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DifferenceRACE AND RACISM IN THE

HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY

Edited by

Andrew S. Winston

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In the wake of Brown u. Board of Education in 1954. the White segrega~tionists in the South embarked on a program of "massive resistance" to de~

segregation (Bartley, 1969; Wilhoit, 1973). Among the resources White south~em segregationists used in their propaganda effort against desegregation wasthe differential between the IQ scores of White and African American stu~dents. This IQ gap, White Southerners argued, was genetic, innate, and im~mune from environmental influences. This gap, they concluded, made effec~tive desegregation impossible. In the face of these claims, African Americaneducator Horace Mann Bond, indulging what he called his "propensity forbad jokes, especially those involving. ..Racially Stuffed Shirts and other

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)9.The National Science Foundation supported some of the research for this article (Award no. SES.9907034).

261

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AFROCENTRIC PSYCHOLOGY

In a recent study of psychologist-activist Kenneth B. Clark, Phillips(2000) argued that scholars should begin to explore how the Afrocentricworldview has informed the work of African American psychologists. Whilerecognizing the problematic nature of Afrocentrism and explicitly rejectingracially essentialist conceptualizations of the concept, Phillips skillfully lo~cated the work of Clark within such a viewpoint. Phillips's core argument isthat Afrocentric scientists reject reductionist philosophies of science andseek to recognize the interconnectedness of the objects they are studying.Within the oppressive societies of Western culture, Afrocentric scientistssee as their duty to "redeem humanity-Particularly Blacks and other op-pressed peoples of the world"-from oppression. Concludes Phillips, "anAfrocentriG scientist is, by default, a scientist-activist" (p. 145).1

The sort of nonreductivist, socially aware psychology Phillips describesis by no means unique to African American psychology. Indeed, many schol-ars have described such a psychology among EUropean and European Ameri-can psychologists (Cherry & Borshuk, 1998; Hennan, 1995; Nicholson, 1997,1998; Pandora, 1997). Yet to argue that African American psychologists hadno unique viewpoint on psychology seems to belie all we know about boththe African American exPerience and the social construction of psychologi~cal knowledge.

A possible way to understand Afrocentricity within psychology is tolink the psychological discourse used by African Americans to the rhetoricalstrategies and traditions used in African American discourse more generally.African Americans, as uniquely situated oppressed minorities in Americanculture, have traditionally found ways to gain a voice in a culture that wouldrender them voiceless (Gates, 1988). Central to African American rhetoricis the notion of the dual identity of African Americans in U.S. culture, most

famously articulated by W. E. B. DuBois's notion of "twoness" articulated inThe Souls of Black Folk (1903/1994). DuBois articulated the notion of the"double consciousness" of the II American Negro" when he wrote that "thehistory of the American Negro is the history of this strife" between the role a

262 JOHN P. JACKSON, JR.

racist society forced on the Negro and the role the Negro wished for himself(p. 3). The result is that African American rhetoric must often deal with twoaudiences: the sympathetic and understanding African American audienceand the hostile White audience. Arthos (2001) argued that, "Unable to es-cape their history and identity, African Americans are caught in a doublebind. This double bind creates a dual level response, speaking at once to thecommunity that protects and community that threatens" (p. 43).

To speak to both audiences, African Americans have often used parody.Parody had its origins as a genre of narrative poetry on a trivial subject thatuses epic meter and language, but it has long since expanded beyond theseliterary boundaries (Hutcheon. 1985; Rose, 1993). Parody is traditionallydefined as a "subspecies of satire, the genre of making-fun,of' in which onetext "ridicules another text" (Chatman, 2001, p. 28). In her extensive treat-ment of the subject, Hutcheon argued that parody should not automaticallybe equated with satire. For her, parody functions as a textual critique butbecomes "extramural" in critique whe:n used satirically. Because satire oftenuses parody as its rhetorical form, parody becomes a method of social critiquewhen used to act "negatively on the target" (Hutcheon, 1985, p. 44; see alsoHoffmann, 1985, p.153). Parody achieves its satiric function because, ratherthan merely imitating the target, parody works to change the meaning foundin the original text. "Parodies stand for the things they displace," wrotePhiddian (1997), "but they do not merely repeat them, as translations aspireto do, or extend them like imitations. They displace, distort, differ, and de-fer" (p. 686).

For many African Americans, parody provided a strategy for using theoppressor's speech to introduce "into that other speech an intention w~ichis directly opposite to the original one. The second voice, having lodged inthe other speech, clashes antagonistically with the original, host voice andforces it to serve directly opposite aims" (Bakhtin, 1971, p.185). For muchof U.S. history, African Americans have presented parodies of White cul-ture, adopting the racist discourse of White Americans as a way to rob thatdiscourse of its power. For example, in early African American musicaltheater, performers often adopted the racist stereotypes of the White min-strel shows. In these theatrical presentations, "Parody surfaced as aperformative subversion of White authority, undermining and destabiliz-ing racist stereotypes" (Krasner, 1995, p. 318). Such parodies were not con-fined to the stage; they appear throughout African American discourse inany number of rhetorical situations (Arthos, 2001; Butterfield, 1972;

Lindroth, 1996; Sundquist, 1992).In the 1950s, Horace Mann Bond offered a series of parodies of White

supremacist claims about the significance of lQ test results. In so doing hedrew on the long tradition of African American parody used as a rhetoricalweapon against White oppression. In these parodies, Bond was repeating basicclaims he made three decades before in his first published writing in the

263"RACIALLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANl<lND"

~

1920s. Bond offered no new empirical claims in the 1950s; rather, he repack~aged his old claims in a series of clever and effective parodies. Thus, beforeturning to Bond's use of parody in the 1950s, we need to examine his originalcritique of racist interpretations of IQ tests in the 1920s.

SETTING THE ISSUES IN THE 1920S

iIIII

I

The racial interpretation of intelligence tests in the wake of the Army'sAlpha and Beta Tests during World War I is well known. The tests consis~tently found differences in scores among different racial groups of people.But as recent histories of the time have shown, it is a mistake to think thatthe "racial groups" of the 1920s were the same groups that existed decadeslater (Jacobson, 1998). Psychologist Carl Brigham (1923), in his widely readStudy of American Intelligence,. found that only the Nordic race from North-ern Europe performed adequately on intelligence tests. Eastern and southernEuropeans (the" Alpine" and "Mediterranean" races) were sub par, and "Ne-groes" faired even worse. Brigham recommended that immigration from amongAlpine and Mediterranean races be sharply curtailed and that segregationand miscegenation statutes be strictly enforced. As Richards (1997) recentlynoted, Brigham's work was "explicitly Nordicist and Negrophobic" (p. 91;see also Degler, 1991; Tucker, 1994).

Less well known are the critiques of these racial interpretations mountedby African American social scientists during the 1920s (Franklin, 1980;Guthrie, 1998; Jorgensen, 1995; Taylor, 1981; Thomas, 1984). In a series ofwritings, often appearing in the official organ of the National Association forthe Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The Crisis, or the NationalUrban League, OpportUnity, African American scholars attacked racial in-terpretations of intelligence test results. Thomas noted that these scholars"( 1) assailed the causal validity of prevailing hereditarian studies; (2) pointedout methodological errors and abuses in the assumptions and administrationof mental tests; and (3) developed alternative data bases by administeringthe tests themselves" (p. 478).

Among these African American scholars was the young Horace MannBond. Born in 1904 into an upper-class African American family in whichboth parents had college educations, Horace Mann Bond was a precociouslearner. He received his college degree from Lincoln University at age 19.He entered graduate school at the University of Chicago and studied underRobert Park in sociology briefly before switching to the school of education.At Chicago, Bond would take two or three quarters of classes and then workfor a year or tWo to earn tuition for further study, finally receiving his doctor~ate in 1936 (Fultz, 1985; Urban, 1992).

Like many African Americans, Bond grew up reading The Crisis, editedby W. E. B. DuBois, and in 1924, with his first published article, Bond joined

264 JOHN P. JACKSON. JR.

J.

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the ranks of its authors. Bond warned of the dangers posed by what he took asthe misuse of intelligence tests by those who were predisposed to think thatNegroes were inferior in int~lligence. The 19~year~0Id Bond took Brigham totask for positing a racial explanation for differences in intelligence test scores.Bond pointed out that tes.t scores for northern Negroes were higher thanthose for southern Negroes, and he noted that "a perusal of those nationali-ties whom [Brigham] classifies as inferior will be found to have a close corre~lation existing between the sums of money expended for education and theirrelatively low standing" (Bond, 1924a, p. 63). "The time has passed," Bondwrote, "for opposing these false ideas with silence; every student of Negroblood ought to comprise himself into an agent whose sole purpose is thecontravention ot such half~truths" (p. 64).

In a second article published that same year, Bond to"ok aim at the claimsmade by Brigham, Terman, and others regarding the Army tests. "It is on thebasis of the&e tests," Bond (1924b) wrote, "that the Nordic races have beengranted the heaven sent mental superiority over Southern Europeans whichentitles them to entry into this country; [and] that.. ..justifies the policy ofsegregation in the public schools" (p. 198). But, he continued, the test'sproponents seemed to run into a dilemma. According to the racial hypoth~esis of intelligence, "the representatives of such communities as Georgia andSouth Carolina, with the purest racial stock of the so~cal1ed Nordic branchnow existent in America, would be superior to any other section [of the coun~try]" (p. 200). But the results for those states showed that "the medial scoreof White soldiers from the states of Mississippi, Kentucky, Arkansas, andGeorgia, averaged. ..the mental age of a twelve and a half year old child" (p.200). Bond asked, "Are the exponents of intelligence tests as discriminatorsof racial differences prepared to assert that the white population of Arkansasis inherently and racially inferior to the whites of another section of d1e

country?" (p. 200).Following the work of psychologists Thomas Russell Garth (1931) and

Otto Klineberg (1935), hereditarian views of group differences in IQ scoreswere largely abandoned in the face of seemingly intractable problems aroundtest design, the impossibility of equalizing environments, and confusion aboutthe meaning of both the scores themselves and "race" as a scientific category.Moreover, changes in the social climate, especially revulsion against the ex~plicitly racist Nazi regime, made scientific claims of racial superiority suspectin the minds of many mainstream social scientists (Degler, 1991; Richards,

1997,1998; Samelson, 1978).In the 1930s and 1940s, while he remained an active scholar, Bond

moved into college administration more and more. Leaders in the AfricanAmerican community in the American South were engaged in a kind ofguer)."illa warfare with the White power structure. Historian Joel Williamson(1984) described the African American leaders of the generation beforeBond's:

1.~z

265"RACIALLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

It was as if life were a card game in which dle white man could makeerror after error and yet play again. But a black man who overplayed hishand lost his life at the table, instantly, violently, with table upturning,cards and chips scattering, and a body crashing to the floor. (p. 55)

In 1939, Bond described his world: Talented Afrlcan American scholars werelured into educational administration because it was one of the ,few opporru~nities they had for economic advancement. However, these individuals soonfound the world of Black higher education in the South to be "depen,dentupon occasional grants, originating in interests outside of special field of in~quiry or research" (p. 585). According to Bond, this created a "mad scramble"for the very limited funds available. Hence, he wrote, "The typical Negrostudent of ability. ..is not a sheltered, cloistered, anemic academic type; he

is a tough~minded realist. ...He is also a shrewd and discerning politician"

(p.585).This description certainly fit Bond himself. For example, throughout

his academic and administrative career, Bond carefully cultivated relation~ships with various White philanthropic agencies, including the JuliusRosenwald Fund, the General Education Board of the Rockefeller Fund, andthe like. In a time when there was little or no government support for Afrl~can American education, Bond and his fellow college administrators weretoo often dependent on the largesse of these organizations (Urban, 1992).

Bond protected the meager resources of his institutions in creative, andnot always forthright, ways in the face of White hostility. By the mid~1940s,as Cobb (1991) has written, "the insurgent Dixiecrats. ..rushed to reaffirmthe region's commitment to political depravity" (p. 708) by trumpeting ra~ciai purity and suspicion of intellectualism. White southe1,"n politicians weresuspicious of the role of philanthropic foundations in supporting higher edu~cation and their supposed support for indoctrinating "race mixing." Duringone political campaign of the late 1940s, concerned that Georgia GovernorEugene Talmadge would target his college, Fort Valley State College, Bond

arranged for Talmadge to visit the college and to have him photographed"dedicating a building that had been built with Rosenwald money." Bond

later recalled,

Sure enough, Talmadge based his campaign on the race issue, and againstthe "furriners" whom he said were corrupting Georgia. He fired the Boardof Regents of the University System of Georgia, and several presidentsand professors. However, he never said a mumbling word about the FortValley State College, although we had gotten more money from dlesetwo foundations than all the rest of Georgia combined. (Bond, 1956c)2

Bond's political savvy and penchant for creative fighting stood him ingood stead in the decade following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision inBrown v. Board of Education. In that politicized decade, White southernersjostled with each other to take the most extreme position on race. In this

266 JOHN P. JACKSON. JR.

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climate, old arguments took on new life as White public figures in the Southdeclared African Americans unfit for White association.

THE DESEGREGA nON OF WASHINGTON I DC, ANDTHE SOU1HERN USE OF IQ SCORES

In 1954 the U.S. Supreme Court declared segregation of public elemen~tary and secondarY schools unconstitutional (Brown v. Board of Education).Many White people in the South quickly declared that desegregation poseda threat to the "southern way of life" and vowed to block any attempts at

racial intermingling (Bartley, 1969; Wilhoit, 1973). Klarman (1994) wrotethat "Brown temporarily destroyed southern racial moderation" as all White'southern politicians moved "several notches to the right on racial issues" (p.82). One example of the political times was the "Southern Manifesto." Penned

by Georgia- Senator Richard Russell and signed by nearly every southernCongressman and Senator, the Manifesto declared that "outside agitators arethreatening immediate and revolutionary changes in our public school sys~terns. If done, this is certain to destroy the system of public education insome of the States" (Russell, 1956/1967, p. 493).

The Brown court cited social scientific evidence in its finding that seg~regation was psychologically damaging (Jackson, 2001b). Many Whitesoutherners agreed with former Supreme Court Justice James Byrnes of SouthCarolina w4en he declared,

Loyal Americans. ..should be outraged that the Supreme Court wouldreverse the law of the land upon no authority other than some books

, written by a group of psychologists about whose qualifications we know

little and about whose loyalty to the United States there is grave doubt.(Byrnes, 1956, p. 9; see also Southern, 1987, pp. 155-186)

Despite the proclamations that social science was not to be trusted andcould not serve as the basis for political or constitutional decisions, White

segregationists in the South soon came to approve at least one form of scien~tific evidence: intelligence testing. Psychologist Frank C. J. McGurk, in U.S.News and World Report, summarized the segregationist's position on the im~portance of intelligence differences between the races. He wrote, "There are

psychological differences between Negroes and whites. ...These differencesare not the result of difference in social and economic opportunities, andthey will not disappear as the social and economic opportunities of Negroesand whites are equalized" (McGurk, 1956, p. 92).3 Segregationists echoedMcGurk's position across the South: White people and Black people differedin mental abilities, and this was proved by their performance on intelligencetests. These differences were immutable and did not owe to socioeconomicconditions. The differences meant that school segregation could not be ac~complished without destroying the school system, as it was impossible to

,)

267"RACIAlLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

design a curriculum that would be appropriate for both groups. These viewswere given a very public hearing in 1956 during a Congressional "investiga~tion" of conditions in Washington, DC's, newly desegregated public schools.

The nation's capital long had had segregated schools. A 1948 study,

popularly known as the "Strayer Report" after its director George D. Strayerand commissioned by the appropriation committees of the House and Sen~

ate, documented wide disparities between the facilities available for eachrace. For example, the reP:Ort found that "classes are in general much largerin the colored schools than in the white. ...Classes in most; of the coloredschools visited are entirely too large" (Strayer, 1948, p. 497). A popular pam-

phlet prepared by social scientists Louis Wirth, Donald Young, CharlesDollard, E. Franklin Frazier, and others summarized the issues by baldly stat~

ing, "Segregation by its nature implies a superior-inferior relationship. Theservices provided by the dominant group are always superior to those ac~corded the group segregated" (quoted in Landis, 1948, p. 76, Figure 1).

In the wake of the Brown decision, President Dwight D. Eisenhowerdeclared that desegregation of Washington, DC, would begin immediately,setting an example for the rest of the nation.4 On May 25, 1954, ten daysafter the Supreme Court's decision, the District of Columbia's Board ofEdu~cation issued a "Declaration of Policy" that maintained that 'No pupil of thepublic schools shall be favored or discriminated against in any manner or inany matter. ..by reason of race or color" (quoted in Page, 1978, p. 140).

In 1956, the House Committee on the District of Columbia conducteda series of hearings into public school conditions in the District. Known asthe "Davis Hearings" and led by Georgia Represe~tative John C. Davis andMississippi's John Bell Williams, the Committee called a number of wit-nesses to provide testimony on "juvenile delinquency and alleged and re~ported low standards in the District p~~l ~t~~fu!!~g~-~

-PuDUC-ScMol-Conart1~50~~~Throughout the hearings, Davis andWilliams, joined by Chief Counsel William Gerber, closely cross~examinedwitnesses regarding the low test scores of African American students. Forthese segregationists, however, the test scores of the two groups could not beexplained by the poor schooling provided to African American children inWashington's segregated schools. They believed the difference was due toinnate and immutable differences between the two races' ability to learn.

A typical exchange was that between Williams and a White principalof a District High School, Hugh Stewart Smith. Smith had maintained in histestimony that the poor performance of African American children owed totheir relatively poor socioeconomic status. Williams pushed Smith to admitthat White children also came from poor backgrounds:

Mr. WiUiams: Do you notice a difference in the white children's rate ofachievement coming from those same neighborhoods, with the sameeconomic status as their colored neighbors?

Mr. Smith: Yes.

268 JOHN P. JACKSON, JR.

Mr. WiUiams: Then, on cite basis of that, could you say that environ#ment and economic statUs are not the sole contributing factors to that

condition?Mr. Smith: Yes, sir.Mr. WiUiam.5: That there is actually a physical difference, perhaps

betWeen the tWo children, on the average, of course, other than the color

of the pigment of the skin?Mr. Smith: I don't know Mr. Williams. I can't answer that one. That

is too m\!ch for me. (Investigation of Public School Conditions, 1956, p. 51)

The result of this intelligence gap between White and African Americanchildren, according to Davis, Williams, and Gerber, was a general loweringof standards for White children in the District, a great increase in disciplineproblems within the schools, and White families leaving the District alto~gether. As Chief Counsel Gerber concluded, "You cannot mix oil and water,can you?" (Investigation of Public School Conditions, 1956, p. 135).

The Subcommittee's report quickly became a rallying point for the seg-regationist cause. An abbreviated report by Davis and Williams with a list offmdings and recommendations was quickly picked up by the Citizens' Coun~cils, the White organizations that sprang to life to present the case againstdesegregation (McMillen, 1994). In Washington, DC, Floyd Fleming of thelocal Citizens' Council warned that desegregation had led to White flightand an impossible teaching situation in integrated schools due to "the widedisparity in mental ability to learn and educational achievement betweenthe white and negro students." Concluded Fleming, "intermarriage. ..is

:.-.~ what.integratio~~~~~ ~d as that c~m:s~~I ..race becomes a mongrelized race and history ~ecotds that the breeding is

downward instead of upward" (Fleming, n.d.). The Citizens' Councils' head-quarters in Greenwood, Mississippi, issued a 20-page summary of the hear~ings, noting that the results of the IQ tests administered in the DC schoolsdemonstrated that "the white elementary students had an average IQ ratingof 105, which was above the national average. The Negro elementary stu-dents had an average of 87, or 13 percentile below the national average"(Congressional Committee Report, n.d., p. 11). The Citizens' Councils' pam-phlet also included the recommendation of Davis, Williams, and the twoother southern representatives on the Subcommittee that "racially separatepublic schools be re~established for the education of white and Negro pupilsin the District of Columbia" (Congressional Committee Report, n.d., p. 18).Many White southern writers incorporated the "horrors" of Washington, DC'sschools, and the presumed innate differences in intelligence between theraces that it demonstrated, into their defenses of segregation (Kilpatrick) 1962,pp. 85-88; Southern Congressmen Recommend, 1957; Weyl, 1960, pp. 199-207; Workman, 1960) pp. 171-174). The claims about Washington, DC,and the problems associated with it even returned to the halls of Congressduring debates on various Civil Rights bills (Perez, 1959) p. 786).

269"RACIALLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

"A DIABOLICAL CONGLOMERATION OF MEANmGLESSAND UNmTELLIGIBLE NONSENSE"

Bond was deeply committed to integration as well as to quality school~ing for African Americans. He had worked with the NAACP on the Brown

litigation himself, providing them with historical evidence on educationduri~g the Reconstruction era in the American South (Kluger, 1975, pp.621-623). The Davis Hearings came to Bond's attention in November 1956.In a letter to Clarence Mitchell of the Washington; DC, bureau of the

NAACP, Bond mused that it might be possible to get

comparative standings in these tests for white high schools in Memphis,Mr. Gerber's home; and, perhaps from other sections of the South. Ibelieve such data would show that the Negro high schools in Washing~ton had an attainment. ..not very different from that of Memphis whitehigh school students. (Bond, 1956a)

Bond asked his friends in Memphis for information about test scores andabout Counsel William Gerber, who .had conducted much of the Davis Hear~

ings (Lee, n.d.). Bond also investigated how segregationist groups through~out the South were circulating the Davis Hearings. In a speech a few yearslater, he recounted how he discovered how

Congressman Davis. ..had 50,000 copies [of the Hearings] printed; sucha number, of course, was not intended for the District of Columbia, oreven for his own Fifth Georgia Congressional District. They were in~tended for distribution throughout the United States.. .and the White

-GitizensG-o unc i-ls -of I:h-e- So ttth-became -i:ts- more -e n thus ias ti c-c irc ulat or; --

(Bond, 1962, p. 7)

Within a few months of the release of the Hearings, Bond had completed his

response, entitled A Study of the Intelligence of Congressmen Who Signed theSouthern ManifestO As Measured by I.Q. Tests Administered by the A17nj' toThem and to Their Constituents, and by the American Council on Education

Psychological Examinations as Administered to, and Reported by, Their Colleges

(Bond, 1956d).Bond (1956d) claimed that his study followed "the methods, major pre~

mises, and research techniques of these distinguished and forthright expo~nents of the science of psychometry," Representative Davis and CounselGerber (p. 2). In other words, no environmental explanations for deficien~cies in IQ scores or scores on achievement tests were to be allowed when

reviewing the published scores of the colleges attended by such of thesegentlemen as did attend college, so that we may apply I to an evaluationof their "intelligence" the same criteria. ..that has been the main prop ofCongressman Davis and Counsel Gerber in analyzing the implications of"integration" in the District of Columbia public schopls, by race. (p. 5)

--I In his analysis, Bond found that Davis "attended a college where themedian score on a highly praised 'Psychological Examination' located thatcollege in a position inferior to 94% of American colleges" (p. 13). Davis ~asnot alone, however; Bond meticulously reproduced the standings of colle"gesattended by each signer of the Southern Manifesto. With a few exceptions(those attending_Vanderbilt, Duke, Mercer, or Emory), the colleges performedwoefully on American Council of Education exams (Bond, 1956d, Figure 2).

Chief Counsel Gerber fared little better. Bond well remembered thedebates of the 1920s when White skin was t:l°t a guarantee of racial purity.Hearkening back to the racial categories used by Brigham (1923), Bond notedthat Gerber had

migrated from a country-Russia-where draftees born in that countrymade such low scores on Army tests, as to lead our Congress, in 1924, to

adopt immigration quotas designed to keep further immigration fromthat country, out of America, as far as possible. (Bond, 1956d, p. 14)

Yet Bond had further use of the Army tests beyond skewering the ChiefCounsel, for he extended his analysis to an examination of the Army scoresof the White populations of segregationist states. He concluded,

In temlS of "IQ test scores," the typical Senator and Congressman whosigned the Southern Manifesto may be described as:

a. A man whose voting constituency is in the lower 20% of mentalability, of American 'Whites, so far as that mental ability is shown byArmy "IQ test scores."

b. A man, most of whose constituency fall, (again, according to Wil-liam Gerber's highly regarded "IQ test scores,") in the "dull, normal,""Moron" category.

c. A man who attended a college where the median (middle) score ofthe students, P~~i.t-S-Qllege~the-lo.Vlest-tcu-per-cet1t-Qf--meeiian--scores made by American colleges throughout the Nation. (Bond, 1956d,

p.13)

Policy recommendations logically flowed from his findings, and theyechoed the policy recommendations that Davis and Williams had for Afri-can Americans. Bond recommended that Congressional committee assign~ments be made on the basis of IQ scores, not seniority. This plan, Bond ad~

mitted, would have the effect of denying Congressional leadership to southernSenators and Representatives, but he noted that the country would undoubt-edly be better off to have the "slow learners in a group together, where theycould. ..have remedial attention to make up for their basic deficiencies" (p.15). Bond concluded that "in making these recommendations, we believe wehave been entirely faithful to the principles, techniques, and procedures, bywhich Congressman James C. Davis, and Chief Counsel William Gerber"used in their hearing (p. 15).

271"RACIALLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

The reaction to Bond's study supports Phiddian's (1997) contentionthat "parody does important critical work that sober critique could neverhope to achieve" (p. 692). The NAACP released Bond's "study" on Decem~ber 19, 1956. Press requests for copies soon outstripped the supply as ilie wireagencies picked up the story (Mitchell, 1956). "Souilierners Branded 'Mo~ron' by NAACP" (1956) screamed the headline of ilie United Press story.Representative Davis refused to "dignify" Bond's report with a' comment.Representative John Bell Williams declared Bonc;i's report "a diabolical con~glomeration of meaningless and unintelligible nonsense quoting an allegededucator apparently unknown outside pressure group circles" ("SouthernersBranded 'Moron'by NAACP", 1956). Bond merely replied that he was "highlyenough regarded by Mississippi educational authorities to be invited to serveas an 'expert' by iliem during their Study of Higher Education conducted inMississippi in 1945" (Bond, 1956b).

Bond's critique effectively undercut ilie racial claims made by Whitesoutherners by invoking those claims in the same manner that Whitesoutherners did. Just as Brigham (1923) had trumpeted the pure Nordic asthe ideal racial type, White southerners frequently claimed that they werethe "whitest" of the White race, often themselves invoking their Nordic heri~tage in the process. W. D. Workman, editor of the Charleston News & Cou,rier, claimed that the "Anglo~Saxon, Nordic, North European. ..CelticTeutonic" heritage of White people in the South was the result of "the quiteobvious but little~noted diagonal transposition of North European culture tothe American South" (Workman, 1960, p. 2). Noted segregationist CarletonPutnam was always quick to deny that White southerners had ever mixedtheir blood with that of the "Negro," arguing that the mulatto children inthe South were "fathered by Northerners" (Putnam, 1964, p. 34).

Bond referred to the study as his "foolishness" but also believed that"the enraged reaction to my little joke, as represented by the bitter anony,mous letters I have been receiving, encourages me to go further" (Bond,1956c). He would, indeed, continue the line of attack he began with hisstudy. For the South would call on IQ tests again to prove the need for segre~

gation.

"IS IT 1RUE WHAT nIEY SAY ABOUT DIXIE r'

In 1958 the chair of the psychology department at Randolph-MaconWomen's College in Lynchburg, Virginia, Audrey Shuey, published The T est~ing of Negro Intelligence, a compilation of several hundred studies that com~pared intelligence test results of White and African Americans.s Accordingto Shuey's conclusion, these studies showed a -"remarkable consistency" thatpointed to "the presence of some native differences between Negroes andwhites as determined by intelligence tests" (p. 318). Shuey argued that the

272 JOHN P.JACKSON,JR.

gap in intelligence test scores persisted across time and geographic areas andthat, hence, it could not be attributed to environmental influence. Thiswas the position advanced by Henry E. Garrett, Shuey's doctoral advisor atColumbia who had provided an introduction to her book. Garrett had beenthe only social scientist of any note to testify for segregation during thelitigation that led to Brown v. Board of Education (Jackson, 2001 b) and hadlong argued for innate differences in intelligence betWeen the races (Garrett,1945,1947). .

Shuey attempted to distinguish her presentation of the test "results"from her "interpretations" of these results. Following Garrett, Shuey claimedthat the mass of data proved that there were racial differences in intelligenceand that attempts to explain away these differences were unscientific "inter~pretations" of what the facts clearly demonstrated. For example, Shuey citedapprovingly Brigham's 1923 conclusions that Negro children were inferiorto Anglo~Saxon children in intelligence but waved away his famous 1930recantation of the significance of his own findings (Shuey, 1958, p. 207).

Once again, intelligence tests could provide ammunition for the segre~gationist cause. The segregationist newspaper The Virginian praised it as "ob~jective and scientific" while noting that the book would probably not begiven the "Madison Avenue type of promotion and build~up which wouldhave been accorded her had she written a book in favor of race mixing"("N ew Book Tells the Truth," 1958, p. 14).6 Segregationist publisher CarletonPutnam, an outspoken champion of the scientific truths of racial inequality(Jackson, 2001a; Lesseig, 1994; Newby, 1967, pp. 148-170; Tucker, 1994,pp. 157-161), argued that "Shuey's material belonged in the record" for theBrown decision and would have led the Supreme Court to uphold racial seg~regation (Putnam, 1961, p. 26). Newspaper editor James J. Kilpatrick ofRich~mond, Virginia, who has been called "the most brilliant and prolific of allsegregationist ideologues" (Chappell, 1998, p. 52), praised Shuey's book as"an indispensable reference work, of unimpeachable integrity, for any stu~dent who proposed seriously to investigate Negro scores on intelligence tests"(Kilpatrick, 1962, p. 218). Other intellectual defenses of segregation echoedthese praises of Shuey's book (Gini, 1960; Weyl, 1960, pp. 181-187).

Once again, Bond faced the same argument he had been attempting torefute since 1924. He noted that the book had been distributed free of chargethroughout the South and that the Citizens' Councils had been active dis~tributors. Eventually he discovered that the distribution of Shuey's book wasbankrolled by the Pioneer Fund, a philanthropic organization dedicated tofunding scientific research aimed at proving White superioriry (Bond, 1960a).He considered the entire affair "as striking an example of academic skulldug~gery, aimed at propagandizing the cause of Negro inferiority, that, I think,has ever transpired in these United States" (Bond, 1960b).'

Bond (1958a) reviewed Shuey's book and noted that many aud1ors ofthe studies she reported would not be able to "recognize his own brain~chi1d

273"RACIALLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

after it has undergone the deft, assiduous surgery of [Shuey's] excisions," not-ing that Shuey's tactic of presenting the "results" independent of d1e "inter-pretations" meant that "this reviewer" and other "Negro students. ..aremade.. .to appear as heraldS of their own native inferiority" (pp. 519, 520).Bond argued that in 178 of the 288 studies, African Americans tested in ageographical area were compared with national norms rather than to Whitenorms in the same geographical area. "Many of these instances," Bond wrote,"were in the Soud1, and the studies were carried on by Negroes who, mani-festly, would have found it impossible to test white subjects in the same neigh-borhood" (p. 523).

Bond (1958a) closed his review by asking if Shuey's "results. ..may beapplied to other material reported by her, but not discussed in her text" (p.523). Once again, Bond pointed to the poor scores of White southernerscompared to White northerners and asked if it was true that "Southern whitepersons are the descendents of the degenerated portion of the AmericanAnglo-Saxon heritage. ...Her own 'results' ...inevitably lead to the con-clusion that there are 'some native differences' between Northern and South-ern whites. ...Dr. Shuey, is it true what they say about Dixie?" (p. 523).

MR. TOILETS

In 1959, Bond wrote to a friend that Thurgood Marshall, who by thenhad been dubbed "Mr. Civil Rights," had taken to calling Bond "Mr. Toilets"(Bond, 1959a). The curious honorific owed to Bond's daring idea that, just asWhite southerners were willing to base school policies on a simple correla~tion of intelligence test scores with "race," Bond was willing to offer his owneducational proposals based on a correlation of a different sort. In 1959, Bondannounced that he had discovered an "easy, economical way to search for'Talent'," or at least "talent" as measured by the National Merit ScholarshipCorporation. Bond published a study based on data from his old home city,Chicago, and his old home state, Kentucky, and found a simple rule thatseemingly explained how to find National Merit Scholarship winners: "moretoilets, more talent; fewer toilets, less talent; lowest percentage of toilets, notalent at all" (Bond, 1959b, p. 5). If the government were serious aboutfind~fig academically talented youngsters, "instead of providing scholarships," itshould "subsidize the building of two-holers, three~holers, or even eight-holers"(Bond, 1958b). Bond argued that this was not an unreasonable proposition,for "The House with Three Toilets is, of course, symbolic" of occupationalstature, socioeconomic success, and a host of other indicators of successfultest performance (Bond, 1959b, p. 9).

Although obviously almost absurd, "Talent- and Toilets" underscoreda central driving theme of Bond's entire academic career. If the nation werereally to act on its motto that "all men are equal," then it would abandon the

274 JOHN P. JACKSON. JR

-

pretense that tests of academic achievement measure something that is in~

nate and biological within each individual. Bond concluded,

True equalization of opportunity requires far more than was dreamed ofin other generations. True, that we have provided public schools of asort, for all of the childrenj true, even, that we have begun to go to theroots of the matterj for our public housing program, in a very real sense,is no more than providing privies-for the undefP7i4.lileged. We yet have

far to go. (Bond, 1959b, p. 11)

Despite its almost vulgar title, "Talent -and Toilets" offered Bond anoutlet to argue that the country needed to make a serious commitment to

providing equal opportunity for all citizens. The point was a serious onejindeed, it was the central principle that guided Bond throughout his entire

career. As such, the "Talent -and Toilets" parody represented a real politi~cal and educational statement for Bond, despite its satiric form and tone.

CONCLUSION

Literary critic Kennem Burke (1973) described one mode of conserva-

tive rhetoric prevalent in me 1950s when he wrote,

It would seem they are no longer bothering to seek good arguments; rather,they are content to seek any arguments if only there be enough of themkept running through the headlines. ...Are there no eagles among theirpublicized utterances? Very well; let them be instead a swarm of mosqui-toes. Before you could refute this morning's, there is a new batch out this

afternoon. (p. 175)

Almough Burke was attempting to describe the wild accusations of theMcCarthy era, his comments accurately describe segregationists' use of intel-

ligence tests. The sheer number of tests was enough for the segregationists,and the mass of test results spoke for themselves. Indeed, in segregationistdiscourse, the test results had to speak for themselves-because me test ad-

ministrators, whemer they were teachers in Washington's schools or psy-chologists who administered the tests, were not allowed to speak on the tests'

behalf. However, despite their claims to scientific precision, segregationistarguments using IQ scores were little more than repetitions of arguments

most psychologists had rejected decades before.Rather than try to reclaim the ground of "objective science" mat was

being ferociously defended by the segregationists, Bond chose a different at-tack. He accepted the grounds offered by the segregationists and used their

own arguments against them in a clever and effective reductio ad absurdumargument that undercut segregationist claims while accepting their terms ofdebate. In so doing, Bond went from a pointed critique, represented by his

W ash~on, DC, study, to the much more subtle critique offered by liT alent

275"RACIAlLY STUFFED SHIRTS AND OTHER ENEMIES OF MANKIND"

-and TQilets." BQnd's writings in this period should be view~d not as idiQ~syncratic, but as an important rhetorical strategy that African Americanstraditionally used in the racist United States. BQnd's writings during thisperiod, therefore, can be seen as an example Qf Afrocentric science-adopt~ing a central theme Qf AfrQcentric discourse in a scientific mode.

"Talent -and Toilets" exemplifies a central theme about AfricanAmericans' use Qf parody and HQrace Mann Bond's use of ~telligence tests.Many writers on parody note that even while it seeks to destabilize themeaning found within the Qriginal text, parody often perpetuates the origi~nal meaning as well. Bradbury (1985) argued that parody "grants the truthof the monument and colludes in its monumentalization, while question~ing the artifice of its construction and the process Qf mQnumentalization,both perpetuates and destroys, opening up a continuing transaction" (p.220). Ultimately, parody can become the very thing it seeks to undermine.Indeed, over time, the parody can become the literary form itself; Cervantesintended Don Quixote as a parody of the romances Qf the 15th and 16thcenturies, and it is now considered one of the finest romances ever written.The Victorian poetry parodied by Lewis Carroll is long forgotten, but thewonderful nonsense poems of Alice in Wonderland are remembered fondly(Phiddian, 1997. pp. 683-684). As Jones (1996) noted, "the most signifi~cant mark Qf a parody is the doubt it induces as to whether it is a parody ornot" (p. 71).

Although the Washington, DC study was an Qbvious parody of d1e waytest results were being used by segregationist politicians, "Talent -and Toi~lets" was a less obvious parody. Indeed, Jones's question c~ legitimately beasked of Bond's article: Was it a parody or not? This characteristic of parody,of honoring what it seeks to critique, can help explain a central puzzle aboutthe career of Horace Mann Bond.

Despite his continual critique Qf racist interpretations of intelligencetest results, Bond nonetheless relied on such tests as a college administratorand educator. Thomas (1984) argued that the use of intelligence tests byBlack educators was little more than a betrayal. "Data gleaned from thesetests," Thomas wrote, "which had now been validated by black researchersthemselves, aided in the identification and rigid classification, labeling andsorting of young people whom test users were supposedly assisting" (p. 496).

-In a more nuanced treatment of BQnd's use Qf tests, Urban (1989) concludedthat Bond "saw intelligence testing as a tool, a dangerous but sometime~useful tool, that could be used to achieve his objectives as it had been used tofrustrate d1em" (p. 332).

Bond's ambivalent stance toward intelligence tests mirrors that of parodytoward its object. As Phiddian (1997) wrote, "ParQdies can't live with theirhost discourses, and they can't live without them" (p. 682). Bond's "Talent-and Toilets" study pointed to the absurdity of relying Qn tests as indicators ofimmutable and innate intelligence and yet, at d1e same time, called for a

276 JOHN P. JACKSON I JR.

commitment from the United States to truly equalize educational opportu~cities for all its citizens.

NOTES

1. Phillips saw her work as an extension of that of Collins (1991) and Myers (1991;see also King, 1992).

2. A description of Talmadge's attack on the regents of the University of Georgiacan be found at www2.gasou.edu/special_collections/exhibits/msp/1942con.htm(viewed October 7,2002)

3. For biographical inf9rmation on McGurk and his segregationist views, see Tucker(1994, pp. 152-153) and Jackson (2001a, p. 254).

4. Technically, the Brown decision did not order the desegregation of Washington,DC's, schools, because Brown was based on the Fourteenth Amendment, whichapplies only to actions of the states. However, a companion case to Brown, Bollingu. Sharpe, was heard with Brown and decided on the same day. Bolling was ex-plicidy concerned with Washington, DC's, schools and declared their segrega-tion to be a violation of Fifth Amendment protections.

5. Shuey's work is discussed in Newby (1967, pp. 72-82) and Richards (1997, pp.

245-248).

6. The ViTginian was associated with "The Northern League," a group of neo- Nazisympathizers who were tied closely to the segregationist establishment. Anotherpublication associated with the Northern League, Right, also praised Shuey'swork ("Science and Equality," 1958, p. 1). Soon after this time the underwriterfor The Virginian took his support away from the magazine to lend it to GeorgeLincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party (Simonelli, 1999, p. 27). For infonna-tion on the Nordlern League generally, see Coogan (1999, pp. 478-489). Formore on the Northern League's centrality to Henry Garrett and other "segrega-tionistscientists," see Tucker (1994, pp. 151-179) and Winston (1998).

7. For more on the role of the Pioneer Fund in funding segregationist work, seeBlackmon (1999), Sedgwick (1995), Stefancic and Delgado (1996), and Tucker(1994, 2002).

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