorperforminggender

reifieswhatisconsideredessentiallymasculineand/orfemininebythewider

societyandtherebysustainsgenderinequality:

Ifwedogenderappropriately,wesimultaneouslysustain,reproduce,andrenderlegitimatetheinstitutionalarrangementsthatarebasedonsexcategory.Ifwefailtodogenderappropriately,weasindividuals—nottheinstitutionalarrangements—maybecalledtoaccount(forourcharacter,motivesandpredispositions(WestandZimmerman1987:146).

Giventhestabilityandnearimmutabilityofinstitutionalarrangementsregarding

sexcategories,Kandiyoti(1988)proposedthatwomenengageinpatriarchal

bargains,orindividualsurvivalstrategiesandcopingmechanismsemployedwithin

theconfinesofpatriarchalgenderarrangements(275).Thesebargainsallow

womentomaximizetheirownreturnswithinastructurethatdevaluesthem.

Kandiyoti(1988)suggestedthatwhilethesepatriarchalbargainsdon’tchangethe

overarchingsocietalstructures,theydoallowwomentoperformactsofactiveor

passiveresistanceinordertogainindividualpower:“womenbecomeexpertsin

maximizingtheirownlifechances”(Kandiyoti1988280).Inpatriarchalsocieties

30

undergoingculturaloreconomicshifts,womenmayembracemoreconservative

idealsinordertopreserveandensurethereturnspromised:

whenclassicpatriarchyentersacrisis,womenmaycontinuetouseallthepressuretheycanmustertomakemenliveuptotheirobligationsandwillnot,exceptunderthemostextremepressure,compromisethebasisfortheirclaimsbysteppingoutoflineandlosingtheirrespectability.Theirpassiveresistancetakestheformofclaimingtheirhalfofthisparticularpatriarchal(Kandiyoti1988:282).

Kandiyoti(1988)concludedthatidentifyingthepatriarchalbargainsengagedinby

womenfromvarioussociallocationshelpstoshedlightontheconditionoflarger

societalstructures.Examiningthesebargainscanalso“provideacorrective

influencetoethnocentricorclass-bounddefinitionsofwhatconstitutesafeminist

consciousness”(286),expandingideasofwomen’sagency,complicitiesand

resistanceinapatriarchalsystem.

InexaminingthepatriarchalsystemintheU.S.,Americangirlsandwomen

continuetobesocializedintoexpressive,relationalrolesdespitemajorsteps

towardgenderequalityoverthepast50years,(Adler,KlessandAdler1992;

Lachance-GrzelaandBouchard2010;Twenge1997).EaglyandKarau(2002)write

thatwidelyacceptedgenderrolesforwomeninclude“communalcharacteristics”or

thosewhich“describeprimarilyaconcernwiththewelfareofotherpeople—for

example,affectionate,helpful,kind,sympathetic,interpersonallysensitive,

nurturant,andgentle”(574).Thesocietaldemandthatwomenprioritizethese

communalcharacteristicsleadsthemtoconstructaself-imagebasedontheir

involvementinandsenseofselfembeddedininterpersonalrelationshipsatthe

31

expenseofdevelopingandvaluingtheirownautonomyandinter-dependence

(CovingtonandSurrey2000;Friedman2000).

Insummary,sexandgenderareimplicatedinallfacetsofsociallife.Aswe

willseeintheliteratureonwomenandcrime,sexandgenderplayasignificantpart

inthewayswomenbeginandsustaintheirinvolvementincriminalactivity,butalso

inthewayssocietyviews,judgesandadjudicatestheirbehaviorastransgressions

ontheconventionalsex/genderbinary.

DefiningRace

Racehasbeenasignificanttopicinsociologicalinquirysincethe

foundationsofthefield(Winant2000).Thoughoftenconceivedasaninnate,

unchangeablefeatureofanindividual,race,likegender,isasocialconstructthat

“signifiesandsymbolizessociopoliticalconflictsandinterestsinreferenceto

differenttypesofhumanbodies”(Winant2000:172).AccordingtoOmiandWinant

(1994),racialcategoriesaretheresultofculturallyspecifichistoricalprocesses,or

“racialprojects”thatdefineandmanifestrelationshipsbetweengroupsofpeople.

Theseracialprojectsare“simultaneouslyaninterpretation,representation,or

explanationofracialdynamics,andanefforttoreorganizeandredistribute

resourcesalongparticularracelines”(OmiandWinant1994:56).Theprocessof

racialformationintheUnitedStatesasaseriesofracialprojectsisnotably

demonstratedbytheevolutionoftheracecategoriesintheU.S.Censuswhichreflect

thepoliticalandsocialclimateofthetimesandeffortstoshapethedistributionof

resources.

32

IntheUnitedStates,examiningtheracecategoriesusedintheU.S.Census

revealssociopoliticalconflictsandinterestswithregardtoclassifyingthehuman

body.EarlyCensusesfrom1790to1840reflectthebeliefininherentand

hierarchicaldifferencesbetweenWhiteandAfricanpeoplesintheU.S.Thefirst

Censuswaschieflyconcernedwithidentifyingcitizensinordertodetermine

representationintheElectoralCollege:freeWhitemen,womenandchildrenwere

countedinseparatecategoriesandeachslavewascountedasthree-fifthsofa

person.SubsequentCensusescollapsedtheWhitecategory,kepttheslavecategory

andaddedaFreeColoredcategory,indicatingthedifferingpoliticalexperiencesof

FreeWhiteandFreeColoredcitizens(Nobles2000).AligningwiththeSocial

Darwinistmovementofthetime,the1850-1920Censusesfocusedonusingscience

todifferentiatebetweenandcategorizetheracesasseparatespecies,withtheWhite

speciesatthetopofthehierarchy.

Despitetheabolitionofslaveryduringthistimeframe,racescientistsused

theCensustocollectdataonthelifeexpectanciesofspecies“hybrids”whowere

assumedtobeinferiortopureracedpeople,givingrisetothemulatto,quadroon

andoctoroonracecategoriesontheCensus(Nobles2000).Theidentificationof

mixedracepeoplebasedonthepercentageofAfricanheritagebolsteredtheidea

thatanydropofAfricanbloodconstituteda“mixedBlack”personratherthana

“mixedWhite”person,perpetuatingideasoftheinferiorityofBlackandmixedrace

peopleandcontributingtothelegalsegregationofAfricanAmericans(Nobles

2000).EspeciallyprominentintheSouth,racelawsthatdefined“colored”asa

33

personofanyAfricanheritage(hence,the“one-droprule”)wereadoptedbythe

Censusfrom1930-1960when“mulatto”wasdroppedasaracecategoryfortheall-

encompassing“Negro”category.Duringthistimeframe,challengestoraceasa

biologicalfeatureemergedasaresultofongoingchallengestoracesciencefrom

anthropologicalresearch,theatrocitiesoftheNaziexperimentsonJews,andthe

increasedeconomicandpoliticalparticipationofpeoplesofallracesintheUnited

States(Nobles2000).

AccordingtoNobles(2000),thecivilrightsmovementchangedthepurpose

ofcollectingracedataintheCensus.Whereasracedatahadpreviouslybeenusedto

demonstratetheinferiorityofAfricanAmericansandmixedracepeople,the

abolitionofsegregationinU.S.institutionsrequiredracedatafromtheCensusto

assistinenactinglegislationforracialequality(Nobles2000).Asracecategorization

couldnowbeusedforexpandedrights,otherracialgroupslobbiedtochangetheir

ownracecategories.Forexample,inresponsetolobbying,the1980Census

collapsedtheChinese,Japanese,FilipinoandKoreancategoriesalongwithNative

HawaiianandotherPacificIslander,intothecategory“AsianPacificIslander,”which

alsoincludedanyonewithoriginsfromtheFarEast,SoutheastAsiaortheIndian

subcontinent,givingalargervoicetoonelesspowerfulracialidentifiedgroups.

NativeHawaiiansandotherPacificIslanderslatersuccessfullypetitionedtobe

separatedintotheirownracecategory,andindividualsfromtheIndian

subcontinentwerereclassifiedaswhite(JungandAlmaguer2004).

34

TheAmericanSociologicalAssociation(ASA)(2003)acknowledgesthat

whilesomescholarsandpoliticalleadershaveadvocateddiscontinuingtheuseof

racecategoriesandthecollectionofdatabasedontheseracecategories,race

researchremainsimportanttorevealingstill-existinginequitiesinU.S.society:

Sociologicalscholarshipon"race"providesscientificevidenceinthecurrentscientificandcivicdebateoverthesocialconsequencesoftheexistingcategorizationsandperceptionsofrace;allowsscholarstodocumenthowraceshapessocialranking,accesstoresources,andlifeexperiences;andadvancesunderstandingofthisimportantdimensionofsociallife,whichinturnadvancessocialjustice.Refusingtoacknowledgethefactofracialclassification,feelings,andactions,andrefusingtomeasuretheirconsequenceswillnoteliminateracialinequalities.Atbest,itwillpreservethestatusquo.

Consideringcontemporaryracialinequalityandracism.

Whileovertformsofsegregationandracismarelargelydenouncedin

contemporarysociety,theU.S.racialstratificationsystemremainsrelatively

unchanged,upheldbya“new”formof“color-blind”racism(Bonilla-Silva2006;Sue,

Bucceri,Lin,NadalandTorino2007).Color-blindracism,namedfortheideologyof

manyintheU.S.thatthey“don’tseecolor,justpeople,”maintainsthatwhite

privilegedisenfranchisespeopleofcolorthroughsubtle,moreindirectmechanisms

thanracismsofthepast:

Insteadofrelyingonname-calling(niggers,Spics,Chinks),color-blindracismotherizessoftly(‘thesepeoplearehuman,too’);insteadofproclaimingGodplacedminoritiesintheworldinaservileposition,itsuggeststheyarebehindbecausetheydonotworkhardenough;insteadofviewinginterracialmarriageaswrongonastraightracialbasis,itregardsitas‘problematic’becauseofconcernsoverthechildren,location,ortheextraburdenitplacesoncouples(Bonilla-Silva2006:3).

35

Color-blindracismreliesonwhatWhite(2009)identifiesas“folktheories”

(commonplace,everydayunderstandings)ofrace:thatdespitescientificevidenceto

thecontrary,therearebiologicalcomponentstorace(asevidencedbytheuseof

racializedphenotypesincriminaljusticeforensicsandtheinsistenceofracial

differencesinepidemiology);thatanyonecanberacistifheorshespeaksoractsin

racializedways,includingracialminorities;andthatracismwillcometoanendasa

resultofinterracialmarriageandreproduction.Whileseeminglybenign,color-blind

racismmasksindividualprejudicesandinstitutionalinequalityandpreservesthe

racialstatusquobyignoringstructuralracismandblamingthesubordinategroup

forbothitssocietalpositionandanynegativefeelingsabouttheinferiorstatus

(Bonilla-Silva2006;White2009).

Inconclusion,Ihavediscussedabovethesocialconstructionofrace,

outliningtheevolutionofracefirstconceivedasabiologicalconcepttothecurrent

understandingofraceasasociallyconstructed,highlypoliticizedcategory.Inmy

dissertationstudy,Isuggestthatthewaysinwhichraceandethnicityhave

historicallybeensociallyconstructedintheU.S.,andthewaysinwhichthisco-

varieswithgenderimplicatewomenofcolorinuniqueandproblematicways.For

womenofcolor,andspecificallyforwomenwhoareraisedorliveintheHawai‘i

contextandwhoengageincriminalizedactivities,theirlifetrajectoriesillustrate

theseprocessesineverydaypractice.Inthefollowingsection,Iwilldiscussthe

36

sociologicalliteratureondeviance,focusingonthelabelingperspectiveasrelevant

tomyfocusonwomen’sinvolvementincriminalizedconduct.

DefiningDeviance

Sociologicallyspeaking,devianceisbehaviorthatbreaksfromestablished

rules,normsandpracticesofagroup(Becker1963;Erikson1960).Theserules,

normsandpracticesofagroupmaybeformalorinformal,colloquialorcodifiedin

tolaw,strictlyorlooselyenforced,butallserveasformsofsocialcontrol,managing

thebehaviorsandboundariesofthegroup(Becker1963;Erikson1960).Individuals

whosebehaviorsdeviatefromacceptedlimitsareofconcerntothegroup,and

studiesofdeviancetypicallyseektounderstandwhythedeviantbreaksrulesand

norms(Becker1963).

Muchlikegenderandrace,earlyconceptualizationsofcrimelocatedthe

propensitytowardrulebreakingwithintheindividual(Merton1938).Inthelate

1800s,ItalianmedicaldoctorCesareLombroso,influencedbyComte’spositivist

sociologyandDarwin’stheoryofevolution,measuredthebodiesandphysical

featuresofsoldiers,theinsaneandcriminals,andtheorizedthatcrimewasrooted

inbiology(Ellwood1912;Wolfgang1961).Well-acceptedinhistime,Lombroso

positedthatcriminals,withtheiratavisticphysicalfeatures,wereevolutionary

throwbacks,andmadethecaseforthe“borncriminal”(Lombroso1911).Early

sociologicalexaminationsofdeviancepresupposedthisbiologicaldriveandviewed

devianceasafailureofsocialstructuresandcontrols(Merton1938).

37

Durkheim(1997)postulatedthatdevianceisanaturalpartofallsocieties,

asthereisnosuchthingasautopiansocietyinwhicheveryoneholdstheexact

somevalues,motivationsanddrives.Allsocieties,hewrites,havesomenatural

degreeofdeviance,andofgreaterconcernthananydeviancewhatsoever,isa

changeintheamountofdeviancewithinasociety(Durkheim1995).Societiesmay

experiencesuchdysfunctionalincreasesindeviancewhenstructuralchangessuch

aseconomicshiftscausepeopletolosetiestoeachotherandexperienceanomieor

normlessness(Durkheim1995).

Merton(1938)theorizedthatacceptanceofandattemptstoconformto

mainstreamculturalnormsactuallyproducedevianceandcrime.Hepositedthat

mostpeopleintheU.S.acceptculturalnormssuchasaspiringtoeconomic

prosperity;however,notallhaveaccesstoculturallyprescribedmeansofachieving

it(Merton1938).Thisschismbetweenaspirationandachievementresultsin

anomie,andindividualstakeonspecificadaptationstocopewiththestrainofthe

situation.Hearguedthatindividualsmaytakeononeoffivemodesofadaptation

rangingfromconformity(inwhichindividualsacceptbothculturalgoalsand

prescribedachievementmechanisms),throughrebellion,ortherejectionofgoals

andmeansofachievingthem)(Merton1938).

InalaterreconsiderationofMerton’stheory,Agnew(2001)proposed

GeneralStrainTheorytoexplainhighratesofadolescentdelinquencyinwhichhe

identifiesthreemajorsourcesofstrain:notachievingpositivelyvaluedgoals

(money,goods,status,orrespect);thelossorthreatoflosingsomethingvalued

38

(suchasthelossofaromanticpartnerorfriend,orthetheftofavaluable

possession);andexperiencingnegativeevents(suchasverbalorphysicalassaults)

(Agnew2001).Agnew(2001)positsthatthesethreeformsofstrainencouragethe

likelihoodofcrimebecausetheymakepeoplehavenegativeemotionssuchasanger,

fear,frustrationorsadness.Whilethenegativefeelingsmaybetemporary,people

whocontinuallyexperiencehighlevelsofnegativetreatmentorstrainoveraperiod

oftimemayengageincrimeasawayofreducingthisangerandstrain.Thatis,

crimemayhelptheindividualachievepositivelyvaluedgoals,protectorpreventthe

lossofsomethingvaluedorreducenegativestimuli.Crimemayalsobeawaytoget

revengewhenthereisnowaytocompletelyeliminatethestrain(Agnew2001).

Othersociologicaltheorizingaboutenvironmentalandecologicalinfluences

oncrimecameoutoftheChicagoschoolofsociology.ShawandMcKay(2014)

studiedyouthcrimeinurbanChicagoandtheorizedthatsocialdisorganization,or

urbanconditionsmarkedbypoverty,populationheterogeneity,andhighratesofin-

andout-migration,disintegratecommunitycontrol.Highratesofdelinquency

persistinthesesociallydisorganizedspacesdespitein-andout-migrationthrough

aprocessofculturaltransmissionofcriminaltraditions,inwhichyoungerchildren

learndelinquencyfromolderdelinquentyouth(ShawandMcKay2014).Alsofrom

theChicagoSchoolwithaninterestinthetransmittalofdeviantbehaviors,

Sutherland(1998)postulatedthatcriminalbehaviorisprimarilylearnedthrough

interactionincriminallyorientedintimategroupswhereinindividualslearnboth

howtocommitcrimesandhowtoorientthemselvestowardscriminalbehaviors

39

andthelawsdefiningthebehaviors.Fromthisperspective,Sutherlandarguedthat

thosewhoaresurroundedbyothersengagingindevianceandcrime,whilealso

isolatedfromconventional,conformingothersaremorelikelytolearnorientations

morefavorabletocrime(Sutherland1998).Indemonstratingwhyhistheoryof

differentialassociationwasabletoaccountformorecrimethanpoverty,Sutherland

(1940)proposedanimportantaspectofcrimeanddeviance.Incomparingwhite-

collarcrimestootherformsofcrimeassociatedwiththelowerclass,Sutherland

(1940)writes:

Therespectsinwhichthecrimesofthetwoclassesdifferaretheincidentalsratherthantheessentialsofcriminality.Theydifferprincipallyintheimplementationofthecriminallawswhichapplytothem.Thecrimesofthelowerclassarehandledbypolicemen,prosecutors,andjudges,withpenalsanctionsintheformsoffines,imprisonment,anddeath.Thecrimesoftheupperclasseitherresultinnoofficialactionatall,orresultinsuitsfordamagesincivilcourts,orarehandledbyadministrativeboardsorcommissions,withpenalsanctionsintheformofwarnings,orderstoceaseanddesist,occasionallythelossoflicense,andonlyinextremecasesbyfinesorprisonsentences(8).

Thoughnotexpresslyaddressingdifferentialtreatmentofvariousgroupsinsociety,

Sutherland(1940)makesthecasethatdeviancecommittedbysubordinategroups

insocietyaredealtwithmoreharshly.Thisisthepositiontakenbytheoristsfrom

thelabelingperspectiveincludingErikson(1960);Becker(1963);Lemert(1974);

Schur(1984);Matsueda(1992);andCohen(2002).

40

Women’sdeviance:Labelingperspective.

Erikson(1960)suggeststhatanomie,povertyandstructuralexplanationsfor

deviancemaymisslargersocietalpatternsandinteractions:

Thefactthatdeviantbehaviorismorecommoninsomesectorsofsocietythanothersisexplainedbydeclaringthatsomethingcalled‘anomie’or‘disorganization’prevailsatthesesensitivespots.Devianceleaksoutwherethesocialmachineryisdefective;itoccurswherethesocialstructurefailstocommunicateitsneedstohumanactors.Butifweconsiderthepossibilitythatdeviantpersonsarerespondingtothesamesocialforcesthatelicitconformityfromothers,thenweareengagedinanotherorderofinquiryaltogether(313).

Erikson(1960)statesthatratherthanfocusingontheconditionsthatmight

causeindividualdeviantbehavior,“sociologistsshouldbeinterestedindiscovering

howasocialunitmanagestodifferentiatetherolesofitsmembersandhowcertain

personsare‘chosen’toplaythemoredeviantparts”(313).Sociologistsinterestedin

thislineofinquirydevelopedthelabelingperspective,acriticalperspectivethat

drawsmainlyfromconflictandinteractionisttraditionsandfocusesonsocietal

reactionstobehaviorsandindividuals(Becker1963;GoodeandBen-Yehuda1994;

Lemert1974).

Inthelabelingperspective,devianceisunderstoodasasociallyconstructed

phenomenonratherthanafeatureofindividualbehavior.Oneofthemost-cited

labelingtheorists(wholaterrejectedlabelingasatheoryinandofitself),Becker

(1963)writes:“devianceisnotaqualitythatliesinbehavioritself,butinthe

interactionsbetweenthepersonwhocommitstheactandthosewhorespondtoit”

(9).Hesuggeststhatrulesserveasgroupboundaries,andthosewhofalloutsideof

41

thesociallyconstructedperimetersareconsidereddeviantsimplybynatureof

societalreactiontothemasopposedtoaninherentindividualpropensitytoward

rulebreaking.Becker(1963)encouragessociologiststoexaminewhichsubgroups

determinethelargergroupboundaries,andproposesthatdominantgroupswith

economicandpoliticalpowerareabletoenforcetheirrulesoverothersandtolabel

thosewhodonotcomplyasdeviant“outsiders.”Schurexpandsuponthis,asserting

thatpowerdifferentialsmaymanifestatthreedifferentlevels:collective

rulemaking,organizationalprocessingandinterpersonalrelationships(ascitedin

PaternosterandIovanni1989).

Incollectiverulemaking,thedominantgroupusespoliticalandeconomic

powertodefinewhichbehaviorsareconsidereddeviantandinfluencethecreation

ofrulesestablishedtonegativelysanctionthoseinvolvedinthatbehavior

(PaternosterandIovanni1989).Becker(1963)callsthepushforchangeinlaws

“moralcrusades.”Thesecrusadesareledby“moralentrepreneurs”whowage

campaignstoshiftthegeneralpublic’sattitudestowardcertainbehaviorsorlaws.

Bythisdefinition,thewarondrugswouldbeconsideredamoralcrusade(Becker

1963;Britton2011).

Attheorganizationalprocessinglevel,groupswithlesspoweraremore

likelytobelabeledasdeviantandtreatedasagreaterthreatbysocialcontrol

agenciessuchasthepoliceandthecourts(PaternosterandIovanni1989).Thismay

betrueforpeopleoflowersocioeconomicstatus,peopleofcolor,women,youth,

peoplewithmentalhealthissuesandothers(Cohen2002;Markowitz1998;

42

PaternosterandIovanni1989;Rosenfield1997;Schur1984).In1972,Cohen

(2002)madefamoustheterm“moralpanic”todescribetheprocessbywhich“a

condition,episode,personorgroupofpersonsemergetobecomedefinedasa

threattosocietalvaluesandinterests”(1).Hearguesthatthereisa“galleryoftypes

thatsocietyerectstoshowitsmemberswhichrolesshouldbeavoided”(Cohen

2002:2)andlabelsthese“folkdevils.”InCohen’sconfiguration,themediaplaysan

integralpartofcreatingandperpetuatingmoralpanics,creatingfolkdevilsoutof

marginalizedgroupsandreinforcingthedominantideology(Cohen2002).The

waysinwhichmoralpanicsarelinkedtofolkdevilsisrelatedtoSchur’sthirdlevel

ofpowerdifferentials,theinterpersonalrelationship(ascitedinPaternosterand

Iovanni1989).

Attheinterpersonallevel,everydayinteractionsbetweenstigmatizedand

non-stigmatizedindividualsmayresultinnotable“bargainingoverlabels”

(PaternosterandIovanni1989:362).Theseeverydayinteractionsmaycreatethe

statusoffolkdevilviaaprocessof“behavioramplification”,orwhatLemert(1974)

terms“secondarydeviance”bywhichanindividual,treatedasdeviant,acceptsthe

labelandactsoutthesocietalexpectations:

Aninitialactofdeviance,ornormativediversity(forexample,indress)isdefinedasbeingworthyofattentionandisrespondedtopunitively.Thedeviantorgroupofdeviantsissegregatedorisolatedandthisoperatestoalienatethemfromconventionalsociety.Theyperceivethemselvesasmoredeviant,groupthemselveswithothersinasimilarposition,andthisleadstomoredeviance.This,inturn,exposesthegrouptofurtherpunitivesanctionsandotherforcefulactionbytheconformists—andthesystemstartsgoingroundagain(Cohen2002:12).

43

Becker(1963)suggeststhatthisprocessisespeciallysalientwhenthelabelsare

generatedbysignificantothersasopposedtosocialcontrolagents(suchasthe

police,thecourts)thatanindividualhaslittleregardfor.

Empiricalstudieshaveshownthatsometypesoflabeling(parental,

criminalconvictions)havegreatereffectsondevianceamplificationthanothers

(Bernburg,Krohn,andRivera2006;Farrington1977;PaternosterandIovanni

1989;Matsueda1992).Thesemixedfindingshaveledsometodismisstheutilityof

thelabelingperspectiveforempiricallyexaminingcrimeanddeviance(Akers1968;

Davis1972;GoveandFain1973).Whiletherehavebeenattemptstoconfigure

labelingmodelsforempiricaltesting(Bernburg,Krohn,andRivera2006;

PaternosterandIovanni1992;Matsueda1992),someoftheoriginalnamesinthe

labelingviewpointhaverespondedbydrawingourattentiontothelargeraimsof

theperspective.Becker(1963)positsthat“itwouldbefoolishtoproposethatstick-

upmenstickpeopleupsimplybecausesomeonehaslabelledthemstick-upmen”

(179).Hefurthersthatwhatisimportantaboutthelabelingperspectiveisthefocus

thatitallowssocialscientiststopayto“thewaylabellingplacestheactorin

circumstanceswhichmakeitharderforhimtocontinuethenormalroutinesof

everydaylifeandthusprovokehimto‘abnormal’actions(179).

Cohen(2002)furtherelaboratesthatexaminingdeviancefromasocietal

reactionstandpoint“allowsustoidentifyandconceptualizethelinesofpowerin

anysociety,thewayswearemanipulatedintotakingsomethingstooseriouslyand

44

otherthingsnotseriouslyenough”(Cohen2002:xliv).Glassner(2009)writesthat

theU.S.populaceiseasilyswayedtofearandthatgreatpowerandmoney“await

thosewhotapintoourmoralinsecuritiesandsupplyuswithsymbolicsubstitutes”

(xxxvi).

Inthesectionabove,Ihaveaimedtodescribetheoreticalmovesawayfrom

locatingcriminalitywithinthebiologicalmakeupofindividuals,citingthose

sociologistswhoargueforstructuralexplanationsfordeviationsfromformaland

informalgroupnorms.SociologistsfromtheChicagoschoolsoughttopinpoint

structuraldysfunctionsthatencourageddeviance,whilelaterinteractionists

challengedsociologiststoexaminedeviancefromamorecriticalperspective.While

thelabelingperspectivehasbeencritiquedforitslackofadefinitivemodelfor

empiricaltesting,theoverarchingutilityoftheperspectiveisitsexaminationof

powerinsocietyasitrelatesspecificallytodeviance.Itisthissetofcritical

standpointsthatIpursuedinmystudyofthecriminalizationofwomeninHawaii.

TheorizingWomen’sCrimeandIncarceration

Inthissection,Iwilldiscusstheliteratureonwomenandcrimebeginning

withadiscussionoffeministpathwayperspectivesaboutwomen’sincarceration.I

thendiscusshowwomen,especiallywomenofcolor,havebeenlabeledandtreated

asdangerouspersonsintheAmericansocio-historicalcontext.

Pathwaystheory.

Inthedearthofgender-specifictheoriesofdevianceandcrime,thefeminist

pathwaysperspectiveemergedtoprovideapowerfulexaminationofthelivesof

45

criminalizedwomen.Borrowingfromthelifecourse-courseperspectivewhich

examineschildhoodexperiencesandtheformationofadultbondswhichserveasa

formofsocialcontrol(SampsonandLaub1990,1993),pathwaysperspective

focusesonidentifyingwomen’slifeexperiencesleadinguptocrimecommissionand

incarceration,andpositioningtheseexperienceswithinwidersocialconditions

(Chesney-Lind1989;Chesney-LindandPasko2013;Belknap2000;Owen2003).

BelknapandHolsinger(2006)arguethatthisperspectiveallowsforan

understandingoffemalecriminalbehaviorsascontextualizedby“avarietyof

sources--socializedgenderroles,structuraloppression,vulnerabilitytoabusefrom

males,andfemaleresponsestodomination”(51).Researchonwomen’spathways

intocrimeandincarcerationhassuggestedthattherearegender-specific

relationshipsbetweenstructuraloppression,victimization,poverty,andoffending

suchthat:

theprocessofcriminalizationforwomenisindeedintricatelyconnectedtowomen’ssubordinatepositioninsocietywherevictimizationbyviolencecoupledwitheconomicmarginalityrelatedtorace,class,andgenderalltoooftenblurtheboundariesbetweenvictimsandoffenders(Gilfus1992:13).

Thisblurredboundarybetweenvictimizationandoffendinghasbeenrepeatedly

demonstratedinstudiesoffemaleoffenders(BelknapandHolsinger2006;Brennan,

Breitenbachetal.2012;Chesney-Lind1997;Chesney-LindandPasko2004;Daly

1994;DeHart2004;DeHart2008;GaarderandBelknap2002;Gilfus1992;Herrera

andMcCloseky2000;JoeandChesney-Lind1995;Molnar,Browne,Cerda,andBuka

2005).Studieshaveshownthatviolentgirlsaresignificantlymorelikelytohave

46

beenphysicallyandsexuallyabusedthannon-violentgirlsandbothviolentand

non-violentboys(Artz1999;Molnar,Browne,Cerda,andBuka2005).Ithasbeen

noted,however,thatamongstchildrenwhohavebeenabused,boystendtoengage

inantisocialactivitieswhilestillinchildhood,whereasgirlstendtofollowthe

“delayed-onsetpathway,”engaginginantisocialbehaviorslaterinadolescence(Lee,

Herrenkohl,Jung,Skinner,andKlika2015;SilverthornandFrick1999).These

abusedandneglectedgirlsaremorelikelytobearrestedasjuvenilesthanboyswith

thesamehistories(HerreraandMcCloseky2000;Miller,Trapani,Fejes-Mendoza,

andEggleston1995;PaskoandChesney-Lind2010;Widom2000;Molnar,Browne,

Cerda,andBuka2005).Thejuvenilejusticesystemisalsomorelikelytocriminalize

andpunishgirlsfortheircopingstrategiessuchasrunningaway,substanceabuse

andtruancy,thoughcouchedinpaternalistic“protection”ofthegirls(Paskoand

Chesney-Lind2010).Theblurredboundarybetweenvictimizationandoffending

extendsfromadolescencetoadulthood.Studiesofincarceratedwomenhave

consistentlyfoundhistoriesofabuseandvictimization(Batchelor2005;Daly1992;

DeHart2004;DeHart2008;Gehring2016;SalisburyandVanVoorhis2005;

Simpson,Yahner,andDugan2008;Wright,SalisburyandVanVoorhis2007).

Inordertobetterunderstandtherelationshipbetweenearlyvictimization

andlatercriminalizationandincarceration,emergedtheidentificationofgendered

pathwaystocrimecommissionandincarceration.Daly’s(1992)seminalstudyused

datafroma“deepsample”of40women’sbiographicaldatafrompresentence

investigationreportsandidentifiedfourmajorpathwaysthatlinkedearlychildhood

47

abuseandcriminalizationtoadultincarceration:the“streetwomanscenario,”in

whichyoungwomenleaveabusivechildhoodhomesforthestreetswheretheyfall

intoacycleofdruguseandlow-levelcrimetosupporttheiraddictions;“harmed

andharmingwomen,”orwomenwhorespondtochildhoodabusewithviolenceand

substanceabuse;“batteredwomen”whoareinorrecentlyleftanabusiveintimate

relationshipatthetimeoftheirincarceration;and“drug-connectedwomen,”who

beginusingandsellingdrugsintheiradulthood,oftenasaresultofenteringintoa

relationshipwithadrug-connectedman(Daly1992).Additionally,Daly(1992)

notedthattherewasasubsetof“other”womenoffenderswhosetrajectoriesdidnot

seemtofitintoanyoftheabovecategories,butidentifiedadesireorneedfor

moneyfinancialgainastheirmainmotivationtocommitcrime.Daly’sidentification

ofthepathwaysmodelemphasizedtheimportanceofsequencingeventsthatledto

women’sengagementincriminalizedbehaviorsandincarcerationandinfluenced

muchfutureworkonwomen’spathwaystocrimeandincarceration.The

subsequentresearchhasprovidedbothqualitativeandquantitativesupportfor

gender-specificpathwaystocrimeandincarceration.

Intheiranalysisofthelifehistoriesof351womenheldintheBaltimore

DetentionCenter,Simpson,Yahner,andDugan(2008)foundsignificantsupportfor

thepathwayperspectivewithregardtoharmedandharmingwomen,drug-

connectedwomenandbatteredwomen.Additionally,theyfoundthattherisk

factorsforcrimecommissionvariedbytheageatwhichwomenfirstreportedthey

committedacrime(Simpson,Yahner,andDugan2008).Inadditiontothedelayed-

48

onsetpathwaynotedbypreviousstudies,Simpson,Yahner,andDugan(2008)

foundthat54%ofthewomencommittedtheirfirstcrimeinadulthood(103).

Despitemostlyconventionallifestylesthatincludedmarriageandhavingmainly

non-criminalfriends,theadult-onsetofcrimegroupreportedhighratesofviolent

victimizationinadulthood(103).Thisfindinghighlightssomeofthekeydifferences

betweenwomen’sandmen’spathwaystocrimecommissionandincarceration.

Whilemarriagehasbeenfoundtomarkanendtomen’scriminaloffending,

“women’scriminalityisoftendirectlytiedtoa‘bad’man”(Simpson,Yahner,and

Dugan2008:104).

Inanefforttoexpandtheunderstandingofthegenderedpathwaysmodel,

Brennanetal.(2012)analyzedthecriminalhistoriesandre-entryassessmentsof

over718womenincarceratedinCalifornia.Theyfoundsupportforeightpathways

tocrimethat“nested”intofourbroadpathwaystoincarcerationforwomen.These

largerpathwaysincluded“normalfunctioning”drug/propertyoffenders,battered

women/victimizationpathways,poormarginalizedsocializedoffendersinantisocial

subculturesandantisocialaggressivewomenoffenders(Brennanetal.2012).Their

findingsprovidedsupportforagenderedpathwaysmodelandexpandedonthe

specifictrajectoriesforwomen’sengagementincriminalizedbehaviors.Intheir

findings,Brennanetal.(2012)foundsignificantrelationshipsbetweengendered

experiences,druguseandmentalhealthissues.

Gehring(2016)alsofoundsupportforthepathwaysmodelandlinkbetween

victimizationanddrugandmentalhealthissues.Inaquantitativeanalysisusing

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pretrialfailureratherthanincarcerationasthedependentvariable,Gehring(2016)

foundthatchildhoodabuseledtothedevelopmentofmentalhealthissueswhich

contributedtosubstanceabusewhichwaslinkedtonegativepretrialoutcomes

(failuretoappearforcourtdateorincurringanewarrest).Gehring(2016)

concludedthatthesefindingsbolsteredthepathwaystheorybyimplementingand

operationalizingthemodelusingdifferentoutcomevariables.

Thoughasmallerbodyofliterature,scholarshavealsotakenan

intersectionalapproachtothepathwaysmodel,deepeningtheunderstandingofthe

criminalizationofgirlsandwomenofcolor.Drawingfromdatagatheredfromfocus

groupsofincarceratedgirlsandprofessionalswhoworkedwiththegirls,aswellas

datafromaself-reportedsurveyofthegirls,HolsingerandHolsinger(2005)found

significantdifferencesbetweenthewhiteandAfricanAmericangirlsintheirstudy.

Theyfoundthatthewhitegirlsreportedhigherlevelsoffamilialabuse(90percent

vs70percent)andgreaterinternalizationofthisabuse,resultinginhigherlevelsof

self-criticalattitudes,lowerlevelsofself-esteem,higherlevelsofdruguseandmore

mentalhealthissues.Familydisruption,however,hadagreateradverseeffecton

theAfricanAmericangirlsandoveralldelinquencyamongstAfricanAmericangirls

waspredictedbydruguse(HolsingerandHolsinger2005).Whiletheydubiously

concluded:

AfricanAmericangirlsaresocializedtobeself-reliantandindependent,theymaybemorelikelytoactinstronger,moreassertiveways.Asaresultofgainingmorestereotypicallymasculinetraits,theyhaveahigherselfesteemandfewermentalhealthissues.Conversely,theWhitegirlsareraisedtobe

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dependentandacceptingoffemininegenderroles.Theyemergewithgreatertendenciesforinternalizationofproblems.Thisresponsemayleadtomoreself-criticalattitudes,lowerself-esteemandmorementalhealthissues

thesefindingspointtotheneedtoexaminethegenderedpathwaysmodelas

contextualizedbyraceandethnicity.

FeministAfricanAmericanscholarsArnold(1990,1994)andRichie(1996)

drewconnectionsbetweengirlhoodexperiencesandadulthoodexperiences,linking

juveniledelinquencywithadultcrimecommissionandincarcerationamongst

AfricanAmericanwomen.Arnold(1994)describeda“processofcriminalization”

thatresultsfromtheintersectionofgender,raceandclassoppressions.She

suggestedthatAfricanAmericangirlsfallunderthegazeofavictim-blaming

criminaljusticesystem,whichcriminalizestheiractsofresistanceand“magnifies

therelationshipbetweenvictimizationandentrapmentinthecriminaljustice

system”(Arnold1994:171).ManyofthewomeninArnold’s(1994)studywere

structurallydislocatedfromthetwomainsocializinginstitutionsoffamilyandthe

educationsystem.Womenreportedrunningawayfromhomeduetosexualabuse

byamalefamilymember.Asaresultofracialoppressionintheeducationsystem

(onewomaninthestudyrecalledateacherwhotoldtheclassthathe“‘didn’tlike

Blackpeople’”(178)),thosewithoutfamilialsupportoftenleftschool.Inorderto

supportthemselves,thewomeninArnold’s(1994)studyturnedtopettytheftor

prostitution,propellingthemdownthepathwaytosustainedcriminalinvolvement

(178).Arnold(1994)notedthatmanyoftheraceoppressionsoverlappedwithclass

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oppressionsduetothehighlevelofpovertyinurbanAfricanAmerican

communities.

Richie(1996)interviewedbatteredAfricanAmericanwomenatRiker’s

Islandonissuesofrace,crimevictimizationandperpetrationandfoundspecific

genderedandracedpathwaystocrimecommissionandincarceration.Richie(1996)

foundthatAfricanAmericanwomenwhohadbeenhighlyesteemedintheir

childhoodfamiliesandfeltadeepconnectionwiththeirracial/ethnicgroupwere

morevulnerabletomaleintimatepartnerviolence,asthesewomentendedtofeel

responsibleforprotectingtheirfamiliesandpartnersfrominstitutionalracism.This

“genderentrapment”reducedthewomen’sabilitiestoseekhelporreportbattering

totheauthoritiesandleftthemcaughtinabusiveandviolentrelationships.Despite

theirchildhoodaspirationsforconventionalidealsofromance,thewomenin

Richie’sstudyweremoresusceptibletointimatepartnerviolence,whichinturn,led

themdownoneofsixpathstocrimecommissionandincarceration:beingcomplicit

inthekillingoftheirchildrenbyabusivepartners;committingprojectedviolence

againstmenwhosymbolizedpastabusiveintimateandfamilialrelationships;

engaginginsexwork,oftentheresultofsexualabusehistories;committingcrimes

suchasarson,propertydamageorassaultinretaliationagainstabatteringpartner;

engaginginpropertycrimesandotherillegalactivitiestosupplementameager

income,mostoftenastheresultofforceorcoercionbyabusivepartners;and

engagingindrugcrimes,oftenstemmingfromaddictionusedasacoping

mechanism(Richie1996).

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JustasU.S.socialstructureshavespecificimplicationsforcriminalizing

AfricanAmerican,sotoo,dotheyoperateinparticularwaysuponNativeAmerican

women.Ross(1998)wrotethatcolonizationandtheimposedsocialstructures

suppressedNativecultureandcriminalizedallNativeAmericans,withspecific

consequencesforNativewomen.UponclaimingsovereigntyoverNativepeoples

andlandsandreplacingNativejudicialsystemswithWesternlaws,theU.S.

governmentconstructedthedeviantandcriminalNativeAmericans(Ross1998).

ThishadspecificconsequencesforNativeAmericanwomenwho,likemanynon-

Nativewomen,experiencesexual,physicalandinstitutionalabuseandwhocope

withtheseformsofviolenceinwaysthathavebeencriminalized(substanceabuse,

retaliatoryviolence,etc.).

Ross(1998)arguedthatthecolonizedstatusofNativeAmericanwomenhas

leftthemamongthemostpowerlesspeopleintheU.S.,morelikelytobe

incarceratedthanwhitewomen,andifaresidentofareservation,mostlikelytobe

incarceratedinafederalprison(90).Whiletheindividualpathwaystoincarceration

forNativeAmericanwomenaresimilartoothernon-Nativewomen,Ross(1998)

wrotethatthehistoricalcontextofNativewomen’slivescannotbeoverlooked.

Intheprevioussection,Ihavediscussedtheliteratureonwomenand

crime,beginningwithanoverviewofwomen’sincarcerationandcrimestatisticsin

theU.S.followedbyadiscussionofthepathwaytheory.Inthenextsection,Iwill

addressgender,race/ethnicityanddevianceintheHawai‘icontext.

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ConsideringtheHawai‘iContext

Hawai‘i,thefiftiethstateadmittedtotheunionandthefurthestfromthe48

contiguousUnitedStates,hasauniquehistoryandsocialcontext.Itisestimatedthat

thefirstPolynesianvoyagersreachedtheHawaiianislandchainby800A.D.,

bringingwiththemmanyoftheplantsandanimalsthatbecamethebasisofthe

laborandclassdivisionsintheancientculture(Vitouseketal.2004).Following

CaptainJamesCook’sarrivalintheHawaiianIslandsin1778,NativeHawaiian

livelihoodshiftedfromwhathasbeendescribedasafeudalisticsubsistenceliving

(includingfarming,fishing,craftsmanshipandcultivation)toparticipationinthe

capitalisttradesystem(Ralston1984;Rosa2004).

Withtheintroductionofdesiredforeigngoodssuchasguns,iron,clothand

otherluxuryitemsbywhalers,explorersandmerchants,earlytradingwas

restrictedtotheali‘i(rulingclass)whocouldrequisitionthedesiredgoods,or

demanditemsfortradefromthemaka‘āinana(commoners)(Merry2000;Ralston

1984).Intheearly1800s,China’swillingnesstotradeforHawaiiansandalwood

causedtheali‘i(royalty)tosendthemaka‘āinanatoclearforestsdespitea

populationdecreasedbyforeign-broughtdiseasesandfoodshortages(Merry2000).

Asali‘idebttoforeignmerchantsgrew,theyincreasedpressureonmaka‘āinanato

producewealth,surplusfoodandpaytaxes.Asaresult,themaka‘āinanafoundways

tocircumventtheali‘iprohibitionsonindividualtradeandwealthaccumulationand

begantoengageinthecapitalistsystembytradinggoods,workingonshipsand

providingsexualservices(Merry2000).Thisresultedinweakenedtiestotheali‘i

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whohadpreviouslybeenconsideredbenevolentdescendantsofthegods,allowing

forthecapitaliststoengagethemaka‘āinanaindirecttrade(Merry2000;Ralston

1984).

Asthebondsbetweenmaka‘āinanaandali‘iweakened,Protestant

missionariescametoHawai‘iemphasizingindividuallandownershipasameansof

increasingindustriousnessandofprotectingtheevictionofmaka‘āinanabytheali‘i

(Linnekin1987;Merry2000).Individuallandownershipappealedtotheali‘iwho

desiredmoreclearlydefinedboundariesoftheirwealth.Between1848and1855,

thelanddivisionknownastheMāheleallowedali‘i,naturalizedandnon-naturalized

foreignerstoacquirelargeexpansesofland,butleftmanymaka‘āinanalandless,as

theirlaborswerenotpaidincash(Linnekin1987;Ralston1984).Thisownershipof

landbyforeignersallowedfortheriseofthesugarindustryandsubsequent

importationofAsianworkers,andultimatelythecolonizationandendofthe

sovereignHawaiiannation.

Today,Hawai‘iishometoalmost1.4millionpeople(U.S.Census2012),the

majorityofwhomliveonO‘ahu.TheracialcompositionofHawai‘ireflectsthis

uniquehistoryofcolonizationandimmigration.AsianAmericansrepresentthe

largestpopulationgroupinHawaii,at38.3%(U.S.Census2012).Thenextlargest

groupiscomprisedofthosebelongingtotwoormoreraces(23%),which

representsonly2.4%oftheU.S.populationasawhole.Non-Hispanicwhites

comprise22.8%ofHawai‘i’spopulation,followedbyNativeHawaiianandother

PacificIslanderswhoare10.1%ofthepopulation(U.S.Census2012).Finally,

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HispanicorLatinosrepresent9.5%,AfricanAmericans2.1%,andAmericanIndian

andAlaskaNatives0.4%ofHawai‘i’stotalpopulation(U.S.Census2012).

CorrelatingtotheuniqueracialcompositionofHawai‘i,47%ofthebusinessesare

Asian-owned,andanother9%offirmsareNativeHawaiianorotherPacificIslander

owned(Census2012).

ExamininggenderintheHawai‘icontext.

Hawai‘i’shistoryhasshapedgenderinuniqueways.Genderrelationsin

ancientHawai‘ihavebeendescribedas“genderparallel,”thatis,separateand

complementaryratherthanseparateandsubordinate(Linnekin1990).Inpre-

colonizationHawai‘i,akapu(taboo)systemexistedtoseparatethesexesandother

statuses(royaltyandcommoners).Womenwereforbiddentoeatcertainfoods,

prohibitedfromengaginginritualsinheiau(temples),andsecludedinaseparate

house(halepe‘a)duringtheirmenstrualperiods(Linnekin1990).Thesekapu,

however,weresubvertedattimesandsuspendedforvariousreasonssuchasa

transferofpowerbetweenchiefs,indicatingafluidityintheconceptualizationofthe

separationofthesexes(Linnekin1990).WomeninancientHawai‘iwereesteemed

andseenasanintegralpartofthesocialstructureasindicatedbytheirabilityto

holdhighrank,produceculturallyimportantartifacts,andexercisetheagency

affordedthemregardingsexuality.

Uponthearrivalofthemissionaries,attemptsweremadetochangethe

prevailingHawaiiangenderdynamictoreflectaWesternmodelofthemale/female

dichotomy.Missionarywomenoftenfocusedtheirattentiononindoctrinating

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NativeHawaiianwomenintothe“cultoftruewomanhood,”attemptingtocreate

andreinforcewomen’srolessolelyinthedomesticsphereandtocontrolNative

Hawaiiansexuality(Grimshaw1985).ThoughsomeNativeHawaiianwomen

conformedtothesenewgenderroles,manydidnot,asthegenderrolesprescribed

bythe“cultofdomesticity”werebasedonaneconomicorganizationwhich,ina

colonizedcontext,wasinaccessibletoindigenousHawaiianswhowerelargelykept

outoftheintroducedcapitalisteconomy(Linnekin1990):

Themalebreadwinner,theindependentartisan,thesmallfarmer,thewageearner,supportingawifeandfamilyinmodestbutindependentcomfort,wasadreamthatfadedbeforeitcouldemerge.Eventuallylargeplantationsandbusinessesemergedheadedbyforeigncapitalists,employingnon-Hawaiianlaborforthemostpart.ThebulkofHawaiiansremainedoutsideoftheprosperityofthisnewHawai'i.TherelativeaffluenceofHawaiianfamilies,thegenderdivisionoflaborinwesternstyle,desiredbytheAmericans,remainedelusivegoals.Itwasnowonderthatwesternculturalconstructsofgendercharacteristicsprovedunattainable(Linnekin1990:12).

InadditiontothefailuretowhollyinductNativeHawaiianwomenintothecultof

domesticity,racialandethnicrelationsshiftedasethnicAsianwomenimmigrated

toworkontheplantations.

FollowingtheinitialarrivalofAsianmenasthefirstcontractlaborersin

sugarandpineapple,Hawaii’sneweconomy,Asianwomenwere“sentfor”as

picturebridesandlowerpaidplantationlaborers.TheChinesearrivedfirstfollowed

bytheJapanese,thenKoreans.Eachgroupwassoughtasanewsourceoflaboronce

concernsemergedregardingthepreviouswaveofworkers(ChineseExclusionAct,

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fearthatHawai‘i-bornchildrenwouldbeallowedtobuylandfortheirparents,etc.).

FilipinoscametoHawai‘iascitizens,asthePhilippineswasaU.S.territory,though

Filipinowomendidn’tfollowthemenasquicklytoHawai‘i—notarrivinguntilafter

WorldWarI.TheTyding-McDuffieActof1934restrictedtheentryofFilipinosinto

theUnitedStatestofiftypersonsayear(Fan1996).Theactalsochangedthestatus

ofFilipinosfromAmericannationalstoalienimmigrants(Fan1996).Filipinoswho

couldaffordit,however,continuedtoimmigratetoHawai'iafter1934(Fan1996)

Asianimmigrantwomensufferedfromthemultipleoppressionsofgender,

race,andclassasmanymarriedmentwicetheirage,werewidowedearly,andwere

lefttoraiseyoungchildrenbythemselves.Separationfromthetraditional

structuresoftheirhomecountries,first-timeparticipationinthelaborforcewhile

alsocaringfortheirfamiliesrequiredethnicAsianwomenaccesstopower,ifnot

dominance,intheirownhomes(Blair1998).Thistranslatedtoincreased

participationinthepublicsphere,especiallywhenconsideringpoliticalpower:the

Hawai‘iterritorialsenatepassedtheHawai‘iEqualSuffrageBillin1917followedby

theterritorialHouseJudiciaryCommittee’sunanimouspassageofawoman’s

suffragebillin1919.Hawai‘iwasthefirststatetoratifytheEqualRights

Amendment,hashadtwofemalelieutenantgovernorsofAsiandescent,andthe

stateconstitutionprohibitsdiscriminationonthebasisofsex(Blair1998).

DespitetheseemingequalstatusofwomeninHawai`i,the2009Hawai‘i

HealthSurveyfoundthatwomenmakeupaslightmajorityofthestatepopulation

(50.3%to49.7)butalsohavehigherratesofcancer,hypertensionanddiabetes.The

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detrimentaleffectsofpovertyonwomen’shealthincludemalnutrition,overwork

andtheinabilitytoaffordmedicalexpenses.In2002,14.4percentofwomenand

10.8percentofmenaged18andolderwerelivingwithincomes150percentbelow

theFederalpovertylevel.Womenaged65andolderandyoungerwomenaged18-

24areatthehighestriskforlivingbelowthepovertylevel,whilewomenaged45-

64havealowerpovertyrate(10.9percent).Amongselectedhouseholdtypes,

womenheadinghouseholdswithnospousehavethehighestratesofpoverty(24.9

percent),followedbyfemaleslivingalone(17.6percent).Thepovertyratefor

womenlivinginmarriedcouplefamiliesismuchlower(10.2percent)(Kapi‘olani

Women’sCenter2004).

ExaminingraceandethnicityintheHawai‘icontext.

Hawai‘i’sracialcompositionandculturalmilieuisvastlydifferentthanthat

ofthecontinentalU.S.ThelargestracialgroupinHawai‘iisAsian,comprising38.5%

ofthepopulation(comparedto5%ofthepopulationonthecontinent),followedby

White(26%ascomparedto78%),twoormoreraces(22.9%,2.3%),Native

HawaiianandotherPacificIslander(10%,0.2%)(UnitedStatesCensusBureau

2012).UnliketheU.S.mainland,peopleinHawai‘imorefrequentlydiscussracial

differencesintermsofethnicityandculture.Arguedlocalrace/ethnicityscholar,

Okamura(2008):

peopleinHawai‘iattributegreatersocialsignificancetothepresumedculturaldifferencesthatdistinguishgroupsfromoneanotherthantotheirphenotypicdifferencessuchasskincolor.Asethnicgroups,theyarebelievedtodifferculturallyintermsoftheirrespectivevalues,practices,beliefs,and

59

customs,althoughthesedifferenceshavediminishedmarkedlyoverthegenerations(6)

Theseethnicandculturaldifferencesarelargelyseenasthebasisforinequality

betweenthegroups:

ethnicity--particularlyethnicidentity--signifiesdifferenceamongethnicgroupsthatholdunequalstatusinthesocialstructureofHawai‘isociety.Inthissense,ethnicdifferencedemarcatesorframesinequality;thatis,socioeconomicinequalityinHawai‘iisunderstoodpredominantlyasethnicinequalitybecauseethnicityistheprimarystructuralprincipleofsocialrelations(Okamura2008:5).

Defining“local.”

InHawai‘i,peoplebornandraisedintheislandsoftenrefertothemselves

as“local.”Definingwhatlocalisandwhomaycallthemselveslocalisthesubjectof

manydiscussions,bothacademicandpractical.Okamura(1980)writesthatlocal

cultureinHawai‘ibegantotakeshapeuponthearrivalofNewEnglandmissionaries

whobroughtwiththemAmericanvalues,beliefs,normsandpracticesthatwere

subsequentlyintegratedintotheexistingHawaiiansocialstructures(Okamura

1980:120).Eachsuccessivewaveofethnicgrouparrivalforcedaccommodationon

thepartoftheexistingHawai‘imilieu:

Accommodationessentiallyreferstotheadaptationsthateachethnicgroup,eitherincomingoralreadysettled,madeinitsinitialandevolvingrelationswiththeothergroupsinHawai‘isociety.Simplystated,adaptationforeachofthegroupsinvolvedmodificationofcertainofitsculturalelementsoradoptionofnewelementstomeetthedemandsandconditionsofthenewsocialenvironment,whichforvirtuallyalloftheimmigrantgroupswastheplantation.(Okamura1980,p.124)

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Today,theterm“local”iscommonlyusedtorefertopeoplebornandraised

inHawai‘i,especiallythosewithrootsintheplantationeconomy.Theterm

“Hawaiian”isincreasinglyreservedforthosewithindigenousgenealogy(Okamura

1980),asaretheterms“NativeHawaiian”andKanakaMaoli.Theterm“local,”

thoughitisgenerallyusedtoindicatesimplybeingbornandraisedinHawai‘i,has

muchgreatersymbolismforthosewhoidentifyaslocal.Localness,localcultureand

beinglocal,isanindicationofexperiencing,understanding,andappreciatingthe

sharedhistory,valuesandnormsofHawai‘i,andalsoindicatesarighttohaveasay

inthefutureofHawai‘i(Okamura1980).Assuch,groupsandindividualsnewto

Hawai‘iareoftenkeptoutofthe“local”identity.Thisisespeciallytrueofwhite,or

haole,individuals,whoarealsoperpetuallykeptoutofthe“local”groupings

regardlessofthelengthoftimes/hehaslivedinHawai‘i.

Rohr(2010)arguesthatlocalidentityandcultureisrootedinthe

“amalgamationofKanakaMaoliculturewiththoseimmigrantgroupsbroughtto

laborinthesugarcaneandpineapplefields.TheseincludeJapanese,Chinese,

Filipino,Korean,PortugueseandSamoanimmigrants”(33).Local,shewrote,isthe

resultofthe“incorporationofHawaiiancultureandresistancetohaole[white]

hegemony”(33).Thus,Rohrpositsthattherearethreeracial/ethnicgroupingsin

Hawai‘i:NativeHawaiian,localandhaole.Thesethreecategories,sheargues,exist

asaresultoftheother:“therecouldbenolocalwithoutincorporationofcertain

elementsofHawaiiancultureandresistancetohaolehegemony.Therecouldbeno

whitecolonizerwithoutaracializednative”(33).Importantly,Rohrdistinguishes

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betweenNativeHawaiianandlocalconstructionsofwhiteness:“Whilethereis

increasingoverlapbetweenthem,Hawaiianconstructionsfocusonhaoleas

colonizer,whereaslocalconstructionsoriginateintheexperienceofhaoleas

plantationownerandoligarch”(35).InRohr’sconceptualization,therefore,haoles

willneverbe“local”andnon-NativeHawaiianlocalswillneverbeNativeHawaiian.

Whiletheterm“local”hascolloquiallyreferredtopeopleofHawaiian,

PacificIslander,Asiandescentorofmixedheritage,NativeHawaiianactivistand

scholarTrask(2008)arguesthattheuseoftheterm“local”bynon-Native

Hawaiiansisoffensiveandservestoperpetuatethedisenfranchisementof

indigenousHawaiians.ShewritesthatHawai`iisbetterdescribedasasettlersociety

andthatnon-Nativeswhocastthemselvesas“local”upholdandbenefitfromthe

dominantU.S.ideologyattheexpenseofindigenousHawaiians:

OurNativepeopleandterritorieshavebeenoverrunbynon-Natives,includingAsians.Callingthemselves“local,”thechildrenofAsiansettlersgreatlyoutnumberus.TheyclaimHawai‘iastheirown,denyingindigenoushistory,theirlongcollaborationinourcontinueddispossession,andthebenefitstherefrom.Partofthisdenialisthesubstitutionoftheterm“local”from“immigrant,”whichis,itself,aparticularlycelebratedAmericanglossfor“settler(46).

Trask(2008)assertsthatthedescendantsoftheAsianplantationworkersbenefited

fromthe“bootstrap”ideologyoftheU.S.andthenmovedintopositionsofpower

withintheverysystemthathadonceoppressedthem.ThoseAsianAmericanswho

werebornandraisedinHawai‘iarenowpartofthedominantclassintheislands,

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politicallyenfranchisedandwieldingpowerinalandtowhichtheyarenot

indigenous:

Theideologyweavesastoryofsuccess:poorJapanese,Chinese,andFilipinosettlerssuppliedthelaborforthewealthy,whitesugarplantersduringthelongperiodoftheTerritory(1900-1959).Exploitativeplantationconditionsthusunderpinamasternarrativeofhardworkandtheendlesslycelebratedtriumphoveranti-Asianracism.Settlerchildren,everindustriousanddeserving,obtaintechnicalandliberaleducations,therebylearningthepoliticalsystemthroughwhichtheyagitateforfullvotingrightsasAmericancitizens.Politically,thevehicleforAsianascendancyisstatehood.Asamajorityofvotersatmid-century,theJapaneseandotherAsiansmoveintothemiddleclassandeventuallyintoseatsofpowerinthelegislatureandthegovernor’shouse(47)

Theorizingwomen’scrimeandincarcerationinHawai‘i.

Researchonwomen’spathwaystocrimecommissionandincarcerationin

Hawai‘ihasfoundmuchsupportforthestreetwomanscenario.Chesney-Lindand

Rodriguez(1983)conductedin-depthinterviewswithsixteenofthetwenty-two

femalelong-terminmatesattheOahuCommunityCorrectionalCenter,which,atthe

time,wastheonlyfacilityinthestateforfemaleoffenders(5).Theauthorsfound

thatdespiteconventionallifeaspirationsofmarriage,familiesandcareers,the

majorityoftheincarceratedwomentheyinterviewedrevealedearlyexposureto

familyviolenceandsexualabuse.Thisvictimizationoftenledtothewomen

engaginginbehaviorsthatwouldensuretheirsurvival,butthatarecriminalized:

committingstatusoffensessuchastruancyandrunningawaytoprotectthemselves

fromabuse,engaginginprostitutionforeconomicsurvival(Chesney-Lindand

Rodriguez1983).Whilethisstudydidnotspecificallylookattheracialized

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experiencesofthewomeninvolved,morerecentstudieshaverevealedhowthe

overlappingexperiencesofgenderandraceoppressionhavespecificconsequences

forNativeHawaiianwomenincarceratedinHawai‘i.

In2005,Yuen,HuandEngel(2005)conductedinterviewswith51women

incarceratedatMatlockHale,awork-furloughprogramforwomenwithlessthan

twoyearstoserveontheirsentences(101).Theirinterviewsconsistedofbothopen

andclosedquestions,andresultswerequantifiedtostatisticallycomparethelife

historiesofNativeHawaiianandnon-NativeHawaiianwomen.Yuen,HuandEngel

(2005)foundveryfewsignificantdifferencesbetweenthetwogroups,andtheir

resultsalsosupportthestreetwomanscenario.TheauthorsfoundthatbothNative

Hawaiianandnon-NativeHawaiianwomenexperiencedhighratesoftraumain

theirchildhood,andoftenexperiencedmultipletraumasincluding:homeviolence,

placementinfostercare,sexualabuse,runningawayfromhome,droppingoutof

school,andteenpregnancyandexperiencedfurthertrauma,especiallydomestic

violenceandhomelessness,intheiradulthood(Yuen,HuandEngel2005:105).

NativeHawaiianwomenwerefoundtoexperiencenegativelifeeventsearlierin

theirlives,suggestingthattheremaybeanage/racecomponentsimilartothat

foundbySimpson,Yahner,andDugan(2008),thoughtheauthorsofferno

explanationsastohowearlyabusemightdifferentiallyaffectNativeHawaiian

women.

Similarly,inherstudyoffemaleparoleesinthestateofHawai‘i,Brown

(2006)gaveoneexamplesupportingDaly’s(1992)“drug-connected”woman

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pathway,butconcludedoverallthatthestreetwomanscenariobestfitwomen’s

pathwaystocrimeandincarceration.Shereportedthatmostofthewomenshe

interviewedexperiencedhighratesofearlychildhoodabuse,druguse,low

educationlevelsandmotherhood,andwerearrestedforlow-leveldrugand

propertycrimes.Brown(2006)didfindracedifferencesinthelifeeventsand

trajectoriesofwomen’sengagementincrime.ShefoundthatNativeHawaiian

womenexperiencednegativelifeexperiencesearlierthannon-NativeHawaiian

womenandbegancommittingcrimesearlierintheirlives,hadgreaterriskof

recidivism,andweremorelikelytobereturnedtoprisonforparoleviolations.As

Arnold(1994)concludedaboutincarceratedAfricanAmericanwomenandRoss

(1998)concludedaboutNativeAmericanwomen,Brown(2006)attributedtherace

differenceto“structuralfactors,shapedbyhistoricalandculturalchange,[that]

havemadeitmorelikelythatwomenofHawaiianancestrywillcomeunderthegaze

ofthelaw”(Brown2006:154).ShenotedthatNativeHawaiianwomencitedspecific

lifedifficultiesassociatedwithbeingamemberofacolonizedindigenousculture,

includinglackofaccesstoresourcesdesignatedforNativeHawaiiansbythestate

andforceddissociationwithNativeHawaiianspiritualitythroughderisionand

belittlingthatwererelatedtotheirengagementincrime(Brown2006).

ResearchonwomenincarceratedinHawai‘ihasaffirmedthestreetwoman

modelastheleadingpathwaytocrimecommissionandincarceration(Brown2006;

Chesney-LindandRodriguez1986;Yuen,HuandEngel2005),suggestingthat

womeninHawai‘iexperiencesimilargenderoppressionsaswomeninother

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studies.Whilethisisapromisingstartingplaceforunderstandingwomen’s

engagementincriminalizedbehaviorsandincarcerationinHawai‘i,findingsfrom

bothBrown’s(2006)andYuen,HuandEngel’s(2005)studiessuggestthatthere

maybenuancesorpossiblyalternativestothestreetwomanscenariointhesocio-

culturalcontextofHawai‘i.ThisisespeciallyevidentintheirfindingsthatNative

Hawaiianwomenhaveuniquelifeexperiencesandinteractionswiththecriminal

justicesystem.

AsArnold(1994),Richie(1996)andRoss(1998)suggest,women’s

involvementincriminalizedactivitiesandtheirsubsequentincarcerationmustalso

becontextualizedbyrace/ethnicity,socialclassandotherconsiderations.Finally

Keahiolalo-Karasuda(2007,2009)linksthephenomenonofmassincarcerationof

NativeHawaiianstocolonialismandtheongoingneocolonialquesttoeconomically

andpoliticallysubjugatetheindigenouspeopleofHawai‘i.AccordingtoKeahiolalo-

Karasuda(2007):“Systematicvilificationthroughpastandpresentdrugcrusades

hashadparalleloutcomeswherebyHawaiiansaredisenfranchised,exploitedand

banishedfromfamily,community,andpolitics”(Keahiolalo-Karasuda2007:340).

ThepoliticalcontextofwomenʻsincarcerationinHawai‘i,therefore,indicatesthe

needforgreaterfeministresearchattheintersectionofgenderandrace/ethnicity.

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CHAPTERIII

RESEARCHMETHODS:

TALKINGWITHINCARCERATEDWOMEN

Conductingresearchwithincarceratedindividualsisanotablydifficult,

multi-layeredendeavormarkedbytheneedtogainbothexternalandinternal

authorizations(Patenaude2004;Wakai,Shelton,Trestman,andKesten2009).Since

the1970’swhenlegislationendedthedecades-longpracticeofrelatively

unregulatedmedicalandpharmaceuticaltestsonU.S.prisoners,theprocessof

InstitutionalReviewBoard(IRB)approvalforstudieswithprotectedclasseshas

providedanexternallayerofoversightforvulnerablepopulationsfromexploitative

research(Hornblum1997).GainingIRBapprovalis“anecessarybutchallenging

obstacleforresearchersworkingincorrections”(Wakai,Shelton,Trestman,and

Kesten2009:744)becauseitrequiresseverallayersofpermissionfromthe

correctionssystemincludingprogramdirectors,wardensanddirectorsofpublic

safety(Patenaude2006;Wakai,Shelton,Trestman,andKesten2009).

Semi-StructuredInterviewing

Asmyresearchfocusedonwomen’sownexperiencesandworld-views,I

employedsemi-structuredinterviewsasthedata-gatheringmethod.Semi-

structuredinterviewingisassociatedwithphenomenologyorthe“interestin

understandingsocialphenomenafromtheactors’ownperspectivesanddescribing

theworldasexperiencedbythesubjects,withtheassumptionthattheimportant

67

realityiswhatpeopleperceiveittobe”(KvaleandBrinkman2009:26).Interviews

conductedfromthisperspectiveareconcernedwith:uncoveringtheworldviewof

thestudyparticipants;interpretingthemeaningofmajorlife-eventsdiscussedby

theparticipants;qualitativelyexplainedexperiencesratherthanthequantification

ofexperiences;detailedanddistinctivedescriptionsofparticipants’lives;specific

sequencesoflife-eventsratherthanopinions;adeliberateattemptonthepartofthe

interviewertoremainopentonewphenomenaasopposedtoaprioricodes,

categoriesandinterpretations;focusonguidingthemes;opennesstocontradictory

statementsbyparticipants;thepotentiallytransformative,positivepowerofthe

interviewprocess;andanunderstandingofthewaysinwhichinterviewerand

participantcreateknowledgetogether(KvaleandBrinkman2009).Assuch,semi-

structuredinterviewsconsistofopen-endedquestions,oftenorganizedinthemes

constructedbytheresearcheraheadoftime(KvaleandBrinkman2009).

Throughoutthesemi-structuredinterviewprocess,theinterviewerand

participantsinteractwitheachother,findingconversationaldirectionstoprobeand

attendtothatmaybeparticulartothatinterview(Reinharz1992).Whilethe

informationproducedusingsemi-structuredinterviewsisnon-standardized,this

processallowstheresearchertofindvariabilityinexperiences(Reinharz1992).

Semi-structuredinterviewingis,therefore,conducivetouncoveringsimilaritiesand

differencesinthelifeexperiencesofcriminalizedwomen.Utilizingthisdata-

gatheringmethodallowedmetobetterunderstandtheprocessandexperienceof

criminalizationfromtheparticipants’perspectives.

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RecruitingandInterviewingtheResidents

MystudywasapprovedbytheUHPrograminHumanStudiesin2011

(#20053)(seeAppendix1).Beginningin2010whenIfirstreachedouttothe

executivedirectorofthewomen’sworkfurloughprograminurbanHonolulu,I

offeredtovolunteerfortheprogramwhereIwastrainedasavolunteerandassisted

theexecutivedirectorwithvariousadministrativeendeavorsandlaterasalifeskills

classteacher.Thelifeskillsclasswasaseriesoffivesessionsrequiredforthe

womentogainprivilegeswithintheprogram.Theprogramprovidedacurriculum

whichIwasallowedtomodifyand5-12residentsattendedeachsessionconducted

atthesite.Asaresultofteachingtheseclasses,Iwasabletogettoknowboththe

residentsandthestaffonamorepersonallevel.Therapportwebuiltallowedmeto

moreeasilyrecruitinformantsformystudy,oneofthechallengesofresearchwith

incarceratedpopulationsnotedbyPatenaude(2004).

Iworkedwiththeexecutivedirectortonotifyresidentsandstaffofmy

researchplans.Theprogramofferedparticipationinthisstudyasonewaytogain

communityservicecredits,whichresidentsacquiredinordertogainmore

privilegeswithintheprogram.Itwasmadeveryclearthatthisstudywasnota

mandatorypartoftheirprogramming,andthattherewereotherwaysinwhichthey

couldearncommunityservicecredits.Severalwomensignedupforinterviewtimes

immediately.Otherwomensignedupforinterviewsuponcompletingthelifeskills

classseries,perhapsfeelingmorecomfortableintheideaofsharingtheirstories

withme.

69

Thoughthisstudyfocusedonlocalwomen,Iopeneduptheinterviewstoallofthe

womenattheworkfurloughsite,regardlessofwheretheywerebornandraised.I

completedtwentyinterviews,butusedthedatafromsixteeninterviewsforthe

purposeofthisanalysis.Thedatafromtheotherfourinterviews(twoAfrican

AmericanandtwoCaucasianwomennotorbornraisedinHawai‘i)wasexcluded

fromthisanalysis.

Inordertomeettheresearchobjectivesofthisstudy,Idesignedan

interviewguidebasedonfivethemes:neighborhood,family,school,early

criminalizationandinstitutionalizedcriminalization(seeAppendix5).Ichosethese

themestobelooselychronologicalandtoexamineindividualexperienceswithin

broadersocialandinstitutionalstructures.Witheachtheme,Ihopedtotouchupon

genderandethnoculturalexperiences.

Eachoftheinterviewswasconductedatfieldsiteandcompletedoveratwo-

monthperiodbetweenDecember2014andFebruary2015.Theylastedbetween45

minutesandtwohours.Eachinterviewwasdigitallyrecordedandlatertranscribed.

TheWomenintheStudy

Theparticipantsinthisstudywerewomenwhowerebornand/orraised

inHawai‘iandwhowereparticipantsinawork-furloughprogramforincarcerated

womenlocatedontheislandofOahu.Table1providesanoverviewofeachstudy

participant.Allnamesarepseudonymsandalltheattendingdatawasself-reported.

70

Name** Race/Ethnicity Age Education Marital

Status ChildrenPrevious

Employment

Charges

Anuhea NativeHawaiian 53 Some

college Divorced 4 Stateemployee Theft

Erica NativeHawaiian 45 AAdegree Divorced 5 Non-profit TheftII

Mele NativeHawaiian 58 <High

school Divorced 3 Caretaker

PossessionandPromoting(Methamphetamine)

Tommy NativeHawaiian 57 <High

School Single None StoreClerk

Methamphetaminetraffickingintheseconddegree

Pumehana NativeHawaiian 44 GED Divorced 4 Office

Assistant Identitytheft

Megan NativeHawaiian 37

GED/Voc-techCertificate

Single None Caretaker TheftII

Alohilani NativeHawaiian 43

GED/Voc-techCertificate

Divorced 4 HealthCareIndustry

TheftII/KeepingConfidentialInformation

Yvette NativeHawaiian 46 Some

College Divorced 4 FoodService Stolenautomobile

Tina NativeHawaiian 32 <High

School Single 5 N/A Theft

Sandy Japanese/Caucasian 43 Some

College

Married(secondmarriage)

4 N/A Burglary

Jackie

Filipino/Caucasian/PuertoRican

34 SomeCollege Single 2

Smallbusinessemployee

Assault

Michelle Japanese 26 GED Married None Foodservice DrugPossession

Sam OtherAsian 31 GED Single 2 N/A TheftIV&

Promotion

Regan Samoan 41 <HighSchool Separated 4 N/A Methamphetam

ineTrafficking

Sela Samoan 47 VocTech Separated 4 HealthCare MethamphetamineTrafficking

Pohai Samoan/Caucasian 52 Some

college Divorced None HealthCare/Foodservice

PromotionintheFirst

Table1StudyInformants

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AnalyzingtheData

OriginallydevelopedbyGlaserandStrauss(1967),groundedtheory

“explainsthestudiedprocessinnewtheoreticalterms,explicatesthepropertiesof

thetheoreticalcategories,andoftendemonstratesthecausesandconditionsunder

whichtheprocessemergesandvaries,anddelineatesitsconsequences”(Charmaz

2006:8).Groundedtheoryisinformedbysymbolicinteractionism,which“assumes

thatinteractionisinherentlydynamicandinterpretiveandaddresseshowpeople

create,enact,andchangemeaningsandactions”(Charmaz2006:7).

Agroundedtheoryallowsresearcherstoanalyzehowandwhypeople

behaveinacertainmannerbasedonindividualmeaningsandinterpretations,itis

wellsuitedtoidentifyingthevariedpathwaysbywhichwomeninHawai‘iengagein

crimeandcometobeincarcerated.Italsoallowsforthedevelopmentanuanced

understandingofhowthosepathwaysareinfluencedbyracedandgendered

experiences.Whiletherehavebeenseveraldevelopmentstogroundedtheorysince

theoriginalversion,Charmaz(2006)offersaconstructivistapproachtogrounded

theorywhichalignswiththefeministresearchparadigmandisidealforanalyzing

semi-structuredinterviewdata.

Justasfeministscholarsareconcernedwithreflexivity,Charmaz(2006)

incorporatestheresearcher’sunderstandingofselfintotheproductionof

knowledge.Charmaz(2006)writesthatresearchers“areapartoftheworldwe

studyandthedatawecollect.Weconstructourgroundedtheoriesthroughourpast

andpresentinvolvementsandinteractionswithpeople,perspectivesandresearch

72

practices”(Charmaz2006,p.10).Theanalysesgeneratedusinggroundedtheory

methodologiesaretheresearcher’sinterpretationoftheparticipants’reality,since

researchersstudy“fromasclosetotheinsideoftheexperienceaswecanget,but

realizethatwecannotreplicatetheexperiencesofourresearchparticipants”

(Charmaz2006:130).Assuch,Charmaz’groundedtheorymethodologyand

analyticalmethodsarewell-suitedtoanalyzesemi-structuredinterviewdataand

alsoalignswithfeministperspectivesandmethodologies.

Iconductedallinterviewsandmanagedallstudydatamyself.Ibegan

analysisbyfirsttranscribingallinterviewsusinganonlinetranscribingprogram.

Theinterviewswerestrippedofanynamesandidentifyingfeaturesandwerethen

putintoawordprocessingdocument.Ithenengagedinline-by-linecoding.This

processrequiredmetonameeachlineofdata,allowingprocessestoemergeand

pursueinfurtheranalysis(Charmaz2006).Ipaidparticularattentiontoinvivo

codes,orthe“widelyusedtermsthatparticipantsassumeeveryoneshares

(Charmaz2006:55).Icodedhalfoftheinterviewsthisway,thenmovedonto

focused,axialandtheoreticalcoding.

Focusedcodingconsistsofusingthecodesdeterminedinline-by-linecoding

to“siftthrough”largesectionsofdataandidentifyingwhichcodesanalytically

categorizethedata(Charmaz2006).Thefocusedcodesarethenreconfiguredin

axialcoding,orfittingthecodestogetherinsuchawaythatanswerswho,what,

when,where,whyandhow(Charmaz2006).Thefinalstepincodingwastoengage

intheoreticalcoding.Atthislevel,thechallengewastofindtheconnections

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betweenthecodesandto“move[the]analyticstoryinatheoreticaldirection”

(Charmaz2006:63).AsCharmaznoted,thisisnotalinearprocessandIspentthe

betterpartofthreemonthsworkingwiththedata,movingbetweenallthreelevels

ofcodingandconfiguringandreconfiguringthecodesintoplausibleconceptual

models.OneusefultoolforworkingwiththevariouslevelsofcodingwasCharmaz’

(2006)prescriptionofmemo-writing,orthe“prewriting”exerciseoffleshingout

thelinksbetweenthecodes.Thiswasdonethroughbothoutliningandvisually

diagrammingtherelationshipsbetweenthecodes.

Challenges

Whileallresearchendeavorshavechallenges,thisstudyhadchallenges

specifictotheresearchlocationandtotheresearcher(Patenaude2004).WhileIdid

havethebenefitofaresearchchampionontheinside,therewerestillseveral

monthsbetweeneachofthevariouspermissions.Additionally,theresidentsinthe

programeachhadtheirownscheduleofwork,sleepandvisitingwithfamily,so

findingamutuallyacceptabletimetoparticipateinthisstudywaschallenging.

Iconductedtheinterviewsoverthecourseoftwomonthsandwasonly

stooduptwice.Oneresidentwassoexcitedtogetreadyforherparolethatshe

madeanappointmenttogetahaircutduringourscheduledinterviewtime.A

secondresidentagreedtoworkanextrashiftatabrandnewjobduringour

interviewtime.Eachwomanwasapologetic,andIwasremindedhowluckyIwas

thatthewomenmadetimetoparticipateinmyresearch.

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CHAPTERIV

“RUNNINGITHARD:”ACONCEPTUALMODEL

OFINCARCERATEDWOMEN’SSOCIALRELATIONSHIPS

Asaresultoftheworkoffeministcriminologists,women’scrime

commissionandincarcerationareincreasinglyunderstoodascontextualizedby

traumaandvictimization(BelknapandHolsinger2006;Chesney-Lind1997;

Chesney-LindandPasko2004;Daly1994;DeHart2004;GaarderandBelknap2002;

HerreraandMcCloseky2000;JoeandChesney-Lind1995;Molnar,Browne,Cerda,

andBuka2005).Thishasresultedincallsforandtheimplementationoftrauma-

informedcareinprisons,especiallythosefacilitiesholdingwomen(Benedict2014;

Bloom,OwenandCovington2003;Covington2008;SAMHSA2013).

Thefindingsfrommy16interviewscorroboratedtheexperiencesof

personalandstructuraltraumasamongstincarceratedwomeninHawai‘i(Brown

2006;Chesney-LindandRodrigues1983).Whilethefeministpathwaysperspective

tendstofocus“onthelivesofwomenpriortotheircriminaljusticeinvolvementto

determinewhichfactorshavecompelledthemtoengageincrime”(Gehring

2016:2),Hage(2006)suggeststhat“inadditiontostudyingthesystemicand

contextualfactorsthatlimitwomen,itisimportanttorecognizeandaffirmtheway

thatwomen,inparticularmarginalizedwomen,takecontrolorsustainagencyinthe

midstoftraumaorotherchallengingcircumstances”(84).Assuch,furtheranalysis

ofthedataIcollectedrevealedwomen’sgenderedstrategiesfornegotiatingthe

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socialandintimaterelationshipsthathadthepowertobothempowerand

traumatizethem.

DespitemajorstepstowardgenderequalityintheU.S.overthepast50years,

Americangirlsandwomencontinuetobesocializedintotraditionalfemalegender

roles(Adler,KlessandAdler1992;Lachance-GrzelaandBouchard2010;Twenge

1997).EaglyandKarau(2002)writethatthewidelyacceptedgenderrolesfor

womeninclude“communalcharacteristics”,orthosewhich“describeprimarilya

concernwiththewelfareofotherpeople—forexample,affectionate,helpful,kind,

sympathetic,interpersonallysensitive,nurturant,andgentle”(574).Thesocietal

demandthatwomenprioritizethesecommunalcharacteristicsleadsthemto

constructaself-imagebasedontheirinvolvementininterpersonalrelationships

(CovingtonandSurrey2000;Friedman2000).

CovingtonandSurrey(2000)write,“womendevelopasenseofselfandself-

worthwhentheiractionsariseoutof,andleadbackinto,connectionswithothers.

Connection,notseparation,istheguidingprincipleofgrowthforwomen”(3).As

such,thewomeninthisstudybothsoughtandwereboundbytheirconnections

withothers.Whiletheirsocialinteractionsprovidedthewomenwiththe

connectionstheydesired,thesesocialrelationshipsalsoengenderedcrime

commissionandincarcerationcontextualizedandboundedbythepatriarchal,

colonialU.S.socialstructureoverlaidonHawaiianhistoryandculture.

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OverviewofConceptualModel

Inthischapter,Idescribetheconceptualmodelofincarceratedwomen’s

managementoftheirsocialrelationshipsinHawai‘ibasedonmyanalysisofthe

narrativeinterviewsIconducted.Thismodelisnotintendedtobecausalor

explanatory,butratherdescriptiveoftheexperiencesofwomenIinterviewedin

thisstudy.UsingCharmaz(2006),Iwoulddescribemyconceptualfindingsasan

“interpretivetheory”oronethat“emphasizesunderstandingratherthan

explanation”(126).Thismodel,therefore,seekstoprovideamoredetailedand

revealingaccountofthelifeexperiences,processesandsitesofimportantsocial

relationshipsforwomenwhohavebeenincarceratedinHawaiʻiandIsuggestsome

oftheimplicationsforandmeaningsofthesefindings.

Studyinformantsconsistentlyreferredtofourmajorsitesofsocial

interaction,whichIhavelabeledrelationaldomains.Thesesiteswere:Family;

IntimatePartnerships;DrugNetworks;andtheCriminalJusticeSystem.Thoughthe

womeninthisstudyreportedmanydifferenttypesofsocialinteractionsandlevels

ofsocialrelationships,thesefourrelationaldomainsweremostconsistently

importantthroughoutthelivesofthestudyinformants.Thesefourrelational

domainswerealsomostconsistentacrossstudyinformant.

Throughtheirsocialandintimateinteractionsinandacrosseachdomain,the

womenfoundbothaffirmationandsuffering,empowermentandabasement,

opportunitiestoengageinbothconventionalandcriminalizedbehaviors,and

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periodsofreasonablestability,punctuatedbytimeswhentheysoughtdeeperrelief

fromthepressuresofthoseoftenoverlappingdomains.

AsdepictedinFigure1,theboundariesofandbetweentherelational

domainsweredynamic.Thedomaincouldgrowandshrink.Overthecourseoftheir

lives,therelationaldomainssometimescoincidedorinterwovewitheachother.For

example,intimatepartnershipsmightcoincidewithdrugnetworkswhenbotha

womanandherpartnerwereinvolvedinthesamedrugnetworks.Similarly,the

relationaldomainsmightoverlapifdrugswereusedwithfamilymembers.

• Avoiding• Taking

ownership• Resisting

• Findinglove

• Concealing• Leaving

• Takingalittlesisterrole• Takingawiferole• Takingasellerrole• Controllingaddiction

• Caretaking• Concealing• LeavingFamily

In6matePartners

DrugNetworks

CriminalJus6ceSystem

Figure1RelationalDomainsandInteractionalProcesses

=Relationaldomain=Managementprocess

78

ThewomeninthisstudyalsoutilizedawiderangeofInteractionalProcessesand

strategiestomanageboththepositiveandnegativerelationships,functions,roles

andactivitieswithinandbetweeneachdomain.Theseprocesseswereeffectivefor

muchofthetime.Thatis,thewomenseemedtofindanequilibriuminwhichthey

couldmanagetheirlives.

Yet,forallofthewomeninthisstudy,thedemandsandconflictsfromone

morerelationaldomainseventuallyincreased,causingfeelingsofoverwhelmanda

lossofcontrol.Thesefeelingsindicatedanupsetoftheequilibriumthatthewomen

hadworkedsohardtomaintain.Describedas“spinningout”or“losingmymind,”

thisperiodofinstabilitymadethewomenvulnerabletotriggersthatpushedthem

pastthetippingpointintoastatetheytermed“runningithard,”inwhichwomen

turnedtotheirdrugnetworkdomain,rejectingandresistingthedemandsfrom

intimatesinotherrelationaldomains.Iarguethatrunningithardwasastrategy

usedbythewomenasameansofescapingoverwhelmingandconflictingdemands

placeduponthemintheirrelationaldomains.ThismodelisillustratedinFigure2.

Inthenextsection,Iwilldescribethefourrelationaldomainsandthe

respectiveinteractionalprocesseswomenusedtomanagetheirrelationshipswithin

them.Ithenshowhowtheoverlappingdemandsfromeachrelationaldomain

resultedinfeelingsofoverwhelm,causingthewomentostart“runningithard”asa

meansofexertingtheiragencyinmanagingthestressorsoftheircomplex

relationships.Iwillalsodiscusshow“runningithard”broughtthewomenintothe

carceralstateandthechallengestheyexperiencedinendingchallengingstageand

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stateoftheirlives.FinallyIwilldiscussthedistinctivewaysNativeHawaiian

womeninthestudyexperiencedanddescribedtheirroleconflictsand

compatibilitieswithinthedifferentdomainsandwiththeiremploymentof

interactionalprocesses.

TheFamily

Yeeetal.(2007)identifyfourculturalthemesregardingAsianandPacific

Islanderfamilies:collectivism(the“tendencytoplacegroupneedsandgoalsabove

thegoalsanddesiresoftheindividual”);relationalorientation(“aculturalframein

whichtheselfisdefinedintermsofitsessentialandcontinuinginterdependence

withothers”);familism(“ahierarchicallyorganizedfamilysystemasthebasicsocial

unit”);andfamilyobligation(“bothattitudinalandbehavioralresponsibilitiesin

whichchildrenareexpectedto:showrespectandaffectionforolderfamily

members;seektheiradviceandaccepttheirdecisions;andmaintainpropinquity,

instrumentalassistance,andemotionaltieswithparentsacrossthelifespan”(72).

Theycollapsethesefourculturalthemesintotheconceptof“family

interdependence”:

Inlightofthestrongemphasisonfamilyobligationandpiety,familyinterdependenceisacoreissueforAAPIfamilies.Astrongkinshipsystemwithhighlevelsofmutualobligationprovidesfamilymemberswithaclearlydefinedgroupthatcanbecountedontoprovideassistanceandaid(Yeeetal.2007:72).

Theyfurthersuggest,“familyinterdependencecanbeapowerfulresource,butitcan

alsobeasourceofstress”(Yeeetal.2007:72).

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AllofthewomeninthestudyofNativeHawaiian,AsianAmericanandPacific

Islanderheritageassertedthatfamilywastheirmostimportantrelationaldomain.

Whetherthefamilywasdeemed“good,”abusiveorabsent,thehighlevelsofmutual

obligationfeltbythewomenandtheirfamiliesheldtheminextendedinteractions

witheachother.Studyinformantsdescribedtheirfamiliesonacontinuumof“good”

to“crazy.”Alohilani,aNativeHawaiianwomanfromsuburbanOahu,describedher

parentsas“thebomb”,sayingthatshewasjustakolohe[naughty]girlwhogotinto

troubleinherchildhood.Similarly,Tommy,aNativeHawaiianwomanfromrural

Oahusaidthatshewas“daddy’sgirl”,playingsportsandhangingoutwithherfather

untilhisdeathwhileshewasinhighschool.Manyofthestudyinformantshad

siblingsandextendedfamilylivingintheirhomes;theirprimaryinteractionswere

typicallylocatedintheirfamilies.

WhileAlohilaniandTommyinitiallydescribedtheirfamiliesas“good”,both

alsoreportedbeinghurtbythem.Alohilaniexplainedthatastheonlygirlinher

family,shedidnotreceivetheattentionfromherfatherthatshedesired.Tommy

describedtheestrangedrelationshipshehadwithhermotherfollowingherfather’s

passing;Tommydidnotlikehermother’snewboyfriendsandTommy’smother

calledhera“half-daughter”becauseTommywasalesbian.Itwastrueofmostofthe

studyinformantsthattheirhomelivesspannedfrombothgoodthroughabusive,

oftenatthesametime.Thatis,eventhechildrenofthemostabusivehouseholds

hadmomentsofloveandfun,ofconnectionandhappinesswithinthefamilial

domain.Forsomeofthestudyinformants,familiesthatstartedoutabusive

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progressedto“good,”oftenasparentsreceivedhelpforsubstanceabuseand

addiction.

Despitetheacknowledgementof“good”times,childhoodexperiencesof

familieswerefrequentlymarkedbyabuseorabsences.Thiscausedfeelingsofpain

andhurtamongstthewomen,oftenfromayoungage.Pohai,aSamoanwomanwho

hadbeenadoptedbyherextendedfamilythenabused,shamedandisolated,carried

alife-longdesireforamutuallylovingrelationship,especiallyfromhersister:

Iusedtobeverysad.Iusedtoadmireotherstudentswhohadarelationshipwiththeirsiblingandhowtheylovedeachother.Andyetitwassadtome.Iwanteditsobad.Butitwasn'tinmycardsforlife.

NotreceivingthislovefromherfamilycausedPohaisignificantgriefthat

shecarriedintoheradulthood.Similarly,theotherwomeninthisstudysuffered

fromstrainedfamilialrelationships.Manystudyinformantsspecificallymentioned

thepaucityofinteractionwiththeirmotherswhowereoftenphysicallyand/or

emotionallyabsent,workingseveraljobstofinanciallysupportthefamiliesor

copingwiththeirowncyclesofsubstanceabuse.Michellenotedthathermother

workedlonghourstosupportthefamilyaftergettingadivorce,goingbacktowork

andmovingfromhometohome:

Shehadtoworkwhichwasweirdbecausemymomneverdidworkbefore.And,sowell,shedidworkbeforebut…sheworkedbeforewewereborn.Andthen,shestartedhavingtoworktwojobs.Andyouknow,wewasjustlikebouncedaround.Likenot“bouncedaround,”butwewentfromlivingwithmyuncle;likemymomtookusstraightfromourhousetolivewithmyauntyforalittlewhile.Thenwelivedwithmyuncle.Thenwegotourownplace.

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Wewentbackupthereforafewmonthsandthenmymomsoldit.Andthensowerentedanotherplace.Soitwasjustlikeunstable.

Michellesaidthatwithhermother’sfocusonworkandfinanciallysupportingthe

family,shespentlesstimetryingtocontrolthechildren:“mymomstarted

becomingmorelaxbecauseshegaveupalreadytryingtocontroleverything.”Itwas

atthispointthatMichellebegantogetintotroublewiththelawforsellingdrugs.

Similarly,Jackie’smotherstruggledtosupportandcareforJackieandher

twosisterswithadrug-addictedhusbandwhofrequentlyabandonedheralonewith

thechildren.Jackierecalledmakingattemptstoreconcileherfamily,tryingto

convinceherfathertoreturn,beinghurtwhenhewouldnot,andnothavingher

motherpresenttosootheheremotionalhurts:

Iwouldalwaystellhim,comehomealready!Youknow?Thingslikethat.AndIjustendeduphatinghimbecausehenevercamehome.Mymom,Ithinkhowshedealtwitheverythingwasshebecameaworkaholic.Shedrownedherselfinwork.Shehadthreejobs.

Inherinterview,Sandy,aJapanese/CaucasianwomanfromurbanOahu,

alsosaidshedidnothaveanyparentalcare,notingthatherfatherwasviolentand

hermotherdistant.Sheespeciallyrecalledherdesiretoloveandbelovedbyher

mother:“Mymomneverphysicallylovedme,whichreallycancallousafemale.

Physicaltouchisveryimportant.Nothavingit,itjustmakesyouhardened.”She

describedhermother’saloofnessasaculturaltrait,ashermotherwas“local

Japanese”andnotpronetoexpressionsofloveoraffection.Sandyfeltlefttoher

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owndevicestocopewithherfather’sviolence,toseekwarmthandaffectionandto

learnaboutwomanhood:

Ihadsomanyquestionsgrowingup.Likemakeup,yourperiod.Mymomdidn’tteachmeaboutyourperiod.Ihadtolearnitinschool.Myfriend’sthefirstonewhoputatamponinme.Like,me,Ihadtolearnallonmyown.Youknow,questions.Sheneveranswered.Talk,nothing.Bras,nothing.Ihadtogobuymyownbraswithmyfriends.

Sandyrecollectedreachingouttohermotherbutbeingsilentlyrebuffed:“Itwasn’t

offeredsoIwouldn’tbringitup,Iguess.”Inatellingeventfromherpast,Sandy

recalledbeingabandonedbyherfatherwhensheaccompaniedhimonaconcert

promotiontriptothecontinentalU.S.:

SohetookmetothemainlandonetimeandIwas,like,reallyyoung.TooyoungtoevenknowwhereI’mfrom.Becausewhenheabandonedmeupthere,allIrememberisarockconcert,butheranaway.Like,wewentintoabarandhegotintoafightandIendedupwiththisladyIdon’tevenknow.Andthenheranawaywiththeticketmoney.Thenhe’swanted.Like,Irememberstayingupthereconfused,like,whereismydad,youknow?[Startstocry].TheyaskedmewhereI’mfrom,IjustknowI’mfromanisland-itwassotraumaticbecauseIendedupwithastranger.ThenfinallywhenIgotonanairplanetocomehome,thestewardess-theairplanegotdelayedandIhadtogotoherhouse.Idon’tevenknowwhothisladyis.

UponherreturnhometoHawaii,despitebeingscared,hurtandconfused,Sandy

foundherselfunabletoturntoeitherparentforcomfortoranexplanation:

WhenIgothomeitwasnevertalkedabout.Mymomnevertalkedaboutittothisday.Iaskedheragainonemoretimewhenshecomestovisitmehere[workfurloughsite].Mymomhasthiskindofmemorylikesheforgot.Shedon’tremember.SoIaskedheragainwhenIcamehere.Shedon’trememberthatincident.ShejustremembersthatIwenttothemainlandandIhadtoflyback.Shedon’tknowwhy.Mydadtalkedtomeaboutitonetime,buthewasallhighandthatwasawkward.

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Sandysaidthatthisincidentandotherslikeit,demonstratedthatsheshouldnot

expecttogetloveandaffectionfromherparents.LikeSandy,Samfeltthelackof

carefromherfamily.Despitedescribingherfamilylifeas“good”earlyinthe

interview,Samrecountedfeelingthatherfamilydidnotcareabouther,asher

motherkickedheroutwhensheneededhelpthemost:

Ialwaysdideverythingthattheywantedmetodo.SoafterawhileIguessIjustwentbuckanddowhatIwantedfordo.Likeaftermydaddied,my[own]kids’fathergotlockedup,everythingjustfellapartslowly.AndwhenmymomfoundoutIwasusingandallthatstuff,Iwasthefirstpersonthatshekickedoutofthehouse,whilemybrotherandmysisteruse.Idon’tknow,Iguesssheexpectsmorefromme.Outofallthekids,I’mtheonetopaymyownbills.Shekickedmeout.Idon’tknow.Ijustfeltliketheynevercare.

Familieswereoneofthemostimportantrelationaldomainsforthewomen

inthestudy,providingthemwithcontrastingstatesofhappinessandsadnessand

empowermentandabuse.Thesefamilialconnectionsheldthewomeninextended

interactionswithfamilymembersandthefamilyunititself.Asaresult,thewomen

developedseveralinteractionalprocessestonegotiatetheirfamilialrelationships.

Thethreemainprocesseswere:Caretaking,ConcealingandLeaving.

Managingthefamily:Caretaking.

Oneoftheprimarystrategiesundertakenbythestudyinformantswas

caretakingwithinthefamily,oftenbeginningatanuncommonlyyoungage.A

feminizedjob,butoneofsignificance,thecaretakerroleincludedwatchingsiblings,

niecesandnephews,whileparentswereatwork;beingago-betweenforfeuding

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parents;andprovidingmonetarysupportforthefamily.Thiscaretakingrolealso

placedwomeninacustodialrole,taskedwithkeepingthefamilytogetherand

functioning.Thisroleimposedresponsibilityatayoungagethataffordedthe

womensomepowerandprotectionwithintheirfamiliesbymakingthemintegralto

therunningoftheirfamilyunitandalsobyallowingwomentoenactagencyover

theirownlives.

Manyofthewomenfrequentlywatchedovertheyoungerchildrenintheir

families.Forexample,Megan,aNativeHawaiianwomanfromsuburbanOahutook

overwatchingtheyoungerchildreninherfamilywhileateenager.Despitehavinga

close-knitextendedfamilyonotherpartsoftheisland,Meganandhersisterwere

oftenleftaloneinthehousewhiletheirsinglemotherwenttoworktosupportthe

family.Megandescribedhermotherasworkinghard,tryingtomakethebestlifefor

Megan,hertwosistersandbrother.Meganrecalledthatshegot“whatever”she

wantedfromhermotherandlookingback,Meganfeltthatshetookadvantageof

hermother’sgenerosity:

Whenyoufindoutwhatyoucando,youjusttakeittotheextent.Likeokay,likemymomnotgoingtotellusno,sowe'regoingtooverusethat,youknow.Iwasliketwenty-three,stillyetathome,stillgettingallowance.Mymomusedtogivemelike300dollarsaweek.Attwenty-three,however,Meganhadalreadybeenresponsibleforher

niecesevenafterdroppingoutofhighschool.Megan’smotherbecamesickand

requiredin-homecaresoonafter,andMegangotcertifiedtobehermother’sfull-

timecaregiverwhileinherlateteens:

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MycousinhadkidsreallyyoungsoIusedtotakecareofherkids.Mysister,IthinkwhenIjustturned18,Itookcareofherdaughter.Anditjustkindofmovedlikethat.WhenmymomgotsickItookcareofmymom.Mysisterendeduphavingfourkids.Itookcareofallfourkidsandmymom.

TendingtoherkinshipnetworkprovidedMeganwithasenseofidentityand

purpose.Shestoppedspendingasmuchtimewithherfriendsandfocusedmuchof

herattentiononthemaintenanceofherfamily,despitehermother’s

encouragementtohavemoreofasociallife:“Mymomusedtoalwaystellme,‘Why

don'tyougoout?You'resoyoung.’Like,um,causeIdon'twanttogoout.LikeI’m

overit.IdidthatwhenIwas16-alltheway,youknow.I'moverit.”

PreviousstudiesofdelinquentgirlsandwomenincarceratedinHawai‘ihave

foundhighratesofchildhoodtraumaincludingviolenceinthehome,fostercare

placement,sexualabuse,runningawayfromhome,droppingoutofschool,andteen

pregnancy(Brown2006;Chesney-LindandRodriguez1983;JoeandChesney-Lind

1995;Yuen,HuandEngel2005).Similarly,thewomeninthisstudyreportedthat

theirhomeswereoftenunstableandviolent.Severalofthewomenexperienced

and/orwitnessedviolenceintheirhomesonaregularbasis.Despitethis,manyof

thewomencontinuedtoengageinoversightroleswithintheirfamilies.

Whenaskedwhatsherememberedaboutherchildhood,Sandy,amixed-race

AsianAmericanwomanfromurbanOahu,responded,“thatitsucked.”Withan

alcoholicfatherandarecoveringdrugaddictmother,Sandy’schildhoodhomewas

chaoticandviolent.Herfatherworkedatahighschoolandwouldinvitethe

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studentstopartiesattheirhouse.Sandyrecollectedfrequentlywakingtofind

strangerspassedoutinherhousefromthenightbefore.Sherecalledthatherhome

wasviolentandunsafe,butthatnostateagenciessteppedintohelpherorher

brother:

Mydadwouldabusemymom.Like,shootguns.Healwayslikeshootguns.Wealwayshadbulletholesalloverthehouse.Like,itwasvery,veryviolent.Butthepolicerarelycome.Theneighborsbackthen,theydon'tcallthepolice.CPS[ChildProtectiveServices]don'tgetinvolved.Irememberthepolicecameoveronce,butthat'sbecauseourbalconywasonfire.AndofcoursetheyhadtocomeandnoCPS.Like,noquestions.Sandywaschargedwithcaringforheryoungerbrother.Asshebelievedthat

noonewouldhelpthem,sheembracedthatparentalrolethoughitmadeherfeel

differentthanherpeersandpreventedherfromescapingtheviolenceand

instabilityinherhome:

Irememberthinkingthiskindofstuffsthatanormalchildwouldn'tthink,becauseIhadalotofresponsibilityonmyhands.SothenIstartedtoquestion.Iknewatayoungagethatmyhouseholdismessedup.Andum,soatayoungageIwouldlike-Icouldn'tdigoutfromhomebecauseIhadtowatchmybrother.Followingherparents’divorce,Sandy’smotherbegantodateandlater

marriedthedetectivechargedwithinvestigatingSandy’sjuvenilecrimes.Atone

pointintime,Sandy’sstepfatherbannedherfromherchildhoodhomeandwould

tackleandhandcuffherwhenshetriedtoreturn.SaidSandy,“Hewouldseemeand

hewouldlikefullonattackme,likebodyslamme,putthecuffsonmelikeI’ma

criminaljustfortryingtogetintomyhouse.”

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Later,Sandytooklegalcustodyofherbrotherwhowasalsoclashingwith

theirstepfather.Sandysaysthatshe“hustled”herbrotherbyintroducinghimto

drugsandteachinghimhowtosteal:

MyboyfriendtaughthimhowtostealandIwouldbetheonetoreturnalltheitemsforcash.Atthattime,allthestores,LibertyHouse,CityMill,DisneyStore,couldreturnitemsforcash.Nowadaysnocan,forgetit.Butitwassoeasy.Mybrother-themwasgoodatrippingoff.AndIwouldtellthemnoworry,justdoit.Becauseifyougetarrested,I’myourmom.Icanbailyouout.Sohewasn'tscaredandhewasallstrungoutoncoke.Itwasterrible.

Despitethis,Sandyspentagooddealofherchildhoodandteensemotionallyand

eventually,legallyresponsibleforherbrother.

Erica,aNativeHawaiianwomanfromruralOahuwasalsoresponsiblefor

hersiblingsatanearlyage.Ericaborethebruntofherfather’sviolenceinorderto

protecthersiblings.LikeSandy,Ericarecalledthatwhenastateagencywouldcome

tocheckonreportsoffamilyviolence,noneofthemintervened.Ericasaidthather

fatherwouldproclaimthathecouldabusehischildrenifhewantedto:

Um,backthen,CPSandthepolicecameandmyfathertoldthem,‘Youknowwhat,Ibroughtthesekidsintotheworld,Itake‘emoutthewayIlike.’Andbackthen,CPSwasn'tabigthinglikehowitistoday.Sotheyjustleftusthere.

Ericaalsohadanoldersiblingwhowasintellectuallydisabled.Astheoldestchild,

Ericawatchedallofherbrothersandsisterswhileherparentsworked,butafterher

fatherbecameincapacitatedandstayedhomedoingdrugs,shesoonfoundherself

supervisingtheotherchildrenandshieldingthemfromtheirfather’sviolence:

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IfeltlikeIwasthemotherfigurehavingtotakecareofthekids,andeverythingthatwentwrong,hepickedonme.Helicked,youknowwhatImean.SoIcametoapointwhereifhewentaftermybrothersandsistersIwouldshelterthemandIwouldtakethelickings.

Erica’scaretakingofherfamilysoonexpandedintocriminalizedbehaviors.

Shedescribedlookingafterhersiblingsbystealingitemsthattheyneededfromthe

store,allwithoutherparents’knowledge:

BecauseI’mthesecondoldestofthefamily,Ihadtheyoungersiblings.Andwegetallthekids,sowegethandmedownclothesfrommycousins,yeah.Somysisterthemneededthis,ormybrotherthemneededthat.AndIjustwenttothestoreandIstole‘em.Theysaytheyneededthisforschool,ortheysaytheynomorethistablet,Ijustgointhestoreandsteal‘em.Inevereventellmymomnothing.

Ericawasabletoeaselifeforhersiblingsandtorelievesomeofherparents’

burdenofprovidingforthechildrenatatimewhenhermotherworkedmultiple

jobswhileherfatherwentinandoutofemploymentduetosubstanceabuse.Her

roleandfunctionallowedthefamilytopersistundertryingcircumstances.Erica

statedthatthisdynamicofherparentalresponsibilityforthechildrenandheralso

beingabletoprovideforhersiblingsbystealing“increased[her]criminality

becausegettingawaywiththings,Iwentforbiggerandbetterthingsafterthat.

Fromthesmallnecessitiestothejewelrytogroceriesandstuffforthehouse.”

Erica’sfathercontinuedtobeincreasinglymoreabusivetowardsErica’s

motherandthechildren.HewasespeciallyoverprotectiveofErica,demandingthat

shestaywithabrotheroramalecousinatalltimes.Shestated,“Iwasonatight

leash.”Ericaranawayat17yearsoldafterherfatherheldherdownandshavedher

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headbaldinanattempttocontrolherlooksandsubsequentlykeephercloseto

home.

Whenhermotherleftherfatherforanotherman,Erica’sfatherretreated

intoheavydruguseandcouldnotcareforhimself.Havingmovedintoherown

housewithherboyfriend,Ericabroughtherfathertolivewithherandhelpher

maintainherhousehold.Healsodealtdrugswithher.Despiteherfather’shistoryof

abusivebehavior,Erica’spriorcaretakingroledictatedthatshefindawayto

provideforhim.Inthismanner,Ericabothdirectlyservedascaretakertoherfather

andtotherestofthefamilybyrelievingothersoftheburdenofcaringforhim.Erica

describedhowthisrolereinforcedtheflippedparent-childpowerdynamic,whichin

adulthood,broughtherclosertoherfather:

Ihadthedrugs.Hewaslikeahushpuppy.Hewasn'tabusive.HedidanythingIwantedhimtodo.SoIhadthecontroloverhim,yeah.Icoulddanglethedopeandhewouldbemystrongarm.Hewouldgocollectmymoney.Hewouldstayhomeandwatchmyhouse.Asshegotolder,Ericareturnedtocommittingcrimestotakecareofherown

family,nowwithherownchildren.Asamother,Ericawasarrestedforstealing

basicnecessitiesforherchildren:

Iwasasingleparentoutthereraisingfivechildren.WhathadhappenedwasthingsgotdifficultandIrevertedbacktooldbehaviorsandIwentbackintothestoreandIstole.Um,myhousedidn'thaveelectric.Ihadaroommateandtheysplitonmeandtheydidn'thelpmewiththeelectric,soitgotcutoffandIpanicked.Lastminutekind,youknow,impulsivity.Um,IwentinthestoreandIstolepropanestove,um,candles,flashlights,causethehouseneverhaveelectric.Andthenfood.AndIgotarrested.

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Yvette,aNativeHawaiianwomanbornonthecontinentalU.S.andraisedon

Oahu,workedtokeepherfamilyunittogetherstartingatageten.Herabilitytodo

sogaveherconsiderablepower,thoughitwasaheavyburdenforsuchayoung

person.Yvettedescribedherroleasthego-betweenforhermotherandfather

beginningfromthetimeshemovedtoHawai`iasaten-year-old:

WemovedtoHawai`ibecausemyparentswasdrama.‘Causemydadfooledaround,myparentswasdrama.Mymomranawayandshecamehere.AndIwouldlistento-mymomusedtotellmetoomuchthingsaboutherandmyfather'slifethatkidsshouldn'tknow.Iwouldbalancemymom'scheckingandsavingsaccounts.Iwasmymomandmydad'scounselors.MymomwouldtellmestuffandmydadwouldtellmestuffandIwouldn'tinstigatenothing.SoIwasthefamilycounselorfromayoungage.

Yvetterecalledhowherfamilycaretakingroleinvolvedhelpinghermothersearch

forherfather,whowasofteninbarswithotherwomen:

IusedtogointothebarswhenIwasinhighschool.Mymomwoulddrivemetothebartolookformydad.AndIusedtogointothebar,andwouldhaveawaitresssittingonmydad'slap.AndIwouldyankheroutoftheseatandbeattheshitoutofherandtellmydad,‘Youknow,mom'scrying.’That'sthekinddramaIusedtogothroughwithmyparents.

AsYvettewastheonlypersoninthefamilywhocouldrelatetoandcontainher

father,shewasputinchargeofkeepingherfather’stemperatbay:

Theywouldbefighting.Thewholehousewouldbefightingandmymomwouldgo,‘Yvettegotellyourdad.’AndIwouldgositonhislapandIwouldgo‘Daddy?Youpau[done]madnow,yeah?Paumadnow,Daddy?Andhewouldgo‘okay.’Likeallhismadwouldcomeoutofhimlikethat.Iwould,forsomereason,Ihadthatkindofpowerovermydad.SolikeeverythinglandedinmylapfromwhenIwasakid.Soit’slikeIhadto.Ihadto.

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ItisimportanttonoteherethatinNativeHawaiianfamilies,rolesand

familialconnectionsoftenhaveaspiritualdimension.ThatYvettehadthispowerto

calmherfatherwouldbeconsideredarolechosenforherbyherancestors.Thatshe

accepteditandtookitonwasawayoffulfillingherkuleana;herresponsibilityto

familymemberspast,presentandfuture(Pukui,HaertigandKee1972:158).

. Yvettespokeoflosingthispowertocalmherfatherafterhehitherforthe

firsttimewhilesheshieldedhermotherfromhisviolence.Yvettedescribedfeeling

lostandworthlessafterlosingthespiritualconnectionwithherfather,butfound

thatithadbeentakenupbyherson:

Mysonhadit.Mysoncouldjumponmyfather'slapandbelike,‘Papa.’’’Youknow,‘causemydadneverhithim.IwaswatchingmysonwithmydadandIwasproudofthefactthatmysonhadit,butIwasmissingmydad[cries].

Anevengreaterchallengetoherroleascaretakercamewithherfather’sdeath:

Evenupuntilmydad'sdeathIreallydidn'tknowwhatmylifewas.AndthenmydaddiedandIwaslike,howdoIliveinthisworldwith,whereismylife?Ididn'tknowwheremylifewaswithoutmyparents'drama.Becausethat'sallmylifewas.

ExaminingYvette’sfeelingsofpurposelessnessafterthelossofherfatherandthe

powerfulcaretakingroleshehadassumeddemonstrateshowstronglythewomen

identifiedwiththecaretakingprocess.Havingservedinthisroleforsolong,when

shelostthepowertocalmherfatherandthenwithhisultimatedeath,Yvettealso

wasdisplacedfromarolethatensuredhercontinuedimportanceinherfamily.She

alsolostherconnectiontoaprocessthatshedrewpartofherself-identityfromasa

Hawaiian;aprocessthat,throughaculturallens,wasspirituallyordained.

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LikeYvette,manyoftheotherHawaiianwomeninthisstudyhaddeeply

rooted,spiritualconnectionstotheirfamily.Thisspiritualconnectionhadspecific,

culturalimplicationsfortheoversightandtendingthewomendidwithintheir

families.Thiswillbediscussedinmoredetailattheendofthischapter.

Finally,thewomenalsoenactedthefamilycaretakingfunctionthrough

performingeconomictasks.Regan,aSamoanwomanfromagang-riddled

neighborhoodinurbanOahurecalledherroleasa“financier”forherfamily,

sharing:“Theonlytimetheyneededmewaslike,whentheyneededmoney,orthey

neededmoneyforfuneral,ortheyneededhelp.AndIwouldgo[getthemoney],you

know.”Similarly,Sam,anAsianAmericanwomanandherboyfriendwerecharged

withfinanciallykeepingthefamilyafloatfollowingherfather’sdeath.Ashermother

wasgrievingandunabletoworkorpaybills,Samandherboyfriendsharedmoney

heearnedworkingunderthetable.

Manyofthewomeninthisstudydescribedtheirroleascaretakerfortheir

familiesaspersistingeventhroughtheirincarceration.Severalwomenmentioned

sendingmoneytheyearnedwhileincarceratedtochildrenandrelatives.Oftentimes,

thewomen’schildrenlivedwiththeveryrelativesforwhomthewomenpreviously

servedascaretakers.Inthiscase,thewomenwouldfindwaystolookafterboth

theirownchildrenandadultswhowerecaringforthem.Evenwhileincarcerated,

Samsenthermothermoneyandalsoentreatedafriendtohelpout:“Iusedtogive

mymommoneytoo,becauseshehadmydaughter.Myguilt.EvenwhenIwasin

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prison,myfriendtookcareofmymom.Likehegaveher300,400buckseveryso

often.”

Managingthefamily:Concealing.

Anotherkeyinteractionalprocessinfamiliesoccurredwhenthewomen

engagedinconcealingaspectsoftheirlivesfromtheirfamiliesand/orconcealing

aspectsoftheirfamilylifefromothersocialinstitutions.Bothactsservedto

preserveandmaintainthefamilyequilibrium.Thewomenacknowledgedthat

concealingaspectsoftheirownlivesfromtheirfamiliesservedtodistance

themselvesandtheiractionsfromspecificparentalexpectationsthattheywere

broaching.Thisstrategyimplieda“don’taskdon’ttell”quality,inthatboththe

womenandtheirfamiliescouldignoretheunacceptablebehaviorsand

consequencesofsame.

Sela,a47yearoldSamoanwoman,describedlearningtoconcealbehaviors

fromherparentsinordertokeepthepeaceandavoidphysicalpunishmentfrom

herfather,astrictparentwhowasthepastoroftheirchurch.AsnotedbyJoeand

Chesney-Lind(1995),Sela’sfamilylifewasguidedbyverygenderedparameters

andexpectationsfromSamoanculture.Astheonlyfemalechildinherfamily,Sela

wasoftenexcludedfromherbrothers’play.Shewasforbiddenfromenteringtheir

roomsorplayingwiththeirtoys.Selarecountedherearlyrebelliousness:“Ibroke

therulessomanytimes.Iwasalwayscaughtplayingmarbleswithmybrothersin

theirroom,orwiththeirlittletoysoldiers.”

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ThisresultedinSela’sfatherdiscipliningherwithcorporalpunishment:“I

gotlickingssomanytimes‘causeIkeptonbreakingthatrule[chuckles].”Whileher

brothersupheldtheculturalimperativeintheirfamilytounquestioninglyrespect

theirparents,Selatendedtoquestionandargue.Thisresultedinrepeated

discipline:

Mybrothers-them,theyalwaysusedtotellme,‘Youmustlovetogetlickings.’Tome,I'mnotansweringback.Tome,it’sinmymind,I'mnotdisrespecting,I'mjustraisingmyopinion.Andthat'swhereIgetlickingssometimes,youknow,‘causeyounotsupposedtoanswerbacknomatterifyourparentsarecorrectorwrong.ButIfeellikeifI'mgettingscoldingsforsomethingthatinmymindisnotright,youknowwhatImean,andIkeptontellingthem,‘Listen,youguysisnotlivinginSamoaanymore.Thisisthemainland,youknow.’

Selalearnedtoconcealanyconductthatherparentswouldnotapproveof,striving

topassherclassesasacoverfordeviantbehaviors:“Igraduated.Wegoto

school...becauseIcomefromafamilythatyoudogetlickings,youknowwhatI

mean,soImadesure,though,I'montopofiteventhoughIwoulddrinkand

smoke.”Seladescribedgoingtoschool,avoidingteachersandotheradultson

campus,butdoingenoughworktopassherclassesandgraduateontime.

Similarly,Michelle,anAsian-Americanwomanbornandraisedona

neighborisland,saidthatshestayedinschoolinordertoavoidhermotherfinding

outabouthermarijuanause:“Honestly,IjustwantedtogotheresoIcouldsmoke

weedwithoutmymomknowing.”WhileSeladidherbesttoavoidinteractionwith

adultsinherschool,Michelleoftenengagedandchallengedtheschool

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administration.Inanattempttofindaneasierwaytocompleteherhighschool

requirements,Michellesoughtclassificationasaspecialeducationstudent:

Actually,ItriedtogetintoSpecialEdonetimebecauseIdidn'twanttobeinschoolanymore.AndsoIwasaTAforaSpecialEdclass,soIwaslike,IjustwanttogetintospecialEd.Buttheymadeitabigtripbecauseyouhadtoberecommendedorwhatever.Idon'tknow.Iwasirritated.Andyouknow,youhavetohaveareallylowGPAorwhatever,andIwaslike,‘Youguysaretellingmetoflunkallmyclasses?’

Additionally,aftergettingintotroubleforfightingoncampus,Michellemadean

agreementtocheckinattheVicePrincipal’sofficeandbeescortedtoandfromher

classesbyasecurityguard.Thoughsheeventuallydroppedoutofhighschool,

Michelle’sdescriptionofhereffortstostayinschooldemonstratedherdesireto

stayinschool,ifonlytoavoidfightswithhermotheroverdroppingoutand

smokingweed.Thoughshesaysthatshereally“didn’tcare”,heractions

demonstrateacommitmenttoremaininginschooltohelpconcealherdaily

marijuanause.

Amoregenderedfeatureofconcealingoccurredasthewomendescribed

hidingpregnancies,aswellassexualanddomesticabuse.Tina,aNativeHawaiian

womanfromruralOahurecalledbeing15yearsoldandhidingherpregnancyfrom

herfatheruntilthedayshewentItolabor.Tinadescribedchildhoodasfullofchaos

andcrime:

Iprettymuchhadonedysfunctionallife.Mymomusedtodocrime,mymomusedtoripfromthestorestoo.Mydadwasanalcoholicdrugaddict.Hewasabusive.Igrewupinfear.Youknow,likebecauseofmydad.EventhoughIdidn'tactuallygetlickings,butIseenmymom,mysister,mybrother,get

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dirty,dirtylickings.Youknow,towherethatalone,justseeingit,putfearinmetowhereIdon'twanttobeonDad'sbadside,soInotgoingdostupidthingsoranything.

Herconcealmentofherpregnancy,whichwashersecond,allowedTina’sfamilyto

remainunawareandfreefromconfrontationoverherpregnancyduringHER?drug

addiction,whichtheystronglycondemned.AsTinawentintolaborandcouldno

longerhideherpregnancy,itprovokedtheveryviolentreactionfromherfatherthat

shehadbeentryingtoavoid:

IwasreadyforgivebirthandIstillneverliketellhim.So,eventually,mysisterwas-shewentlose‘em.MyDadwasoutsidetweaking,fuckingwashingthecar,andshewasfuckingyelling.She'slike,‘Yourstupid-assdaughterstayinthefrickin’room,herwaterbagwentbroke,readyforgivebirth,andshe'sfuckingscaredforcomeouthereandtellyouthatshehavingonebaby.’Ho,hewentlost‘em.Hecameintheroom,fuckinghitme,kickmeout,whileIwasinlabor,girl.Hemadesuremymom,nobodyhelpme.SoI'mlike,sneaking,tellingmysisterforcallmycousinfortakemetothedakine,yeah.SowhileI'monthecornerwaitingonthestonewall,waitingformycousincoming,theygoingbackandforth,yellingallkindstupidshitatme.

Besidespregnancy,severalofthewomenreportedconcealingtheir

molestationbyfamilyfriendsandrelatives.Yvettereportedbeingrapedbyher

father’sfriendsontwooccasions,bothwhenherfatherwasdrunk.Yvettekeptboth

incidentsasecretfromherfamily,evenafteroneoftherapesresultedinher

pregnancyat12yearsold.Inordertoconcealtherape,Yvettehadhercousinhither

withabattoinduceamiscarriage.

LikeTina,Yvetteconcealedherrapeandsubsequentpregnancytokeepher

father’sviolenceincheck.Shebelievedthatherfatherandherbrotherwouldattack

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orkillhermolestersandgetItotroublewiththelaw:“IhadthismentalitythatifI

toldmyDad,‘causemyDadwasascrapper,andmybrotherwas,like,ascrapper,so

likeIwasafraidthattheywouldkillhim.”

Yvettefinallytoldherfatherabouttherapeandpregnancyafterhecalledhera

“whore”forgettingpregnantwithherboyfriend.Herfatherfeltguiltfornot

protectingYvette.ThemanwhorapedYvettehaddiedbythetimeshetoldher

father,butshebelievedthatherfatherwouldhavesoughtrevenge.Inthisway,

Yvette’sconcealingwassuccessful;shewaitedtorevealtheabuseuntilatimewhen

shecouldkeepherfatherprotectedfromgettinghimselfintoserioustrouble.

Reganrecalledbeingsexuallyassaultedbyhermother’snewhusband:

ThefirsttimehedidsomethingtomewasafterIgavebirthtomysonwhowaslikefiveyearsold.He[mother’snewhusband]wouldunlockmydoorandIwassleeping,youknow.Andmybuttonwouldbeoffofmyshorts,anditwouldbelikehalfgoingdownandIwaslike,ohmygosh,Ifeltsomething.SoIgotupandhisfacewasrightbymyprivates.

Despiterepeatedepisodessuchasthis,Reganconcealedtheseincidentsinorderto

protecthermother:“IkeptthatasasecretbecauseIdidn'tknowwhatmymom

wouldreacttoit,youknow?”

Regandidattempttotellhermotherabouttheabuse.Hermotherviewed

Regan’sdisclosureasafailuretoconceal.Regan’smotheraccusedheroftryingtobe

spitefulbybringingitupanddeclaredthatshewouldchoosehernewhusbandover

Regan:

Shestartedcryingandthenshelike,whyamIdoingthistoher?AndwhywouldIsaysuchthings?AndIwouldjustlookathimandIwaslikecussing

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inmymind,like,youknow,whothehellareyoutocomehereandstart.AfterIheardhersayallofthatandthenshewouldtakehimoverme,andIwasliketothepointIwasliketotallystabbedintheheart.Stoodup,didn'tcarenomorewhatshesaid.Eventhoughshecried,Ididn'tcarebecauseIwassohurtatthefactthatshechoosehimoverme.

Regansoonleftherhometoliveonthestreetswithheryoungson.

Pohai,aSamoanwomanwhogrewupwithhersisterandcousinsina

householdheadedbyhergrandfatherandhissecondwife(whomshecalled

“Mom”),wasmolestedbyseveralmeninthehousehold.Aftertellinghermomabout

theabuse,shewastoldtoconcealtheinformation.Whenshecontinuedtotalk

aboutthemolestations,refusingtoconcealtheabuse,thefamilyattemptedtoforce

herintokeepquiet:“theyactuallyturnedaroundandblamedme.”Thisvictim-

blamingdemonstratedtheperilsofnotchoosingtoconcealcertaintypesof

informationfromtheirfamilies.

Inadditiontoconcealingverygenderedaspectsoftheirownlivesfrom

theirfamilies,thewomeninthisstudyalsoconcealedcertainaspectsoftheirfamily

livesfromothers.Atayoungage,Destinyknewaboutbutconcealedhermother’s

infidelityfromherfather:

Mydadwasincarceratedandshewasfoolingaroundwiththisguy.AndIwaskindofputinthemiddle,youknow.Iwaslike5yearsold,Ithink.ThenmymombroughtherboyfriendbutshewasstillvisitingmydadandIkindofwas,youknow,hadtokeepquietatwhatwasgoingon.

Atthisyoungage,Destiny’smotherwouldofferhersmalltokenstokeepthesecret:

“shewouldalwaysbribeme.Youknow,‘Ohyoucansmokecigarette’.Justrealcrazy

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kindstuff.Youcandowhatyoulike.Youcanhaveallthepenniesforgotothe

manapuaman[snackvendor].[laughs].”Destiny’sstrongdesiretohavea

relationshipwithhermotherinclinedhertoaccepthermother’scoercionintothis

role.Afterbreakingtheimplicitbargainofconcealingsexualabusebyhermother’s

boyfriend,Destinyfoundherselfinfostercareandsubsequentlyabandonedbyher

mother:

Herboyfriendusedtoum,molestmeforyears.AndthenIfinally,whenhebeatmeuponetimewhenIwasinfifthgrade,IfinallyhadthecouragetotellbecauseIwasallbustupgoingtoschool.Andthenyouknow,mycounseloraskedmewhatwasgoingonsoIkindofbrokedownyouknow.Sotheytookmeaway.Youknow,Iwasinthefostersystemforyears.Alltheway'tilIwas18.

Beforeturning18,Destiny’sdesiretoreconcilewithhermothercausedherto

circumventthefostercaresystemrulesbyreturningtolivewithhermotherdespite

thefactthathermother’sboyfriend,Destiny’sabuser,remainedinthehome:

BeforeImade18,Ihadtheopportunitytogobacktomymomknowingthatherboyfriendwasstillliving-knowingthatmypredatorwasstilllivingthere.Wekindofcametoanagreementthatweworkedthingsoutbuttheydidn'tknowthat,thathewasthere.Andthatdidn'tworkout.Mymomabandonedmeagain.Soitwaskindofcrazy.ShewentBigIslandandleftmestranded,likehomeless. Tinaalsohidherparents’criminalactivitiesfromothers,creatingcover

storiesaboutwherestolenitemscamefrom.Sherecalledfeelingshameand

resentmenttowardherfamily:

Whycan'tIhaveanormalfamily?Whymyfamilygottadodrugs?WhyIgottalietopeopleinschoolonhowIgetallmynicestuffsandwhyI'mout

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lateatnightdoingdrugrunswithmyparents.Why...youknow,why?Youknow,it’sjustlikethelies.AndhavingtorememberwhatIwentlieabout.Youknow,Iusedtothinkthatit’snotfair;youknow,I'makid.

Thisdynamicofhidingherfamily’sdysfunctionalactspersistedthroughouther

childhood.Atage14andpregnant,Tinatookatheftchargeandacommunity

servicesentenceasameansofprotectinghermother:

IgotmyfirstdakinebeforeIwas15,Ithink.Itooktherapformymomononetheftcharge.Iwas14.IwaspregnantwithmysonthattimeandIendedupgoing,theywasgoingsendmetoDH[DetentionHome]butIwaspregnantsotheywentsendme…Ihadtodocommunityservice.ButIendeduptakingoneofthetheftchargesformymombecauseIneverlikehergojail.

Atthetimeofourinterview,Tinastatedthatshewasnowclosewithmotherand

thatherunderagedchildrencurrentlylivewithher.

Managingthefamily:Leaving.

Athirdstrategyformanagingtheirfamilieswasleavingfamiliesforperiods

oftime.Thisprocessofleavingoftenoccurredwhenconflictsarosebetweenthe

womenandmembersofthefamily.Leavingthefamiliesallowedthewomentofocus

ontheirownpursuitswhileleavingthefamilystructureintactandleavingopenthe

possibilityforreturn.Asopposedtochallengingtheirfamilies,makingaccusations

orforcingotherfamilymemberstochoosebetweenthemorthefamilymemberin

question,thewomensimplydecidedtoleave.Forexample,andasdescribedearlier,

Reganleftherhomeforthestreetswhenhermotherdidnotsupportherafter

revealinghersexualabuse.Ericaprovidedanotherexampleofawomanleavingher

homeratherthanchallengingherfamilystructure.Afteryearsofbeingtargetedfor

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monitoringbyherfather,Erica’sfatherheldherdownandcutoffallofherhair.

Ratherthanfightwithorchallengeherfather,Ericachosetoleaveherfamilyhome:

Outofallmysiblings,I’mthesmallest.Andum,allmysistersarebigboneded,they'rerealchubby,yeah.Sohedidn'tworryaboutthem.Hedidn'tputstipulationsonthem.Theycouldgoanywheretheywanted.ButIwasalwaysexpectedtogowithmybrothersormycousins….itgottoapointwhereI'mattheageof17,hesatonmeandcutmeboloheadand,um,Iranaway.Ibeenonmyowneversince.

Asindicatedprior,Ericadidre-enterintoacaretakingrelationshipwithherfather.

Thus,herleavingwasawaytofocusonherownbehaviorswhileleavingthefamily

structureintact.Yvetteprovidesanotherexampleofleavingtoprotectthefamily.

UnlikeErica,Yvettereportedthatshehadneverbeenthetargetofherfather’s

violencegrowingup.Sherecalledthenightshecamehometofindherfatherbeating

hermother.Sheshieldedhermotherfromherfather,hermotherrunningintothe

housetocallthepolicewhileherfatherbeather.Whenthepolicecame,Yvette

madethedecisiontoleavethehouseratherthanhaveherfathergotojail:

Theysentmetooneshelter,theywentarrestmydad.AndthenIwenttothesheltersomydadcouldgohomewhenhegotsober.‘CauseIcouldn'tseemydadinjail.Ineverpresscharges.IletmydadgohomeandImovedoutofthehouse.

Leavingthefamiliesalsoallowedthewomentofocusontheirownpursuits

whileleavingthefamilystructureintactandleavingopenthepossibilityforreturn.

Thesepursuitsvariedfrommovinginwithintimatepartnerstolivingonthestreets

orwithfriendsdoingdrugs.SaidPumehana:

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Ilivewithmyfamily,buttheydidn'tapproveofmylifestyle.Imean,theywerealwaystheretohelptakemein,butitwasmethatalwaysleft.Butmyparents,andI'dgowithmysistersandI'djustleave.Becausetheydon'tlikemylifestyle.Buttheywantmetogethelp.Theywanttohelpme.ButIcouldn'tstaysober.SoI'dleavethehouse.Iwasalwaysleaving.

Pumehana’sexampledemonstrateshowthewomenwouldchoosetoleavetheir

familyhomeinordertonotfightorbreakupthefamilyovertheiractions.Similarly,

Tommydescribedhowshechosetoremoveherselffromthefamilyhomeandlive

onthebeachwhenshewasusingdrugsinordertorespecttherulesofherfamily.

Byleaving,Tommyleftherrelationshipwithherfamilyintact.Herfamilyaccepted

thisandvisitedheratthebeach,remaininginclosecontact:

Ididn'thavetobehomelessbecauseIhadmyfamilytogohometo,but.Butyouknow,Ineverlikeusedrugsandbethere.But,familyalready,theyknewwhatIwasdoing.CausetheyusedtocomewhereIwasandvisit,youknow.

InthesectionaboveIdescribedthestrategiesthatthewomeninthis

interviewmanagedtheirfamilies.Thesestrategiesincludecaretaking,concealing

andleaving.Thewomenundertookthesestrategiestoupholdtheirfamily

structuresandtoensurethattheirfamiliespersistedinspiteofobstacles.The

benefitofasuccessfulfamilyistoprolongthemutualinterdependencebetweenthe

womenandtheothermembersoftheirfamilies.

IntimatePartners

Thesecondrelationaldomain,IntimatePartners,referstoromantic

relationships.Allthewomeninthisstudyhadatleastoneintimaterelationship;

mosthadseveral.Aswithalloftherelationaldomains,thewomenfoundtheir

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intimaterelationshipstobebothsitesofloveandabuse.Thewomendescribed

activelyseekingrelationshipsandmanagingandattendingtothem.Itisimportant

tonotethatwhiletheydescribedthemselvesasbeing“stuck”inviolentor

controllingrelationships,allofthewomenactivelysoughtwaystofreethemselves

fromtheserelationshipsandwereabletoextricatethemselvesafteraperiodof

time.Someofthewomenstillstrugglewithleavingtheirabusiveintimate

relationships.Thisdemonstratesthelevelofimportancethisrelationaldomainhas

inthelivesofthewomeninthisstudy.Thewomenusedaseriesofstrategiesto

managethisrelationaldomainincludedfindinglove,caretaking,leaving

ManagingIntimatePartners:Findinglove.

Allthewomeninthisstudyhadatleastoneintimaterelationship;mosthadseveral.

“Findinglove”wasaprimaryfeatureinmanyofthewomen’sstories.Theybeganto

activelyseekintimatepartnersintheirearlyteens.AsidefromTommywhoalways

datedwomen,theotherwomenfrequentlyenteredrelationshipswithpartners

olderthantheywere.Thewomendescribedactivelyseekingouttheirromantic

partners.Sandysaidthatshewouldrunawayfromherfamilyhome,going“tothe

park.Lookforaboyfriendataveryyoungage.Iknewthatrightaway.Igot

pregnantat13butIhadanabortion.Like,Iwantedafamilyyoung.”Tommy

describedhavingherfirstseriousgirlfriendat14yearsold.Destinydescribedher

pursuitoftheoldermanshedatedat17:

ImethimwhenIwashangingatmyaunty'sandtheywerepoppingfireworks.SoIwentoverthere.Iwaslike,‘eh,getextrafirecrackers?’Andhadonlyguysoverthere,soyouknow,meandmycousinwegocheckhim

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out.Andwewasdrinkingwiththemandwhatever.Andtheyneverknowhowoldwewas,youknowwhatImean….Andyeah,Iusedtogocheckhimouteverytime.‘CauseIusedtopasshishouseeverytimetogoseemyaunty,knockonhiswall,youknow,‘[hey],whatyoudoing?’

Destinyrecalledspendingmoreandmoretimewiththismandespitetheirage

difference.Destinyfeltcherishedandimportantinthisrelationship,spendingtime

withthisman,learningabouttreatingotherswithcompassion:

Hewasonelifeguard.Hetaughtmesomuchaboutlife.Hetaughtmehowtobenicetoothers.Eventhoughyoudon'tfeelniceinside,youknow,alwaysapproachpeoplewithkindnessbecause,youknow,ifitsnotmakingyoufeelgood,itgoingmakethem,youknowwhatImean?SoIkindof,that'showitturnedmyperspectiveonlifearound.

ForDestiny,engaginginthisintimaterelationshipdomaingaveherthestability,

loveandreinforcementthatshecraved.Thetwolaterbecameintimateandshewas

abletoopenlyloveandsupportherpartnerthroughhisfailinghealth:

ItturnedaroundwhenI,whenImade17.Itgotintimate.Andthenhewasgoingthroughallthischemotherapy,soIwastherewithhim.AndthenhefinallypassedawaywhenImade18.

Despitetheiragedifference,Destinyexperiencedthisrelationshipasahealthyone,

asbothsheandherboyfriendreciprocatedlove,affectionandcarewitheachother.

InmuchthesamewayDestinyidealizedherrelationshipwithher

boyfriend,theotherwomenoftendescribedthepursuitofloveinveryromantic

terms.Jackiedescribedmeetingandgoingonherfirstdatewithanewboyfriend.

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Shesaidthatdespiteherabrasivebehavior,herboyfriend’searlypursuitwonher

over:

Iwasgivingsuchattitude.HetoldmehismentalitywasI'mgoingtogether,I'mgoingtogether.She'sgoingbemine.SothenthatnightwhenIwasreadyforleave,hewaslike,‘hey,youwanttohavebreakfast?’Likehedidn'thitonmeallnightandthatwaslikethefirstever….Sohetakesmetotownandwegotothisrestaurantandheorderssteakandeggsforus.Andthat'shisfavoritefood.Hewaslike,‘I'mgoingtoorderforus.’AndIwaslike,‘sure,whatever.’‘CauseI'mallhigh,itsnotlikeI'mgoingtoeat,butI'mlikeokay,whatever,let'sgo,let'sdothis.Iendedupeating.Hadabeautifulbreakfast.Hepullsoutthechairformeandwewaswalkingoutandhewaslike‘holdon,holdon’andhegoesandpicksupflowersandgivesmeflowers.I'mlike,therewasatear.I'mlike,whatareyoudoing?BecauseIneverevereverhadanyonedothattome.

Jackiedescribedthechivalrythatmadeherfallinlove:“hewouldopenthedoor.

AndIwaslike,‘Icanopenthedooryouknow.’Andhewaslike,‘no,amanopensa

woman'sdoor.’AndIwaslike,IwasjustsoinawewiththisguythatIendupfalling

likereallybadforhim.”

Likewise,Seladescribedmeetingandmarryingherhusbandafterseven

monthsofdatingat19yearsold;amanshewouldleaveandreturntoseveraltimes

overthecourseofadecade:“itwasn'tjustgood.Itwasawesomeatfirst.[Laughs]I

mean,youknow,youthoughtthat'sthemanofyourdreams,youknow?He,hewas

everythingIwaslookingforinaman.Atfirst.”Whenaskedtodescribethetraits

thatattractedhertoherhusband,Selasaid:

He'sahardworker.He'safamilyman.Hetendtonotjustmebuttohissoninthebeginning.Butonlyinthebeginning.Butyeah.He'saveryhardworker.

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He'sgiving.Hehasabigheart.YouknowwhatImean.He'sgiving,he'sverysocializedandeverything.

AsSeladescribed,thebeginningsoftheirrelationshipswereoftenromantic

andexciting.Soon,however,manyofthewomenfoundthemselvesre-castintothe

caretakerfromtheirfamilialrole,makingdecisionstoappeasetheirpartnersto

theirowndetriment.

ManagingIntimatePartners:Concealing.

Aswiththeirfamilies,thewomen’smanagementstrategyintheirrelational

domainsincludedconcealing.Thissometimesmeantkeepingtheabusethey

experiencedintheirintimatepartnershipssecretfromtheirfamilies.Sela,who

marriedherhusbandrightoutofhighschoolthinkinghewasthemanofher

dreams,providedanexampleofthis.Selaconcealedherhusband’sdruguse,

infidelityandphysicalabusefromherfamilywhiledoingherbesttoshelterher

children:

Irememberacoupletimeshewouldgetviolent.ThenIwouldpackmykidsandgotomyparents'house.Myfamoussayingis,‘oh,like,thekidswantedtoseeyousowecameheretospendtime.’Theydon'tknow.‘Tilthisdaytheydon'tknow.

Thisconcealingstrategywasenactedtomanagebothherfamilyandher

intimatepartner.Sela’sparentswereverytraditionallySamoan,herfatherthehead

ofachurch.Shedescribedbeingraisedinatraditionalhouseholdthatreinforcedthe

genderedexpectationsthatawifeisloyaltoherhusband.Byconcealingher

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husband’sabusivebehaviors,Selaaccommodatedherfamily’sexpectations,

caretakingtheirculture.Explaininghowherconcealingupheldherfamily’scultural

values,Selasaid:

Iguessithadtodowiththeculturetoo,whatmyparentsinstilledinme.ButIbelievethatwhenyoumarrysomebody,onceyousaythosevows,there'sadeepmeaningtoit.Itsnotjust,itsnotjustemptywords,youknow.

Byconcealingherhusband’saddiction,infidelityandviolence,Selaengagedin

caretakingherhusbandbyprotectinghimfromherfamily’scriticism.Shecontinued

tocareforhiminthismannerthroughtoday:

‘Tilthisdaythey'llneverhearmesayanythingbadabouthimoraboutanythingthathappened.Whyourmarriage,ourfamily-theonlypeoplethatknowsisourkids.Andthat'sjustbetweenmeandthem.[Beginstocry]

Laterintheinterview,Selarevealedthatthoughherchildrenfoundoutaboutthe

abuse,shecontinuedtoprotectherdeceasedhusbandevenafterhispassingby

shieldinghimfromtheircriticism:

Mysonislike,‘Mom,youknowyou'reasuperwoman,yeah?’Isaid,‘NoI'mnot.I'mhuman.ButI'mnotsuperwoman.’Theysaid,‘Daddywasevenluckyyougavehim18years.’Isaid,‘No.WeareallluckythatDaddygiveus43yearsbecausehepassedaway.Itoldyouthat.’Itoldthemthat,‘We'reluckyhegaveus43yearsofhislife,youknow.’

Inasimilardynamicofmanagingthroughconcealing,Alohilanidescribed

notrevealingherexperienceofabusetoherfamily.Havingmetanewmanand

becomingpregnantrightaway,Alohilaniremainedinarelationshipwithhim

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despitehisviolence.Alohilanirelatedthistoaccommodatingherfamily’s

expectations;byconcealingtheabuseshemanagedbothherfamily’sandherown

relationshipwithherhusband:

IstayedwithhimbecauseIwaspregnant.That’showyourparentstellyou.Eventhoughtheydon'tknowthehistorybehindit,butbecauseIwaspregnant,that'sthefather.Youknow,you'rebroughtupwithdifferentmorals.

ForAlohilani,however,caretakingthroughconcealingbecameamatterof

hersafety.Alohilanifeltunabletoleaveorseekhelpduetothelevelofviolenceher

husbandenacteduponherandothers.Herhusbandwasarrestedfortakingpartin

robbingandmurderinganotherdrugconnection,thenleavingthebodyinacane

field.Afterbeingchargedwithrobberyandhinderingprosecution,herhusband

receivedathree-yearsentence.Whilehewasinandoutofprison,Alohilanistayed

withhim,havingthreemorechildrendespiteherfearofhim:“Justbythecrimes

thathecommittedmademefeelthatIwassleepingwithanenemy.AndIlethim

backin,camebackout,wentback.”

Alohilanistartedtheprocessofdivorcingherhusbandwhilehewas

incarcerated,buthestalkedandthreatenedhereachtimehecameout.“Hewould

cometomyjob.Hewouldmaketrouble.Hewouldcancelallmyclients.”Despitethe

implicitandexplicitthreatsofviolence,Alohilanikepttheseverityofherhusband’s

actssecretfromthosewhomighthavehelpedher.LikeSela,Alohilanihidtheabuse

overmanyyears.Duringourinterview,Alohilaniexclaimed,“Ihavenevertold,

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you'rethe….Wait!You'rethesecondpersonsinceIbeeninjailthatIbeentellingthis

thing.Nobodyelseknows.Whatwewaschargedwith.”

ManagingIntimatepartners:Leaving.

Whilemanyofthewomenmanagedtheirrelationshipwiththeirfamiliesby

leaving,onlyonewomaninthisstudyusedleavingasameanstomanageher

intimatepartnership.Inanattempttoshakeherhusbandintosobriety,Selatook

herchildrentothecontinentalU.S.withoutanyoneknowing:

WhenIlefthimthefirsttime,Itookmykidsandweleft.Hedidn'tknow,myparentsdidn'tknowmyfamilydidn'tknow.Ijustupandleave.Um,Ineverbeentothemainland.ButIwantedsomuchtoteachhimalesson.WhenIlefthim,itsnotlikeIwasgonnadivorcehim,walkawayfromhim.Iwantedto,inmyheadIwaslikeokay,Ithinkthiswillteachhimalesson.Whenwemovefaraway,hewillknowhe'slosinghisfamily.Thebestthinghe'severhad,heknowhiswifeandhiskids.Sothat'swhyIwenttogoandkeepthatlongdistancejusttoteachhimlesson,forhimtorealize.SoIwantedsobadforhimtowakeup.

Afterstayinginhotelsforamonth,Selarealizedthatherplanwasnotworking.She

calledhermotherwhoputhertouchwithanaunt.Selaandherchildrensettledon

theWestCoastandstayedforseveralyears,checkinginonherhusbandthroughher

youngerbrother.Uponhearingthatherhusbandwashomelessandusingdrugs,she

returnedtoHawai‘itofindhimlivingunderabridge:

WhenIcallmybrotherandhetoldme,heaskedme,‘Youstillwith[husband]?’andit’slike,‘Ofcourse,whyyouthinkIbeencallingeverydaytocheckonhim?’Hesaid‘Sis,youloveyourhusband,youbettercomeandgethimnow.Hegoingbedeadprettysoon.’Guesswhat,Icame.Icamebackandgothimagain.

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AfterspendingtwoweekswithhiminHawai`i,shebroughthimbacktothe

continentalU.S.WhenSela’sfatherfellill,sheandherhusbandreturnedtoHawai‘i

withouttheirchildren,sheworkinginhealthcarewhileherhusbandworkedin

construction.Shestayedwithherhusbanddespitehisescalatingphysicalviolence,

andfinallylefthimwhenshefoundthathewashavinganaffair:“Hewasstillin

denial.AfterIsaidmypart,thenIjustlefthim.”

AswithSela,mostofthewomendescribedtheirleavingastheendresultof

yearsofcaretaking.Asdescribedearlier,Alohilanidecidedtoleaveherhusband

whilehewascyclinginandoutofprison:

Afterhewasreleased,um,hewenttojail,camebackout.Ihadmydaughter.Mythirddaughter.Afterthat,hewenttotreatmentandeverything.Camebackout,IhadmyotherdaughterandthenhedidthefouryearstretchandIdecidedtobedivorced.AndthenhecameoutknowingthatIwasworking,doinggoodandhejustcouldn'ttakeit.Mademylifealivinghellafterthat.Likedomesticviolencecamelikemad.Triedtogetaway.Justcouldn't.Beenlivingwithiteversince.

Thoughsheremainedincontactwithherex-husbandbecauseoftheirshared

custodyoftheirchildren,sheplannedtoleavetheislandtoliveherfatherassoonas

shewaslegallyable.

Inanotherexampleofleavingasalastresort,Anuheamarriedherhigh

schoolsweetheartandstayedwithhimfornearlytwentyyearsdespitehisinfidelity.

JustasSamattributedherstayingwithacontrollingpartneras“stuckonstupid,”

Anuheadescribedherstayingasbeing“dumbforhim,”stayingwithherhusband

despitemanyinstancesofinfidelity.Anuheafinallydecidedtoleaveherhusband

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afterhehadababywithawomaninherdancetroupewhileshewasonacontract

todancehulainEurope:

Iseparatedfromhim.Anddoesn'tmakesense.Butitdidtome.Becauseallmyhusbandeverdidwasfoolaroundonme.Fromdayone.AndIdon'tknowwhyIwassodumbforhim.Nomatterhowmanytimeshedid,hehad-myfirstcontracttoEurope,hefooledaroundwithmyroommate.Hadonebaby,whichwasthere.IwenttoEurope‘causemycontract,andmyroommate,[he]hadonebabyfromher.

Formanyofthestudyinformants,leavingabusiveintimatepartnerswas

mademoredifficultwhenthisrelationaldomainwasconnectedtoothers.InFigure

1,weseethattherelationaldomainsmayallbeconnectedtoeachother,

demonstratingthemultipleinteractionaldemandsactinguponthewomen

simultaneously.

ThisisexemplifiedbyPohai’sexperience.Uponmovinginwithher

husband(intimatepartner)shebecameaddictedtothedrugshesold(drug

network).Hewantedtokeepherisolatedathome,whileheservedasheronly

socialoutlet.Pohaididmanagetoholdseveraljobsdespiteherhusband’s

disapprovalandhergrowingdrugaddiction.WhenPohairealizedthatheraddiction

wasgettingworse,shedescribedanincidentinwhichshepledwithherhusbandfor

helptostopusing.Herespondedbyhandinghermorecrackcocaineandapipeto

calmherdown.Atthispoint,shedevisedaplantoleave.Shemovedinwitha

brother(kinshipnetwork)whohelpedhergetoffdrugs,thenwenttoEuropewith

thesamedancecompanythatAnuheadancedfor.Thoughshehadnoprior

experiencewithdancinghulaorTahitian,sheexcelled:

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Iworkedsohardtocomeoffofdope.Iworkedsohardtobecome,andIwasoneofthebestdancersattheend.AndIwasn'tareallygoodTahitiandancer.Asamatteroffact,tendancers,nineofthem,youknowwhenthey'ami[rotatehips]?Theyall'amithisway.AndherecomesPohai.She'ami’sthisway.SoIhadtogettrainedspecial.ItwaslearninghowtowritelikeanexpertwithmylefthandwheninactualityI'maright-hander.ButIwasforcedtolearnhowtowritewithmylefthandasgoodasmyright.Youknow.Itwashard.Butitwasanaccomplishment.Iaccomplishedit.AndImasteredit.

UponherreturntoHawai`ifromEurope,Pohai’sbrotherwasinanew

romanticrelationshipandcouldnotshelterher.Givenhercontentiousrelationship

withherfamily,shewasleftwithnootheroptionbuttoreturntolivewithher

husband.Sheimmediatelybeganusingdrugsagain,disappointedinherselffor

returningtoheraddictionafteronlyonedaybackinherhusband’shome.Eight

monthslater,Pohaileftherhusbandandobtainedadivorce.WithinPohai’sstory

aretheintersectingprocessesboundedbyherintimatepartnership,drugnetwork

andkinshiprelationaldomains.Herstrategyofleavingherpartnerwasmade

difficultbyPohai’shavingleftherfamilygroup,asshehadnowhereelsetogo.Also,

theoverlapofthedrugnetworkwasanadditionalchallenge.

Inanothercasedemonstratingintersectingprocessesfrommultiple

relationaldomains,Ericadescribedherlong,difficultprocessofleavingherex-

husband.Ericamarriedherself-describedhighschoolsweetheart,thecousinofher

bestfriendandthecousinofhersister’sboyfriend.Theyallbegansmokingice

together,anddrugswereanintegralcomponentoftheirrelationship.WhileErica

describedherhusbandasveryviolent,shesaidthatitwastheemotionalabusethat

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hurtherthemost,asitremindedherofherabusivefather:“Heplayedalotofmind

gamesonme,yeah.And,like,mebeingabusedfrommyfather,Iwouldhaverather

himhitmethanplaywithmyheadlikethatandmyemotions.Andthat'ssickin

itself,butIcouldhandlethatmorethanthemindgames.”Ericastayedinher

marriagefortwenty-threeyears.Shesaidthatoverthecourseofhermarriage,she

eventuallybegantofightback3:

Whenwewouldfight,hewouldcallme‘youstupidcunt.’Ho,that-Ijustturnedintoonemonster.Inoseenothing.AndthenIwouldbebustinguphistruck,Iwouldhithim.IwouldbreaktheOvationguitaroverhishead.Herunningawaytryingtodigoutwiththetruck,Ithrow-fromthethirdfloorIthrowthebigjack,thekindforliftupthecar,rightoverthebalconyontohistruck.Like,Inevercare.

Ericarecognizedthattheseactsofviolencewerecontextualizedwithinher

relationshiptoherex-husband:

Onlyhimcoulddothattome.He'stheonethatpushedmybuttons.‘CauseI'm,likeafterthat,Itriedto,afterIdivorcedhimIhadotherrelationships.Butum,Ihadmyfirmboundaries,like.Nobodycouldtalktomeinthatway.

3AsinErica’scase,severalofthewomendescribedrespondingtophysicalabusebyfightingback.Jackie’sfirstboyfriend,a17yearoldshemetwhileshewas14,usedtobeatherviolently:

Fromtwelveyearsold,Iwasgettingreallybadabused.Likeabused.Iwouldalwayshaveblackeye,fatlips,youknow.Myheadwouldhavealotoflumps.Um,hewouldshootmewiththebbguns,mylegs,soI'dhavethickbruisesbymylegs.Iusedtogetabusedalotfromhim.Um,whenIwas14,Idecided[toleave],‘causeIstayedwithhimfortwo,almostthreeyears.Hewasreallyabusive.

Jackierecountedthatsheeventuallybegantofightback:“afterawhile,Iwouldstarthittingmyboyfriend.Iwouldenduphittinghim.Iwouldstartprotectingmyselfandhewouldendupgettinghurt.”

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BecauseheandIwashighschoolsweethearts,Ilethimgetawaywithalotofshit.

WhileEricawasservingherfirstincarcerationfortheft,herhusbandhadababy

withanotherwoman.Whilestillinprison,Ericasoughtadivorce.Followingher

releasefromprison,Ericawassoberandwentbacktoschooltobecomeasocial

worker.Oneeffectofbeingsober,however,wasweightgain.Feelingunattractive,

whenErica’sex-husbandbegancallingher,shesaysthatshefellbackintothe

promiseofalovingrelationshipandbegandoingicewithhimagain:

Iwasdoingreallywellincollege.Ihad4.0foursemestersstraight,youknowwhatImean.Iwasinstudentclubs.Ihadresponsibilities.Ilovedit.It’sjustthatastimewasgoingon,alotoffactorsplayedinto.Iwascleanandsober.Andwhenyoucleanandsoberyougainalotofweight.AndIfeltunattractive.Thenmyhusbandwaspayingattentiontomeandfeltreal.ButIstarteddoing[ice]justtomakeitwork.

Lookingtothefuture,Ericawasdeterminedtostayawayfrombothdrugsandher

ex-husband,thoughhermotherandchildrenliveinatownknownforillegaldrugs

andneartowhereherex-husbandlives:“solikenow,mymomlivesinHonolulu.

Andmychildrenarethere,soIgottahavethatonmyconscience,mymind.What,

howit’sgoingtobewhenIgovisit.‘CauseHonoluluisHonolulu.It’salluptome.

WhereverIgo,thereitis.”Whenaskedwhetherseeingherex-husbandwould

triggerthedesirefordrugsorviceversa,Ericaresponded,“He’sthetrigger.”Wecan

seethatErica’scaretakingofherfamilycouldpossiblyleadherbackintoher

intimatepartnerdomain,whichwasalsoconnectedtoherdrugnetwork.

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Itisinterestingtonotethatforseveralofthewomen,prisonprovideda

timeandspacetoleaveabusiveandcontrollingpartners.AsEricadid,Michellewas

usinghertimeinprisontoseekadivorcefromherhusbandwhowasalso

incarcerated:

He'sveryviolent.ButI'dratheritbeoverbythetimehegetsout.Idon'tknow.Ireallydon'tcarehowhefeelsaboutthesituationbecauseit’sreallynotuptohim.Likeyouknow.Hetriestolike-Idon'teverwritetohimortalktohimoranythinglikethatbecausewe'renotallowedto.ButevenifwewereallowedtoIstillwouldn't.BecauseIdon'tevenwanttokeepthatgoing.LikeIdon'twanttokeepprolongingit.

Whileherhusbanddidnotwanttogetadivorce,Michellewasrefusingto

communicatewithhimandwasactivelypursuingherdivorcedespitehisobjections

andthreats.Sherelatedherfrustrationwithherhusband’scontactinghermother

andtryingtocoerceherintostayingmarried.Michellewasusinghertimeinprison

asasafespacetocarryoutherdivorcedespitehisobjections:

Ijusttotallycuthimofflikealongtimeagoandhestillwriteslikeallthetimetomymom.Andhe'salwaysliketelling,sayingthatum,Ibetternottrytoaskforadivorce,thatitsnotgoingtobeover,blahblahblah.Thatitsnotuptome,thatitsourdecisionifwewanttogetadivorceandI’mnotagreeingtothatandblahblahblah,butitslikereallynotyourdecision.LikeI'vedecidedIdon'twanttobewithyou.SoI'mgoingtomakethedecisiontogetadivorce.It’snotourdecisionanymore.Likewe'renotateamthatgoingtomakethedecisionstogether.It’smewantingtoseverthatteam.

Thisisnottoarguethatprisonis“good”forwomen,perse,butratherthat

incarcerationassistedintheleavingprocessforsomewomen.

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DrugNetworks

Thefourthrelationaldomainthewomeninthisstudyidentifiedwasthe

DrugNetwork.IllicitdruguseinHawai‘iisonparwiththerestofthenation.

Approximately8.76%ofHawai‘iresidentsreportedpast-monthuseofillicitdrugs

ascomparedtothenationalaverageof8.82%.InHawaii,roughly12,000youths

aged12-17(12.4%ofallyouths)peryearin2008-2012reportedpast-monthuseof

illicitdrugsandabout32,000personsaged12orolder(2.9%ofallpersonsinthis

agegroup)peryearbetween2008and2012reportedpast-yeardependencyor

abuseofillicitdrugs(SubstanceAbuseandMentalHealthServicesAdministration

2014).In2012,38%ofdrugtreatmentadmissionsinHawai‘iwereformarijuana

and48%wereforstimulantsincludingmethamphetamine(OfficeofNationalDrug

ControlPolicyPrograms2014).79.3%ofdrugrelatedcrimesinHawai‘iwere

relatedtomethamphetamineabuse(Hawai‘iMethProject2015).

Forthewomeninthisstudy,usingandsellingillegaldrugswererelational

endeavors.Thatis,justastheysoughtoutintimaterelationshipsatayoungage,

theyalsoactivelychosetotrydrinkinganddoingdrugsatayoungage.Asnotedin

previousstudies,thisisnotanuncommonpractice.Mostofthewomendescribed

firstdrinkingalcoholandsmokingmarijuanawiththeirfriendsbetween12and13

yearsold.SaidTommy,“Westartedsmokingweedinintermediateschoolthen

starteddrinkingwineandthenwhenleadtootherdrugs.”Echoingthis,Sam

describedherprogressionofsubstanceabusewithherfriends:

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Likeinhighschool,well,actuallywhenIwasinintermediate,that'swhenIhadthebestbrains,butItriedsmokingweedandIgotaddictedtoweedandstuff.Iusedtosmokeweedallthetimewithmyfriends.AndthenIdon'tknow.WhenIgotintohighschool,itjustswitched.LikeafterIbrokeupwith[myboyfriend],like,allmygirlswaslikeF-him,wegoout.SoIgotintodrinking.AndIgotheavyintodrinking.Realheavy.Iguessthat'spartofthereasonwhyIdroppedoutbecauseIwoulddrinkeverydayandIcouldn'twakeup.ButIstartedsmokingweed.Andthentheystartedlacingitwithcrackcocaine.Smokingprimos.AndthenafterthatIgotturnedonto,whenthere'snoweedtheywouldjuststraightshootit.

Similarly,Jackiesaidshebegandrinkingwithherfriendsatage12,increasedher

alcoholusewithherfirstboyfriend,thenbeganusingdrugswithhersecond

boyfriend,allbytheageof15:

Itjustbreakdown.From12.WhenIstarteddoingice,Iwas15.Sofrom12,starteddrinkingheavily.Between13-14,Istartedsnortinglinesanddidacidtabs.ThenIstartedsmokingcrackduringthattime.Thenat15yearsoldIstartedsmokingiceandicebecamemynumberonedrug.

SeveraloftheNativeHawaiianwomendiscussedbeingintroducedtodrugnetworks

bytheirownfamilymembers.Forexample,Destinydescribedsmokingice[crystal

methamphetamine]asamongheronlyinteractionswithhermother:

IprettymuchwasonmyownsinceIwas13.12,13whenIwentthroughthefostersystem.Istartedsmokingcigarettes.Iwasdabbling.Nottoomuch‘tilIwas16or17,youknow.Igotintoice.AndthenIwentfull-blownwhenImovedhomewithmymom.Mymomwouldsmokeonceinawhile.Wesmokedtogether.

Afterbeingleftbyhermother,Destinybouncedbetweenboyfriends,stayingattheir

homes.At15yearsold,shewenttolivewithheraunt,withwhomshealsoused

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drugs:“Iusedtostaywithmyaunty.Shewasdoingdrugs.AndIkindofstarted

smokingcrack.Thenitwentfromcracktoice.Itwasjustcrazy.”

Similarly,Tinabeganusingicewithhermother:“Iwas15or16Istarted

using,smokingice.ButthenIusedtosmokeweedandstufflikethatwhenIwaslike

12.Anddrink[with]myfriends.Oh,mymomknew.Mymomknew.Shewastheone

Istartedsmokingdopewith.”Tinaexplainedthatsheinitiallyaskedhermotherfor

drugsasa“test.”ThoughTinawantedhermothertosetboundarieswithher,her

motherwelcomedherintothenetworkofdrugusers.SinceTinasawthather

motherwasrelatingthroughdrugs,Tinadecidedtoengageandrelatetohermother

throughdruguse:

OnedayshewassmokingdopeinthebathroomandthenIsaid‘mom,Iliketry’,justforhearhersay‘no,that'snotgoodforyou.’Iwantedtohearhersaysomethingsupportive,likeshecareaboutme.Butshenever.Shesaid,‘ohhere.’YouknowwhatImean?Soitwaslike,Iwaskindofblownaway,butIwaslike,eh,youcan'tbeatitjoin‘em,then.That'showitwas.Shenocareaboutme,fuckingsmoke,then.AndIwastestingher,youknowwhatImean,whenIdidthat,butshefailedthetest.[Laughs].

Later,Tinarelatedthepainoftheenmeshmentofhersisterinherdrugnetwork:

IwouldgethurttoobecauseitwasliketheonlytimeshewouldbenicetomewasifIwastosmokedopewithher,youknow.Soitwaslikethedopethatwasmakingherlikeme.Iwouldgetreallyhurtbythat,youknowwhatImean.You’remysister,youknow.We’resupposedtoloveeachotherunconditionallynomatterwhat,butIfeellikewegottafuckinghavedopeforyouforlikeme.

Whilemostofthestudyinformantsbeganmanagingtheirdrugnetworksin

childhood,Pumehanawastheonewomanwhoreportedtryingdrugsforthefirst

timeasanadult.Thefirsttimeshetriedicewaswithhersister-in-law:

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I’veknownherforyearsandwhenImarried[myhusband],shewasgoingwithmybrotherinlawandI’veknownhersincehighschoolandI,whenwe,Imean,wegrewupandIknewshewasdoingdrugs.Imean,Ididn'tjudgeher,butjustonedayItried.Shesaidwouldyouliketotry?AndIjustsaidyeah.

Ericaprovidedanexamplethatdemonstratedtheintersectionofherdrug

networks,intimate,kinshipsystems.Ericadescribedherfamilyas“intertwined,”

hermother’sthreesistershavingmarriedherfather’sthreebrothers.Herlarge

extendedfamilywouldgettogetherregularly,drinking,“partying”andfighting:

EveryweekendwewouldallgettogetherandgotoGrandpa'shouse.Andeverybodypartyanddrink.Andwouldalwaysstartoffgood,everybodyenjoyingthemselves.AndthenIrecallum,oneofthecoupleswouldbefightingandwouldhearourparents,oh,getyourbrothers,getinthecar,getyourbrotherandsister-them.Andthat'sthelast.AndthenwewouldenduprightbackatGrandpa'shousethenextweekendlikenothingwenthappen.

Thisdynamiccontinuedthroughherchildhood,asshestruggledtotake

careofherfamily,protectingheryoungersiblingsfromherfather’sabuse.Dueto

theenmeshmentofthefamily,Erica’scousinslivedwithher.Atagenine,they

taughtherhowtohelpthemstealfromtouristsonthebeachtohelpsupporttheir

owndruguse:

Theywouldtakeustothebeachwiththem,youknow.AndtheyweredoingdrugssoIguessthat'showtheytookcareoftheirdrughabit.Butwhentheyhadsomeoneyoungertoteach,Iwastheirkeyplayer,youknowwhatImean.AndwhenIgetawaywithit,theywouldbeboosting,orpraisingmeandIfeltallreal.

Atageten,thepolicepickedEricaupforstealingatourist’sbagatthe

beach.Hercousinswenthomewithoutherandlethertakethefallforthewhole

group:

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WhenmyDad-themcamegetme,Igotbustup.Mymomputmyhandonthestove;burnedmyhand,andthenthatwasit.Thatwasit.Andthen,um,mycousinscontinuedtotakeme,butonthedown-low.

Erica’sfamilyintersectedwithbothherintimatepartnershipandherdruguse.She

metherhusbandwhilestillinhighschoolandthetwobegantheirdrugusedrugs

throughbothoftheirfamilies:

Hewasmybestfriend'scousin-knewhimfrom[themainland].Andwejustwereattractedtogether.Andhewasn'tdoingdrugswhenwefirstmet.Wejustendedupdoingdrugswithhiscousinsafterwards.AndthenIstarteddoingdrugswith,myoldersisteristhefirstonewhoturnedmeontoice.Sheactuallygowiththecousinofmyhusband.Sothat'showtheystarteddoingdrugs.Andthentobearoundwiththemandenjoyingmyselfwiththem,Ijuststarteddoingit.Andthatjust,from18yearsold‘tilnow.

Theoverlapofdrugnetworksandkinshipnetworks(includingfriends)is

consistentwiththeresearchofLaidlerandMorgan(1997)whostudiedcrystal

methamphetamine(“ice”)useinHawaii.Amongstthewomenintheirstudy,Laidler

andMorgan(1997)foundthatwomenweretypicallyintroducedtoicebyintimate

friendshipgroupsorfamilymembers,“typicallyacousinoraninlaw”whose

relationshipwasdemarcatedby“trustandcamaraderie”(168).Thekinship

networksthatintroducedthewomentoicelateroftenservedastheirdrug-seeking

Thisconceptofusingdrugstorelatetosubstance-abusinglovedones

emergedseveraltimesthroughoutthisstudy.Jackieprovidedanotherexampleof

this.Sheandherboyfriendbothusedandsolddrugs.Whenshegotpregnant,Jackie

stoppedusingandaskedherboyfriendtostopusingaswell:

ItoldhimrightafterIgavebirth,Iwasbreastfeeding,soIstillwasn'tdoinganyofthatstuff,andItoldhimIwantedhimtostop.Anditwasreallyhard,

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becausewewas,like,dealing.ItwasreallyhardbecauseofthepositionIwasin.Andlike,Itellhim,‘stopusing.Youcandeal,butjuststopusing‘causeIwantourfamilytowork.

Whenhewasunabletostopusing,shefeltasifshecouldnolongercommunicate

withhim.ThisfeelingofdisconnectescalateduntilJackiechosetostartusingdrugs

againtorelatetoherboyfriend:

ItwaslikeIcouldneverbeonhislevel.Youknow,whenwewereconversing.SoonedayIsaid,youknowwhat,fuckit.Icannotgetonyourlevel,youcannotunderstandme,givemethedamnpipe.Iwentyankthepipeoutofhishandandhewaslike‘no,nosmoke.’AndIwentjustsmokeandthatwasit.AndIendedupgoingback.BecauseI,itslike,tryingtocommunicatewithhim,tryingtomakethingswork,anditwasn'tworking.Itwasn'tworkingatall.AndIwassofrustrated.Iwashurt.IwasreallyreallyhurtmostlybecauseIwantedmyfamilytowork.Iwantedittoworkanditwasn'tworking.

Jackieuseddrugstoget“onthesamelevel”asherboyfriend.Sinceshewassober

andhewasn't,shefeltthatshecouldnotrelatetohim.Additionally,herconnection

withhercousin,adrugsupplierwhohadpreviouslyusedJackietomakesales,

changedwhenshegotsober;hercousinbegantointeractprimarilywithher

boyfriendwhowoulddothejobsthatJackiepreviouslydid.Aftergoingbacktothe

drugs,Jackieagainbegantoselldrugsforhercousin,alternatingbetweendealing

andcaringfortheirchildwithherboyfriend.

Usingdrugsgavethewomenawaytointeractandrelatewithpeers,loved

onesandsignificantothers.Italsoprovidedthewomenwithaplacewithinthe

socialnetworkofthe“dopegame.”AsdescribedbyMaher(1997),thewomen’s

rolesintheirdrug-relatedsocialnetworkwereshapedbygender.WhereasMaher

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(1997)focusedherstudyonthewomeninvolvedinthesextradewithinthestreet

drugeconomy,noneofthewomeninthisstudyreportedexchangingsexformoney

ordrugs.Thewomeninthisstudyacknowledgedthatengaginginsexworkwasan

option.Forexample,Sandystated:

unlessyou'rerich,howelseyougoinggetdrugs?It’sveryexpensiveunlessyourboyfriendsadealer.AndIain’t,forsomereason,Iain'tgoingtosellmybody.Icould'vedidthat.Icouldhavechose.

Itisapossibilitythatthewomeninthisstudyactivelychosetonotdisclosesex

worktheyengagedin.Whatthewomendidreport,however,revealedothersurvival

tacticsincludingdealingdrugs,findingsidehustlessuchasdrivingotherwomento

engageinsexwork,sellingtheirbelongings,orcommittingpropertyandidentity

crimestosupportthemselvesandtheiraddictions.Thiscorrespondedtotheir

feelingsofbeingdifferentthantheusualgirlsonthestreetswhousedtheirsexuality

togetdrugs,stealboyfriendsorrippeopleoff.Ratherthanrelatingtotheirdrug

socialnetworkthroughsexwork,thewomeninthisstudymanagedtheirdrug

networksbytakingontherolesoflittlesister,wife,orseller.

Managingdrugnetworks:Takingalittlesisterrole

Thereisadearthofresearchfocusingonfriendshipsindrugnetworks.

KandelandDavies(1991)foundthatillicitdrugusershadahigherlevelofintimacy

thatnon-users,interactingmorefrequentlyinface-to-faceandtelephone

conversations.Additionally,theyfoundthatillicitdrugusersdiscussedpersonal

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problemswitheachothermorefrequentlythannon-usersandthatwomenusers

morefrequentlydiscussedcareerplans.Finally,theyfoundthatfriendshipwitha

maledruguserwascorrelatedtoindividualdruguse(KandelandDavies1991).

Thiscorrespondstotheexperiencesofthewomeninthisstudy.Severalofthe

womendescribedmanagingtheirdrugnetworksbytakingona“littlesister”role.

Thisallowedthemtomanagethemale-dominateddrugnetworkswithouthavingto

exchangesexfordrugsormoney.Totakeonthisrole,thewomenpresented

themselvesastrustworthyandonlyseekingplatonicrelationships.

Forexample,Samexplainedhowshepositionedherselfinthetrustworthy

littlesisterrole:“Ijustnoripthemoff.Ijustcomebackwiththemoney.Ifthey're

sleepingIdon'ttouchtheirstuff.Allthegirls,theylikeripthemoff.”Bytakingon

thislittlesisterroleanddistancingherselffromgirlswhocapitalizedontheir

sexualitytoripoffmeninthedrugworld,Samjoinedanetworkoffriendswhowere

willingtotakecareofher.Shedescribedonerelationshipinparticularthatmeanta

greatdealtoherthatemergedfromthedopegame.

HavinggrownupinurbanHonolulu,asayoungchildSamhadseenher

fathergoingtoillegalgamblinghousesor“gamerooms”inthedowntowndistrict.

Whenshebeganusingdrugs,sheventuredtothegameroomstosmokecrackand

gamble.Afterhavingasonbornwithmajorhealthissuesandgrowingoverwhelmed

bythelevelofhomecarehisconditionrequired,Sambeganspendingmoretimein

thegamerooms.Duringonedays-longrunofgamblingandsmoking,Sam

befriendedamanwhoownedanearbygameroomandhowsheconnectedwithhim

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oversimilarmedicalconcernsandasharedinterestinsports.Sam’smalefriend

tookherunderhiswingtoofferlifelessonsandtoencourageher:“Ijusttoldhima

littlebitaboutmylife.AndItoldhimmysonhasamedicalconditiontooandstuff.

Andthenhejustwasexplaining,like,youshouldn'tbehere.”Iendeduplivingthere

withhimforalittlebit.”

Inreturn,Samprovidedanearforthismantotalkabouthisdeceasedwife

andtheconventionallifeheleftbehind.HerfriendhadagenuinecareforSamand

encouragedhertoreconsiderhertimespentinthegamerooms:

Andhetoldme,‘ifyoucomeintothegamerooms,Sam,youshouldn'tstaylong.’Hejusttoldme,‘you'reonegirl.Youdon'tbelonginhere.Icanseeitinyou.Justgohome.Andtheygotsohookedtothemachines,’hetoldme,‘yourlifeisgoingtostarttosnowball.’

Whenheraddictionsbegantogetthebetterofher,herfriendkickedheroutofhis

gameroom:

OnedayIgotsobad,allmymoneywentinthemachine.Icouldn'tstopgambling.Itgotworse.Iwouldrathergamblethansmokedrugs.Soonedayhetoldme‘Sam,you'reagoodgirlandIcannotseeyouthrowyourlifeawayonthegamesandespeciallynotinmine.’Andhe86'dme.He86'dme.

Thoughheeventuallytoldhershecouldnolongercometohisgamerooms,Sam

spokeofthetimetheyspenttogetherfondly,notinghewasanimportantsourceof

positiveinteractionsduringhertimeonthestreet.Inadditiontoherbenefactorof

sorts,Sammadeotherplatonicfriendsinthedopegamewhohelpedherfinancially

andeventuallyencouragedhertoturnherselfin:

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onthislastrun,Ihadsomegoodfriendsthatreallytookcareofme.Theyhelpedmetoturnmyselfin.AndtodayIknowitsoundskindofcrazy,myfriendsselldrugsbuttheydon'tusedrugs,buttheyarelikeoneofmybiggestsupporterstoo,likefinancially.That'swrongalready.That'sdirtymoney,butIdon'tknow.Theywenthelpmeturnmyselfin.4

LikeSam,Pumehanadescribedjoining“acommunityofchronics”inthe

littlesisterrole.Shereportedthatthiscommunityhelpedherfinancially:“they'd

givemecreditcardsormoney.”Whilethecreditcardswereopenedusingstolen

identities,theyallowedPumehanatoobtainfood,shelteranddrugswhileshewas

onthestreets.Similarly,Regannotedthatwhensheleftherfamilyhomeforthe

streets,shefoundanetworkofpeopletohelpcareforherasalittlesisterandhelp

hersurvive:

Imetupwithpeopleouttherethattookmeundertheirwingsandstuff.AndIstartedwatchingthemdowhattheydoingandstartedlearning.Startedpickingup,youknowhowtosurviveoutthere.

Reganrecalledturningtooneofthesefriendsonenightwhensheneededashower

aftergettingcaughtinarainstorm:“wewassmokingcigarette,drinking,andthelast

thingIknow,hetoldme,‘oh,it’sokay,sis.Youcangosleep,babygirl.’Youknow.

AndIsaid‘okay,thankyouthankyou.’”Sadly,Reganwoketofindherfrienddead

nexttoherandspentthenighttalkingwiththepoliceandtheparamedics.She

4ThisisnottosaythatallofSam’stimeinthedopegamewaspositive.Samdescribedherfirsttimeonthestreetsas“crazy,”havingmoneystolenandhavingtohustletosurvive:

EverytimeIfellasleepIwouldwakeupIgotrobbed.Igottastartfromscratchoroveragain.Thefirsttimelivingoutofhotels,Iwaspayingforshowers.Iwouldpayforsomeonea$20paper[packetofdrugs]orrocktoshowerattheirplace.Idon'tknow.It’sjustcrazy,thelifestyle.

127

concludedherstory:“hehadissuesofhisownbuthedidn'twanttosaynothing,he

didn'twanttotalk.IwishIcouldhavedonesomething,youknow.”

Managingdrugnetworks:Takingawiferole.

Thesecondstrategythewomenenactedinmanagingtheirdrugnetworks

wastoplaya“wiferole.”Thisrolecouldbefulfilledbythoselegallymarriedtoa

drugdealer,orbysomeoneinaromanticrelationshipwithadrugdealer.Inthewife

role,thedrugnetworkusedthewomentomakemoneythroughfeminizedjobs.For

Sandy,thismeanttakingpartinascamthattargetedrecoveringaddicts.

At17,Sandywasgiventhechoiceofgoingtoayouthcorrectionalfacilityor

adrugtreatmentprogramfollowingafelonytheftchargeforstealingearringsfrom

hermother’stenants.Shechosetoattendtheprogramandasoneofthefewwomen,

shesoonmetaboyfriend.EventuallySandyandherboyfriendwereengagedina

hustlespearheadedbythedirectorofthedrugtreatmentprogram,andSandyand

herboyfriendwereeventuallychargedwithseekingotheraddictstoliveintheir

cleanandsoberhome:

WewouldgodrivinglikeinhisvanandgopickupthesedrugaddictsindowntownHotelStreet.AndbythetimeIwas18,Iwasrunningmyowncleanandsoberhouse.Andwewasstuffingmaybe30peopleinthisthree-bedroomhouseandwehadpeoplelivinginourgarage,inourlivingroom.

Sandy’sjobwastoapplyforwelfarebenefitsandchargeeachpersonupto$400a

monthforthelivingspace.EventuallySandy’sboyfriendandthedirectorofthedrug

treatmentprogramwerearrestedforextortioninanotherscheme.Beingawoman,

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Sandywaskeptoutofthedetailsofthescheme,whicheventuallykeptherfrom

beingarrestedwhentheoperationgotbusted:

Ididn'tknowallthedetails.Onlythemendid.AllIknewwasthatmyoldmanwasbankingsomemoney,dealingsomedrugs,andthat'sallyouneedtoknow.ButIknewitwasgettingkindofshady,youknow.Andthennextthingyouknow,theyallwentdown.ButthankGodInevergodown.

Providinganotherexampleofthewiferoleinthedrugsocialnetwork,

Yvettedescribedbeingadrugmuleat19yearsoldandtransportingheroinfora

WestCoastgangherhusbandwasaffiliatedwith:“theywouldstrapittome,dyemy

hair.Theywoulddocrazystufftome….itwasscary.Iwouldgetofftheairplaneand

notknowwhoIwasgettingofftheairplaneto.”EventuallyYvette’shusbandstarting

usingthedrugsandwascutoutoftheequation,leavingYvettetotransportdrugs

betweenHawai‘iandtheWestCoastforhisgang.Yvettecontinuedtoserveasa

muleforherhusband’ssake,believingthatherroleasawiferequiredthisofher:

IthoughtIwasobligatedbecausemyhusband,youknow.BecauseIwasalwaystaughtyoudoforyourhusbandoryousupposedto-youlistentoyourhusband.Iwasjustyoungandstupid.Youknow.Like,causemymomwouldalwaystellme,youlistentoyourhusband.

AfterYvette’shusbandsankdeeperintohisaddiction,shefinallymadethechoiceto

leavehim.Yvettebelievesthatbecauseshewaspregnantatthetimeandthegang

membersspokeonlyinSpanisharoundherthatshewas“expendable”andtheylet

herwalkaway.

Similarly,Pohaialsoagreedtoserveasadrugtransporterwhenanew

intimatepartneraskedherto.Afterbeingpromisedmoneytomovealargequantity

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ofdrugs,Pohaispenttwoweeksgettingsoberathisrequest.Pohaisaidshesoon

realizedthathernewpartner,adrugdealer,didnotwanthertoactuallytransport

drugsformoney,butwassettingheruptobeisolatedandemotionallyabused:“he

waslyingtomethewholetime.Because.Hedidn'twantmetotransportatall.He

justwantedmetobehistoy.”Pohaiandherboyfriendweresoonraidedbythe

policeandduetothelargeamountofdrugspresent,shefoundherselffacing

chargesof90yearstolife.Herboyfriend,onparolefromfederalprison,returnedto

federalprisonandlaterdiedwhileincarcerated.

Managingdrugnetworks:Takingasellerrole

Thefinalstrategythatthewomenengagedintomanagetheirdrug

networkswastakingaroleasaseller.Thisroleofferedwomenahighlevelof

autonomyinthedrug-relatedsocialnetwork.Assellers,thewomenoftensolddrugs

aloneorasanextensionofamorepowerfuldealer.InthecaseofJackie,themore

powerfuldrugdealerwashercousin.ForMichelle,itwasanothermalefriend.Many

ofthewomenmentionedhowmuchmoneytheycouldmakesellingdrugs.Jackie

saidthatthemoneywas“unbelievable.”Tommyexplainedthatsellingdrugswasa

muchmoreefficientwaytoearnmoney:“ImadetripletheamountthanwhatIwas

makingfrommyonedaypay.”Shefurtherexplainedthatsheandtheotherdrug

dealersweregivenleewayinthecommunity“aslongasyounoselltotheminorsor

selltopregnantwomen.”

Sellingdrugsprovidedthewomenwithasenseofpowerand

accomplishment.Afterleavingherhusband,Selaletherprofessionallicenseexpire

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andbegantoselldrugsfull-timeonthestreet.Throughsellingdrugs,Selafounda

senseofbelongingandimportance:

IguessinmymindIfoundaplacethatmademefeelneeded.MademefeellikeIwassomebody.BecauseIwasnobodyalready.Anditkeepsmebusywhereitgivesmymindnotimetothink.Itkeepsmebusy,itmakesmefeellikeIwassomebody,andIwasproblemfree.

Similarly,Sandydescribedsellingdrugsandthecorrespondingproperty

crimesshecommittedtogetmoneyfordrugsas“empowering”forwomendespite

thefact,orperhapsbecauseitisa“man’sworld:”“Crimecanbeaveryaddicting,

powerfulempoweringforwomen.It’sarushthatgoesalongwithdrugs.

Empowerment,Idon'tknow.”ThisthemewasreturnedtoseveraltimesintheLife

Skillsclasses.Onelessonintheseriesofclassesasksthewomentorecallaperiod

whenthingsweregoingsmoothly,everythingwasfallingintoplace,andtheyfelt

positiveaboutlife.Manyofthewomenidentifiedtheirtimedealingdrugsasthis

positivetimeandspace.Thoughtheyacknowledgedtheillegalityoftheseactions,

thewomenidentifiedtheirsuccessatsellingdrugsasempoweringandenhancing

theirself-concept.Thisenhancedself-conceptallowedthewomentomakechoices

forthemselvesandothersinthedopegame.

Aspreviouslymentioned,asaseller,Jackiefeltempoweredtochoosethe

levelofinvolvementsheandherboyfriendwouldtakeinthedopegamefollowing

thebirthoftheirchild.Jackiestoppedusingdrugsanddecidedthatherboyfriend

shouldtoo:“Itellhimstopusing.Youcandeal,butjuststopusing.”Shedecidedthat

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itwouldbeokayforthecoupletoselldrugsaslongastheyweren’tusingand

enlistedhercousin,ahigherleveldrugdealer,tohelpreinforceherdecision:

Evenmycousinwastellinghim,getyourshittogether.Yougetonebabyalready.Andhesaid,hewouldlikethrowushitsformakemoney,butitslike,hewouldalwaystellhim,stopusingtheshit.

Whenherboyfriendwasunabletostopusingdrugsandherdecisionwasnotbeing

actedupon,Jackiereassertedherselfandmadenewdecisionsforherfamilyandthe

levelofconnectiontheywouldhavetothedopegame.Sheputherselfbackinthe

positionofsellerandchosetokeepherboyfriendathome:

Iusedtobetheoneoutdealinganddoingshitwithmycousinandstufflikethat.Ialwaysusedtotellhim,‘youthinkyougoingturnthetablesaroundonmelikethat,hellno.Iamnot,youain'tgoingtodothattome.’SoIwentbacktomyownshit.AndIstarteddoingallthatshitagainandheusedtobehomewatchingthebaby.

Thoughthedopegameprovidedthewomenwithasenseof

accomplishment,theyacknowledgedthatitwasaman’sworld.Thismeantthat

successfulwomendealersweremetwithsuspicionandtargetedbymaledealers.

SaidMichelle,“likemebeingagirlandyoungandthensellingdope,that'sanother

thing.Alotofpeopledon'tlikethat.”Shebelievedthatthemeninhernetworkof

drugdealersweremoreapttotrytosetherupwiththepolicebecauseshewas

femaleandsuccessful:

IgotsetupbyaguywhoIwasfriendswithforalongtime.Likehemadecontrolledbuysonme,likesecretbuysforthecops.Anditwaslike,theydidn'tlikethefactthatyouknow,Icouldjustdowhatever.”

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Managingdrugnetworks:Controllingaddiction.

Whilethewomenmanagedtheirdrugnetworksbytakingonspecificroles

forthemselves,theinteractionalaspectofthedopegamealsotrappedwomen.

Whilethesubstanceabusetreatmentlanguagetheyadopteddescribedaddictionas

anindividualattribute,thewomendescribedtheireffortstocontroltheirdruguse

asaninteractionalprocess.

Manyofthewomenadoptedthelabel“addict”fromtheirvarioustreatment

programs.Theyspokeof“beinginouraddictions,”alsolanguagelearnedfromtheir

programs.Destinyexplainedherunderstandingofthisconcept:“It’sadiseasefor

me,butwhenIwas“inmyaddiction”-myaddictionisalwaysthere.It’salways

goingtobethere,it’sjustapartofme.”

Whilethewomenadoptedthelingoofthevariousdrugtreatmentprograms

todefineaddiction,itisimportanttonotethatthewomendescribedbeingableto

harnesstheiraddictionswhileincarceratedorintreatmentprograms.They

repeatedlymentionedthattheydidnothavephysicalcravings,thattheycould

controltheirdesirefordrugs,especiallysincetheiraccesstodrugsinprisonwas

limited.SaidErica,“ifnomorethedrugsinfrontofus,itseasyforquit.Itis,really.”

Itwas,however,interactionswithothersinthedrugsocialnetworksthatinduced

themtoreturntodruguse.Thus,thewomen’sstrategiesforcopingwiththeir

addictionsrevolvedaroundstayingremovedfromdrug-relatedsocialnetworks.For

example,Destinysaid:

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Ican'tsmokeicesoInotgoingtosmokeice,butifIwastobumpintosomebodyitwillbringupthoseemotionsandthatfeelingofohmygod;thatreconnectionofho,rememberwhenweusedtosmoke.Andthenyouknow,thingswillstarthappeningtomybody.Itwillstarttripping.Likewaterin-mymouthwillcomewatery.I'llcomesweaty.Yeah.

Similarly,Sandyadmitted,“I'mnotgoingtolie,thetemptationisstillthere.AndI

don'tknowwhy.Idon't.”

Tocopewiththeirtemptationstoreturntothedopegame,thewomen

employedastrategyofavoidingtherelationalfunctionofdrugs.Thiswasoften

enactedbynotdiscussingdrugswiththeotherwomen.Sandysaid:

Ilearnedit’sbettertonotchopitup,warstory,orhowIfeelingoverhere.Ifindjustkeepitvagueoverhere.BecauseI’m,youknow.Idon'tknow.It’ssafe.Safe.Like,Idon'twanttotalkaboutit.Tome,thatwouldbelikespreadingadiseasewiththesegirls.It’sjustnogood.

ForAlohilani,herex-husbandmaintainedtheabilitytopullherbackintothedrug

network.Shesaid,

Imethim,itjusttookmeinaworldspin.AndevenwhenIgotoff,hestillwasthatpersonthatcomebackandmakeme.EverysooftenIrelapse.LikeeverysomanyyearsI'llgobackintomyaddiction.Butit’snotaneverydayaddiction.It’sjustsomethingIneedtodoandthenpau[done].LikeI’lljustgooutandenjoymyselfandthat'sit.

LikeSandy,shereliedonastrategyofavoidanceinordertomanageher

participationinthedrugnetwork.ThiswasnoteasyforSandy.Sherelatedthather

biggestchallengeupongettingparoledwouldbetoavoidherex-husbandwho,

alongwithbeingabusive,hadtheabilitytopullherbackintothedopegame.

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Inthesectionabove,Idiscussedthefourthrelationaldomain,relating

throughdrugs.Asdemonstrated,theuseandsellingofillegaldrugswasarelational

undertaking.Friendsandfamilymembersmostoftenintroducedthewomento

alcoholanddrugsandromanticpartnersoftenexacerbatedsubstanceabuse.Using

andsellingdrugsgavethewomenasenseofempowermentandalsointroduced

themtoasocialnetworkofotherdrugusers.Tomanagethedopegame,thewomen

engagedinstrategiesoftakingonspecificrolesincludinglittlesister,wife,and

seller.Whiletherelationalnatureofthedopegamehelpedthewomensurviveon

thestreets,italsotrappedthewomen,makingitdifficulttoleaveandeasytoreturn

backintoaddiction.Thedecisiontostayawayfromtherelationalaspectofthedope

gamewasacommonstrategytoavoidfallingbackintodrugaddiction.

CriminalJusticeSystem

Thefinalrelationaldomainidentifiedbythestudyinformantswasthe

criminaljusticesystem.Thisincludedpolice,judges,probationofficersandprison

staff.Thestrategiesthewomenemployedtomanagethecriminaljusticesystem

includedavoiding,takingownershipandresisting.

ManagingtheCriminalJusticeSystem:Avoidingthesystem.

Forthewomeninthisstudy,mostoftheirearlymanagementstrategiesof

theCriminalJusticeSystemcenteredaroundavoidingthepolice.Forthewomen

wholivedinruralareas,almostallNativeHawaiian,thiswasconsideredaneasy,

thoughomnipresenttask.Thepolicewererarelycalledtotheirhomesdespite

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parentalabuseanddruguseandwhentheywere,theinteractionswereshort.Tina

relatedthatattimesshewishedthepolicewerecalledmoreoften:

Backinthedays,itwaslikethat.Youdon'tbuttintonobody'sbusiness.Mymomcanbeblackeye,bloodylip,whatevers,nobodynotgoing-that'sjustliketherulesofthekind,youknowwhatImean,oldschoolstyle.That'showitwas.SometimesinmyheadIwouldbelike,Iwishsomebodywouldcallthecops.YouknowwhatImean.IwishIhadtheballstocallthefuckingcops,youknowwhatImean.Butofcourse,Iwouldneverdothat.

ForTina,sincepeopleinherneighborhooddidnotcallthepoliceveryoften,she

describedseeingthepolicearoundbutfoundthatitwaseasytoavoidthem:

Wehadcopsaroundandstufflikethat,butyounotgoinghangaroundwherethe

copsstay,youknowwhatImean?Forme,Iknow,becauseI’malwaysontherunor

I’mhidingfromthem.OnceIknowbluelights,I'mout.Inotgoinghangaround.

Destinyalsosaidthatavoidingthepolicewaseasyandsimplyrequired

stayingoutofsight:

Iusedtostaywiththisoneboyfriendofmine.Hewasaroundmyage,thatone.AndIusedtostaywithhimandhisgrandma'shouse.AndIneverdidnothing.Ijustwentstaythereandnotberunningalloverthecreationsotheycouldcatchme.

Asevidencetotheabilityofthewomentoevadethepolice,Tommy,whostarted

usinganddealingdrugsat14yearsold,wasarrestedandincarceratedforthefirst

timeat43yearsold.ForYvette,herinteractionswiththepolicewerekeptrelatively

short,asherfatherwasfriendswithofficersontheforce:“halfthecopshewentto

highschoolwith.”Thisintersectionbetweenherkinshipsystemandthecriminal

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justicesystemallowedYvettetobecomfortablecallingthepolicewhenherfather

wasbeatingherorhermother,assheassumedherfatherwouldnotgotojailand

thattheincidentwouldblowoverquickly.

Despitetheirrelativeeaseofavoidingon-goinginteractionswiththepolice,

itisimportanttonotethatNativeHawaiianwomenreportedtheonlytwoinstances

ofsexualassaultcommittedbyorwiththeknowledgeofthepoliceinthisstudy.In

thefirstinstance,Anuheadiscussedherrapebyapoliceofficerwhopulledherover

foradrivinginfraction.Uponcompletionoftherape,theofficertoldheritwasa

punishmentforhersilenceduringthestop.Despitemedicalevidenceofsexual

trauma,thecriminalcaseagainsttheofficerwasdismissed.Thoughshewas

pursuingacivilcaseatthetimeofourinterview,theattorneysforthepolice

departmentwereseekingagagorderonAnuhea,threateningherwithfurther

incarcerationifshespokeabouttheassaultwithherfamily,friendsorthemedia.

Meledescribedthesecondinstanceofsexualassaultcommittedwiththe

knowledgeofthepolice.Melerecalledthatthepolicepickedhercousinup,brought

hertoaruralpolicestation,andputherinaholdingcellratherthantakingherto

thedowntowncellblockandcourthouse.Thepolicethenputtwodrunkmeninthe

holdingcellwithher:

whenshewenttothepolicestation,theywentputtwoguysinthecellwithher.Theywasdrunkandthey,theyputtheminthecellwithher.

Meleandherfamilyhadanotherfriendwhowasinanadjoiningcellwhooverheard

thepoliceencouragingthetwodrunkmentorapehercousin:

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Andsooneoftheguyscameoutandsaid….’eh,getonewahine[woman]insidehere’.Theguythatweknew,heknewusguystoo.Butanyway,hesaidthenthecoptold‘em,‘that'sokay,that'sonefreebie’.Sothetwoguyswentrapeher.

Duringhertransporttothecellblockandthecourthousethenextmorning,Mele’s

cousindidnotsayanythingabouttherape.Itwasonlywheninfrontofthejudge

didshefinallydisclosetheassault:

thejudgewentclosethecourthouse,tookherintheback‘causeshejustwentbustoutandshetoldhimeverything.Everythingcameout.Hetookherandthenhesenthertothehospital.

Afterleavingthehospital,thejudgeorderedthetapesfromthepolicestationandan

investigation.Whiletheinvestigationwasongoing,Melerecalledpoliceofficers

pullingherandhercousinover,harassingthembecauseofthepending

investigation:

Okay,okayshecomeshome,sheliketerrifiedasshit,okay.Ittakesustimeforusevengooutdoanything,causeshewon’t.Finallywegoout,andwegoingtothebank,Ithinkitwas.Andtheypullusontheside,pulledusover.ThistimeIwasinthecar.Tellingusthattheygoingarrestus.Forwhat?

DespiteMele’sencouragementtopursuethecase,hercousindecidedtodropthe

charges:

Shewasscaredtodeath.AndthenIwaslikesomadather,youknowlike,‘Why?Don’tdothat!’Youknow,‘justkeepon,Imean,youcanmovesomeplaceelse.’[Shewaslike],‘where,Mele?’

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WhereastheNativeHawaiianinformantswereabletoavoidthepolice

almostaltogether,thelocalAsianAmericanwomeninthisstudy,allofwhomlived

inurbanorsuburbanneighborhoods,describedhavingtomoreactivelyworkto

avoidthepolice.PartofthereasonforthisseemedtobethattheAsianAmerican

parentsweremorelikelytoenlistpolicehelpininterveningwiththewomen.For

example,Samdescribedbeingontherunfromthepolice,havingnotreturnedto

prisonfollowingan8-hourpass.Shelivedinhotelsandwithfriendsonthestreets,

butwouldreturntoherfamilyhomeoccasionallytorestandseeherdaughter.

Whileathome,hermotherwouldcallthepoliceonher,forcingSamtoleavethe

houseinordertoavoidre-arrest:‘IwouldgohomeandsometimesIwouldjustlike

sleep.ButI'montherunandshewouldcallthecopsonme.Likeshewouldcallthe

police.Iwouldgetsomad.’

InSandy’ssituation,hermothermarriedthedetectiveassignedtoher

juvenilecase.Underhisinfluence,Sandy’smotherinvitedincreasedpolice

involvementandagreedtoherrepeatedarrest:

Sothecop,thedetectivewho'sonmycasefellinlovewithmymom.Andthen,sothat'swhyIgotarrestedsomanyfricken’times.Becausehemovesinwithmymomnowandhe'sinfluencingher,arrest,arrest,arrest.Andthatwaslike,totheextreme.

Asaresultofthis,Sandyspentmoretimewithherboyfriendandoutonthestreets

hidingfromthepolice:

SoImetthisboyright,myboyfriend,andtheyknowhisaddresssoIwouldgotohishousesothecopswouldcometohishouseandthenfindmethere.

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SoatayoungageIlearnedhowtohideinthebushes.Wewouldgoto[thepark]andthenwewouldhideinthebushesbuttheywouldkeepfindingus.Imean,likeIlearnedmilitarymovesatayoungage.

Michelleprovidedanotherexample.ThoughMichelle’smotherdidn’t

explicitlyinvitethepolicetothehouse,theywereaconstantpresencewhile

Michellewasontherun.Michelleencouragedhermothertoallowthepoliceto

searchthehouse,hopingthatitwouldprovethatshewasn’tlivingathome:

Liketheyusedtocometomymom'shousethreetimesaday,nojoke.LikeIwasamurderer.Yeah.Likenojoke.Likethreetimesaday.Andtheywould,mymomwouldalwaysletthemsearchbecauseItoldherto.IfI'mnotthere,toletthemsearchbecausethenitsgoingtohelp.Thenthey'regoingtoreallyknowthatI'mnotthereandthey'regoingtostopcomingsomuch.Itneverhappened.

Despitespendingsomuchtimeavoidingthepolice,severaloftheAsian

Americanwomendevelopedarapportwithsomeoftheofficers.Forexample,Jackie

recalledanofficerthathermotherdependedontolookoutforher:

HekindofknewmysituationwithmyboyfriendandwhatIwasgoingthroughbecausemymomwouldtalktohim.Sowhenhewouldseeme,especiallyontheroad,hewouldpickmeupandtakemehomebecauseheknewIwaspastmycurfew,Ishouldbehome.

Whileshedidherbesttoavoidtheofficer,whenshedidencounterhim,hepicked

herup,counseledherandbroughtherhome.Similarly,Michellerecalledanofficer

whohadbeenpresentatseveralofherarrestsencouraginghertostopher

involvementinillegalactivities:

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whentheywereraidingmyhouse,hewasliketalkingtome.Andhewaslike,‘man,girl.Youneedto,like,dosomethingaboutthis.’

Shealsorecalledbeingstoppedandteasedbyanotherofficerafterrunningayellow

light:

hegotoutofthelaneandwenttopullmeover.AndIwaswithmylittlebrotherandhisfriend.SoIwaslike‘ugh.’HewasliketellingmeI'mfat,Ilookfatandstufflikethat.BecauseIjustgotoutoffedssohedidn't,like,hewaslike‘damn,yougotsofat’,likethat,right?[Laughs]AndIwaslike,‘shutup!’Butheknewthat,andthat'slikehimsayingheknowsI'mclean,youknow.

ThebanterbetweentheofficerandMichellerevealstherelationalaspectof

theirinteractions.Tellinghimto“shutup”anddefininghisactionsasteasingrather

seriousdemonstratestheeasewithwhichMichelleinteractedwiththepolice,even

asshetriedtoavoidthem.ThisisnottosaythatMichelleandtheofficerwere

friends.Inordertoreinforcehispower,theofficerattemptedtoscareMichelle:

butthenhewaslike,‘ah,getout.Youhaveawarrant.’AndIwaslike[makesface].Andhewasliketryingtoactlikehewasgoingtoshakedownmycar,butIreallydidn'thaveawarrant.Hewasjust,like,beinganasshole.

Nonetheless,Michelledevelopedarapportwiththisofficer.EchoingSandy’s

situationofhavingapoliceofficerinthefamily,Michelle’sbrotherrecentlyjoined

thepoliceforce.Ofthis,shestated,“Ijustamwaitingforhimtofindoutallthese

thingsthatIdidn'ttellhim.AllthetimesIdidn'ttellhimabout.Allthethingsthat

like,youknow,allthecopsthatarrestmeontheregularareprobablygoingtotell

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him.”Atthetimeofourinterview,Michellewasconsideringavoidingherbrotherin

hisroleaspoliceofficerbynotreturningtoherhometownupongettingparoled.

ManagingtheCriminalJusticeSystem:Takingownership.

Anotherstrategythewomenemployedtomanagethecriminaljustices

systemwastakingownershipoftheirillegalordeviantbehaviorsandacceptingthe

consequenceswithoutargument.Forexample,Tinasaid

Ineverdidgetanybadexperienceswithpolice.‘CauseonceIsurrender,Inotgoingeventrycryingmywayoutofit.Ijustsurrender.Causeformethat'sit.It’sdone.YouknowwhatImean?Myrunisdone.I’mgoingtojail.Itsover.SoInotgoingeventrytofightitorcrymywayoutofit.LikeIsaid,IknowwhatIwasdoing.

Byacceptingtheconsequencesoftheiractions,thewomenwereabletodeflectany

questionsaboutothersintheirotherrelationaldomainsandprotectthemfrom

gettingintroublewiththelaw.

Inanotherexample,whenMeganwasarrestedforshopliftingforafriendin

herdrugnetwork,thestoresecurityguardsaskedherforinformationaboutthe

friendinexchangefordroppinghercharges.Megandeniedthem,takingownership

ofherwrongdoingandacceptingtheconsequences:“IknowwhatIdid.Ididit.And

Iknewwhatmygutwastellingmenottodo.AndIstilldidit.”Inthisinteraction,

Megantookownershipofheractionsdespitethefactthatherfriendhadaskedher

tostealandthenleftthesceneonceMegangotcaught:“Iwaslikeno.Youguys

aren'tgoingtoplaythat.IknowwhatIdidwaswrong.I'mgoingtopayforwhatI

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didandthat'sit.”Inthisexample,weseeMeganmanagingtwooverlapping

relationaldomains:thecriminaljusticesystemandherdrugnetwork.

Inyetanotherexampleoftakingownershipofcriminalizedbehaviors,

YvetterecalledgettingpickedupinherhomebytheSherriff’sdepartmentinfront

ofherchildrenonanoutstandingwarrant.Shedidnotargueordisputethecharges

withtheofficersbut,rather,calmlyacceptedthesituation:

IopenedthedoorandIwaslike,yeah?Hewaslike‘Yvette?’Iwaslike,‘yeah?’Hewaslike,‘wegetonewarrant.’Hewentwhispertome,causemykidswasonthebottom.Hewaslike,‘wegetonewarrantforyourarrest.’AndIwaslike,‘forwhat?’Hewaslike,‘yougotarrestedforforgerylastyear?’AndIwaslike,‘yeah.’Hewaslike,‘wedoingonesweep.’Iwaslike,‘Icanchangemyclothes?’Hewaslike,‘takeyourtime.‘SoIwentin,Igavethebabytothefather.IwentinthebathroomtogetreadyandhetoldIcouldsmokeonecigarette,hesaidyeah.Iwentsmokeonecigaretteandhesaid,‘Inotgoinghandcuffyouinfrontofyourkids.’Andtheywaslike,‘whereyougoingmommy?’AndIwaslike,‘I’llberightback.‘

Assheleftwiththesheriff,Yvettemadeplanswithherthen-husbandtotakeher

childrentohermother’shouseandthenbailherout.Yvette’swillingnesstotake

ownershipwhilemanagingtheStateagentsgaveherbothtimetothinkthrougha

planforherselfandtomaintaincalmforherchildren.Whileitisnotablethatthe

sheriffwassocognizantofthechildreninthehouse,wecaneasilyimaginethathad

Yvettenottakenownershipinthissituation,thatthescenewouldhaveescalated

withnegativeresults.

Throughtakingownershipwiththecriminaljusticesystem,thewomen

wereabletoprotecttheirownprideandshieldtheirlovedones.Thisstrategyalso

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allowedthewomentogainsomeclemencyfromthecriminaljusticesystem.By

demonstratingtheirwillingnesstoaccepttheirwrongdoings,thewomenwere,at

times,grantedleniencybythecourts.Aspreviouslymentioned,Pohaiwasfacing90

yearstolifeondrugdistributioncharges.Shewasofferedapleadeal:pleadguiltyto

20yearsandtheotherchargeswouldbedropped.Pohaitookthedealandpled

guiltytomarijuanacharges;thecocaine,heroinandmethchargesthatcarried

mandatoryminimumsentencesweredropped.Atherparoleboardhearing,she

receivedaminimumsentenceoffiveyearsandwasgoingtobesenttoaprisonon

thecontinentalU.S.toserveit.Priortobeingsendtotheoutofstateprison,Pohai

wroteaseriesofthreeletterstothejudgetakingownershipofhercrimes:

IendedupwritingtothejudgethatsentencedmeandIsenthimaletterstatingum,myacceptance,or,IacknowledgedmycrimeandI-accountable,youknow.I’manaddict,man.AndIhungoutwithaddicts.Ihungoutwithdealers.That'sjustwhatIdid,man.Butitwasallaboutthedopeandgettinghigh.Andmysecondletterwasgivinghimanideaifgivenanopportunity,thisiswhatIwouldliketotrytodoanddadadada.Andmythirdletterwasbasicallypleadingmercyfromthecourtsforonechancetoprovemybetterlawabidingcitizenshipdadadada.

Pohai’slettersreachedandchangedthemindofthejudgewhowasknownas“the

hangman’sjudge”forbeingnotoriouslytoughondrugcrimes.Uponbeingcalled

backintothejudge’scourtroom,shelearnedthatherletterstakingownershipof

heractionshadmadeadifferencewiththejudgeandhersentencing:

hesaid,inallmyyearsofbeingajudge,andhewasretiringthatyear,inallmyyearsofbeingajudgeIhavenevereverresentencedanybodyonsuchchargesasyours.Youaremyfirst.AndsoI’mlike,‘wow,’youknow.Buthe

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saidwhatIwroteinthelettersmovedhimtothepointwhereI’mgoingtogiveyouthatchancethatyou'reaskingforandI'mgoingtogiveyoutimeservedandtenyearsprobationandreleaseyoufromjail.

Thestrategyoftakingownershipofpastactionsalsoallowedthesecondchancesin

theirprisonprograms.Ericahadpreviouslybeensentbacktoprisonfromherwork

furloughprogramfor“deviating”byinteractingwithfamilymemberswhowerealso

incarceratedatthetime.Inordertobeeligibletoreturntotheworkfurlough

program,oneofonlytwosuchavailableprogramsinthestate,Ericahadtomake

hercasetothedirector:

Ihadtowriteoneextensivelettertoherwithmyapplicationandsubmitit.Andum,wedidaphoneinterviewoverthephone.‘CauseI'mareturnee.Notlikewhenyoufirstcomehere,sheacceptsyouandyoujuststartofffromground0.I'vebeenherebefore.Soshewantedtoknowwhatisgoingtobedifferent.RefreshhermindwhyIgotsentback.SoIletherknow.‘Causewas12yearsago.AndIletherknowwhyandwhatIplantobringtothetable.Andthenshedidtheinterviewandshetoldmeshewasgoingtogivemeachanceandyouknow,thatwasablessinginitselftoo.

Byacknowledgingandtakingownershipofherpastmistakes,Ericawasableto

convincethedirectortoallowherbackintotheworkfurloughprogramthatwould

allowhertoleavetheprisonfacilityearly,helpherfindajobandeaseherreentry

backintothecommunity.ThoughitseemedthatEricaandPohaigenuinelytook

ownershipoftheirpasterrors,itisimportanttonotethatusingthisstrategydidnot

requireauthenticculpabilitytaking.

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Takingownershipofone’smistakestotheproperauthoritiesplaysupon

thegoalsofthecorrectionalsystem:a“prisonerwhomustchangeher/himself

cognitively,behaviorallyandsociallyinordertoreducehis/herriskofreoffending”

(Pollack2012;105).Severalofthewomentookownershipoftheirbehaviors

withoutchangingthemselvescognitively,behaviorallyorsocially,butrather,asa

waytomanagethecriminaljusticesystem.Thisoftencameintheformofchoosing

to“maxout”orserveaprisonsentenceinitsentiretyasopposedtogoingon

probation,paroleortoaprogram.Afterspendingnearly11yearsinandoutof

prisononafive-yearchargeforpossessionofcrystalmeth,Melegrewfedupwith

thesystem,tookownershipofheractionsandrequestedtoserveoutthedurationof

hersentence:

Iwasonprobation,okay.Everylittlethingyoudoyougo,theykeeponputtingyoubackinjail;yougottastayinthere30days….Icouldn'ttakeitanymore.Isaid,Ilikedomytime.Iwanttogetoff,Iwantthistobedonewith.

Similarly,Meganwassentencedtothreemonthsofprobationandwasgiven

supervisedreleaseafterbeingchargedwithafelonytheftforshoplifting.Aftergoing

inandoutofjailforhavingdrugsinhersystemornotshowingupformeetingswith

herprobationofficer,Megandeniedherjudge’ssuggestionofwaitingforadrug

courtdiversionprogramandaskedtosimplytakeownershipofherchargesand

finishhersentenceinprison:

SoIhadlike9violations.Ihad6runs.LikeIjustneverturnedmyselfinsothatmeansI'montherun.AndthenI,thelasttimeIwenttocourt,they

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wantedmetositinjailandwaituntildrugcourtpickedmeup.AndItoldthejudgeIdidn'twanttodothat.IsaidI’dratherjustdomytimeatwomen's.

Duringourinterview,Meganexpressedregretforhelpingherfriendsteal.

Shedidnothowever,findheroccasionaldruguseproblematic.WhenIaskedherif

shesawherselfusingdrugsagaininthefuture,Meganresponded,“who'stosay?

WhenIgetoffpapers,Idon'tknow.”Thisdemonstratesthattakingownershipdoes

notnecessarilymeanchangingbeliefsorevenfutureactions.

Managingthecriminaljusticesystem:Resisting.

ThefinalstrategythewomenemployedtomanagingtheStatewas

resistance.Resistanceincludedagenticactsthatwentagainsttheformalrulesand

informalexpectationsforthewomen.Likeownership,thisstrategywasmost

commonlyusedtonegotiatethecriminaljusticesystem,especiallyprisonand

prisonprograms.Forexample,Reganrecalledbringingcontrabanditemssuchas

herowncigarettesintoprison:

Iusedtoalwaysbringcigarettein.Afterlike,youknow,Iwouldpeeloffthecigarette,onlyhalf.OrIwouldputthecigaretteinmymouthwiththethinglitandyouknowtakeitinandIsellittotheotherpeople.

ReganwouldalsogetintofightsanddisrespecttheAdultCorrections

Officers(ACOs)intheprison.Whenaskedwhyshedidallofthesethings,Regan

answered:

Idon'tknowwhy.Ijustdidit.BecauseIdon'tknowyou.Youdon'tknowme.Ididn'tcareaboutanythingaboutanythingthatyousaid.Like,whoareyoutotellme,youknow.Andsointhereitwassodifferent.Likeyougottafollowrulesandyougottadowhattheytellyoutosay.

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Inanotherexample,Meleresistedordersbytheprisonstafftodojobsthat

theydidnotwanttodothemselves.Whileincarcerated,Melewashiredtohelpcare

forthewomeninapsychiatricmodulelocatedonthecampus.Partofthisjob

includedhelpingthewomenbathe.Ifthewomeninthepsychmoduledidnotbathe,

the“goonsquad”cametoforcethemtoshowerequippedwithshields.Melerecalled

attemptingtotellthegoonsquadthatonewomaninthemodulewhorefusedto

takeashowerwasclaustrophobicandnottolockherinherroom.Whentheyshut

thedooranyway,thewomansmearedfecesalloverherroomincludingonthewalls

andtheceiling.TheguardscalledtoMeletocleantheroom.Sherecalledtelling

them:

Idon'tcarewhatyouguysdo.Youcanfireme,Idon'tcare.Youguyscankeepyourquarter[laughs].Keepthequarter,sendmebackdown,okay.Iamnot,Inotcleaningup,Inotcleaningsomebodyelse'sshit.No.Nononono.

Inthisactofresistance,Melebothrefusedtodoajobthatshefoundboth

disgustinganddemeaning,andalsobroughtattentiontothelowwagestheState

paidprisonersfortheirwork.Inasimilaractofresistance,Pohaispokeoutagainsta

guardthatverballyabusedherduringastripsearchonherwaytocourt.Duringthe

stripsearch,theguardtoldPohai,“’facethewall,takeitoff,bendover.AndIdon't

wanttoseeonehole,Iwanttoseetwo’.”Ofthatincident,Pohaisaid:

Iwaslike,‘ohnoyoudidn't.’Shegoes‘ohyesIdid,causeIcan.Nowbend.Again,notoneholebuttwo.’That'swhenIsaid,‘fuckyou’[laughs]andIputmyclotheson.Iwasalreadyuncomfortable.Thatonecommentjust,Idon'tcarewhatshe-justtakemetojail.ScrewyoubeforeIbeatyouup.

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Asthisoccurredrightaftershereceivedareleasedate,whenshewentbeforea

judge,heaskedherabouttheincident.Pohaireiteratedtothejudgethatitwas

inappropriateandmadeherfeelunsafe:

ItoldthejudgeexactlywhattheACOsaid.AndIsaid,‘ifit'llgetmeanotherwriteup,I’lltakethewriteupagain.ButIrefusetobeabusedlikethat.Causethat'sabuse.That'sabuse.Andshe'sluckyIdidn'tbeatherup,butthat'sinappropriatebehavior,youknow,soIchosenottoreacttoitbutIchosetogetdressedinsteadandtoldherno.’Iwassohonest.I’msohonest,thekine.Ieventoldthejudge,‘andItoldherfuckyou.’[laughs]

Pohaiendeduphavingtoserve25hoursofcommunityserviceasaresultofthis

incident,butsinceherreleasedatehadalreadybeenset,heractofresistancedid

notresultinanextendedprisonsentence.

WhileReganandPohairesistedthroughbreakingrulesandchallengingthe

ACOs,Megandemonstratedmoresubtleactsofresistancewhileinthework

furloughprogram.Aftergrowingfrustratedwiththeinconsistencyoftherulesand

ruleenforcementbythestaff,Megandecidedtostayinherapartmentduringallof

herfreetime.Whilethiswasnotadirectviolationoftherules,itflewagainstthe

informalnormsandexpectationsthatthewomenwouldbefriendly,openand

gratefulfortheopportunitytoserveoutthelastsixmonthstoayearoftheir

sentenceinacommunity-basedworkfurloughprogram.Shedoubleddownonher

resistancebyrefusingtoparticipateintheverycommon,genderedpursuitoftrying

tomakeherquartershomeywhileunderthewatchoftheState:

Iwillnotdecoratethisplaceasifit'smyown,evenifwehaveourownapartment.Thisisjustalayover.Iwillnothangupstuffandyouknow,tryto

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beautifyitasifit'smyown.Iwon'trearrangeit,Iwon'tnothing.Thisisjustasitis.Thisisjust-leavemystuff.LikeeveninjailIleftitjustso-so,‘causeIknowthat'snothowIwouldhaveitatmyhousebutthisisnotmyhouse.ThisisjusttheprogramthatIhavetogetthrough.

IntheabovesectionIdiscussedthefourthrelationaldomain,Managingthe

CriminalJusticeSystem.Inthisdomain,thewomennegotiatedinteractionsthe

police,judges,probationofficersandprisonstaff.Thestrategiesthewomenengaged

inwhileinteractingwiththeStateincludedavoidance,ownership,andresistance.

Thereweresomenotableethnoculturaldifferencesinhowthewomenengagedin

avoidingthepolice.

RunningitHard

Above,Idescribedthefourrelationaldomainsthewomenidentifiedas

theirmainsitesofsocialinteraction.Theserelationaldomains,thoughever-present

inourstudyinformant’slives,cangrow,shrinkinsizeandweight,ormove

accordingtotheirprominenceandimmediacyinawoman’slife.

Asdescribedinthesectionsabove,managingeachoftherelationaldomains

wasasignificantundertakinginandofitselfthatrequiredagreatdealofthe

women’sphysical,emotionalandfinancialresources.Asdemonstratedbythedata,

thewomensimultaneouslymanagedmultiplerelationaldomainsatsomepointin

theirlives;somewomenmanagedtheirsocialrelationshipsinallfourdomainsat

once.

Whenthedemandsfrommultiple,intersectingrelationaldomainsbecame

overwhelming,thewomendescribedfeelingasifthingswere“snowballing”and

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thatlife“spunout”fromunderthem.Forexample,Samdescribedfeeling

overwhelmedbythecompoundingdemandsofherfamilyandintimatepartner

whenshegotpregnantinherjunioryearofhighschool.

Aftershebrokeupwithherabusiveboyfriendoffouryears,shestarted

goingoutclubbing,drinkingandsmokingmarijuanawiththefriendswho

comprisedherdrugnetwork.Shediscoveredthatshewaspregnantwithherex-

boyfriend’sbaby.Sheusedherdrugnetworkconnectionsandcalledherfriend’s

uncle,adrugdealerparoledtoacleanandsoberhouse,lookingtotryice:“Iwasjust

spunoutwithbreakingup.Itwasallgoingdownhillalready.AndIwasinone

depressedmodealready.Heloadedthepipe,hepassedittome.”

Atthistime,Samandthedrugdealerbecameintimate,usingdrugs

together,livinginherfamily’shome.Samdescribedhowshemanagedtomaintain

theequilibriumofallthecompoundingdemandsfromherrelationaldomainsfora

time:

itwaslikeaprocess.Icouldn'tgetpregnantandthenmydadpassedaway,Igotpregnant.Igotsober.Istayedsober.AndthenIrelapsed.AfterhewenttoprisonIfoundoutIwaspregnantwiththeboy.Andthewayeverythingwasgoing,mylifewasjustshitty.Istartedcoachingwithmycoach,buthedidn'tknownothingaboutmeusing.

HereweseetheintersectionofSam’sintimatepartnerships,kinship,drug

networksandthecriminaljusticesystem.Afterherboyfriendwasarrested,Sam

foundthemanagementoftherelationaldomainsdifficultandoverwhelming:“after

thewayeverythingwasgoing,mylifewasjustshitty.”Sheattemptedtofocusonthe

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positiverelationships,caretakingforherfamilyandgettingpositiveaffirmation

fromacoachthatsheconsideredher“seconddad.”Samcontinuedtonegotiatethe

drugrelationships,meetingwithherdrugnetworkafterherpractices:“intheday

timeIwouldgotocoachwithhim.Andthenwhenpau[finishedwith]practice,I

wouldflytotown,grabmesomethingthensmoke.Itwaslikeadoublelife.”She

soondiscoveredshewaspregnantwithhersecondchild.Sheconsideredan

abortion,buthercoachdissuadedher:

ItoldmycoachthatIgoingtogetoneabortionandIwouldcomebacktohelphimcoach.Andhecalledmeup.Andhe'saChristian.He'sbeeninmylifesinceIwas9yearsold.He'slikemyseconddad.Andhewas‘like,[Sam],youknowthatweareagainstabortions.Justbehome,[mywife]isgoingtopickyouup.’Hiswifeendeduppickingmeup,bringingmetoaclinic.

Inattemptingtoplugintotheconventionalwithhercoach,Samagreedto

nothaveanabortion.Thoughwellintentioned,thecoach’sinterventiondidnot

honorSam’sdecisiontoterminateapregnancy.Thus,Samcontinuedtousedrugs

withhopesofinducingamiscarriage.Shewasnotsuccessfulandgavebirthtoason

withsignificanthealthissues:“mysonwasbornwithmedicalproblems.”Withher

newbornsonaddingtohercaretakingduties,Samsoughtfinancialhelpfromthe

Stateviawelfareandfinancialhelp:

afterhadmyson,Iwasclean.Wasdoingreallygood.Ihadbothofmykids.Iwenttothatfirsttoworktogetthatwelfareandallthatfinancialhelp.IwouldhavetogototheICUtofeedhimandstuff.

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Shesoonfound,however,thatmanagingtheStaterequirementsandcaretakingfor

herson,herdaughterandhermotherwithoutherboyfriendwhowasincarcerated

wasemotionallytaxingandoverwhelming.Atthispoint,Samlostcontroloverthe

relationaldomains:

itjustgotlike,itwashardbeingtheonlysoberpersoninthehouse.Iwouldbehomewithmydaughter,andwhenIfinallygottobring[myson]home,hewasanewborn.SoIwouldwakeupatsixinthemorning,and,like,Iwouldn'tgotosleep‘tillike10or11atnight.And,like,onceIputmydaughtertosleep,mymom,whowasdrunk,wouldcomeandwakeherupforfiveminutesandplaywithherandgiveherbacktome.Itwascrazybeingsoberwatchingmydrunkmothereverynight,watchingmybrothersandmysisterdodeals.EventuallyIjustkindofjustspunout.Andhavingthenursescomeandteachmehowtodohistreatments,like,itwashard.Beingasingleparentwithbothofthekids,Ijustlostit.

Samreturnedtoherdrugnetworkandattemptedtocaretakeherfamilybyleaving,

intentionallyavoidingherownguiltandherfamily’sreprimands:

onedayItoldmysisterandmycousin,‘youguyscanwatch[myson],I'mgoingtothestorerealquick…..IwentdowntownandIendeduppickingupandusing.AndmyguiltbecauseIwasdoingsogood,andmyguilt,Ineverknowhowforfacethem.SoInevergohome.Ineveranswermycall.IneverknowwhatfordobecauseIwentrelapse.Ineverknowwhatfortellthem.

Herfamilyinvolvedthecriminaljusticesystembycallingthepoliceandfilinga

missingpersonsreport.Afterherfamilyfoundherandbroughtherhome,Sam

foundthatherboyfriend’sparents,alsoex-addicts,hadcalledChildWelfareServices

totakecustodyofherson:

They'reex-felons.Theyarelikeintheirforties,fifties.Theyjustrecentlygotclean.Theywentthroughthesystemwithallthat,withCPS[ChildProtective

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Services]andstuff.Theywerethefirstpeopleonmyporchtoopenhandme.Topackmyson'sshitand,‘thismyson.’

Atthispoint,Samletgoofattemptingtomanagealloftherelationaldomainsexcept

relatingthroughdrugs:“itjustfeltshitty[beginstocry].Ididn'tknowwhotoreach

outtoandIjustleftthehouse.IjustleftandIran'emhard.”Inrunningithard,Sam

prioritizedherdrugnetworks,livingonthestreets,buying,sellingandusingdrugs,

avoidingthepolice,neglectingherfamily,herdaughterandevenherhealth:

Iwasrunningitsohard,IwaswalkingdowntownandIwassupposedtomeetmyfriend.AndIdon'tknowwhathappened.Ihadmypurse,myphoneandIliterallywokeupinthebackofanambulance.Iguessfromrunningitsohard,IguessIfaintedinthestreets.Whilewalking.AndIcalledmymomwhenIwasintheERandtheywasreleasingme.Shetoldmetocatchacabhome.AndonceIgothome,Ishoweredandwentrightbackout.

Samcontinuedtorunitharduntilthefriendsinherdrugsocialnetworkencouraged

hertoturnherselfintotheauthorities.Herreturntoprisonmarkedtheendof

runningithardforSamwhousedhertimeinprisonto“betterherself”:

whenIwenttoprisonIgotsomuchdone.ItwaslikemytimeawaytofocusonselfandthinkaboutwhatI'dlikeinlife.AndthinkaboutallthepeoplethatIhurtandmakeamends….Prisoniscrazy.Youseeitallinprison.ButInevergotinvolved.Iworkedout.Ihadaworkoutpartner.IgotmyselfintoclassesIgotmyGEDwhileIwasinprisoncoachmymomandmydaughtergottocometomygraduation.ItookclassesandIputintogototreatmentrightaway.AndIgottoworkontheoutsidealittlebitIgottocutgrassandthereinalittlebitaboutmaintenance.Iwasapeercounselorintreatment.Ilearnedalot.

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Figure2RunningitHard

AsdemonstratedbySam’sexample,runningithardisaperiodoftimein

whichthewomenfocusprimarilyontheirdrugnetworkstothedetrimentoftheir

otherrelationaldomains.InFigure2,drugnetworksaredepictedinthecenterof

therelationaldomainswithotherthreeradiatingout.Thelinesbetweenthe

relationaldomainsremaindashedtoindicatethattheycangrow,changeandshift,

thoughthedrugnetworkswillstayinthecenter.

Asanotherexampleofrunningithard,Erica,havingbeenreleasedfrom

prison,takingclassesattheUniversityandworking,returnedtoherintimate

partnershipsandwaslulledbackintothedrugnetwork.Atfirstsheconcealedher

reunificationwithherex-husbandanddrugusefromherchildrenandotherfamily

members.Thoughstressful,shemanagedalloftherelationaldomainsuntilthe

DrugNetworks

Family

CriminalJus6ceSystem

In6matePartners

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unexpecteddeathofababybrother.Ericathenletgoofmanagingallofthe

relationaldomainsandofherattemptstoplugin.Shefocusedsolelyonherdrug

use:

Whenhestartedtopayattentiontomeagain,Ifeltontopoftheworld,like.BecauseIneverstoppedlovinghim.AndsoIfellhard.Igotcaughtupwithhim,whateverhewasdoingIstarteddoing.AndIwasdoingitunderthetable,hidingfrommyfamilyandalltheonesthatwere,youknow,lovedmeandsupportedmeinmysobriety,um,Istayedawayfromthem.IliedandIcheated,youknow.Andsoslowlybutsurely,mylifesnowballed.

LikeSam,Ericamanagedthecompoundingdemandsofherrelationaldomainsfora

time.Thisfeelingofsnowballing,however,lefthervulnerabletoanexternaltrigger.

ForErica,itwasthedeathofabrother:

Ilostababybrotherinacaraccident.Thatjusttookthecake.Ididn'tcare.Ididn'tcarealreadyifpeopleknewIwassmoking.

Ericadescribedtheprioritizationofdrugswhileinrunningithard.Shestatedthat

whenshestartstorunithard,shepushesconcernsfortheotherrelationaldomains

totheside:

IhavetheI-no-give-a-fuckattitude.Andwhenthat,inthatstateofmind,Ijusthurtalotofpeople.Anditsusuallythepeopleclosesttome,youknowwhatImean.CauseI’lllietothem,I’llmanipulatethem.Andallmykids,likemyson.

Inathirdexample,Destinydescribedherdescentintorunningithard.Shewas

caretakingforhertwo-year-oldsonwhomshehadjustregainedcustodyoverfrom

theState.Shewasattendingaresidentialdrugtreatmentprogramandwasina

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long-termrelationshipwithherfiancé.Whenhersoncontractedswineflu,the

programrequiredDestinytoquarantinehersonbutstillcompletehertreatment

work:

Hegotsosick.Heliterallylostlikefrickin’20poundsandhewasonlyliketwoyearsold.Iwasjustoverwhelmed.Iwasdoingwork,youknowwhatImean.IwasworkingonallthishomeworktheywasgivingmeandthenIwasyouknow,tryingtoadjusttomyson'ssituation.Like,itwashard,beingthatIdidn'tseemysonforyearsandthenallofasuddenIgethimandI’mfrickin’dealingwiththissickness.Ididn'tknowhowtodealwithit.

Overwhelmedbyhertreatmentprogram,beingawayfromherfiancéandtaking

careofhersickchild,Destinyfellintoadepression:“IwassleepingbecauseIwas

depressed.Iwasdepressedthatmysonwaslikethis.Youknow.Like,whatamI

goingtodo?Ihadnocontroloverthesituation.”Unabletogetoutofbed,Destiny’s

programcounselorfeltthatshewasnotcommittedtohertreatmentandkickedher

out.ThisledtothelossofherchildtotheState:

IdidtheworkbutIendeduptakinganapthatmorningandhejustneverliketheideathatIwastakinganap.Youknow,likeIwasn'ttakingmythingseriously.ButIwasdepressed,youknow.Andhetoldmethatwasn'tenough.SoIendedupgettingmybaby,mybabywastakenaway.

Uponlosingcustodyofhersonandbeingtakenoutoftheroleofhiscaretaker,

Destinyletgoofhercommitmenttotherelationaldomainsexceptforherdrug

network:

Ijustwentoutlike,youknowwhat,fuckthis.I'mjustgoingtogosmoke.Somyresultwasthattheuh,I'mgoingtosmoke.SomyfiancéI'mwithnow,he

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neverknowIwassmoking.Iwentoutandsmoked.Imadeoneexcusetogotakethecarbymyselfandwenttogoseesomeofmyfriends.

Destinyeventuallyre-engagedwithherfiancéandherchildren,returningtothe

drugtreatmentprogramandsuccessfullycompletingit.Shewas,however,later

arrestedandincarceratedforcrimesshecommittedduringherperiodofrunningit

hard.

Asdemonstratedabove,runningithardmeantprioritizingthedrug

networktothedetrimentoftheotherrelationaldomains.Formanyofthewomen,

arrestandincarcerationdidnotnecessarilyendaperiodofrunningithard.Ifa

studyinformantdecidedthatshewas“notreadyforchange”,shemightignorethe

mandatesofthecriminaljusticesystemandleave,goingontherun,orrefusingto

withprogramrules.WecanrecallReganbringingcontrabanditemssuchasherown

cigarettesintoprisonandtalkingbacktotheAdultCorrectionsOfficers(ACOs)in

theprison.

Similarly,Pumehanadescribedbeingincarceratedduringaperiodof

runningithard.Shewasreleasedtoaprisonprogramonsupervisedreleasefortwo

yearsandwentontherunafterfourdays.Likemanyoftheotherwomen,she

stated,“Iwasn’tready.Iwasn’treadytochange”Describingherthoughtprocess

whenthejudgegaveherachoiceinhersentencing,Pumehanaexplainedhowshe

plannedtousewhatwassupposedtobeasteptowardsrehabilitationtoignorethe

Courtordersandgoontherun:

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thejudgetoldmeyoueithergetsentencedtowomen'soryougetsupervisedreleasetoHabilitat.WhenyoucompleteHabilitatthenyoucanwalkinparoleandblahblahblahblah.Ohmygosh!I'mgoingtoHabilitatbecauseIwasgoingtoleavewithindaysafter.Just,yeah.SoIusedthatasawaytoleave.

WhereasPumehanadidnotmakeanattempttocompletehersupervised

releaseprogram,someofthewomencompletedcourt-orderedprogram

requirementstoavoidprisonortogettheirchildrenbackfromtheStatewithno

plantostopusingdrugs.SaidTina:“IwentthroughthemotionscauseIknewIhad

to.Iwantedmysonback.Butinthebackofmymind,Istillwantedtosmoke.Like,I

wasn'treadyyet,tochange.”

Forthewomeninthisstudy,runningithardwastheresultofthe

overlappingdemandsmadebywomenbytheirrelationaldomains.Whilethe

womenwereabletosustainthesedemandsforatime,theysoonfeltoverwhelmed.

Thisfeelingofoverwhelmledthemtobevulnerabletoatriggeringeventthattipped

themintorunningithard.Oneseriousconsequenceofrunningithardwasgetting

entangledwiththecriminaljusticesystem.Forawoman“notreadytochange”,

goingontherun,continueduseofdrugsornotcomplyingwithprisonrulescould

leadtoadditionaltimespentincarcerated.Tinaexpressedthiswhenshesaid,“being

onprobationisaset-upbecauseIcouldneverstaysober.Icouldneverstaystraight,

youknow.SoIknewIwouldkeepmessingup.”SaidYvetteofherextendedtimein

prison:

I’mtiredoffighting.Iwasintherefor14yearsfightinganditslikenothinggoingchange.Thesethingaren't,thesystem'snotgoingtochange.Ithasn't

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changed.Thingsareonlygoingtochangewhentheywantthemto.SotheonlyIcanchangeismyself.AndsoI’mtiredofbeingangry.

ConsideringCulture:TheNativeHawaiianExperience

Figure33:NativeHawaiianRelationalDomains

Outofthe16studyinformants,ninewereNativeHawaiian.Allwereborn

andraisedinHawai‘iexceptYvette,whoreturnedtoHawai‘iwhenshewas10years

old.WhiletheNativeHawaiianwomen’sexperiencescontributedtotheoverall

modelofrelationaldomains,asasub-group,theexperienceofNativeHawaiian

womenwasdistinguishedfromtheoverallsample.

IncontrasttothegeneralmodelproposedinFigure1,inwhichall

relationaldomainswereseparatethoughoverlapping,fortheNativeHawaiian

Family

DrugNetworks

In6matePartners

CriminalJus6ceSystem

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women,thefamilyasacorerelationaldomainmovedtothecenterofthemodel

(SeeFigure3).FortheNativeHawaiianwomeninthisstudy,familywasofprimary

andsignificantimportanceasarelationaldomain.AsnotedbyKanuha(2005):

AncientHawaiiansociallifecenteredonacomplexcosmologylinkinghumanbeings,animalsandplants,theskies,seaandland,aswellasancestralspirits,inaholisticexperienceruledbygods(akua)andspiritualpowers/forces(mana)(Kanuha2005:65).

Inaccordancewiththisworldview,familialconnectionsandroleswereviewedas

spirituallybased.Pukui,HaertigandLee(1972)write:“TheindividualinoldHawai‘i

viewedhimselfasalinkbetweenhislonglineofforebearsandhisdescendants,

eventhoseyetunborn”(182).Thistranscendentattachmenttofamilyprovidedthe

womenwithparadoxicalandcontrastingfamilialrelationshipsofbothsufferingand

comfort.

AccordingtoTharpetal.(2007),modernNativeHawaiianhouseholdsare

oftenlarge,startedyoung,multigenerationalandinclusiveofextendedand“fictive”

kin.Theextendedfamilyunitspendsmuchtimeinteractingandexchanging

resources,livingasneartoeachotheraspossible.Ratherthanafocuson

independence,theNativeHawaiianfamilysocializeschildrentocontributetothe

familyunit,withanemphasison“interdependence,responsibilityforothers,

sharingofworkandresources,cooperation,andobedienceandrespecttoward

parents(Tharpetal.2007:276).Tothisend,theNativeHawaiianwomeninthis

studydescribedtheirfamiliesbeyondthenuclearfamilyunitsdefinedbynon

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Hawaiians.GrowingupwithasingleNativeHawaiianmother,Meganemphasized

theimportanceofherextendedfamilyinherchildhood:

Mymomwasalwaysthere.Like,it'sweird.Wealwayshadmygrandfather,mygrandparents,mymom'sbrother'sandsisters,sothatwascool.Myuncle,mymom'ssecondbrother,IthinkheusedtoliveonHawaiianHomestead.Mymom'solderbrotherusedtoliveWestSide,andthenyeah.Mymom'syoungerbrotherlivedinKaneohetoo,andmyauntyusedtoliveinHonolulu.

Megan’sfamily’sinteractionsillustratetheimportanceofsharingresourcesas

describedbyTharpetal.(2007).Shedescribedmakingtimetogettogetherwithher

extendedfamilyovertheholidays,includingjokingabouthavingtocamporcook

foodonabarbecue.Sheindicatedhavingthisextendedfamilywasanimportant

partofherchildhood:

LikeChristmas,Imeaneveryholiday.Likeduringthesummers,weall,allofourcousinshavetogocamping,likeCYOcamp.Youknow,theChristianyouthwhateverdownatthebeach?Soweall,everytime.Buttherewasalwayslikeatimespanthatwewouldhavetogotoeachoneofourmom'ssiblings’houses.Soallforone,youknow,weekend,whatever,beforethesummer'soversowewouldhavetogototheirhouses.Like,everysummerwe'ddothat.

Similarly,Erica,whohaddescribedherfamilyas“intertwined”duetohermother’s

threesiblingsmarryingherfather’sthreesiblings,relatedcarryingonthetradition

offamilyget-togetherseveryweekend:

Eventolikeinmyadulthood,everyweekendwouldbelikethatwithmeandmyownsiblings.Andthenourchildren.Wewouldalwaysgotooneofeachother'shouse.Orwewouldallcalleachotherandwegotothebeachandbarbecue.

162

Indescribingherfamily,Melewasabletotracethehometownofeachof

hergrandparents,describingthefamilynamesandlineage.Shegrewupwithher

matrilinealfamilythathadconnectionsintothecommunityatlarge:

Mymom'sside,theywasreallyloving.Ireallydidtheylikedtoplaymusic.Theyplayedthesteelguitarandtheyusedtosingtomealot,youknow,myunclesandmyaunties.Um,youknow[wellknownkumuhula(hulateacher)]?Hismomandmymomisfirstcousins.SoIalwaysspenttime,Ialwayswaswiththem,youknow.

Asnotedearlier,thewomeninthisstudy,bothNativeHawaiianandnot,

engagedinasignificantamountofcaretakingwithintheirkinshipnetworks.The

NativeHawaiianwomeninthisstudy,however,werechargedmorefrequentlywith

caretakingtheirsiblingsthanthenon-NativeHawaiianwomenwere(conversely,

thenon-NativeHawaiianwomenmorefrequentlydiscussedfinancialcaretakingfor

theirfamilies).ThisalignswiththeresearchonmodernNativeHawaiianfamiliesas

describedbyTharpetal.(2007):

Youngstersassumecriticalfamilyresponsibilitiesearly;theycontributeasmembersofaworkforceofsiblingswhoareresponsibleasagroupforgettingworkdone.Childcareissharedbyparentsandolderchildren;oldersiblingsareoftentheprimarycaretakers(278).

AsreflectedinErica’scase,“usuallyonechild,mostoftentheeldestgirl,seestoit

thatmajorjobsgetdone,thatyoungersiblingsaretended”(Tharpetal.2007:278).

RecallthatEricatookonamother-likeroleinherfamily,caringforsiblingswhen

hermotherwasatworkandherfatherhadretreatedintodruguse.Thoughshewas

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nottheoldest,shewasthefirstchildconsideredcapableenoughtotendtothe

others,ashersisterwasbornwithanintellectualdisability.

Finally,Tharpetal.suggestthat“Hawaiianchildrenarenotsupposedto

‘maketrouble,’buttheyareexpectedtostandupforthemselves,eventothepointof

fighting,andnotturntoadultsforsympathyorhelpwithpeerproblems(278).

Yvetteembodiedthisadage.Asdescribedearlier,Yvettewaslonelyandangryfor

havingtomovebacktoHawai‘iwithherparents.Theotherstudentsatschool

pickedonherforbeing“white”andmadefunofherfacethatwashealingfromacar

accidentincurredwhileherfatherwasdrivingdrunk.Sherecalledgettingher

aggressionoutbyfightingwithherbrotherandthenparlayingthatintowinning

fightswithherpeers:

SoIwasfightingalot,yeah.SoIbecame,nowthatIlookbackonit,Iwasreallypunchy,yeah.SoIgotmostofmydisciplineIgotfrommyolderbrotherbecausemydadneverhitmeandmymomleft.Somybrotherwouldcomehomeandbelikeno.AndIjustwouldbelike,okay,okay,nowwegooutbackandustwogoingfight.Youknow,becauseIgotlickingsfrommybrother,nobodyelseinmyhousecoulddoanythingthatwouldhurt.Youknow,so.Ijustfight.AndIwouldwin.

Despiteher“punchy”disposition,Yvetterecalledbeingtheonlyoneinher

familytobeabletocalmherfatherdown:Thatsheaccepteditandtookitonwasa

wayoffulfillingherkuleana,herresponsibilitytofamilymemberspast,presentand

future.Yvettespokeoflosingthispoweroverherfatherafterhehitherforthefirst

timewhensheshieldedhermotherfromhisviolence.Yvettedescribedfeelinglost

andworthlessafterlosingthespiritualconnectionwithherfather:

164

Thefirsttimemydadhitme,tomethatwastheutmostlike,Ifailedeverybodyandeverything.ItslikeIdidn'thaveitanymore.Hegaveuponme.ItwaslikeIhadnothingalready.SoIhadnousetoanybodyoranythinganymoresoIleft.IfeltuselesssoIleft.Iwasuselesstoeverybodyandeverything,soIwenttothestreets.AndIjustgaveuponlife.CausemydadwaseverythingtomeandsoIfeltlikeifhedidn'tthinkIwasnothing,thenIwasnothing.

Yvettefeltlostandemptywithoutherspiritualconnectiontoherfather.Shesoon

noticedthathersonhadtakenupthisrole:

Mysonhadit.Mysoncouldjumponmyfather'slapandbelike,‘Papa.’’’Youknow,‘causemydadneverhithim.Mydad,he-IwaswatchingmysonwithmydadandIwasproudofthefactthatmysonhadit,butIwasmissingmydad[cries].

ThisdynamiccausedYvettesomeinnerturmoil,feelingjealousofhersonandthen

feelingguiltyforfeelingjealous.Shesaid,“somepartofmewasjealousofmyson

becauseitwashimwhohadit.Igaveittohim.”Inherstatement,“Igaveittohim,”

YvettepointsouttheeternalbondwithinNativeHawaiianfamilies.Shealso

acknowledgedthathersonhadbeenchosentofulfillherformerroleinherfather’s

lifeandwithinthefamily.Yvette’ssenseoflossandgriefcompoundedwithher

father’sdeath:

Evenupuntilmydad'sdeathIreallydidn'tknowwhatmylifewas.AndthenmydaddiedandIwaslike,howdoIliveinthisworldwith,whereismylife?Ididn'tknowwheremylifewaswithoutmyparents'drama.Becausethat'sallmylifewas.

ExaminingYvette’sfeelingsoflossandaimlessnessafterthelossofherfatherand

thecaretakingroleshewassoentrenchedindemonstratesthedepthstowhichthe

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womentookonthetaskofcaretaking.Havingbeendesignatedascaretakerforher

family,uponthelossofthepowertocalmherfatherandthenwithhisultimate

death,Yvettelostboththerolethatensuredhercontinuedimportancetoherfamily

andlostanintegralpartoftheveryfamilysystemthatshewasdrawingmutual

interdependencefrom.

LikeYvette,manyoftheHawaiianwomeninthisstudyhaddeeplyrooted,

spiritualconnectionstotheirfamily.TheHawaiianwomeninthisstudyspokeof

learningHawaiianculturalvaluesfromtheirgrandparentsandolderrelatives.Erica

recalledhergrandmotherinstillinginherthevalueofhardworkandofproviding

forthosewhohadless:“mystovewillalwayshavesomethingcooked,yeah.And

thatwasjusttheway'ohanais.AndifIseeoneofmyson'sfriendswhomightbe

homeless,come,Igoinggive‘emclothes.”

Oneoftheoldestwomeninthisstudy,Mele,recalledheruncletakingher

andhercousinsonoutingstoexperiencetheirislandhome.Sherecalledhimtaking

themonanighttimeexcursiontolookforglassfloatsthatwouldwashupinthe

shorelinecavesfromJapanesefishingboats:

Thefirsttimehetookus,hemadeussitdowninthedarkandhetoldusguysforbequietandlisten.SoallIrememberwashearingthisthing,‘clack,clack,clack,clack’.Andyouknow,gottabeanything.Couldhearthewind.Butyoucouldhearthe‘clack,clack,clack,clack’.Andthenhetellusturnonthelight.Andwhenweturnonthelight,thewholebeachwasfullwithglassballs.

Onotheroccasions,herunclewouldtakethechildrentothemountains:

myunclewouldtakeusguysuptotheridge,earlyinthemorning,coldashell[laughs].Freezing!Hetakesusuptotheridgeandhemakesusbequiet

166

again,‘nomakenoise.’Andweallsittingouttherefreezing.Andthesuncomesup,andallalongtheridge,youseealltheanimals:pheasants,pigs,cows,younameitorwhatever,theyallstandingupagainsttheridgeandtheyjuststandingwatchingthesuncomeup.

Melelamentedthattheseexperiencescouldnotbesharedwithherownchildren:“I

meanbutnow,that'ssomethingsthatyoucannotsharewithyourownkids‘cause

nomorealready.Youknow?”Toexplainhersenseofloss,Melerecalledhersadness

whenQueen’sBath,anopen-airlavatubeonHawai‘iIsland,wascoveredbylava:

likewhenthevolcanowentcovertheQueen'sBath.Icried!Icried,IcriedandIcried.It'slike,‘whatyoucryingfor?’ButbecauseIwentthereandIwentgoswimmingovertheretheyearbefore,Ithink.UmIwasbringingtoo,myotherdaughter.Theylike,‘whatyoucryingfor?’andIwaslike,‘nomoretheQueen'sBathanymore‘causethevolcanowenttakeemback.’

ShecontinuedtodescribethelossshefeltafterthedeathofIsraelKamakawiwo’ole

whoselyricstoHawai‘i785madeher“understandwhatitmeanttobeaHawaiian.”

5Uamau,keeaokaaina,ikapono,oHawai'iUamau,keeaokaaina,ikapono,oHawai'i(TheLifeoftheLandisPerpetuatedinRighteousness)IfjustforadayourkingandqueenWouldvisitalltheseislandsandsaweverythingHowwouldtheyfeelaboutthechangesofourlandCouldyoujustimagineiftheywerearoundAndsawhighwaysontheirsacredgroundsHowwouldtheyfeelaboutthismoderncitylifeTearswouldcomefromeachotherseyesAstheywouldstoptorealizeThatourpeopleareingreatgreatdangernowHow,wouldtheyfeel,couldtheirsmilesbecontent,thencry

167

ShedescribedthisknowledgeasunderstandingwhattheKingandQueenwould

wantfortheirpeople.AssomeoneconsciousofherHawaiianancestry,Melewas

alsoacaretakerofcultureforherownfamily.Sherelatedbeingtheonepersonto

remindherfamilythatapopularwaterfallhikewasasacredplacetotheHawaiian

gods.Afterarockslideatthefallskilled11people,shereiteratedtoherfamilythat

theyandothershadnorighttobethere:

EverytimeIwenttoSacredFalls,IwenttotheopeningofitandIwouldstopandIwouldwalkawayandIwouldsay,‘no,Iwaitforyouguysoverhere.’AndIwouldletthem.‘Why,Mele?’AndIwouldsay,‘Idon'tknow.’Isaid,‘Inobelongoverthere.’AndIwouldn'tgo.Andthenwhenthepeoplewentpassaway,thepeoplediedoverthere,fromwhenthethingwentopenthatday,somebodywentaskme,‘whatdoesthatmean?’Isaidthatmeanstheyshouldn'tbegoingupthere.Theyshouldn'tletanybodyjustgoupthere.

[Chorus:]Cryforthegods,cryforthepeopleCryforthelandthatwastakenawayAndthenyetyou'llfind,Hawai'iCouldyoujustimaginetheycamebackAndsawtrafficlightsandrailroadtracksHowwouldtheyfeelaboutthismoderncitylifeTearswouldcomefromeachotherseyesAstheywouldstoptorealizeThatourlandisingreatgreatdangernowAllthefightingthatthekinghaddoneToconqueralltheseislandsnowthesecondominiumsHowwouldhefeelifhesawHawai'ineiHow,wouldhefeel,wouldhissmilebecontent,thencry

168

Inthisway,Melehadthekuleana(responsibility)ofbothherfamilyandherNative

Hawaiianculture.WhileMeleandEricafeltconnectedtotheirfamilies,Destinyfelt

disconnected.Leftbyhermotherinhergrandmother’shouse,Destinywas

oftentimesisolatedbyherotherfamilymembers:

Mycousinswouldalwayspickonmebecausetheycould.AndChristmas-time,youknow,theywouldgetpresentsandIwouldn't.Youknow,juststufflikethat,thatmademefeelhurt.Itmademefeelhurtlikenobodylovedme,youknow.

Despiteorperhapsbecauseofherisolationandloneliness,Destinycontinually

soughtamoreemotionalconnectionwithhermotherandgrandmother.Shenever

receivedtheemotionalconnectionthatshedesired,butshebelievedthatthe

distancehadaculturalbasis.Destinyposited,“NativeHawaiianfamilies,theydon't

reallyopenuplikethat.”Sheadded:

LikeIwasneverbroughtuponecertainway.Itwasjustdowhateveryoulike,youknowwhatImean,kindofstyle.Um,mygrandmawaslike,‘goschool.’Wealwayshadtogoschool.Butotherthanthat,everybodyjustdidwhatevertheywantedto,prettymuch,youknow.Um,therewasnodisciplineinourfamily.Wekindofjusthadbigmeals,youknow.Weall,that'swhatourfamilydidtogether,wasjustfood.Really.Wenevergotintopersonal,weneversatdownatthetableandtalkstoryaboutwhathappenedinourday,youknowwhatImean.Orourfeelingsoranythinglikethat.Itwasjust,therewasnothing.Itwaslikenothing.

Delvingdeeperintoherfamilyhistory,however,Destinysharedthathergreat-

grandmotherhadbeenasmartbusinesswoman,amassingpropertyandwealth.

Afterthreegenerationsofalcoholabuseandincestualsexualmolestation,thefamily

felltodruguseandsquabblesoverproperty.Destinysharedthatshehadhergreat-

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grandmother’svaluesinstilledinher.Shestillremembershergreat-grandmother

fondlyandregularlyvisitshergrave.

AccordingtoPukui,HaertigandLee(1972),Destiny’sobservationofthe

familynot“reallyopeninguplikethat”isgroundedinaHawaiianculturalcontext:

Tothetradition-imbuedHawaiian,questionsaboutfamilyrelationshipsandhealthhistoriesaremorethanrude.Answeringsuchquestionstakesonthequalityofkaula’inaiwiikalā,orevenholeholeiwi.Bothwereonceactualpractices.Kaula’inaiwiikalāwas“bleachingthebonesofone’sancestorsinthesun.”Holeholeiwiwasthegrimpreparatorystep,literallyremovingor“stripping”the“fleshfromthebones”ofthedeadbody”(158).

Theyfurtherthatthishasimplicationsformoderndayfamilies:

‘dryingthebonesinthesun’meanstalkingtoofreelyaboutancestorstonon-familymembers.‘Strippingthebones’isthemoreseriousoffenseofairingthefaultsandweaknessesofrelativesorancestorstooutsiders(Pukui,HaertigandKee1972:158).

Whilediscussingthefailuresofthefamilyisnotcommon,Pukui,HaertigandLee

(1972)notethatitisalsoimpropertoboastaboutaccomplishmentsofancientand

currentfamilymembers:“bothfameandshame—infactallfamilyaffairs—are

discreetlykeptwithinthefamily”(158).Destiny’sexperienceasawomanina

modernNativeHawaiianfamilydemonstratestheconflictbetweentraditionaland

modernhelpingapproachesdescribedbyKanuha(2005).Asawomanin

contemporaryHawai‘i,DestinyismorecomfortableseekingWestern-styletalk-

therapyapproachesthanherfamily.Thatsaid,shemaintainedadestinedroleas

caretakertoherimmediatefamilyasillustratedbyhercaringforhermother.She

mayalsobeunderstoodtobethespiritualprotectorandperpetuatorofthecore

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valuesofher‘ohana.Thisdualrole,bridgingthetraditionalculturalvalueswith

modernoneswaspainfulforDestinyasachild,but,likeMele,perhapsindicatesa

higherpurposeforherbeinginregardstoherfamily.

Asindicatedbytheexamplesabove,theNativeHawaiianwomeninthis

studyfrequentlymanagedtheirfamiliesbycaretakingthemstartingwhenthey

wereyoung.Aspreviouslydiscussed,manyofthewomenlivedinabusivefamilies

inwhichdrugsandalcoholwereproblems.Regardless,theNativeHawaiianwomen

reportedbeinginclosecontactwiththeirfamiliesthroughouttheirlives;evenwhen

theylefttheirfamilyhomes,theywouldcontinuetobeintouchwithfamily

members.ManyoftheNativeHawaiianwomenstatedthattheirfamiliesweretheir

biggestsupporterswhiletheywereincarcerated.

Anuhea,aNativeHawaiianwomanfromsuburbanOahuprovidedan

exampleofthis.Shedescribedherchildhoodaslonely,asshewastreateddifferently

thanhersiblings:whenAnuhea’smotherwaspregnantwithherandconsidering

givingherupforadoption,Anuhea’sgrandmothertookheronasherownspecial

child,apracticenotuncommoninHawaiianculture(Pukui,HaertigandKee

1972:158).Thoughshelivedwithhermotherandtherestofherothersiblings,

Anuhea’sgrandmother’sfavorprotectedherfromtheharshphysicalpunishment

hersiblingsreceivedfromtheirmother.

Despite,orperhapstoassuage,thejealousywithwhichshewasregarded

byhersiblings,shetookontheroleascaretakertohersiblings’children:“Allmy

life,I'vebeentheonewhohashelpedmyfamily.I’vetakencareofmyniecesand

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nephews,almostallmyentirefamily.I'veraisedthemsinceIwasachild,you

know.”Anuhea’scaretakingkepthersiblings’feelingsofjealousyatbay.Anuheafelt

supportedbythemonceshewasincarcerated:“Ineverneededtheirsupport,[but]

itwasreallynicewhenIwasincarceratedtoseethemsupportme.”

Similarly,Jackie,whohaddescribedachildhoodofwitnessingdomestic

violence,interfamilialdruguseandfeelingasifhermotherdidn’tloveherenoughto

protectherfromdrugs,describedhowhermotherhadsupportedherthroughher

incarceration.Hermothernowputsmoneyintoherprisonaccountandtakescare

ofoneofherchildrenwhilesheisincarcerated.SaidJackie,“she'lltellmeshelove

meandstufflikethat….mymomisalwaysgoingbemysupportsystem.”

Inanotherexample,Erica’smotherwhoheldErica’shandtoastovewhen

shewasarrestedforstealingatnineyearsold,wastakingcareofErica’schildren

whorangeinagefromfiveyearsoldthrough21.Ericaalsomentionedreceiving

supportfromthesamesiblingsthatsheusedtocaretakewhenshewasyounger,

notingthatnooneelsecamethroughforherduringherincarceration:

WhenIgotlockedup,nobodywasthereforme.Nobodyputmoneyonmybooks,nobodywentwritetome.Onlymysistersandmydaughter.MysistersisintheBigIslandandtheywassendingmecardsandupliftingwordsofencouragement.NotoneofthosefriendsthatIthoughtwasmyfriends,youknowwhatImean.

FortheNativeHawaiianwomeninthisstudy,familywasatthecoreofalloftheir

interactions,contextualizingalloftheotherrelationaldomainsandsocial

interactions.

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Atthesametimethatthespiritualconnectiontotheirfamiliesbroughtthe

womenasenseofbelonging,thesensethatNativeHawaiianfamiliesweresuffering

intheirownhomelandsalsocametothefore.Manyoftherespondentsdescribed

generationsofphysicalandsexualabusewithnohelpsoughtoroffered.Erica

describedthisasa“generationalcurse:”

Mygrandfatherwasabusive.Hewasinthemilitary.Andthenmygrandmawashomewithallthekidsandhewasalwaysgone,youknow,inthemilitary.Andum,thekidswouldbecuttingoutofschoolandtheywouldhideinthetree.Thisiswhatmydadtoldme.Andtheysawthemombringinghomeallkindmilitaryguys.Sotheyallhatedtheirmother,yeah.Butwhenthefathercamehome,therewasalwaysfightingbetweenthecouple.Andthenhebeatsthekidsup.Somyfatherdidwhathisfatherdidtohimtous.

Similarly,whenaskedaboutwhetherherfamilyhadaprideinbeingNative

Hawaiian,Anuheaanswered:

Iwouldhavetosaymygrandmother'sgeneration,yes.Mymom,no.sheactuallyhatedallthingsHawaiian.Because,Idon'treallyknowwhy.Butwithhergenerationcametheeconomicdisadvantage,theincest,andeverythingthatconnectedtoitwasembarrassment,shame.

Anuhea,however,sawherselfandhergenerationasagenerationreadytomake

change.Sheexpressed:

We'renotdumb,youknow.Weneedtostopbeingtreatedlikesecondcitizens.Wehavearight.We'reofthisland,especially.Andforeignershavetakenoverandtreateduslikewe'retheminorityandwe'renot,youknow.We'rethemajorityandwehavearighttothisplace.Theycomeoverandtakeoverandtreatuslikewedon'tbelonghereandwebelongheremost.

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FortheNativeHawaiianwomeninthisstudy,theirfamiliesandtheir

Hawaiianculturewerecentraltotheirlives.Theculturalharmsenactedupon

NativeHawaiiansintheirhomelandswasalwaysintheconsciousnessofthewomen

interviewed.Theysawthemselvesastheresultofandchangeagentsforthecycles

ofharmtheirfamilieshadadaptedto.SaidErica:“Istartedtogothatrouteagain.

ButIknowthistimearoundIhaveto.Ihavetobreakthatgenerational[cycle],

‘causemysons.”

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CONCLUSION

SummaryandDiscussionofFindings

Thewomeninthisstudydiscussedfourmajorsitesofsocialinteraction,

heretermedrelationaldomains.ThesedomainsincludedtheirFamilies,their

IntimatePartners,theirDrugNetworksandtheCriminalJusticeSystem.Ineach

domain,thewomenfoundopposingbutreciprocalfunctionsincludingaffirmation

andsuffering,empowermentandabasement,andopportunitiestoengagein

conventionalandcriminalizedbehaviors.Womenutilizedawiderangeofgendered

strategiestomanageboththepositiveandnegativeaspectsofeachdomain.The

tensionsandcontradictionsbetweenthefourdomainsseemedtobemanageable

muchofthetime.

Inherstudyofthewaysincarceratedmothersenacttheroleofmotherhood

whileinprison,Enos(2001)wrote:

Becauseidentitiesaremanyandvariedand,insomeinstances,competingandcontradictory,individualsmustmanagetobalanceidentities,withtheresultthatsomearemoresalient,carrymorecommitment,andhavemoresignificantimpactonthedevelopmentoftheself(34).

SimilartothebalancingofidentitiesdescribedbyEnos(2001),thewomenin

thisstudywereabletosustainandmanagethemultiplerolestheyplayedintheir

relationaldomainsforperiodsoftime.Thatis,theyfeltreasonablecontrolover

theirownlives.Asthedemandsandconflictsfromeachrelationaldomainincreased

andpressuresmounted,allinformantsdescribedfeelingoverwhelmedatsome

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pointintime,usingtermssuchassnowballing,goingdownhillandspinningout.

Thislossoftheirownsenseofequilibriummadethewomenvulnerabletoexternal

triggersthatpushedthempastthetippingpointintoaconcentratedperiodofdrug

use.Thewomencalledthis“runningithard.”Thischallengesthecurrent

understandingofwomen’saddictionasadiseaseoralatentindividualtraitthat

womenmustfight.

Definingaddictionasa“chronicneglectofselfinfavorofsomethingor

someoneelse”(4),Covington(2002)wrotethatwomen’ssubstanceabuseisbest

understoodasadisease.Analogoustocancer,Covingtonviewsaddictionasa

diseasethathasbiological,life-styleandenvironmentalorigins.Women’saddiction,

shewrote,is“apartofalargerportraitthatincludesawoman’sindividualhistory,

andthesocial,economic,andculturalfactorsthatcreatethecontextofherlife”

(Covington2002:2).

Covington(2002)describedwomen’saddictionasrelational.Shewrote

thatwomenoftenusedrugsinordertoenterintoorsolidifyrelationshipsand

personifytheirsubstancesofchoiceinamannercomparabletoanintimatepartner.

AccordingtoCovington,theaddictionprocessisadownwardspiral,awhirlpoolthat

claimswomenanddragsthemintosolefocusondrugs,similartoanabusive

relationship:

Addictionpullstheaddictintoever-tighteningcircles,constrictingherlifeuntilsheiscompletelyfocusedonthedrug.Theobjectofheraddictionbecomestheorganizingprincipleofherlife.Usingalcoholorotherdrugs,protectinghersupply,hidingheraddictionfromothers,andcultivatingher

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love-haterelationshipwithherdrugbegintodominateherworld(Covington2002:2).

AccordingtoCovington,therapistsmusthelpaddictedwomenacceptthelabel

“addict”inordertofacilitatechange(Covington2002).

Thefindingsfromthisstudycorroboratetherelationalnatureofdruguse

describedbyCovington(2002).However,thisstudysuggeststhatratherthan

conceptualizingaddictionasalatentdiseasethatmayawakenandtakeovera

woman’slife,causinghertofocusonherrelationshiptothedrugs,wemust

considerthewaysinwhichdruguseisarelationalendeavor.Drugusetakesplaces

withinarelationalDrugNetwork.Assuch,forthewomeninthisstudy,substance

abusedidnotnecessarilyreflect“neglectofself,”butrather,tookplacewithinasite

ofinterpersonalrelationshipsthatthewomenbalancedwiththeirother

interpersonalrelationships.Whenthedemandsfromtheirrelationshipsbecame

overwhelming,thewomenbeganrunningithard.

Iarguethatrunningithardwasastrategyusedasameansofescapingthe

overwhelmingandconflictingdemandsplaceduponthemintheirrelational

domains.ToborrowaphrasefromMichelleBurnham(1993)inherdiscussionof

agencyinHarrietHarrietJacobs'slavenarrative,IncidentsintheLifeofaSlaveGirl,

in“runningithard,”thewomenfounda“loopholeofresistance,”aretreatinwhich

theycould“disappearinplainsight.”Thisloopholeofresistanceallowedthe

womentodelvedeepintotheirdrugnetworkswhileresistingthedemandsand

requestsfromtheirotherrelationaldomains.JustasKandiyoti(1988)arguedthat

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patriarchalstructuresmightbeidentifiedbythetypesofresistancewomenenact,

Burnhamwrote:

OnlybyshiftingtheconceptualizationofagencyawayfromtheLoopholesofResistance,subjectandtowardthestructuremightonelocatesitesthat,likeloopholes,escapedetectionandthusenableresistanceandagency(Burnham1993:63).

Forthewomeninthisstudy,druguseprovidedtheloopholebywhichtheycould

escapethegendereddemandsfromtheirrelationaldomains.Asawomanina

patriarchy,providingnurturing,loveandcareforfamilymembersandpartnerswas

expectedofthewomen.Takingappropriatelygenderedrolesinthedrugnetwork

wasexpectedofthewomen.Beingdocileinthecriminaljusticesystemwas

expectedofthewomen.Whentheseoverlappingdemandsoftheirtimeand

emotionallabor(BrotheridgeandGrandey2002)becametoooverwhelming,the

womenretreatedtoaspaceinwhichtheycouldclaimabsolutionfromother

escalatingdemands.

Manyofthewomendescribedtheirtimerunningithardasbeing“intheir

addiction.”Thislanguagewascommonlyusedinsubstanceabusetreatment

programsbasedonthediseasemodeldescribedabove.Whilethesewordswere

meanttohelpwomenunderstandtheirphysicaladdictionstodrugs,wecanseehow

thislabelcanalsobeusedasashield,deflectingtheimposedresponsibilityofcaring

ofothers;“Iaminmyaddiction,Ican’thelpyou.”Ratherthanseeingthisasafailing

onthewomen’sparts,weshouldconsiderthatforthewomeninthisstudy,turning

totheirdrugnetworkswasawayofexercisingagency;ofrejectingthesocietal

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demandsthattheydotheirgender“right”bycaretakingtheirlovedones,managing

theirphysical,emotionalandsexualabuses,andbeingcompliantwiththelawsallat

thesametime.

Manyofthewomencommittedthecrimesthatbroughtthemtoprison

whilerunningithard.Whiletheirtimebehindbarssometimeshelpedsomeofthem

todisruptthenegativeconsequencesofretreatingtotheirdrugnetworks,for

others,prisonsimplyservedasapausepoint.Allofthewomeninthisstudydeemed

themselvesreadytoemergefromrunningithardanddescribedtheperceived

difficultiesofmanagingtheirrelationaldomainspost-incarcerationwithhighhopes

offindingabetterequilibrium.Truehelpandchangemightbestrengthenedforthe

womeniftheycancontextualizetheirfeelingsofoverwhelmandinadequacywithin

largerpatriarchalforces.Additionally,thewomen’seffortstocareforothersshould

beacknowledgedandrecognized.Ratherthanforcingwomentotakeonthelabelof

“addict,”effortsmightbemadetohelpwomenunderstandwhichoftherelational

domainsareconnected,howmucheachofthedomainsexertpressureonthem,and

toworktowardidentifyingthattippingpointbeforerunningithard.

ItisimportanttonotethatthisstudyindicatedthatNativeHawaiian

women’ssocialrelationshipsspecificallyprioritizethefamily.TheNativeHawaiian

women’smanagementoffamilynetworkswasrootedintheculturallysignificant

beliefsandpracticesof‘ohana.Thisspiritualconnectioniseasilyoverlookedby

practitionerswhoarenotNativeHawaiianand/orwhoarenotattunedtothis

familialdynamic,aswecontinuetoimproveuponourunderstandingof

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incarceratedwomen.Thisisimportantasweseekculturallyappropriate

preventionandinterventionprogramming.

Patterson,UkigachiukiandBissen(2013)describedtheimplementationof

trauma-informedcarefromaNativeHawaiianculturalstandpointattheWomen’s

CommunityCorrectionCenter(WCCC)onOahu.Patterson,theformerWCCC

wardenexpressedhisdesiretoprovidethewomen,especiallytheNativeHawaiian

women,aspacetohealfromindividualandinstitutionalizedtrauma”(Patterson,

UchigakiuchiandBissen2013).Drawingfromtheconceptofpu‘uhonua,a“placeto

liveaforgivenlife,aplacefortransformationthatnurtureshealingwithinthe

individual,family,andcommunity”(Patterson,UchigakiuchiandBissen2013:315),

Pattersonandhisstaffstrovetotransformthewomen’sprisonintoaplaceof

healing.MergingtheNativeHawaiianmodelofpu‘uhonuawithcommunity-based,

trauma-informedcare,Pattersonandhisstaffbegantheimportanttaskofcreating,

implementingandevaluatingscreenings,programmingandpartnershipstoreduce

recidivismandbegintohealindividualsandcommunities(Patterson,Uchigakiuchi

andBissen2013).

Thefindingsfromthisstudysupportsucheffortsintwoimportantways.

First,thisstudycorroboratesthatwomenincarceratedinHawai‘ihaveexperienced

greatamountsoftrauma.Itfurthersourunderstandingofwomen’strauma,both

physicalandemotional,bylocatingtraumawithinspecificrelationaldomainsand

revealingstrategiesformanagingtherelationaldomains.Theresultsalso

demonstratethattherelationshipsthatcausetraumaarealsothesourceof

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empowermentandlove,thuscomplicatingsolutionsandinterventions.The

dualisticnatureoftherelationaldomainsandtheirattendantmanagement

strategiesemphasizetheneedforprogrammingthatdoesmorethanre-socializean

offender.

Secondly,theresultsofthisstudyindicatetheneedforculturally

appropriateinterventions.Liketheconceptofpu‘uhonua,utilizingculturally-based

practiceswouldbetteraddresstheneedsofthewomenincarceratedinHawai‘i.This

wouldbemosttruefortheNativeHawaiianwomen.Oncesuchpracticeis

ho‘oponopono.

Ho‘oponopono,or“tomakeright,”isaNativeHawaiianpracticeofmending

relationships(Ito1985;Nishihara1978).Thispracticecallsupontheparticipantsto

clearconflictthroughopen,honestdiscussionframedbyspiritualconnections.In

ho‘oponopono,troublesareviewedasintertwinedand“thecomponentsofeach

successiveproblemaredealtwithindividuallywithonelevelleadingtothenext”

(Nishihara1978:563).Eachlevelofproblemisdisentangleduntilunderstanding

andresolutionhasbeenreached.Currentlybeingusedinselectcourtcasesandasa

componenttoculturally-basedprogramsforNativeHawaiianjuvenileoffenders

(Kelleher2015;Perez2016),ho‘oponoponowouldprovidehealingforNative

Hawaiianwomenandtheirfamilies.Asfamiliesarethecentralrelationaldomainfor

theNativeHawaiianwomeninthisstudy,strengtheningthisdomainthrough

culturally-basedmeansmaypreventrecidivismandpreventfuturegenerationsof

NativeHawaiianwomenfromrunningithard.

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StudyLimitations

Whilethetheoreticalconstructspresentedherearebackedupbythedata,

therearestudylimitations.Themainlimitationisthatitisnon-generalizable.Thisis

duetoseveralfactors.Thefirstisthenumberofstudyinformantsandthenon-

randomnatureofthesampling.Thesamplesize(n=16)issmallandrepresented

lessthan1%ofincarceratedwomeninHawai`i.Additionally,thesemi-structured

natureoftheinterviewswouldmakethisstudydifficulttoreplicate,asinterviews

weretheresultofaguidedconversationbetweentheinformantandtheresearcher.

Finally,asnotedbyCharmaz(2006),theanalysisandtheconclusionsareadirect

resultoftheinteractionsbetweentheinformantsandtheresearcher,withthe

knowledgeandlifeexperiencesoftheresearcherworkingwiththedatatoallowa

theorytoemerge.Duetomysociallocationasamiddle-class,multiracial(Non-

NativeHawaiian),heterosexual,married,non-incarceratedwoman,theinteractionI

hadwiththestudyinformantscannotbepreciselyreplicated.Thisalsomakesthe

studynon-generalizable.Thestudydoes,however,contributetothelargerbodyof

knowledgeaboutincarceratedwomen,specificallythoseincarceratedinHawai‘i.

ConsiderationsforFutureResearch

Theknowledgegainedfromthisqualitativestudyhasopenedthedoorfor

newavenuesofresearchontheexperiencesofwomenwhoareincarceratedin

Hawai‘i.Futureresearchshouldcenteronamoredetailedinquiryintothe

relationaldomainsandprocessesbywhichwomenmanagethem.Specialattention

182

shouldbepaidtothewaysinwhichthemanagementstylesarethesameandhow

theydifferorvaryacrossrelationaldomainsdependingoncommunityandcultural

influences.Futureresearchshouldalsocontinuetoseekgenderedandcultural

differenceforthemanagementofrelationaldomains

Eventsthattriggerrunningithardshouldalsobeconsidered.Thiswould

includethetypesofeventsthatcausethe“snowball”effectandpusheveryday

managementintorunningithard.Thiscouldbeexaminedastothetiming,

sequencingandorderoftriggeringevents.Futureresearchcouldalsoexaminein

greaterdetailhowrunningithardcomestoanend.

Finally,futureresearchshouldfocusonrunningithardandhow

incarceratedwomen’saddictionsmaybebetterunderstoodintermsof

relationshipsratherthanasanindividualdisease.

FinalStatement

ThewomenIinterviewedaspartofthisstudy,aswellastheotherwomenI

metattheworkfurloughprogram,haveendured,persistedandovercomealmost

unimaginablelifeobstacles.Theydemonstratedadesiretosurviveandthrivewhen

manyofusmighthavestumbledundertheweightofthestruggle.Yet,theyremain

optimistic.SaidSandy,“I'mhappynowbecause,Imean,Icanbeexcitedaboutthe

future.”

Theyalsoremaincommittedtotheirsocialrelationships,seekinghealthy

waystointeractwiththeirfamilies,friendsandpartners,aswellasotherwomenin

thecriminaljusticesystem.Manyofthewomenexpressedawillingnessto

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participateinthisstudywiththehopesofhelpingothers.SaidAnuhea,“Ijustfelt

likeifdocumentingpeoplethathavealreadybeenharmedcanhelppeopleinthe

future,thenifthere'sanythingthatIcansaythat'sgoingtohelp,thenbyallmeans.”

Thisgenerosityofspiritisadmirableanddemonstratestheextenttowhichthe

womenarewillingtocareforothers.Itismysincerehopethattheknowledge

illuminatedinthisstudycanbeusedtoservewomenincarceratedinthestateof

Hawai‘i,andtoseekwaystobuildup,asopposedtopunishandcriminalize,women

whostrugglewiththemanagementoftheirsocialrelationships.

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Appendix1

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Appendix2

From:Darin.H.Kawazoe@hawaii.gov[mailto:Darin.H.Kawazoe@hawaii.gov]Sent:Tuesday,April12,20119:52AMTo:Lorraine@reawakeningforwomen.orgSubject:ApprovalHiLorraine!

TheDepartmenthasgrantedtheirapprovalwithMs.CoreyAdler'splantobeginherdissertationresearchatyourprogram.

Shouldyouhaveanyquestions,pleasecallmeat258-2679.

Aloha,

Darin

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Appendix3CONSENTFORMTheCriminalizationofWomeninHawai´iMynameisCoreyAdler.IamconductingastudyaboutwomeninHawai`iwhohavebeenarrestedandincarceratedforcommittingcrimes.Themainpurposeofthisstudyistounderstandhowwomenhavebeentreatedandlabeledthroughouttheirlivesandhowthisrelatestothembeingarrestedandincarcerated.IamconductingthisprojectinordertocompletemyPh.D.insociologyattheUniversityofHawaii,Manoa.Ifyouagreetoparticipate,youwillbeinterviewedonetime.Youwillbeaskedquestionsaboutbeingfemale,belongingtoyourracial/ethnicgroup,breakingthelawandreasonstostopcommittingcrimes.Yourinterviewwilltakebetween30to90minutes.Approximately30peoplewillparticipateinthewholestudy.ProceduresIfyouareinterestedinparticipatinginthisstudy,youcancontactmedirectlyorsignupthroughtheKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhinecasemanagers.Ifyoudon’twanttoparticipate,therearenoconsequences.Ifyoudowanttoparticipate,Iwillworktofindatimethatworksbestforyou.InterviewsmayhappeninaprivateroomatKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhine,oratapublicplacewhereyoufeelcomfortable.Whenyousignuptoparticipateinthisstudy,youwillreceiveinformationaboutthestudyandbeinformedthatparticipationinthestudyiscompletelyvoluntary.Whenyoucometotheinterview,Iwillgooverthemainpurposesofthestudywithyou.Iwillalsoletyouknowwhatwillhappenstep-by-step.Next,youwillfilloutaformwithsomebackgroundquestionslikeyoursex/gender,age,householdincome,etc.Iwillnotaskyoutoputyourname,address,phonenumberoranyotherpersonalinformationontheform.Whenwestarttheinterview,Iwillaskyouquestionsaboutyourselfincludingquestionsaboutyourchildhood,yourethnicity,beingawomanandaboutcrimecommissionandthereasonsforstoppingcrime.Risks,Stress,orDiscomfortAttimesduringthisinterview,youmightfeeluncomfortablesharingcertaintypesofinformationoryouropinions.Youalwayshavetherighttoskipquestions.Iwouldalsoliketotaperecordtheinterview.Ifthismakesyouuncomfortable,pleaseletmeknowandIwilldotheinterviewwithnorecorder.Ifwestarttheinterviewwiththerecorderon,youcanaskmetoturntherecorderoffwheneveryouwant.Youcanstoptheinterviewatanytime.Afterwefinishtheinterview,youcanaskmetodeleteordestroyanyofyouranswers.Pleasefeelfreetoaskanyquestionsaboutthisproject.Iwillansweranyconcernsyouhaveaboutthisstudy.Participationinthisstudyisvoluntary,andyoumaystopparticipatingwheneveryouwantwithnoconsequences.Everyonewillbetreatedequallybyme,theKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhinestaff,andotherprogramsrelatedtothisprojectwhetheryouchoosetoparticipateinthisstudyornot.Ifyoufeellikeparticipatinginthisprojectcausedyouanydistress,youwillbereferredto

187

yourcasemanagerand/ortheexecutivedirectorwhowillseethatyoureceivetheservicesyouneed.BenefitsTherearenodirectbenefitstoyouforparticipatinginthisstudy.Onepositiveoutcomeyoumayexperienceisanopportunitytodiscussyourexperiencesandconcernsinanon-judgmental,confidentialenvironment.AsaresidentofKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhine,youwillreceive2hoursofcommunityservicecredits.Youwillreceivethesecreditsregardlessofwhatyousayintheintervieworhowlongyouspendintheinterview.ConfidentialityofInformationTherecordsofthisstudywillbekeptprivate.Iwillnotaskfororrecordanypersonalidentifyinginformationsuchasyourname,phonenumberoraddress.YourwrittenresponsesandallotherinformationyouprovidewillbegivenauniquecodenamewhileIcompilethedata.AlltheinformationIcollectwillbestoredonasecureexternalharddriveandkeptinlockedfilecabinetsatanofficeintheUniversityofHawai‘isystem.ThetaperecordingsandnotesItakeduringtheinterviewswillbedestroyedafterIcompilethedata.Noidentifyinginformationcanbelinkedtoyouoranyotherparticipantinthestudy.TherearesomeinstanceswhereIwillnotbeabletokeepinformationyoushareconfidential.Ifanyofthefollowingoccur,ImustbreakconfidentialityandnotifybothLorraineRobinson,ExecutiveDirectorofKaHaleHo‘ālaHouNoNāWāhine,and/ortheproperauthorities: 1)Yousaythatyoumayintendtoharmyourselforothers. 2)Yousaythatyouabusedorhaveknowledgeofabuseofanotherperson. 3)YousaythatyouintendtoviolateorhaveviolatedtherulesofTJMahoney. 4)Informationissubpoenaedbyacourtoflaw.Informationwillbereleasedtoappropriateauthoritiesincompliancewith theDepartmentofPublicSafety’sguidelines.Ifyouhaveanyquestionsabouttheresearch,pleasecallmeat(808)455-0527.Ifyouhaveanyquestionsaboutyourhumansubjectsrights,pleasecalltheUniversityofHawai’i’sCommitteeonHumanSubjects(808)956-5007.ParticipantStatementIcertifythatIhavereadthroughthisformandthatIunderstandthepurposeofthisstudy.Iunderstandmyroleasaparticipantinthisstudy,andIunderstandtherisksandbenefitstome.IhavebeentoldthatImaystopparticipatinginthisstudyatanytimewithnoconsequences.Ihavereceivedclearanswerstomyquestionsregardingthisstudy.Iherebyconsenttoparticipateinthisstudy.Thisconsentdoesnotgiveupanyofmylegalrights,nordoesitreleaseCoreyAdler,theUniversityofHawai‘i,oranyemployeeoragentoftheUniversityfromliabilityfornegligence.Imaytakebackmyconsenttoparticipateatanytimeandreceivenopenaltiesorconsequences.IknowthatImayaskquestionsthroughoutmyparticipationinthisresearchproject.I

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knowthatImayaskquestionsaboutthestudytotheresearcherCoreyAdlerorheracademicadvisoranddissertationchair,Dr.ValKaleiKanuha.Ifyouhaveanyquestionsaboutyourrightsasaresearchparticipantinthisproject,youcancontacttheUniversityofHawai‘i,CommitteeonHumanStudies(CHS),byphoneat(808)956-5007orbye-mailatuhirb@hawaii.edu.Iagreetoparticipateinthisstudy:____________________________ _____________________________ParticipantName ParticipantSignature DateIagreetohavetheinterviewaudiotaped:_____________________ ______________________________ParticipantName ParticipantSignature DateCc:Participant

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Appendix4

TheCriminalizationofWomeninHawai´i

FaceSheet

ParticipantCode:

Sex:

Age:

Race/Ethnicity:

Education:

PreviousEmployment:

AgesofChildren:

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Appendix5

InterviewGuideTheCriminalizationofWomeninHawai‘iThankyouforagreeingtoparticipateinthisstudyofwomenandcrimeinHawaii.IamconductingthisstudyinordertocompletemyPh.D.insociologyandyourinputisveryvaluable.Inordertothankyouforyourtime,youwillreceive2CommunityServicescreditsforparticipatinginthisstudy.Wewillbeginbygoingovertheconsentformsandwhenyouareready,wewillstarttheinterview.Remember,youmaystoptheinterviewwheneveryouwishandstillreceiveyourCommunityServicecredits.Let’sbegin.NeighborhoodWheredidyougrowup?Howwouldyoudescribetheneighborhoodwhereyougrewup?Whatwasitlikegrowingupinyourneighborhood?Howdidthekidsinyourneighborhoodtreatyou?Theadults?Whowerethegoodkidsinyourneighborhood?Whowerethebadkids?Howwereboysandgirlstreatedinyourneighborhood?Howarepeoplefromdifferentracestreatedinyourneighborhood?Howdootherpeoplereactwhenyousayyouarefrom[yourneighborhood]?Whenwasthelasttimeyouwereinyourneighborhood?Howwereyoutreated?What’sthebestthingaboutyourneighborhood?FamilyGrowingup,whatwasyourfamilylike?Howmanypeoplewereinyourfamily?Whodidyoulivewith?Whatdidyourparentsdo?Howwereyoutreatedbyyourfamily?Whatroledidyouplayinyourfamily?Howwereotherfamilymemberstreated?Weregirlstreateddifferentlythantheboysinyourfamily?Whatlessonsdidyoulearnfromyourfamily?Howwasyourfamilytreatedbyothers?Howdidotherpeoplethinkaboutyourfamily?Doyouthinkraceorethnicityhadanythingtodowithhowyourfamilywastreated?Howdoesyourfamilytreatyounow?Why?What’sthebestthingaboutyourfamily?SchoolWheredidyougotoschool?Whatwasyourschoollike?Didyoulikeschool?Howweregirlstreatedatyourschool?Howwerethedifferentracestreatedatschool?Whowerethegoodkidsatschool?Whowerethebadkids?Whodidyouhangoutwith?Wheredidyouhangoutatschool?Howwereyoutreatedatschool?Howdidtheteacherstreatyou?Theotherstudents?Whatwasthebestthingaboutschool?EarlycriminalizationDidyoueverfeellikeyougotintroublefordoingthingsalotofpeopleweredoing?Describeoneofthefirsttimesyougotintroublefordoingsomethingotherpeopleweredoingtoo.Whathappened?Howdidyoufeelafterthat?Whowerethepeople

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doingthosethingswhodidn’tgetintrouble?Whydoyouthinktheydidn’tgetintotrouble?Doyouthinkbeingagirlorwomanhasanyeffectonwhyyougotintotrouble?Yourrace/ethnicity?InstitutionalizedCriminalizationWhenwasthefirsttimeyourememberbeingintroublewiththelaw?Whatdoyouremember?Whathappened?Howarewomentreatedbythepolice?Bythecourts?Wheninprison?Howarelocalpeopletreated?Lookingbackatyourexperiences,doyouthinkthatyourexperiencesareconnectedtobeingawoman?Doyouthinkyourexperiencesareconnectedtobeing(yourrace/ethnicity)?Overall,whatisthebestthingaboutbeingfromHawai´i?WhatisthebestthingaboutbeingawomaninHawaii?Whatareyoumostlookingforwardtoinyourlife?Thankyouforyourtime.TheinsightsyouhavesharedareveryvaluableandwillhelppeopleunderstandthelivesofwomeninHawai‘ibetter.Ihopethisinformationwillhelpwomenstayoutofprisonandtosuccessfullytransitionbackintothecommunity.Pleasefeelfreetocontactmeatanytimeifyouhaveanyquestionsaboutthisstudyorfeelasifyouwantmetodisregardanddeleteanyinformationyouprovidedtoday.

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