Proceedings of Workshop on Migration and Urbanisation
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Transcript of Proceedings of Workshop on Migration and Urbanisation
PROCEEDINGS OF WORKSHOP ON MIGRATION AND URBANISATION
MARCH 10 28" 1986
NEW DELHI
Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Ministry of Home Affairs
Government of India 2/A, Mansingh Road
New Delhi
F OJLe.woJtd Pre·face ..
CON TEN T S
Workshop on Migration and Urbanization
Se.c~~on 1 - Migration
1. A modern theory of classification: and the question, who is migrant?
G.P. ChLtprnct:n
2. Place of birth data and lifetime migrati-on
Rona..-ld Ske.-ldon
3 . A note .on sampling and' migration
R.ona:!.d· Skeldon 4. Place of last residence and duration
of residence
Rona.e.d Ske.-ldon
5. Internal. migra,tion in India: An Asses:sment
S.K. S~nha 6. De lhi~ I S mi.gr.i1.nt pr_oblem: Some- i SSue.s
O.P. Sha.Jr.rna.
7. Impact of migration on the growth of Delhi ••
R.K. PuJti.
8. Mobility amqng Indian, women
O. P. Shalt-rna..
..
Page No.
i
iii
vii
1 - 32
33 - 47
48 - 58
59 - 66
67 - 79
93 -112
113 -128
See~~on II - U~ban~za~~on
9.
10.
ll.
12.
13.
14.
Recent urbanization in India .•
B.K. Roy Projection of urban population
K.S. Na.~a.~aja.n
Trends of urbanization in. India ..
R.K. Pu.~~
An analysis of the density differen~ tiation of the popu1at~on of ~ndia 1961, 1971 and 1~81 .•
G.JJ. Cha.lOman
A note on concepts, definitions a~d measures of urbanization an~ urban growth . '.
M.K. Ja.~n
The simulation of the development of national economies real imaginary case studieS
G.P. Cha~man & r~abeLLe T~a.kok
List of participants .,
Topics covered ip the wor~shop
*** ***** ***
Pa.ge No.
129-149
150-181
182-207
208-221
22<2-241
275-2-77
279-280
FOREWORD
The idea of organising a workshop on migration and urbanization was mooted by the Overseas Development Agency (C.D.A.) of the U.K. to the Office of the Registrar General,India in early 1985. The Government of India accepted the proposal and the ini-tial exploratory work was started in September 1985 when ' Dr. J.C. Dewdney, Professor, University of Durham, England, visite~ India and discussed the details of the programme with us. A team of officers finalised the detailed programme and the time ,table of the workshop in consultation with Professor Dewdney. The programme was also agreed to by the British Council in New Delhi.
Twenty three of our middle level officers were selected as participants keeping in view the objective of the workshop, namely to acquaint our officers with the latest research and methodologies in the areas of migration and urbanization.
, As recommended by the C.D.A. CU .K:), the British team consisted
of Dr. Robert W~ Bradnock (School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London) Dr. Ranalk Skeldon (University of Hongkong), Dr. Graham P. Chapman (University of Cambridge), with Professor J.C. Dewdneyas team leader. Resource Persons deputed fram this office were Sarvashri' K.S. Natarajan, S.K. Sinha and M.K. Jain. Dr. B.K.Roy was nominated to lead the workshop from the Indian side.
It is gratifying that the workshop was meticulously planned and ~ampetently conducted.
Considering the long term utility of the vast fund of information imparted and with. the view to make the record of the deliberations available even to others who did not participate, it was decided to publish the proceedings of the workshop ~long with relevant supplementary material.·
Our anxiety to include such material has caused same delay but I hope that the resulting volume will prove useful to researchers and pro~ssiona1s in fostering the knowledge of and investigation into the complexities of migration and urbanization issues of India.
I take this opportunity to express this organisation's gratitude to the Overseas Development Agency of the U.K., the British Council and its officials located in Delhi, the British Experts and our own Offi~ who made this workshop possible and rewarding. ~
New Delhi July 13, 1987
vv.' (v.s~~
Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India
PREFACE
The Overseas Development Agency (U.K.) and the office of the Registrar General, India organised the workshop to reorient the exper1:ise available in this office as the dimensions of migration and urbanizaLion have been ever changing in the context of the contemporary development of the country. The workshop convened by the Registrar General, India during 10 & 27 March, 1986 at New Delhi Nas hence a timely and important deliberation as a reorientatiop programme to the participants of the level of Deputy Directors,Asstt~Dlrecror, ~esearch Office·.cs, including a few Geographers drawn from the field iirectorates of the Census Operations of States/Union Territories and headquarters of the Census of India who have been actively ~ngag8d in the Census 'taking, writing reports or annotatio.ns of :ensus data on various issues of migration and urbanization.
A few words about the workshop may be relevant here. The fellberaLions of the workshop, in general, were organised in two vays, (i) by the ora tical lecturing and (ii) through solving practica~ exercises by the parcicipants followed by discussions. Among the theoratical aspects, the workshop touched upon debatable questions On the concepts and definitions of migration and urbanization. In the realm of migration, a comprehensive evaluation of literature related to motivation and decision making in migration alongwith c.hangirlg levels of various forms of mobility through time were discussed. This led, furthermore, to define total migration and outmigration between areas as well the net migration evaluated. Besides, taxonomic models pertaining to theories of migration and circulatory movement behaviour in populat~ons were elaborated.
The migration and urbanization links were specially analysed with reference to contemporary situations of economic development in India. In addition, important issues of similar problems confronted by Britain, the U.S.A. and some developing countries of South-East Asia in their urbanization systems were also highlighted.
In the practical exercises, the participants were provided data from the Indian census for testing some of the hypothesis on the major themes of theoretical aspects. In addition, a Simulation Model b&sed on an imaginary 'State' was generated to subscribe multi-level geographic responses to economic development and policies. The workshop also devoted an afternoon session on the values of CensuS Cartography with special reference to migration and urbanization mapping as comprehensive and basic tool for reporting and analysing the subject for examining spatial patterns.
The decision of the Registrar General, India to work out the proceedings of this workshop by including the lectures of the British team and reading materials by the Resource PersonS and others is encouraging to bring out the entire materials in thi~ volume. It has been tried that almost all aspects, as far as possible, are gathered ln the proceedings for ~vhich, a spade work and cooperation of all concerned associated with the workshop is highly acknowledged.
iv
Soon after the workshop w'as over, I could c..ontact the specialists of the British Team and Resource Pereons of tlle wo::kshop for their scr!.pts of papers. A few other papers having d:!,j_'ect rereyance to the frame of the workshop which I could collest frem var.~cus other authors as reading naterials are also included in ~his volume to mak~ it a comprehensive record. It was very encouraging nr..d prcL(. t:'cally in a short time, all the manu€c..ripts were at my disposal whieh t'l.nde my job easier to go ahead for the final:'zat:'on of: the 'nlume.
A set of 14 papers are p!"esented in this book into two sections viz., \i) Migr~ti0n having eight papers and (ii) Urbanization with six papers, preceded by an official report On the workshop preparec by Shri S.K. Sinha, Senior Research Officer of this office who patiently attended all the events of the workshop during the period. In the end, two appendices are given recording the list of partic~Fants, and ~opics covered in the workshop to make the entire p::oceeding a land~ark for record, reference and consultation.
Organising a workshop like the present one for n per!od of abo~t three weeks is a challenging job consicering the limited resources at our disposal. As soon as the responsibility was given to me, a well knit team of workers assisting for vario~s needs, such as, acc.:mIllodation to the participants in &. city like Delhi and arrangement of transport attracted my mind. A small secretariat worked for this comprising of Mrs. M. Ghosh, Map Officer and her team consis~ing of S!shri P.S. Chhikara, R.N. Chhipa, P.K.Patnaik, P.K. MandaI, Mohd. Ishaq, D, Thakur, Raj Kumar, etc. My steno, Shri S. Agarwal with others ~hared a huge typing responsibility fa!" the workshop • Another most impor;'tant function shared in Map Division was a huge load of reproglapcy and making of transparencies for specialists' visual aids to the pn:: tic i'?ants • S.'911:::i R.R. Ch3kraborty and S.K. Mukherjee assisted by Shri Vishnu Dayal performed this creditably , ... ithout any, grievances. J:n adciition, I could get tho fulL-c..ooperation of the Administraticn Division at eYery step for various supports.
As soon as the publication of the proceedings was plonned, Shri O.P. Sharma, Deputy Director caneforth spontaneously with the assistance of Shri Brahm Dutt, Senior Technical Assistant(VT) and Sh:'i R.D. AjbanL, Technical Assistant(VT) who prepared varitype plates of the entire manuscript which in itself is a great task to complete in such a short time and with accuracy. The ccmparison of the varitype galley-proofs with the original texts of the papers were done by S/shri Pooran Singh, K.Kumar and B.B. Jain. Miss Suman Gupta and Miss Sarita ulso shared this work to limited extent under the supervision of Shri Mahesh Ram, Research Officer (Map) . Shri P.K.Banerjee,· Senio:' Technical Assistant (Rotaprint) and Shri am P:'akash, Rota Print Machine Operat~r took great pains to execute their part of the job i.e.,printing with great technical competence.Shrl B.P. Jain, Assistant
v
Direc~or in the Pri~ting Cell of th~s office, helped us to arrange fo~ b10ck oaking of maps and diagrans and printing of the proceedings.
L&st but not the least, I am thankful to Shri \.S. Verma,I.A.S., RegistLar General, India to give mc the reaponsibility to organise the workshop and bring out the publica~ion. Also, I am t''llilnkful to the f:coource Persons of the workshop and Shri N. Rama Rao, Lssistant Regist~ar General (C&T) in various ways who ~elped me at every stage :or a successful conplction of the 'W'o!'kshop. The pAtience of the partic:'pants is laudab::"e as they were attentive dur::"ng the span of the entire workshop withot.:.t any ..... oss of time dnd inte;!:'cst 88 thE. cu!'io~sity WAS created by ~he specialists of the British Team du~ing ~he de:iberations at every point. This lead to n ve=y high standard of exchange of views on various technical and profesGionn~ issues on the taemes. I, therefore, owe m)re than I cVn adequately express ii!'st to the Reg::..strar General, InciA to provida a forum, such as this workshop, and ~hen tv the British ~earn for otim~lating ~ecture5, 'vhile: our other COlleagues haYe througnout contribu~ed in many wayo in the success of the workshop.
The support ,;)! }!r. Dll'· id Theobald, First Secretary and Miss G. Majumdar, ~sstt. Progrnnme Offi~er of the B=itish Council diVision, New Deihi is aso nc~owledged whc, nt short r.otice9 were helpful in providing w:i.th <.:ale:ule.tors and other equipments; my grntcfelness to all of them. It is belieyed ~hat this pr(.ceed::!.n~
may p=ovide excl.ting pnpe:.:s to everyone. cor.cerncd to meas,ure and eV3luatc the dynamics of migrati~n and urbanization to a great extent.
~A~ f~~Y~ ~ ~ """'1 .,~ £" ." ~:'1.
Ke\~ Delhi (B.K. ROY) 26 May, 1987 Deputy Registrar Gene~ai(Map)
JJ.9_R_K_?_H.9_P_.9~_~_I.fl~_tl.J_I.9~_l\~_D_y_R§~~_?~JJ.9iJ
~a_r_c~ _ ~ ~ _-_ ~;:r:.c~ _ ~~ '_ ] 2~~ , ____ ~ _R~p~r:_t_
Migratlon is the outcome of a decision making process
by an individual or household. The decision making process 1S
initiated by a relative dissatisfaction with the present place
and/or by perce1ved opportunities at the place of destinatlon
commonly known as 'push' and 'pull' factors. Urbanisation on the
other hand entails a profound process of social and economic
transformatlon, Migration and Urbanl.sation are two very broad
topics linked with any population redistribution policy. The
ultimate aim of any population redistribution policy is to
achieve a desired balanced development of the human settlement
system which may include metropolitan regions, major cities,
growth centres, medium-sized towns, small towns, rural settle
ments etc. Realising the importance of the linkages between
migration and urbanisation, the Economic and Social Commission
for Asia and the Pac1fic (ESCAP) proposed detailed comparative
studies of m1gration and urbanisation in relation to development •
These were called the 'national migration surveys' and were
undertaken by several countries around early 80's.
•
The Government of India has also been fully aware of
the importance of studying migration in relation to urbanisation
and development. The Registrar General's Office has been the
nodal department for undertaking such studies and data producing
through censuses" The scope of such data has been enlarged in
the 1981 Census greatly 0 However 1t was noted with concern
about the non-availability of migration data at specific urban
levels excluding Million cities.
The idea of organising a works-hop on migration and
urbanisation took shape sometime in early 1985. With the
help of the Overseas Development Agency (ODA) of the UK
Government, a workshop on the application and utility of
indirect methods of estimating fertility and mortality was
organised in March-April 1984. This workshop was intended
to train officers o~the Registrar General's Office in specific
demographic techniques of fertility and mortality.
A follow up programme for the propoSed workshop
on migration and urbanisation was worked out in September,
1985 by Prof. J.C. Dewdney of the University of Durham in -
consultation with the Registrar General, India and later with
a team of Registrar General's Office Officers consisting of
Dr. B.K. Roy, Deputy Registrar General (Map), Dr. N.G. Nag,
Deputy Registrar General (SS), Shri N. Rama Rao, Assistant
Registrar General (C&T), Shri K.S. Natarajan, Assistant
Registrar General (Demography) and Shri M.K. Jain, Senior
Research Officer.
The workshop was not intended to be confined to
migration apd its effects on urbanisation but was to be
very wide ranginSI covering as many aspects of migration
(all types) and urbanisation as could be dealt with in the
time available. A period of three weeks was agreed upon
for this workshop and the duration was fixed tentatively
from March 10 - March 28, 1986. The workshop was actually
held on these days. Reg;;:,arding the possible topics, it was
agreed upon that the course should include comparison of
Indian census data and methods with those of other countries,
I~
modern methods of census analysis, Cartographic as well as statistical methods, migration theories, historical aspects
of migration, urbanisation as well as its recent trends,
including international migrationso' As the focus was more
on methods and interrelations, larger part of the workshop
was intended to be covered by formal lecture pres~~tions and group discussions and correspondingly smaller el~ment
of practical work. Practical work was also intended to be
mainly on Indian data.
The British expert team consisted of Prof. J.C.
Dewdrtey, University of Durham, Dr. G.P. Chapman, Universi,ty
of Cambridge, Dr. R.Skeldon, University of Hongkong and
Dr. R.W. Bradnock, School of Oriental and African studies,
London. All these experts are famous Geographers specialised
in these fields. Prof. Dewdney was the team leader. In
order to help the British e~perts, who were the main speakers
for the workshop, S/Shri K.S. Natarajan, Assistant Registrar
General (Demography), S.K. Sinha, Senior Research Officer
and M.K. Jain, Senior Research Officer, were made responsible
to work as resource personnel. These resource personnel were
expected to assist the lectures in initiating discussions,
providing necessary census data, reading materials and other
logistic supports. Dr. B.K. Roy, Deputy Registrar General
(Map) was the over-all incharge of the workshop. He was
assisted by this colleagues of the Map Division.
The workshop was formally inaugurated by the
Registrar General,India, Shri V.S. Verma on +Oth March,
1986 at 10.00 AM. The inauguration function was attended by
Dr. D. Theobald, First Secretary, Cultural Affairs of the
British Council, Miss Majumdar, Assistant Programme Officer . of the British Council, beside~ heads of divisions, resource
personnel, the British experts, and the part~cipants. Twenty
five participants consisting of officers of various divisions
of Registrar General's Office as well as from various
census directorates attended the workshop. The resource
personnel gave a number of reading materials' in the form of
papers and data sheets. A list of the materials available
with this workshop is given in the appendix. Copies of the
papers supplied by the resource persons are also attached.
Prof. Dewdney started the course of the workshop
by lect~ring on the concepts and definition of migration,
types of human mobility, distinguishing migrants from
other movers such as commuters etc. He also stressed on
the problems of international comparability of migration
data and its limitations. He compared the Indian migration
data -from the census with that of the U.K. migration data.
There was a lively discussion on the problem of defining
who is a migrant. The UN definition of migration was also
disqussed in det~il. Persons moving through time and space
(geogr~phical boundaries) and changing the place of their
residence are termed as migrants. Commuters are those who
move from one place to other but return back to the place
of residence and as such do not change the place of residence.
Commuters and migrants together form what is known as
'movers' or 'mobile population'. After introducing the
basic concepts of m~gration, Prof. Dewdney invited Dr. Chapman
who gave interesting lectures on international migration,
data sources and problems and India's role in the international
migration (i.e. Indians living abroad).
Data sources and their reconcilation on Internal
Migration was dealt with by Dr. Skeldon. He took a couple
of lectures on this topic and discussed the Indian data on
Internal Migration. Cerisus h~s re~ained the main source of
internal migration 'in India. He discussed the various
studies on internal migration undertaken by various Indian
scholars,like Zacharia, Mukherjee, Das Gupta etc. and also
the famou!':· ILO study in' Ludhiana: The place of birth data
giving life-time migration and its limitations, were dealt
at length and th~ri duratio~ of residerice and migration by
place of last residerice ~ere also discussed in detail.
Dr,. Skeldon also took a few lectures on the ESCAP national
migration surveys. The primary objective of th,F!se national
migration surveys has been to supplement the migration data
from the census and also "to assist decision makers in
policy formulation on population redistribution and programme
development for controlling the volume and directi~n of
population movements in order to help achieve the national
development goals". (ESCAP,· 1979, 3p.)
The first we~k of the workshop, therefs>re, covered
basic topics on international and internal migration in
India, comparison of Indian data with that of other countries
such as Britain, definition of migration, various concepts
relating to migration and various research studies on
migration in India and also the ESCAP migration surve~s.
-xi i_
In the second week Prof. Dewdney spoke on the
migration rates, ratios, and other indices, in-migration,
outmigrants, gros's-migration, net migration, and migration
streams etc. Dr. Chapman and Dr. Skeldon took lectures on
the types of'migrants by age, sex, economic status,
educational levels, reasons of moves and nature of movers,
distance of move etc. Dr. Chapman discussed in detail the
concept a of 'Population Poteritial f, population density,
cartographic depiction and anal,~sis of migrants integrating
urbanisation and migration. Indirect and direct measures
of migration through th~ vitai statistics method and the _. "
survivorship ratio method were discussed by Dr. Skeldon.
- In the secon_d week itself Dr. Bradnock took a preliminary
lecture on the relationship betwe~n migration and
urb'anisation.
A number of practical exercises were ,attempted by
the participants using Indian data on the various migration
rates etc. Gravity model, Todaro's model and other
migration theories such as that of Ravenstein and Lee were
also discussed by Prof. Dewdney and Dr. Skeldon.
One of the practical exercise was a simulation
model on market behaviours and impact of migration on
economic growth by Dr. Chapman. It was interesting and
he ~volved all the participants. He visualised an economy -
in which there is little interaction between rural and
urban areas. There were cultivators with large and small
families and with uneven land distribution. There are
frequent occurances of, drought and there is lack of
institutional support. The vill~ge has a few rich farmers
and in the town there is the President assisted by his
Industry Minister and the Government Agent. The simula
tion model included an industrialist, an urban labour and
a banker. The data generated on the basis of five conse
cutive crops indicated that there is no cooperative effort
i~ the viilage inhabitants and due to frequent drought
conditions and uneven land di~tribution as well as high
fertility and mortality conditions, only a few cultivators
could get the benefits of technological and institutional )
support, due to initiative and risk. This was to assess
how migration in the presumed economic condition originates.
There was lack of rural to urban migration due to high
cost of movement and lack of policy. The simulation model
generated lot of interest among the participants. This
gave a practical 'approach to the linkages between migration
and 'economic development.
In the third week, lectures on urbanisation were
taken by Dr. Bradnock. He discussed the problem of defini
tion of an area to be declared as urban in the census as
definition of 'urban' varies from country to country. Even
the UN has not been. able to standardise the definition of . . . 'urban' .
Dr. Bradnock discussed the various dimensions of
Indian urbanisation. Urbanisation has implied an increasingly
territorial division of labour. Urban and rural areas
become increasingly interdependent economicall~. Specialisation
and interdependence are the product of industrialisation
and it is the pattern of urbanisation that distinguishes
the modern period from earlier ones. Earlier urban centres ,
served as residences of I~lites, crafts and tradera .and centres
for administrative activities. Indian urb~isation is
characterised by higher urban growth without much economic
growth and industrialisation. Dr. Bradnoqk discussed various
characteristics of Indian urbanisation and introduced various
measures like degree tempo, and scale of urbanisation. He
also discussed problems connected with population projections,
especially projecting urban population and how migration
affects urban growth. He lectured on the problems relating
to projecting population of metropolitan areas and of big
towns and discussed the limitations of the UN method of
projecting urban population using the Urban-Rural Growth
difference (URGD) method. He alsQ gave some insight into
the historicai aspects of urbanisation in India.
In the third week Prof. Dewdney took a couple of
lectures on Census' Cartography. Using UK ·data on migration
between regions etc. Prof. Dewdney discussed and introduced
census cat:~~iraphy and the various problems and its limit.ations.
He and Dr. Champman referred to computerised cartographical
methods as well as the utility of ~emote ~ensing and
photointerpretation. On this topic lively discussions ·took
place with Dr. B.~. Roy, Deputy Registrar General (Map) defending
the present cartographical approach followed in India and
pointing out the limitations of computerised cartography,
map preparation and remote sensing in the Indian conditions.
However, he ~elt a bright future to use this technology in
the Indian ~ensus in near future.
All through the three weeks, the period of the
workshop, lively discussions took place and most of the
participants took acti~e interests. Th~enlightened
the British experts on the field problems of the Indian
Census. The participants were fully exposed to the concepts,
definitions and various methods of migration analysis and
its links with urbanisation and the related problems and
limitations.
The training received by the participants could
be utilised properly if they are offered research projects
and opportunities to work and analyse migration data
pertaining to their states of postings. This workshop was
a great success but J.ultimately the impact of such
specialised, training should be translated into practice by
offering the participants to take up analytical and
research work and preparing reports. It is desirable that
each participant may be requested to prepare a background
paper on migration and urbanisation relating to his/her
field of choice.
The British experts were also satisfied and happy
with the workshop. Theyappreciated the work done by the
resource personnel as well as on the research projects
undertaken by Registrar General's office on migration and
urbanisation.
At the end of the workshop the participants presented
citations and souvenirs to the British Professors. The
concluding sessi0n was attended by the Registrar General,
India, Joint Registrar General, India, Deputy Registrar
General (Map), Assistant Registrar General (C&T), Assistant
Registrar Generil (Map), resource personn~l officers of the
Map Division besides Dr. D. Theobold and Miss Majumdar of
British council. The Registrar General and pRG(Map)
thanked the British Professors and the British Council and
congratulated the participants for their active interest
and hard work. The concluding function ended with a forma'}.
vote of thanks to the Chair.
***** **.* *
~_~Q~~~~_~~~Q~~_Q~_~~~~~!~!~~~~Q~_~_~~Q_~~~_QQ~~!~9.~,
vmo IS A MIGRANT?
G. P. Chapman
INTROVUCTIOM
This paper is an attempt to demonstrate
pedagogica~ly the way in which Atkin's ideas (1974,1977,
1981) on sets of elements, hierarchies of sets, and their
intersection can be applied to many of the thorny old
problems of classification in agricultural analysis and
migration analysis. To do so we have to start with a
rough idea of what is meant by a set, a relatlon, a
hierarchy of sets, and the ideas of holism and
intersection.
I. VEFINITION
a.) El e.m e.n.t.6 a.nd .6 e.:t.6
Without getting trapped by arguments about
'processes' rather than 'things', I will say quite simply
that we will in any given situation define or imagine some
set of basic building block, individuals to be classified,
which represent the fundamental level, the elements, of
the current study. A field biologist might take the
following as some elements: ant, bee, fig tree. A linguist
might, in the classification of languages, take French,
English, Hindi as some of his elements. A set is defined a
as any defi~ed collection of elements. The set may have
a name or be indicated by a symbol. I could define the
set x
:t -} X == \a, b, d
-2-
where the curly brackets indicate the set, and X is
the name of the set, and a, band d are the elements.
An alternative way of defining sets is to say
x = {a / a is a cat living in England]
In general, using a definition to test set membership
like this is less satisfactory, since until all
candidates bav.e been considered we are not sure whether
the test of merobe.rship is going to be a good one which
will give a simple answer in each case. If I were to
say
x ={a/a is a rich man}
the de:Einition would be left very unclear.
A set can have no members, and it is then known
as the Null set and written ¢.
b) Rela.tion.6 be,..tween .6e.t.o
A relation can be envisaged as a matrix of
zeros and units - on one axis of the matrix are the
elements of one set, and on the other axis of the matrix
are the elements of the other (or sometimes the same) set.
If a unit is recorded in the matrix, it means that the
two elements defined by the row and column of that cell
are related in a defined manner. Suppose we have six
people and eight cats, we would define the owning relation
ioj which means that person i owns cat j. We could define
a liking relation - which need not of course be the same
thing at all. One of the important points to notice is
that these relations are found by observing scmething,
and recording data. One could fill one of these matrices
-3-
by imagination, but not necessarily by theorizing.
In most cases observation is the only way the data
is found.
c.l Se.t.6 and E..e..emen.t.6 all.e Logic.a.e...e..y V'<:'66eltent
To show how different sets and elements are,
we are going to consider a paradox, the paradox of the
Barber of Old Delhl.
In Old Delhi, there is a man who is the barber,
who shaves all those men and only those men who do not
shave themselves. Does the barber shave himself?
If -:·.he does shave himself he is not shaved by
the barber, since the barber shaves those men and only
those men who do not shave theselves. But that can't
be right, because he is the barber. On the other hand, no-I;
if he does/shave himself, he cannot be shaved by the
barber, who shaves all those men and only those men
who do not shave themselves. The resolution of this
paradox lies in the fact that we are using two distinct
meanings of the w~rd (barber'. The barber as an element,
a man, is one meaning. The other is the barber as a set,
a set of men defined by the shaving relation - i~e.
the barber is the set of all those men who shave other
men. Even if there is only one man in Delhi who shaves
other men, say Md. Karim, the meaning of the barber as
Md. Karim, an element, is a man, is 'different from the
meaning of the barber as the set of those who shave
others, which is B = {Md. Karim}. Suppose you have a
friend Mr. Riszvi who sits an examination with many
other people. Suppose the set of all successful
candidates is S = {Mde RiszVi}. It is quite clear that
the concept of successful candidates and your friend
Md. Riszvi are not the same.
-4-
Now of course there are many barbers" in Old'Delhi.
But ~et us pretend there is only one. Does the barber, an
element, a man, shave himse-If ? the paradoxical answers
given ~bove can be resolved as follows. If he (~irst
meaning, q man, an element) does, then he is not shaved
by the barber (second meaning, the set of all men who
shave those who do not shave themselves). So we find
we are confusing two logically district meanings within
one sentepce, because both meanings are conveyed by one
word. The solution is to restrict ourselves to one
meaning when asking the question, say that of the element,
and then simply to find out- whether or not the barber
does shave himself - it is a simple matter of data.
It is interesting to note, but not altogether
surprising to discover, that in English the distinction
is implicitly recognized in the sentence, 'I am going
t~ the barber's shop today'. The noun is the singular
(genitive), implying an element, but the meaning is 'I
will go to that barber's_ shop of all the barbers' shops,
to which I normally g~; or I will go to any barber's shop.
The singular and plural meanings are quite evident.
I have found it quite instructive to playa game
in which one thinks of a word, then elevates it by
turning it into qapital letters and thinking of it as
a set, and then wondering how the element and the set
differ. If one thinks of a language, say English, as an
element, a member 6f the set of all languages, what is
ENGLISH? ENGLISH is a set of languages, which includes
English English as but one member, Canadian English,
American English, Punjabi English etc. as others.
-5-
The consequences of the distinction between {b}
and b are profound and far-reaching. Sets are distinct
from elements, and sets of sets are distinct from sets,
and so on up the hierarchy. At the bottorn_ we have elements, -
say a, b, c, d, e, f. At the next level one can have any
sets that one needs or finds useful, including non
partitional (i.e. intersecting) ones, p~oyiding that
they are all members of the power set of the elements -
that is the set of all possible subsets of the original
set. If there are n original elements, then there ~re
2n members of the power set, any of.w~~ph can be at the
.next hierarchical level above the elements. In this
case we have 27 possible numbers = .128, _such as {a, f, g}
or {e, f, g} - all of them distinct.
11. HIERARCHIES
To some extent this section 'heading is misleading,
because I will show that the first of the t.~ ways of
building a hierarchy is in some sense inferior t~ the second.
The first merely involves enlarging sets at the same
hierarchical level, so the hierarchy is a kind of pseudo
hierarchy. The second tnvolves climbing the hierarchy
of power sets and displays the holistic natur~ nature of
such operations.
This, the usual approach, simply involves
collecting elements into sets, and joining these sets
into bigger sets. Suppose we have a set of trees
G = {a, b, c, d, e, f] , being respectively mango, coconut,
-6-
neem, bamboo,1 1 banana, jackf.ruit. We can group these into
frui t trees = F, and non-fruit trees = N. We can :.: ;,-.'.:~"~.:
~produce a hierarchy by aggregation as follows:
set of all trees = G = F U .N ;~/' c
f} d} types of trees F = {\ \ e, f
individual tree species abc
The only operation involved is set union U, the addition
or merging of sets.
'We also find that if:-
(meaning la' is within or an element of F)
and F C G (F is a subset of G)
then a E G.
For example, if a banana tree is a fruit tree, and a fruit
tree is a tree, then a banana tree is a tree. The
classification is known as agrregation because only set
union is involved.
Two sets may have elements in common (they intersect)
but are not equal to each other.
If A = {a, b, c} and B = { a, b, f} then A ~ B
That is a simple definition of set theory, but it has
practical use. Suppose~:. we wished to relate the pre-
conditions of an event to an event itself. (This is
1) Anyone who objects that bamboo and banana are not trees will miss the point of much of this paper.
-7-
rather like talking about necessary and sufficient
conditions). Suppose I have four elements, a = Car,
b = Driver, c = petrol, d=water, then
A ={a, b, c} -I B ={a, b, d}
and we look at the two relations between the two sets
A and B and the results Movement and Swearing, we may
get: Movement Swearing
A A
B B
Here we will look at a two level hierarchy using
members of the power sets generated at each level.
Suppose a = wall (s), b = covered floor, c = door,
e = roof, since there are five members of this set of elements
there are 2 5 = 32 members of the power set, many of which
will in a holistic manner have 'no meaning'. Does a roof
without walls mean anything?
Let us suppose for the sake of the argument that
we can recognise in some farmstead the following
H, C) I C =
Note that this time a E House means that a wall is an
element of a house, and H E F means that a house is an
element of the far~, but it does not mean a wall is a farm.
-8-
In the case of Aggregative Hierarchies (IIa above),
the name of a class is appropriate to a quality which
can be applied individually to the elements in a class.
Hence all members of the set TREES are trees. This is
inseparable from the fact that we are using set unions
as the only means of 'climbing' the hierarchy, the unions
being defined for a property cornmon to all elements at
any 'level', By constrast, in the holistic combinatorial
use of sPots, since we 'climb' the hie~archy by whole
sets, the name is applied to the set in its entirety,
and need ~ot reflect any property cornmon to all elements.
I I 1.
0.)
PARTITION VS. COVERSET IN AGGREGATIVE ANV HOLlSTIC HIERARCHIES
Ag 9 IL eg a.t.Lv e. H.L eILa,1L c. h.L e1l
For reasons which are difficult to state briefly,
there has in the West been an assumption within formal
intellectual debate that hierarchies should be partitional.
This means th~t something at a lower level belongs to one
and only one class at a higher level. Thus we would not
allow, through dubious claims to scientific logic, the
schemE below for 'serious' study.
/trees~
fruit timber
I~/\ coconut mango neem
It represents an intersecting (coverset) hierarchYJ~u~ to
every-day man not only is such a hierarchy 'true', it is
the very essence of life - multiple categories and
multiple uses of things.
-9-
We will consider first the case of intersection
in the aggregative hierarchy. Suppose we consider that
trees can be grouped into timber trees - the set K -
and fruit_ trees - the set F - and N the trees that-are
neither. K and F could well intersect.
G=FUKUN = c, d, e, f)
66 %
Partitionalists do not like this approach, because
(i) at some points some sets overlap each other, so that
the isolation of some problem or quality for study is
impossible; (ii) at anyone level numbers, for example
the percentages of individuals in the classes of trees
in the above example, do not necessarily add up to a
predetermined total.
Most irritating of all, as soon as we allow
_ intersection, we play havoo with the idea of 'levels'
the idea that one level is 'above' another. Provided
that we maintain a partitional approach, we can even
with these aggregative hierarchies maintain the fiction
that there are indeed higher and lower levels, even although
we have already shown that the aggregative hierarchy
involving only set union actually stays at one level.
-10-
Since, as we have said, the real world is usually full
of intersecting hierarchies, the traditional approach
which is rarely questioned, is to use several ditferent
hierarchies to cross-classify the basic data, making
sure that each of these hierarchies is used separately
(orthogonally) and is itself partitional.
Consider crop varieties,a,b,c,d,e,f,g,h, and
these three orthogonal hierarchies.
genetic history season cereals
\
f\ \\ \. .I .
local LIV HYV r~ce wheat
A contingency table will have dimensions 3 x 3 x 2.
Here we draw the 3 x 3 table, and indicate the third
dimension by saying that leI is wheat and all other rice.
Aus Aman Rabi
HYV a ,be. e ---
LIV g
L
Initially the discussion will be limited to the 3 x 3
table. We can derive a two-level hierarchy on one
-11-
axis as follows:
Aus Aman Rabi
!\ I Aus HYV Aus L
/\~ AID.an HYV Aman LIV Aman L Rabi HYV
and on the other axis as follows:
HYV LIV L (Local)
/1'" ;\ /' '''"'' ~ \ " II \
Aus ;HYV Aman HYV Rabi HYV Aman LIV Aus L Aman L
If we include the third dimension, the rice/wheat
distinction, we can have any of six different arrangements
of three-level hierarchies, two of which are:
wheat rice
t
I rabi wheat
~ '-" "'-,
....... rice Aus
I / '~ "- ~ rabi HYV wheat AIDan HYV
e b,c
Aman LIV rice
g
AIDan L r~ce
h
Aus HYV rice Aus L
a d,f
ric
-12-
Rabi Aus Aman
I I \
Rabi wheat
I
I AIls rice l\man ri\, /~ / /'"
",'" '\ ,,' ." r
Rabi HYV wheat Aus HYV rice Aus, L rice Aman HYV rice .Arnan LIV
e a d,f b,c g
kttan L rice
h
If there is any 'problem' it appears to be tha.t 'We can use the major
orthogonal axes to divide each other at arbitrary levels - e.g. divide
plant type by season, or season by plant type.
Th~se 'problems' are self-inflicted. The 'fact' that there are
these different hierarchies ~s an illusion brought a1x>ut by the unspoken
assumption that the hierarchie.s must be parti tiona 1 - as indeed the
above ones are. All six of the 'possible' hierarchies, two of which
are shown above, are in fact .partitional subsets of the single cover set
(Le. intersecting) hierarchy which rises simultaneously on all three
axes. This simultaneous hierarchy looks like this:
e
a:
d,f
g
b,c h
rice
-13-
The major observation we can make as a result
of this discovery is that partiti~ning is a highly
selective filtering of the overall coverset classification
system, which produces paltry subsets. If one uses such
subsets one is always plagued by the nagging doubt that
one should have done it the other way round - and indeed
the first question at any seminar often lS, 'why did
you not do it the other way round ?'
Such a diagram represents a Gallois lattice,
which has been the subject of investigation by Marsh
(1983} and othe~s.
We will use an example based on foods and diet.
Suppose a = cooked rice, b = unleavened wheat bread, c =
lentils, d = ,fish. The power set of these foods will
have 16 members, but of those 16 only some will constitute
true meals. To nSb rice with lentil but neither rice
nor wheat we will define as not a true meal. So here I
produce my list of true meals.
poor man's meals rich man's meals
Pl= {a,c} p/Z"{a,d} P3= {blC} P4= {b,d}
1<'3={b,C,d} FA= {a,c,d} F5= {a,b,c,d}
Rl= {a,b,c} F2={a,b,d}
elements a b c
According to this schema there are many intersections:
all meals must have at least rice or wheat in them and
at least either lentil or fish. But the poor man can
never have both rice and wheat at the same meal, and never
both lentil and fish. But as any cook knows, wneat and
d
-14-
fish are holistically different as a meal from wheat
and lentils. The whole scheme is based on the holistic
difference of the sets.
Such is the intuitive subtlety of the human
mind we find that quite often both aggregative and
holistic hierarchies are used together. Remember that
we have already sai,d that an aggregative hierarchyuses
the concept .of OR - that F (fruit trees) is Banana OR
Mango OR Jackfruit OR Coconut - whereas the Holistic
Hierarchy uses the concept AND - that a meal is both
staple carbohydrate AND protein. We will define the
set of Carbohydrates C, and the set of P~oteins P.
Although at rock bottom we can return to a long
list of holistic members of the power set, there are
often so many (even with 5 eleme'nts we would have 32
possibilities to consider, with 10 elements 1024
possibilities) that we often use a short hand to reduce
the apparent number, by indicating groups of acceptable
sets. For example, let us define a good diet as G = {c, p} If we use only the holistic power set approach
we get:
G = {c p}
= {{a,b} , {C'd}} which would appear to indicate that a good diet was both
rice and wheat as well as both lentil and fish. What
we actually want to say is:
{(a or b) and (c or d)}
-15-
We can see that this corresponds to an aggregate of the
meals defined above.
G = {PI or P2 or P3 or p4 or Rl or ,R2 or R3 or R4 or RS}.
and that we are trying to achieve a shorthand way of
saying so by ind~cating incorrectly that G = {C r p}
Henceforth in this paper we will use notation
which avoids all this ambiguity. A superscript * will ,_j;
indicate lany element of the set'. Therefore A Good
Diet is any member of the set Gt = {c*, p*}
IV. EXAMPLES
a) Th~ O~gan~za~~on on a Fa~m
I will start by sketching in a simple minded way
how one might think of a farm. It will turn out that I
think such a way has no value, and is an invitation to
sloppy thinking. But that is where we will start.
~Farmer
Animals Latoure~crops ~ t ~
Work Tools Fields
The problems with this diagram are legion: I have not
said what the arrows mean: are they subordination - but
are crops I subordinate I to farmers? - are they location -
crops are in fields ? - are they control - do animals
'control' rather than 'provide' work? Also, although I
-16-
have different levels, are not farmers and labourers
at one level all men? DO not farmers and labourers
work as well as animals ?
If we ap.ply a little rigour to this situation,
we see we must distinguish between elements and sets,
and between sets and the relations between sets.
If we try again, we mught define -five hierarchies
here, and many relations between different levels in
the hierarchies. The hierarchies are CROPS, FIELDS,
IMPLEMEN'r_S, PEOPLE, ANIMALS. We can define any
appropriate number of levels we wish: here we mostly
define three, in on~ case two levels. (It seems a rule
of thumb (or the human mind more likely) that in any
given study three levels seems to be the useful number}.
We will identify the hierarchies by the word defining
the single set at the top of each (we do not have to
have a single set at the top: that is merely what I
have done in this case).
The definition of 'the farm' amounts to the
relations between all these sets, ego the ~ow~ng relation
between crop types and fields, the wOJr..k.~ng. relation
between labour and fields, the u~~ng relation between
labourers and implements etc.
-17-
FIGURE ;/.. 1
tLi.. e.fL a.fL c hi e..6 on S e..t.6 on .the.. FafLm
eN vl cN+1
v2 rice
v3 wheat eN+2
v4 kharif CROPS
vS rabi
v6
v7
v8
FN fl FN+l
f2 wet
f3 FN+2 . f4 FIELDS
fS dry
f6
f7
IN plough r N+l r N+2
hoe Field . ladder IMPLEMENTS
thresher Farmstead
stove
pN m pN+l
m pN+2
m Labour
m Family PEOPLE
f
f kitchen
f
AN cow AN+l
bullock Domestic AN+2
heron wild ANIMALS
-19-
This is a very complex affair: but then reality
is complex ~nd there is no point in pretending otherwise.
We can simplify the way we see thinqs by going up
the hierarchy, but that does not mean that this simple
view does not ultimate 'rest on something much more
complicated which for the time being we chose to ignore.
The relations that define the farm structure are
horizontal, vertical and 'diagonal'. For example, the
relations between people and fields could be:
Diagrammatically the 'whole farm' is indicated
by many relations, not all of which will be monitored
or known, nor indeed all of which WQuld be interesting.
But let us look at the possibilities. We use the
conventional notation that the lowest level of a
hierarchy, saye is N written eN. The next two highest
levels are then e N+l and e N+2 . There are fifteen
nodal points on the diagram, so there are 15 x 14/2 = 105 possihle relations, shown in Fig.a. Let us choose
-20-
a few at random to see what they might be.
e N+2 r AN+2 might simply be 'animals work on
crops' or 'animals eat crops'. In general such high
level relations will not be of much interest. FN r I N+l
would be probably that implements are used in all fields.
Again perhaps not very interesting. eN r FN could be,
which crop varieties are in ~hich fields, and would be
very interesting. ,eN f FN+I would be which crop
varieties are in which field types, which might be of . N+l N+l great interest to agronom1sts. e r P - might be a
working relation: which types(s} of labour (family,
(hired) labour, kitchen lapour) worked on which crop
types.
The relations should be consis~ent, so that eN r N N N+I. h . . N N+I h' t F X F r F 1S t e same as e r F • In t 1S even
it is possible to collect only the data indicated by
Figure 3, in which case all other relations are calculable
and all other questions answerable. But note this only
applies to dealing with the relations that we have
collected: if there are other relations - such as people
liking crops rather than only working with them - then
of course other data would have to be collected.
At the workshop of Urbanization and Migration
the question of the definition of a migrant became quite
significant. Is a migrant someone who has returned
to his village, from a spell in town? If so a spell of
what duration ?
-22-
FIGURE 4
n N male pN+l
female Sex p N+2
harijan, Caste PEOPLE
kayasth Age
old etc.
young
etc.
PLN Sonagaon PLN+ l
Rampur Andhra pradesh PLN+2
Begumbazar Bihar PLACES
etc. Urban
Rural
etc.
IN I hour
daily IN+l IN+2
hourly
seasonally Frquency
retu:.r:n Duration JOURNEYS
train Completion
bus Medium
holiday Purpose
money/work etc.
etc.
JBN skilled .J'BN+ l
non-skilled TRAINING JBN+2
professional NO TRAINING
manual AGRICULTURAL JOBS
~tar.:teA]" INDUSTRIAL
agricultural
etc.
-23-
Is movement to another house in the same village
migration? If not, why is movement to the ne~t village
migration ?
I do not know the answer to the question "Who
is a Migrant (', but I do know the' way in which I would
go about defining different kinds of migrants, applying
much of what has been outlined above.
Migrants are PEOPLE, they move between PLACES,
they make JOURNEYS of different kinds, and they have
JOBS with differing characteristics. There may be
many other hierarchies which we could tnink of as
relevant - EDUCATION - for example, but for the moment
we will start with those I have indicated.
At the bottom pN of the people hierarchy we may
have descriptive words such as 'male, female, caste,
scheduled tribe, scheduled caste, school age, pensioner,
pensionable age, dependent, independent, married, single,
divorced, widowed'. If we wished we could combine these
holistically to define other categories: we could define N+I CHILD at P to be 'dependent, school age'.
The PLACES hierarchy starts at PLN with a list
of all places at the smallest scale that we can record -
a list of all villages, urban mohallas etc. places are
usually grouped in a partitional way: villages within
taluq~/tehsi$, tehsils within districts etc. But of course
we need here to have a coverset approach, as the Census . . N+I t' t of India fully recognlses, by grouplng at P no JUs
into taluq5, but also into township gr6ups oi" urban
agglomer.ations.
-24-
Migrants' JOURNEYS can be characterised by many
words. This time let us think of words at IN+l and N project back to J. rFrequency' would make us think of
Hourly, daily, X per year, seasonal, non-repetitive.
"Completion' would make us think of return and non-return.
'Duration' would make us think of 1 hour, 5 hours, (for
example), 2 days, 2 months. Obviously we will have to
look carefully to see if there are useful cut-off points
in this scheme. We can think of 'Medium', such as plane,
car, motor-bike, b~~, bicycle, foot, train, lorry, camel,
ass etc. We can think of 'Motivation' such as pleasure,
fear ,money, status, pilgrimage, education, dependent,
posting, marriage. Pleasure may make us wonder whether
we can project down even further to I N- l - to the level
of 'skiing, swimming, golf, fishing' etc.
There are many classifications of JOBS, and
some of those may be of use or relevance here. We might
use such words as 'skilled, non-skilled, professional,
manual, clerical, agricultural, light industrial, heavy
industrial, organized industrial, domestic industrial,
extractive' •
These thoughts are enough to begin to sketch out
how we might answer the question 'who is a migrant'.
First let us combine some of the words from JOURNEYS
level IN.
To define COMMUTING wie may need to say:
car
and/or bus
and/or train
and/or walk
and/or bike J r money J
+ l:-nd/ or s ta tu s
-25-
To define ITINERANT or TRAMP we may need to say:-
Daily + No return + r unemplyed 1 L~nd/or casual .employmen~~
N where I have used words not only from JOURNEY but also
from JOBSN. (The employment descriptors).
To define SEASONAL WORK MIGRANT we may need to ·'.say:-
plane
and/or train
and/or walk Seasonal + and/or car + money + return
and/or bike
and/or lorry
and/or camel and/or ass
To define a TOURIST/VACATIONE~ we may say lalmost exactly the same:
plane
and/or t:tain
and/or C&r
and/or b.tke
and/or l<::>rry
and/or cstmel
and/or a~s
+ pleasure + retrun
-26-
The only ~ifference here is that I have giv~n a motive
of pleasure not money, and have excluded walking from
the actual means of making the journey. (If we wish
to make sure we include walkers who merely reach their
initial start point by non-walking we simply have to
define it so). Here it .is manifestly clear that
Tourists and Seasonal Workers have much in common in terms
of shared elements: but in combination the change of one
element in the set - motivation - chan~es the meaning
of the whole.
Enpugh has been said already to show that there
is no simple and single answer to the question 'what
1S a migrant ?'. Using the words we have now defined
we might wish to include COMMUTERS and SEASONAL WORKERS
as Migrants, but exclude TRAMPS and VACATIONERS. So
now we have a scheme. looking rather like this:-
MIGFANl'
I Cannuter Seasonal \'brker movers for
permanent ~rk
seasonal money employment
............ dependents
non-repetitive
-27-
Note, that if all the data with regard to
individuals is recorded at the lowest level, and then
stor~d in a computer, we can keep changing de~initions
and re-run our computations using new concepts. The
categories and sub-categories of migration are not pre
ordained. They are d~~~~~d and u~ed by us for whichever
purposes seem sensible avenues of research.
What we have not so far said much about is other
hierarchies - PEOPLE, JOBS, PLACES. If for every
person in the data set all the data about these is
collected as well as the data about the JOURNEY, then
there are two ways in which this data may become of
importan~e. Firstly it may extend and augment the
definitions as we have already done: employment might be
part 0f the definitions of certain types of migrants;
dependency might exclude some persons from the category
of 'primary migrant' and place them in 'seconday migrant'.
The rural-u~ban migrant (PLACES) might be thought of
in a different category from the urban-urban. Secondly,
we may not think so much in terms of using these for
definition, as use them for counting the mappings between
the ditferent parts of the different hierarches: counting
how many SEASONAL migrants are agricultural, or how many
are urban-rural etc.
I conclude this example by a simple illustration
of calculating the percentage of migrants relating to
different combinations of data recorded for them.
-28-
Suppose we observe five persons, us~ng some
of the words from both the JOURNEYS and JOBS
hierarchies~
One: seasonal Strain T money M agriculture A
TWO; seasonal Scar C pleasure P non-worker NW
Threeiseasona1 Scar C money M hawking H
Four; non-repetitive NR walk W marriage MG
wife WF
Five; non-repetitive NR walk W money M servant ST
Each of these five can be represented by a polyhedron
whose vertics represent the elements describing each
person, as in Fig. 5.
If we put all five together there are some
areas of over lap. If now we count .the pe_rcentage
of migrants with different combinations of elements
starting with the greatest number of elements in
combination and going down singleton elements, we ge~
the list shown in Figure 60
This gives us a complete breakdown of the
migration pattern in this data set, enabling us to
ask simple questions and to see if the answers are
useful or not, and ~f not, to ask more complicated
questions.
This procedure has been elaborated at greater
length with respect oto broadcasting statistics in
Cha~~.-, Johnson and Gould (1986).
One Two •......... Three.&. .&. .&. ...... Four ••.•••• Five
MG tt ..
* .. * .. * * '" * * WF
• • ..
· · · · • · · · ·
29
. :c . . . . . p.' .N W···········
-30-
!. fIGURE 6
Comb-in.a.tioltO 06 M,[,gJta.;t.,i.oYl cf:iaJta.c.teJtMtic..6 I
8 T M A 20% ONE :8 T 20% mE 8 C pp NW 20% 'l'W) ·8 M 40% ONE ,THREE I 8 C M H 20% ~8 A 20% ONE NR W M3 WF 20% FOURI T A 20% ONE NR W M sr 20% FlVE~: T M 20% ONE
'j M A 20% ONE 8 T M 20% ONE ~: 8 C 40% TWJ,THREE 8 T A 20% ONE '18 P 20% 'l'W)
8 M A 20% ONE !8 NW 20% TW)
T 1)1 A 20% ONE ic P 20% 'IW)
8 p C 20% 'IW) 01 C NW 20% 'I'W) II 8 C NW 20% 'IW) II P NW 20% TWJ 8 20% 'IW)
II 20% THREE P NW 11 8 H
C P NW 20% 'IW) il c H 20% THREE 8 C M 20% TlffiEIIJ M H 20% THREE S C H 20% THREBl C M 20% THREE S M H 20% ~NR w 40% FaJR, FIVE C M H 20% THREI1t NR MG 20% FOOR NR W l'IG 20% FOUR I NR 'lJt.J' 20% FOOR NR MG WF 20% FooR':: w l'IG 20% FaJR NR MG WF 20% FCUR II W WF 20% FCUR ,I W M3 W 20% FCUR:I MG WF 20% FOUR NR W M 20% FIVE~: NR sr 20% FIVE NR M 8T 20% FIVE I:: NR M 20% FIVE NR W 8T 20% FIVE II W sr 20% FrJE W M ST 20% I sr 20% FIVE FIVE ,I M
~w M 20% FIVE
NR 40% FOUR, FIVE W 40% FOUR,FIVE C 40% 'lID, THREE 8 60% ONE, 'IW), THREE M e0% ONE, THREE ,FIVE
, T 20% ONE sr 20% FIVE H 20% THREE A 20% ONE P 20% 'I'W)
NW 20% TWJ VF 20% FaJJ<-M3 20% FooR
-31-
V" CONCLUSIONS
The clear and unambi.guous description of the real
world is the aim and foundation of man's social science
disc~pline.se Without orderly observations the word
! science r has t,o be dropped in favour of I op].nions' or
I hunch , or even 'prejudice'" Yet it is extremely
d.lff~cult '(.0 observe the soclal world in relat~vely
rlgorous ways.
Part of the problem lies with the soph-istication
and subtlety of the human ob~erve"f', Each of us is
equipped to handle complex problems of pattern recognition,
and complex problems of discrimination. Often we are
intuitively able to handle such complexity without
attempting to analyse it consciously. However, when we
need to collect data systematically, it becomes apparent
that instinct is not enough - we are too individualistic
and inconsistent. So we have to break the problems down
by some system of orderly observation. The system
proposed by At.kin is the best I have yet come across ..
It realises straight '.away that we often instinctively
use relations between sets: but that to record this we
must first work out what the sets are, and only then
observe the relatlons. It recognises that there are
hierarchies of sets, but that these hierarchies need
not be part1tional. It recognises that there are pseudo-
hieraLchies of aggregation, and real hierarchies of
power sets. There are many extensions to the ideas
demonstrated here: to analyses of the structure of
relatJ.ons, and to relating traffic (dynamics) to
backcloth (structure). But these can be explored
elsewhere. (G~uld~ Johnson, Chapman 19S().
PLACE OF BIRTH DATA' AND' L'IFETTME' M'IGRATION
Ronald Skeldon
The question on place of birth in population
censuses and surveys provide~ a basic direct way of
measuring migration. The' movement between place of
birth and place of enumeration is known as "lifetime
migration Il and a "lifetime inigrant 11' is def ined as
someone whO is enumerate'd' in a spatial unit other than
the one in which he or she was born.
Lifetime migration' is a fundamental measure of
population movement, altho'Ug'h now, in the second half
of the 1980s, it .is perhaps not thou~h~ so fundamental
as it once was considered to be. Ih' M'ahU:al' VI - the '" .. ....
Uhit'ed Nations I M'ahUal' on:- M'e;t'h'ods~ 'of' M'ea'sur'ing' Ih'te-rh'al -....._ .
Mi<Jratibn - published in 1970, place of birth is given
pride of place. Many analysts ,of migration would now
accord lifetime migration only a place of secondary
importance, with some considering that it is almost
useless from the point of view of policy-relevarit migration
analysis. This latter view is perhaps a little extreme
but certainly lifetime migration is not the ideal measure
of migration. However, for· certain reasons, it is
still a useful measure. In this chapter the advantages
and disadvantages of the. method will be examined to see
why it has changed from' ~ measure of migr.;ition to but
one measure of migration and the various uses of
birthplace data will also be examined.
-34-
BJ.rthp1'ace data have prov~ided the basis for some
of the classic studies of migration in India lMehrotraf 1974;
Davis 1951; Zachariah, 1964) and Indian analysts have been
in the forefront in the development of techniques to
analyse these data (Zachariah 1977; Nair 1985). Other
useful appraisals of the techniques employed ~n the anaLysis
of lifetime migration can be found in united NatJ.ons (.i970)(
Shryock ~ 'al. (1971), George (1970) and Arriaga (1977),
Let us consider first the disadvantages, The
first major disadv~ntage is that there is no time dimension.
Lifetime migration is the aggregate sum ot all movements
from birthplace to enumeration place for a population
irrespective of when the movements took ~~acee A move made
by an 80 -year-old man who moved 60 years ago w.1.l1 be
included with a move made by an 18-year-old student three
weeks before the census. Policy-makers are usually
interested in the present pattern of migration and lJ.fe£ime
migration is going to provideJpiased picture. We can try
to control this problem in two ways. First, we can examine
lifetime pattern by age group and make thl~easonab1e assumption that younger people are more likely to move and
so the lifetime flows of the 15-19 and 20-24 age cohorts
are given more weight in an analysis~ Secondly, and more
commonly, if a question on duration of residence is
included in the the census then we pan cross-classify the
flows from birthplace to place of enumeration by duration
of residence at place of enumeration: less than 1 year,
1-4 years, 5-9 years and so on.
However, this brings us to the second maJor
disadvantage with lifetime migration: it is a measure of
a single move from birthplace to place of enumeratlon~
A,n individual's migration may not have been so simple:
-35-
it could have involved several moves through intermediate
places between birthp1'ace and pilace of enumeration.
Perhaps even more important is the fact that much
migration is not captured by lifetime migration'at all.
We know that return migration is important in many
countries and particularly in the developing world. Data
from spectfic surveys have shown that there is a high
probability of a second migratimn being a return to place
of ,origin. Given this situation there are a large
number of people who may have spent considerable time
away from their birthplace who are classified as "non
migrants" or "never moved" under lifetime migration:
their place of enumeration is the same as their place
of birth.
One of the controls fOJ:jproblems:inherent ir{,the
lifetime migration data mentioned above was the inclusion
of a question on residence at place of enumeration.
However, the duration of residence data need not necessarily
refer to the migration from birthplace but to a movement
to the place of enumeration fromsome other place. This
makes any analysis of migrant/non-migrant differentials
(by, for example, age, educational or occupational status)
of dubious value from lifetime migration data.
Finally, lifetime migration does not take into , account the effect of mortality; it measures only those
who have survived at the destination to be enumerated
in the census. Hence, lifetime migration is not an
estimate of gross migration.
It is for the disadvantages outlined above that
migration analysts have relegated lifetime migration to
a secondary position in the study of the process of
migration. Given these disadvantages one might wonder
why we 8*lluld persist with its study. It does, however,
have two related advantages. First, birthplace data
-36-
are often the only migration-relevant data available
and, secondly, the question is easy to incorporate
in a census questionnaire: easy to ask ~nd almost as
easy for the ~espondents to answer. Let me emphasize
at this stage that while we are talking about "birthplace"
the question asked need not necessarily be "Where
were you born ?" but can be a variant - as in the case
of India - "Where was the usual place of residence
of your mother at tfue time of your birth ?" or "Where
were your parents usually living it the time of your
birth?" This question can simply be made culture
specific to produce a relevant question for each country~
To almost everyone, ~place of birth" is a meaningful
place which will be accurately remembered. This is an
important point in its favour as this is not the case
with some other methods of measuring migration such as
"Where were you usually living five years ago 7" which
is subject to problems of memory lapse. Hence, the
quality of birthplace data is lik~ly to be relatively
high.
Given that the question on birthplace is simple
we are likely to have a long sequence of birthplace
data. India is a classic case since information on
birthplace has been collected in thepountry since 1881.
There is also widespread spatial coverage of birthplace
data. Twenty-seven out of 34 countries in the Asia
Pacific region collected information on place of birth
in their 1980 round of censuses and this was by far
the most common migration-related question asked. For
the period 1955-65, the United Nations has information
on 109 national censuses taken around tpe world in which
87 recorded information on birthplace.
-37-
Hence, there are disadvantages and advantages
with the use of birthplace data and when we use such
data we must be aware of their strengths and weaknesses.
The ~ of Birthplace ~
(1) The measurement of origin-destination flows
The primary use·of,birthplace data is as a direct
measure of inmigration, outmigration and net-migration
for all the regions of a country. These can be
portrayed in a square origin-destination matrix. The
finer the network of spatial ~nits in a cQuntry, the
greate1the volume of migration that is captured by
the population census. To take an example from the
1981 censusof India, we find that when we use the
state as the migration-defining area 23.4 million people
would be defined as lifetime internal migrants (3.6
per cent of the total population) but if we use the
smallest place of enumeration as the migration-defining
unit, the number of migrants increases to 201.7 million
(or almost 30 per cent of the total population).
Despite the fact that the smaller units capture
more migration, we do not want the number of spatial
units to'. be too large or the origin-destination matrix
will be so complex that we cannot grasp the number of
flows involved. The number of spatial units should
then be IImanageable ll• Also, if the origin-destination
flows are going to be mapped we do not want them to
be so pr~fic that the result is a maze of intercrossing
flows and the main trends are not apparent at all.
For example, it would ",'._ not be desirable to have a
matrix of all the districts of India. state flows can
-38-
be complex enough. Specific matrices can be designed
for speci£ic purposes, although this may mean tedious
aggregration of the data where origin-destination flows
become too comp~ex.
The origin-destination flows can be simplified by
focusing on the net-flows, that is, the balance between
inmigration and outmigration for each spatial unit. It
must always be borne in mind that net-migration represents
the balance between two flows. It does not tell us any
thing about the volume of inflows or outflows but only
about the interchange of 'population between two areas.
It is a useful measure to' gauge the impact of ' migration
on the red:i·s·t'r'ibution of population. It must also be
remembered that there is no ,such person as a "net-migrant rt •
Net-migration is purely an aggregate measure to which
(individual) characteristics cannot be attributed. The
above clearly does not just apply to ~ifetime migration.
but to any direct method of measuring o~igin-destination
flows.
In the origin-destination matrixtha .number of
inmigrants must equaltbe .number of outmigrants - it is
a zero sum ga~e. In the analysis of internal migration
those 'who are born within the system and who have moved
out to other countries are not captured by the census -
and those who have moved into the system from other
countr~~are discounted and normally considered in a
separate series of tabulations and separate analysis.
Migration of "foreign-born Ii wi thin the system is thus
discounted in lifetime migration.
-39-
The data on the flows of inrnigrants and out
migrants can be subjected to the standard types o~
demographic analysis, by age, sex, marital statuS',
education and occupation. The migrant population is
often compared with the "non-migrant" or "immobile"·
population but we must remember, of course, that these
terms are misnomers. In comparing two censuses the
intercensal growth of "migrant" and IInon-migrant"
populations can be compared. A very detaile~ analysis
of lifetime mig.rants for India was made by Mehrotra (1974)
from the 1971 census.
For India, lifetime migration can be analysed
at the following levels: inter-country, inter-state,
inter-district and intra-district. The relevant
cat.egories are:
(a) Born here (place of enumeration);
(b) Born elsewhere in this district;
(c) Born in another district in this state (name of district);
(d) Born in another state (name of state);
(e) Born overseas (name of country).
Category (b) has only been identifiable in India since
1961
(2) The measurement of intercensal net migration
The second use of lifetime data is to measure
intercensal net-migration. Where the primary concern is
the role of migration as a component of population growth
or decline, knowledge of net-migration is often sufficient.
"Thus an estimate of net-migration is the most fundamental
migration measurement. For this reason, it occupies
-40-
a disproportionate share of migration researchers'
attention." (Bogue, Hinze and White, 1982) This is
very much a traditional demographer's view and I do
not think that many migration analysts today would
subscribe to ·;-_it. However, net-migration is an important
and valid aspect of migration research. It can, of
COUEse, be estimated without recourse to any migration
questions at all but these indirect techniques are
covered in another chapter and I will concentrate on
the estimation of net-migration using birthplace data.
The following discussion can be pursued at greater length
in United Nations' Ma'Itu:a1 VI (1970).
If 'Itand It+n are the inmigrants to a particular
spatial unit at two censuses at 't' and 't+n' and 0t and
0t+n are the outmigrants from that spatial unit at the
two censuses, then the net-migration that has occurred
dunng the intercensa1 period can be calculated thus:
Net M = (1t +n - 0t+n) - (SIlt _ SO) ° t
Where SI and So are the intercensal 'surviva1 ratios
which allow us to estimate how many of the inmigrants
and outmigrants of the earlier census will survive through , to therater census.
The formula is more commonly presented as:
Net M = (It +n - SIlt) + (SOOt - 0t+n)
The problem with this formula is to estimate S1 and SO·
There are various methods:
a) Overall census survival ratio, that is,
assume SI=So =ST;
b) Area-specific census survival ratios;
c) Age-specific censusfurviva1 ratios.
-41-
The aim of these procedures is to take mortality into
account; that is,t)\e mortality of the inmigrants to and
the outmigrants from a spatial unit during the intercensal
period. If mortality is not taken into account, the
net-migration over the period will be underestimated.
Hence, the assumption is that the migrants, both in and
out, at time t are stable, and the only factor to affect
them will be mortality. Implicit in this approach is
the idea that migratlon is a simple linear process:
a movement from A to B.· This is not the case. Mortality
is but one factor - and I would regard it as not the most
important factor- in the attrition of It anq 0t. On
movement ~nd return movement are more important. Migrants
also tend t+e youn:g adults and while certainly subject
to mortality this is not likely to be the most significant
factor in the reduction of It and 0t.
The overall census survival ratio can be expressed
as follows:
Where n is the intercensal period.
Its use is likely to exaggerate the impact of mortality
)n the outmigrant andtnmigrant populations as the latter
being younger than the population as a whole will be
subject to lower levels of mortality., This problem also
applies to area-specific overall CSRs when we try to take
into consideration differences in survivorship by region
of birth. To calculate area-specific CSRs the populations
born in the individual spatial units in a country and
enumerated anywhere in the nation are compared over the
two intercensal periods. The total population born in
-42-
state x and living anywher'e in India at the first
census period is compared with the population 10 years
of. agelfnd older' at the second period, assuming that
the intercen~al period is 10 years.
Where place of birth statistics are tabulated
by age for all th~ are~l uni~s of birth ~nd residence
separately at both censuses "more accurate estimates
of period net-migr?ltion can be obtained" (United Nations,
1970). These estimates can be made in considerable
detail for each spatial unit by age and for in-born
and out-born persons separately. This third proc~dure
involves much tediQus calculation. The age-specific
CSRs are calculated comparing the 0-4 cohort at census
t with the coh6rt 10-14 at census t+10, the 5-9 with
the 15-19 and so on, for each spatial unit of birth.
A simpler version of' this last approach is to use the
overalL (national) age-specific census survival ratios.
This is perhaps more useful for countries where problems
of age mis-statement are important.
All these,CSR approaches assume a closed system.
If there are losses due to international migration, then
the 'CSRs will be biased downwards. For an interesting
application of adjustments made to deal with international
movements, see George (1970). They also assume two
other criteria; first, that the census interval is ... regular, 5 <i~r 10 years. If it is 9 years (for example,
-papua New Guinea, 1971-80 and Peru 1972-81) or 11 years
(for example, peru, 1961-72) or some other interval,
thenA~he calculation of the age cohorts becomes
exceedingly complex if not impossible. The second
criterion is that there should have been no significant
-43-
boundary changes between the two censuses.
had been, the method could be invalidated.
If there
There is also the question of the population
less then 10 years old (or the population younger than
the intercensal period). Their migration is not
considered in the equation. The proportion under 10
in India 1981 was about 26 per cent of the total
population - a large proportion to omit. While the
young are not the most migratory element in a population,
they do accompany parents. It is alt-lays possible to
make a number of assumptions to try to adj~st the total
I and 0 to account for children (by, for example,
applying the child/woman ratio or a variant thereo.f)
but generally they will be ignored and the net-migration
will refer to the population 10 years of age and more
at the later census, assuming a census interval of
10 years. So, by applying this method, a substantial
volume of total net-migration is likely to be 'omitted
in developing countries, where there are youthful
populations.
Life tables, i~ they exist, can also be used to
survive forwards the inmigrant and outmigrant populations.
However, the CSR methods are in fact preferable as the
life table procedure implies a perfect enumeration of
censuses at the beginning and end of the migration period
in relation to completeness and age reporting which is
just not realistic. Hence, the number ot migrants
estimated by using life table survival ratios reflects
census errors rather than migration. The :CSR method
implies only that errors in each census are approximately
the same in all places, which is a more acceptable
alternative.
-44-
These techniques to measure intercensal net
migration, or net-migration within a specific time
period, were once the principal methods available to
migration analyst·s. Now a question ort place of last
previous residence by duration of residence can be
employed to give a simpler and arguably a more useful
estimate of migration between two censuses.
(3) The measurement of period-specific flows
Another method to derive period-specific
estimates from lifetime migration data has been
developed receritly by Franz Willekens at the D~mographic
Research and Training Institute in the Netherlands
and this method was applied to the 1911 census of India
data by Nair (1985). The technique is to create a
"guess" matrix of period flows from the lifetime migration
flows based on the assumption that the ~a·ttern of period
flows is essentially similar to that of the lifetime
flows. The method is known as bi-proportional adjustment,
or iterative proportional fitting, as it is called in
multivariate analysis for two dimensional data.
mij = rio sj . o .. m~J
where mij is the period migration from i to j ;
o .. represents initial of the number of mT] an guess
migrants and in this case is lifetime migration
ri and sj are the row- and cofumn-balancing
factors respecitvely.
A special FORTRAN programme is used to perform
the log linear analysis to generate the data from the
matr-ices. The data required include, obviously, the
lieetime migration flows, and total inmigrants and
-45-
total outmigrants (the marginals) for the specific
time-period to be examined. The latter could come from
specialized localized surveys. Nair tested the estimates
derived from the model with those actually observed
over a 10 years intercensal period in India and about
90 per cent of the calibrated cell counts are within
25 per~ent~f observed flows: 70 per cent within 20 per cent,
40 per cent within 10 pe~ cent, and 25 per cent within
5 per cent.
,'Iii.. ,contrast, estimates for a single year duration
(the year preceding the censuses) show that 56 per cent
of the calibrated flows were within ?5 per cent of the
~ctual numbers, 44 per cent within 20 per cent, 36 per
cent within 10 p~r cent, and only 16 per cent within 5
per cent limits.
This is what one would expect as we know that
more recent migration may have peculiar characteristics
and may not be structurally similar to lifetime flows.
A second model which drops the assumption of structural
similarity between lifetime flows and period-specific
flows (which, of course, is a major weakness) has been
developed but the additional factor in the equation to
deal with thell?rbPo;r:t:io~:a'l deviation of migration flow
from i to j ~uring the specific time-period in relation
to the lifetime pattern depends on local survey data,
findings from another country with more or less similar
characteristics (which might be a rather dubious
assumption) or expert opinion. The methods clearly
haveti1eir disadvantages but a weak estimate of periodicity
may be better than no estimate at all.
-46-
Cone,lus,ion
Lifetime migration is essentially a poor way
of estimating internal migration and it is better to
include other-questions in a census questionnaire to
capture migration. These methods will be examined in
other chapters. DO the weaknesses inherent in
birthplace data then mean that we should abandon the
question on place of birth and the analysis of lifetime
flows? For example, advanced countries such as Japan
and Australia either do not collect information on
birthplace at all or do so only at country level in
order tqgauge inter-national flows. There would, however,
seem to be a reasonable case to maintain "birthplace"
as a key question for the £ollowing reasons: (a) it is
easy to answer; (b) to maintain a continuity of data
and analysis; and (c) as an input to international
migration.
It would appear likely that the analysis of
"birthplace" data will increasingly become limited to
on the study of international migratipn while internal
migration is assessed from questions on last place of
previous residence. In this case, more detailed coding
of country-level birthplace data may be required ':" and
international co-operation needed to facilitate the
drawing-up of origin-destination flows between countries.
Again, information on the timing of the migration is
ideally needed and thi 5 would require an addi tio'nal
question on duration of residence.
-47-
Arriaga, E.E. "Some aspects of measuring internal migration", in A.A. Brown and E. Neuberger (eds.), Tn'ternal M'igr:a:t:ion: A Cbtnfl'a'r'at'ive' 'Pe'rspective, New York, Academic Press, 1977, pp.103-119.
Bogue, D.J., Hinzw, K. and White, M. Techniques of Estimating Net: Migrat'ion, Chicago, community and Family Study Genter, 1982.
Davis, K. ~ Popul;ation 2.!. 'India and Pakistan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, lQ51.
George, M. V. Intern,al M'ig'ra'tion in Canada: Demographic AnalYse's', Ottawa, Doml.nion Bureau of Statistics, 1970.
Mehrotra, G. K. 'Bi'r'thpTace' Migrat:i_££ 'in India, Census of India 1971 Series-I-India, $pecial Monograph NO.1, New Delhi Office of the Registrar General 1974.
Nair, P.S. "Estimation of period-specific gross migration flows from limited data: bi-proportional adjustment approach", Detnbg'r'aphy, Vol.22, 1985: 133-142.
Shryock" H .. ,A. et ale The Me'thods' and Mater'ials of D'eroo9raphy, Washington, U. S. i5e'Partment of Commerce, 1971, Vol. II, Chapter 21.
United Nations. Manu'al' VI: Methods of Measuring Internal Migration, New York;" Departmentof Economl.c and Social Arfairs, Population Studies No.47, 1970.
Zachariah, K.C. A Hi'stor'i'c'al 'Study of Internal Mig:-ation in the Ind.in Sub-c'o'n'tihent' '19'01'-'1931, Bombay, ASl.a Publishing House, 1964.
Zachariah, K.C. "Measur~ment of internal migration from census data", in A. A. BLown and E. Neuberger (eds.), Int'e:r'nal M'ig'r'at;ibn: ~ C'orop'a'r'at'ive Perspec'tive, New York, Academic Press, 1977, pp.121-134.
A Note on Sampling and Migration
Ronald Skeldon
To the designer of sample surveys migration
presents many different problems to those of that other
demographic variable, fertility. Migration is not a
random event; it fluctuates systematically in time and
space. Hence, it is difficult to design a survey that
will capture a representative Sample of migrants. Either
there will be too few or, less commonly, there will be
too many if an area that has been characterized by high
rates at- ipmigration is sampled. Secondly, as migration
is a process involving origin and destination, both these
areas should be sampled. If we are examining an area of
origin, then.~e are sampling or attempting to sample
people who have already gone which is difficult and
requires specialized survey design. It can only be done
through the selection of households with absent members.
Complete households that have moved out are impossible
to sample in regions of origin.
While migration surveys present these very
different aspects compared with other surveys there are
also some similarities. Ultimately, the sample size will
be a function of the resources you have available - money;
trained manpower and logistics - but ultimately money.
Sample sizes in surveys of migration vary from a few
tens of people to tens of thousands - the former conducted
by individuals, oft~n graduate students - and the latter
by national survey organizations, often associated with
national census offices.
Let us consider some of the general issues in
sampling for migr~tion surveys starting with the populatio~
census; ~e shall then look at sampling for large-scale
surveys. The. most cpmprehensive review of the major issues
,to date is by Bi1sborrow (1984) and a specific case of
-49-
sample design for a large scale survey will be found
in ESCAP (1980). The following discussion will draw
heavily from these two sources.
Of the 31 countries in the Asia and Pacific region
that collected migration data during their 1980 round of
censuses, eight did so on a sample basis (Bangladesh,
India, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, the Republic
of Korea, Sri Lanka and Thailand). This can be done in
one of two ways: a systematic sampling of houses from a
random start (1 in 5 or 1 in 20, for example); or a
random selection of areal units, often enumeration areas.
There are samples derived from a list frame and those
derived from an area frame. There are two variations to
the latter approach; a complete random selection of areal
units acr.oss the country or, more commonly, the sampling
restricted to enumeration areas in the rural areas and
complete coverage given to the urban areas.
It is understandable why countries adopt sampling:
there are clear advantages in terms of costs, particularly
in training and the recruitment of manpower. A short form
is used to collect basic data on a 100 per cent basis and
a longer form for more detailed information. One can also
use the limited, more highly trained, manpower for the
longer form, Howev.er, there are logistical problems in
the field and problems associated with two sets of forms,
two sets of training schedules, two sets of control
procedures and so on. Migration, perhaps because it is
normally accdrded a lower priority, or ·perhaps because
it often entails a battery of questions, 1S normally
included in a longer sample form.
-50-
There are also clear disadvantages with sampling for
migration analysis. If areal sampling is employed in the
city highly distorted results can be generated as we know
that migrants from particular areas of origin tend to
cluster together in particular parts of the urban areas.
Hence exaggeration of one group and omission of other
groups is likely. Areal sampling in urban areas should
therefore be avoided. Systematic sampling of houses is
preferable but is more diffiqu~t to apply and control in
the field. Urban areas should be covered completely
during censuses if this is at all possible. Because of
cost constraints areal sampling may be a ~ecessary evil
in rural areas, but again some communities tend to be
characterized by high rates of outmigration and others
do not. Migration figures generated from samples in censuses
must be interpreted with caution.
The most important fact to take into consideration
is that migrants constitute a minority of the population
under most definitions of migration. This has~wo implications for sample design (a) relatively large
samples will be required .in order to generate an adequate
number of migrants and (b) it will be necessary to use
all available information on the geographic distribution
of the target population and migrants in each country
or region in order to allocate the sample among the
strata.
There are a number of issues that must be resolved.
First, the ~Q~~:!:!!~ of analysis must be identified: a "~.~g d
sub-set of the population for which it is considered
desirable to undertake specific analys~s" (Bilsborrow 1984:
89), for example, inmigrants to New Delhi, seasonal migrants,
-51-
rural-to-urban migrants, and so on. Even in national surveys,
it is desirable to omit some portion of the population because
of its great dispersion, isolation or other problems (e.g.
political) .
Second) the §~E!~~g ~E~~ must be drawn up. Rarely are
there registers available from which to draw migrants. There
is also the problem of the omission from existing sampling
frames of certain,groups of interest to migration analysts,
for example, transients/street dwellers, squatter settlements,
"special dwelling's", or multiple person households which may
be associated with migrant labourers. The concentration on
household lists for sampling has led to an important bias in
migration (and other) surveys, Because of these difficulties it
may be best to use an area frame and each area can be listed
fully for complete coverage or sub-sampling. Area sampling also
tends to be more economical in terms of cost but the dis
advantages mentioned under lI.sampling in cens'uses II, above, should
always ,be borne in mind.
/ The type of sample has to be decided~ There are
probability samples, in which every element (p~rson or
household) has a known (non-zero) probability of being
selected. There~re "judgement samples" in which a "typical" I
city or area is selected on the basis of judgement or prior
knowledge rather than on a random basis. There is quota
sampling to select a given number of migrants, say 50,
from each area regardless of their prevalence in that area.
Probability sampling is to be preferred.
The important issue of sample size must be resolved.
This will depend on many factors. The matter of resources
has already been mentioned but let us assume that these
exist. Let us also make the following assumptions:
-52-
(a) It wil.l be an independent survey, tP9.t is,
not tagged onto a labour force or expenditure p~~vey;
(b) It is a single as opposed to a ~u~ti~round
survey;
(c) There is considerabls;! informat:ion on
Migration in the country from censuses and other data
sources.
(d) The I survey is required to genera. te national
estimates, plus estimates by urban size classes and
for rural areas as a whole.
(e) The target population is the adult ~opulation
aged 15-64 years defined on a de facto basis.
(f) One person will be randomly selected from the
eligible populatio~ in each household.
The size of the population in each country doe~
not have much effect on the overall sample size since
the precision of the survey estimates depends mostly on
the number of observations in each analytical cell.
The population size only affects the precision through
the finite correction factor, which has a n~gligible
effect when ·the sampling = fractions are small. The
ESCAP sample design, elaborated in 1980, called for a ./
sample of 3,000 interviews per major geographical
category (metropolitan, other urban and rural) that is,
a minimum of 9,000 interviews.
Another consideration is the size of the migrant
sub-group within each geographical stratum as this group
will be subject to more detailed analysis. This proportion
will vary by geographical area; it is quite low in the rural
areas. Taking this into account, the number of target
-53-
interviews for the ESCAP survey was raised to 14,000,
plus an additional 1,000 for the validation reinterviews.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) (Bilsborrow,
1984: 95) considered this number to be beyond the resources
of most LDCs and argued for a minimum sample of 1,000 -households ln urban areas and 2,000 households in rural
areas, at least half of the households selected to contain
one or more inmigrant or outmigrants.
An important point to bear in mind with a survey
such as the one proposed is that non-sampling error is
likely to be more important th~n sampling error. Hence,
post-enumeration validation checking is extremely
important.
To allocate the sample, it is advantageous to
oversample in geographic areaS with a higher concentration
of migrants. One can use lifetime migration data or 5-year
migration data. The latter are to be preferred but may
not be available for the geoqraphical areas that make up
the strata. The sample allocation could be made upon
the proportion of migrants to be expected in each stratum
or it could be made on an op~imum allocation which takes
into consideration the relative costs, population
variances and the proportion Of migrants in each stratum.
In the former case, the proportional alloca.tion is used
to obtain a self-weighting sample of households, that is,
each sample household would have the same expansion
factor. However, this approach yields a smaller number
of migrants than the optimum allocation method and the
latter method dependent upon a number of assumption, is
often to be preferred. These assumptibns are related to
(a) relative costs between rural and urban areas (experience
has shown that survey costs in rural areas are sometimes
two or more times higher than in urban areas) and (b)
-54-
differential population variances among the strata. A
higher variance in the major metropolitan and other
urban strata results in further oversampling in these
areas. Optimum sample design thus involves se'lecting
a higher proportion of persons in strata where the
variance js greater and/or the cost is less.
Multi-stage sampling, rather than single-stage
sampling, can have important advantages in reducing the
cost of field operations. This is particularly
important where the sample covers a whole country or a
population dispersed ove~ a large region. An example
of multi-stage sampling is given in ~ablQ··.'l·:r· -.. The
World Fertility Survey tended to use single-stage area
samples, although most surveys in low income countries
have been multi-stage. Multi-stage samples normally
require cluster sampl~ng at some point. In cluster sampling, ;ta]Ylpling lun~ts are clusters of respondents, that is, all members
in a household 15 years of age and over, all households
in the smallest or ultimate area unit.. The main
reason fo~using cluste~s is to reduce the cost of
achieving 'a given sampl~~ize.
In choosing the cluster size there are two types
of considerations:
(a) The larger the cluster, the larger the element
of sampling errori
(b) The size of cluster should relate to the organization
of field-work and questionnaire length, for example,
team work loads, depending on the number of expected
completed interviews per team per day.
Essentially, all sampling strategies adopted
in migration survey are, to use Richard Bilsborrow's
words, looking' for a II needle in the haystack II or 1I:fi'.nCii.hg the ri.gtJ.t haystack ':_' that
Area
-55-
'IfABlli-l: Possible selection stages
First- Second- Third- Fourth-stage units ~tage units stage units stage unit (PSUs)
, .
Fifthstage units
-------------------------------------.~-------------------------
Major Enumeration
metro- areas politon
Other Cities/ urban towns
Rural Villages
Blocks or Households
segments~
Enumeration Blocks or areas segments
Enumeration Segments areas
One person
per household
Households
compact cluster of 10 households
One person per household
One person per household
------------------------------------------------~-~--------------
.,a if the enumeration areas in a country have 150 or fewer households each, it would not be necessary to subdivide the EAs into blocks or segments, and this stage would be deleted.
Source ESCAP 1980 15.
-56-
"-
is, trying to ~ocate a minority characteristic or
lI rare element" in a population. There are three viable
approaches to this problem with respect :li; migration
(Bilsborrow 1984: 100 ff):
(a) Stratified sampling with disproportionate
sampling fractions;
(b) Two-phase sampling;
(c) Special lists.
~ '2!_ ~ d'is12:r 'oEo:rt:ioh:a:te; :s'am:el:ihg: ·fr·ac·tion
The f61'lowing metnod is used to locate mig~ants
in destination areas efficiently:
(a) Listing urban areas in relation to the~r
population siz~ and then select with probabili~ies
proportional to their siz~;
(b) Generating tabulations on the number of in-
migrants and outmigrants for~he sampled cities only,
by smallest geographical area available;
(c) Classifying these geographical areas into strata
(two or four are sufficient!, according to the proportion
of households containing migrants;
(d) Listing blocks in each stratum in sequence,
then selecting from a random start.
The ILO recommends that selection should take
place within strata directly in proportion to the
estimated standard error of that proportion (Bilsborrow
1984: 104)
Two-phase sampling or sequential sampling can
also be used to increase thJpumbers of migrants. This
involves the selection of a subsample of elements from . a large sample. The first phase can then be used as a
screening device to identify the!,group of particular
-57-
interest or more detailed information may be gathered
for a randomly selected subsample to save costs. In
the screening procedure, a quick survey is made in all
the potential households of the smallest areal unit
to be selected to identify migrant status and then all
households containing migrants (or a large proportion
of them) and a smaller subsample of households not
containing migrants are selected for the more detailed
interviews. The relative numbers of migrants and
non-migrants to be interviewed will have to be decided
beforehand, for examDle, 50-50 or 90-10.
Quota sampling may be employed (as in the ILO
Punjab survey) at the final stage, For example, 60
households containing inmigrants and 65 not containing
migrants were selected randomly from the pre-listing.
" , '.' ~, • ... ~. T -.
... -+'.
Tracing technique
This is an alternative procedure, not technically
a sampling technique. Family members are traced from
origin to destination. The disadvantages are that it
is difficult to find large numbers of respondents and
it is also expensive.
Conclusion
It is imDortant to bear in mind that sampling
is not just a science, it is also an art. It is
critically important to hring in a sampling expert for
any large 'scale surveYr but at the same time it is
necessary to tailor each sa~~le to the case in hand and
local knowledge and educated questimates may be important
in the sample design, particularly where information on
migrant status and proportions of migrants are lacking.
Flexiblity is as important as Mathematical precision
to generate a useful sample design.
-58-
References
Bi1sborrow, R.E. (1984), "Survey design" in R.E.
Bi1sborrow,
A.S. Oberai and G. Standing (eds.), Migration
in Lo~ Income Couhtries,Guidelines .~ Survey
and Questionhaire Desi_£!n, London, Croom Helm,
pp. 60-87.
ESCAP (1980), National Migration Surveys, Yl. Sampl~ Des'ign Manual, United Nations, New York.
PLACE OF LAST RESIDENCE AND DURATION OF RESIDENCE
Ronald Skeldon
In the previous chapter we looked at the problems
inherent in the use of place of birth data for the
measurement and analysis of migration. In this chapter
I want to focus on what has become the most important
source of data for the study of internal migration; that
is, data on last place of residence (or previous place
of residence), which are often associated with data on
duration of residence.
There are two main approaches to place of last
residence. First, there is the question on last previous
place of residence before coming to the place of enumeration.
This is normally associated with a question on duration
of residence at the place of enumeration. Secondly,
there is the questlon on place of residence at a flxed
previous pOlnt in time, usually 5 years ago or 1 year ago.
This combines information on place of previous resldence
and time with in one question, which has obvious advantages
in the con~ext of census questionnaire design, coding
and processing costs.
I will consider each of these approaches in turn,
examining their strengths and weaknesses. Both approaches
are adopted to overcome the principal weaknesses of the
lifetime migration data with their lack of the time
dimension and the pos~ibilities of intermediate moves
between place of birth and present location. The place-of
previous-residence questions should also pick up retltl"n
migration. The success with which the two approaches satis
factorily avoid the problems inherent in the lifetime
-60-
approach varies with the questions adopted.
Place of last prevlous residence
The data are derived from the question, "Where
was your last previous place of residence before corning
to this place 7" In this case we are dealing with the
direct moves to the present place. In some cases this
will have been birt~place but in other cases it will
not. If there is also a question on birthplaceJwe then
have a person's location at three pointsj at birth plac~
at present place and at a previous place before coming
to the present place (if there was any such intermediate
location). These could all be the same or they could
all be different, which if indeed this is the case would
indicate "step" migration. Three categories of migrant
can be distinguished if these data exist (United Nations,
1970). If we refer to the locations at birth, previous
fixed point in time at present place as A, Band C,
we have:
Primary migrants
Secondary migrants
return migrants
A = B = C
A = B = C
A - C = B
The great advantage of this question over a
birt~:place migration question is that, if there is no
previous place of last residence, l.e., it is the same
as present place, then we are on much firmer ground for
classifying these people as "immobile" or "non-migrants"
Analyses of migrant/non-migration differentials can be
made with greater confidence when we are dealing with
this data base, although there are still problems in
relating the characteristics to the time of the move.
-61-
Return migration is also captured through this question
as, if someone has moved from origin A to destination
B and then back to origin A, his place of last previous
residence is destination B.
The problem with using this question by itself
is that again there is no time dimension. Moves from
the last place of residence that occurred £ months ago
are aggregated with those that occurred thirty to forty
years ago. Stratification of the migrants by age would
alleviate this problem, but it does not solve it. For
this reason, this question is usually associated with
a question on duration of residence in present place
since last coming to this place.
Of the thirteen countries in the Asia Pacific
region which as~ed a question on last place of previous
residence~ten also included a duration of residence
question. The combination of tnese two questions form
a powerful tool for the measurement of internal migration
and in a back~round paper on planning for the migration
questions for the 1990 round of censuses I recommended
that this approach should be accorded top priority
if the migration data bases of developing countries were
to be strengthened.
Does this then mean that there are no problems
or weaknesses with this approach? No, it does not.
The main weakness lies in the quality of the information
collected. Although the questions may appear relatively
simple, there is a danger that "last place of usual
residence" will. be misunderstood and both this question
and the one on duration of residence are subject to
problems of memory lapse. People may not remember where
their last usual place of residence actually was, as it
-62-
is a location in_the indete~minate past~ Also, there
is likely to be difficulty ~n ':, remembering exactly
how long it was since a person las~ moved t.o the
present residence: whether it was 7, 8 or 9 years ago.
The problem of durat.ion m~sstatement tends to increase
with length of residence, i.e., answers of those who
arrived at a destination 1 - 4 years ago are going to
be more accurate than those given by peOPle who have
lived in one place for 10 years and more. To some
extent, this can be taken care of through the coding
system in ~etailed classes: by months for the first
year, single years from 1 to 5 years and groups of
years after that, normally 5-9 years, 10-14 years and
more than 15 years. The responses of recent migrants
are considered to be more accurate in any analysis and
this is the group in which we have the greatest interest
anyway. The analysis tends to be by means of duration
cohorts, i.e., those who arrived or left at a particular
time. We can examine the duration cohorts of inmigration
to one area and the duration cohorts of out·.migration
from another area.
Of perhaps greater importance is thE~ problem
of misstatement of location of place of last residence.
,There is the specific problem of memory lapse, or not
remembering exactly where one was, but there is also a
more general point that is worth raising here (and this
problem to some extent also applies to birth place data); .... / .
the level of ~eneralization in specifying place of
previous residence. There is a general tendency for
respondents to state the general area where they' were and
not the exact location, i.e., to specify the province
rather than the district or the district rather than the
-63-
village. On questions relating to place of previous
residence (or to birthplace) the enumerators must be
trained to probe for the smallest possible settlement.
This is particularly important in movement to large
cities where the enumerator cannot be expected to be familiar
wi th all the districts,. l,et alone smaller settlements
of the migration catchment area. The respondent knows
this, so will tend to give the enumerator the name of
the largest settlement he thinks he will recognize.
The nature of this problem needs to be more widely
appreciated and adequate provision made for it in
enumerator training and field edit checking. In theory,
at least, the question on place of previous residence
in association with a question on durationsrould provide
us with the most useful information on internal migration.
A duration of residence question on its own does
not give any indication of the place of origin of the
inmigrants to a given area and therefore no information
on outmigration or on net-migration can be derived from
it. It should not be considered an adequate question
on its own for the analysis of internal migration,
although it is discussed in United Nations Manual VI
(1970) •..
Place of previous residence at ~ fixed point in time
The second general approach to place of previous
residence is to adopt a question on place of usual
residence at a fixed previous point in time. The question
is normally, "Where was your usual place of residence 1
year (5 or 10 years) ago ?tt This will provide in a simple
single question measurement of movement within a definite
period of time. The quality of data may be higher, then,
with the less specific last previous place of residence
question as people ~ill associate a place with a definite
-64-
time. Again, however, the data on a more recent definite
data in the past are likely to be more accurate than those
for more distant dats, i.e., responses to "I year ago"
will be more accurate than those to "10 years ago". Australia,
Newzaland and the Republic of Korea ask both "I year ago"
and "5 years ago". The attraction of this question to census
administrators is that it is just one question with a
consequent reduction in costs, both of training and of coding
and processing. It gives a count of surviving migrants
for a single fixed period of time.
There are disadvantages, however in the method. It
need not necessarily capture the "most recent" or "last"
migration to the present place. Return migration has a
greater probability of being missed than under the last
previous-place-of-residence question. All moves before
1 year ago or 5 years ago are omitted. Short-term moves
(less than 1 year) associated with circulation are also
likely to be omitted.
The selection of the fixed time-period for the
question is the critical element for consideration: it
should be long enough to permit the accumulation of
enough relatively permanent movements so that the
analyst can detect preveiling patterns of migration and
can depend upon finding numerical frequencies that are
reasonably free from chance variation, but short enough
to obtain accurate data. Five years is generally accepted
as the optimum period.
A notable event such as Independence or another
event that is likely to be instantly recognized by the vast
majority of the respondents can be substituted as the
fixed point of reference. The answer to "where were you
normally living on Independence day?" should provide
-65-
accurate spatial and temporal data. This must be
balanced against the disadvantages that might accrue
if an odd time-period is the result, 7 or 8 years, for
example. In the 1980 census of Papua New Guinea,
Independence was in fact five years before the census
making it a useful measure for that century.
The standard measures of in-, out- and net
migration can be calculated from the matrix of present
residence and residence "n" years ago or place of last
previous residence.
Implications £f enumeration strategy
A final point that should be borne in mind is that,
irrespective of the types of questions included in a
questionnaire to capture migration, the volume and type
of migration captured will vary depending on the nature
of the enumeration strategy, whether it is de jure or de facto.
De jure enumeration defines the place of present residence
as the place where a person usually lives at the time of
the census or survey. De f,actc enumeration def ines the
place of present residence as the place where the person
is actually found at the time of the census or survey. A
specific "census moment" may be defined, for example,
midnight on 30 June, or a "floating" point may be taken
such as the night before the enumerato~ visit to the
house. There is strong support for the recommendation that
all censuses should be taken on a de jure basis, the
assumption being that "real migration" is a change in
the usual place of residence. There are, however, important
considerations against this approach on 'Jbil'th methodologic~l
~nd conceptual grounds. "Usual place of residence" is
)ften difficult to define and difficult to apply in the
Eield, particularly where enumerators may be poorly trained
-66-
and the respondents illiterate. A definition of usual
place of residence such as the fOllowi~g is not
unusual; "that place in which an individual has resided
more than 6 months, or less than 6 months but where
he intends to stay permanently; or, if a person has been
away from that place for less than 6 months, he intends
to return to it". This is likely to be misinterpreted
in the field situation leading to spurious results.
On a conceptual level, de ju~e registration omits much
short term mobility which is likely to be of value to
policy-makers. For these reasons, a de nae~o system
is to be preferred, even though we may well be comparing
place of "usual residence" in the past with actual
place in the present. This is an annoying but unavoidable
problem, but it is not realistic to ask for actual place
at some indeterminate data in the past.
An example of an interpretation of duration-of
residence and place-of-Iast-residence data for India
can be found in Skeldon (1985).
R e. 6 e.)(. e. n c. e..6
Skeldon, R. (1985) "Migration in South Asia; An Overview" in L.A. Kosinski and K.M. Elashi 'eds), Populax~on Re.-d~.6~)(.~bu~~on and Ueve.lopmen~ in Sou~h A.6~a, Boston, Reidel, pp. 37-63
united Nations (1970) Manual.6 on Me.~hod.6 on E.6~ima~ing Popula~ion. Manual VI Me.~hod.6 06 Me.a.6u)(.,[ng In~e.~nal Migna~~on, New York.
INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA AN ASSESSMENT
S.K. SINHA
Movement from one place to other in India pr~marily
rests on the individual concerned. The federal structure
of the Indian Union gives freedom of movement within the
country. With the intensification of trade and commerce
coupled with industrial development population mobility is
bound to increase. Movement could either be mere commuting
between place of residence and place of work or a change of
the place of residence itself. Internal migration takes
place when individuals change their place of residence and/
or leave their place of birth within the country. It is
a dynamic process and the volume of internal migrants is
difficul t to be assessed. If onJy the Population Register
exists and movements of persons are recorded, the volume
of both in-and out-migrants for any region could be
assessed accurately.
Indian Population Censuses haye been the major
source (perhaps the only - other than the occasional
information on mobility collected on sample basis by the
National Sample Survey Organisation in its various 'rounds')
of providing the volume of internal migration. Information
on place of birth has been a major item of enquiry in the
individual slip. Till the 1951 census place of birth data
was collected at the district level. Exact place of birth
of the person enumerated and whether the place of birth
was rural/urban was collected for the first time ~n the 1961
census and has been continued in the 1971 and 1981 censuses
also. In addition to the birth place statistics data on
the duration of residence in the place of enumeration
is also being collected in the census since 1961.
Information on the place of enumeration gives estimates
of'lifetime migration' and may not reveal the latest
-68-
information on population mobility. This information was
collected in the 1971 census for the· f~rst time and has been
continued in the 1981 census also. Thus two sets of data
on population mobility (one giving lifetime migration and
the other giving latest mobility) are available from the
CenSus. The 1981 census has also tried to collect data on
the possible reasons of individuals migrating from one place
to other. Of course the limitation of the 1981 census
is that migration data has been collected on a 20 per cent
area sample basis. The 'reasons of migration' in the 1981
census q_re: (a) employment, . (b) education, (c) family moved,
(d) marriage and (e) other reasons.
Based on the place of birth (or the place of last
residence) and the place of enumeration, migrants can be
classified into four migration streams: (1) rural to rural,
(2) rural to urban, (3) urban to rural. and (4) urban to
urban. In order to study the impact of migration on
urbanization these streams except (1) are useful. At the
national level (2) is also not relevant.
Table 1 gives the per cent distribution of
population by type of movement both by birth place and last
residence for 1961, 1971 and .1981 censuses. The pattern
of movements has not changed significantly. Percentage of
foreigners in India has .. declined from 2.2 per cent in 1961
to 1.2 per cent in 1981. The~e has not been any change in
the intelPS"tctte movement. Interdistrict movement wi thin the
state of enumeration has marginally increased whereas
intra.d.istrict movements have declined. The percent of
mobile population has declined from 33 percent in 1961
to 30.7 percent in 1981. By both the concepts only thirty
percent of the population in India changes its place of
residence.
-69-
If the migrants are distributed by their movements
then about 10-12 per cent of the mlgrants move from one
state to another state w~thin the Indian UnlOli. This 15
revealed from Table 2. Intra-district movements for those
born wlthin the same state~f enumeratlon has declined from
67.9 percent in 1961 to 61.7 percent in 1981. By the last
residence concept there has not been any change in the
proportion of intra and lnter state movements between 1971
and 1981.
We might be lnte.rested ln looking lnto the pattern
of migration st'reams by various types of' movements, Such
comparisons could be seen from Table 3; The birth place
statistics show that 65 percent of the lnternal mig.rants
in India in 1981 moved from one rural area t~o another as
compared to about 74 percent ln 1961". As the distance
increases, inter-village movements decllne" In 1981 aDout
63.5 percent of the migrants coming from other states were
from rural areas. This percentage was 70.5 in 1961. Thus
movement from urban areas has lncreased. Higher lncldence
of mobillty by the urban dwellers is also revealed from
Table 6. In the urban areas percentage decadal growth
rate of mobile males has increased from 22 percent during
1961-71 to 38 percent during 1971-81. This is equally true
for females also. With the increase ln the rural to urban
migration the growth of both mobile as well as immabl1e
poplll.ation ln the rural areas has decllned.
Migration In Indla lS sex-selective. Majority of
the short distance movers In India are females. This is
mainly due to marriage migration. Traditlonally females
in India are mobile than males. But majorlty of the females
move only to the neighbouring villages within the same
district or to villages in other districts withln the state.
-70-
Table 5 gives the sex-ratio (males per 1,000 females) of
population by type of movement separately for rural and urban
areas. In 1981 for every 1,000 mobile females in the rural
areas there were only 294 males. In the urban areas there
were 947 mobile males for every 1,000 mobile females.
Information on the duration of residence in the
place of enumeration was collected for the first time in the
1961 census. This was with reference to the place of birth.
Since. 1971 .this _ in.formation is tabulated for migrants by
last residence. In table 4, a: comparison has been made
between the distribution of migrants in rural and urban
areas for 1971 and 1981 censuses by duration of residence
in the place of enumeration. In the urban areas the
share of migrants whose duration of residence in the place
of enumeration was more than ten years increased from 3406
percent in 1971 to 46.4 percent in 1981. Both in the rural
and urban areas share of migrants with duration less than
one year has declined.
Characteristics of migrants from the 1981 census
are still not available. Distribution of migrants by
broad age groups and their marital status as revealed from
the 1971 cerisus are preserited in Table 7 & 8 respectively.
In the urban areas about sixty percent of the male migrants
were aged 25 years and above as against thirty percent among
the non.,...migrants. About half of the non-migrants were aged
below 15 as against about twenty percent of the migrant
population .. _72 percent of the female migrants in rural areas
were married as against only 25 perceht for the non-migrants.
The proport.ion of widowed and divorced females was more
among the migrant females than the non-migrant females. This
is perhaps due to the fact that most of the widowed females
move to their sons/daughters living in other places. Majority
of the non-migrant females both in the rural and urban areas
being young are never married.
We may be tempted to know what induces people to
leave their place of residence. The 1981 census for the
first time has attempted to gather the data on the 'reasons
of migration'. As the 1981 census data are still available
on 5 percent advance sample and also the migration data in
this census have been collected on the basi$ of an area sample,such responses may be affected by sampling errors.
However, distribution of migrants, by reason, stream, sex,
etc. are shown in Table 9, 10 and 11. In the rural areas
movement of the family and other reasons account for about
seventy percent of the male migrants to move. On the
other hand,about eighty percent of the femalesmigrate due to
marriage. Even in the urban areas marriage is the main
reason of migration for females followed by movement of the
family. For the stream rural to rural movement of the
family, employment and reasons other than the four are the
major causes of mobility for males. For females, marriage
has been the major reason of migration for all the streams.
For marriage as the cause of migration,about
eighty percent of the movers (both males and females)
migrate from one rural area to other. Majority of movements
due to movement of the family also occur between rural
areas. If employment is the cause of migration, about 41
arid 24 percent of the male migrants move from rural to urba~& urban
to urban areas respectively. Both for males and females,
education has been a relatively insignific~t reason of
migration - even in the urban areas. Thus, marriage for
females and employment and other reasons for males are the
major causes of population mobility in India.
-72-
INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA
TABLE - 1
Percentage distribution of population by movement,1961-Bl
-----------------------------------------------------------------Type of movement By place of birth By last t.esidence
--r96I---I§7I---I§§I---I971---19SI--~----------------------------------------------------------------
Birth place/last residence same as the place of enumeratJ.on
67.0 69.6 69.3 69.4 68.8
-----------------------------------------------------------------Bo~{. /last residence elsewhere in the district 20.9 18.9 IB.2 19.2 19.2 of enumeration --'--'---'--'----:_'-,_'_'-'_'-,_,_,-'_"_._---'_"_'---,_ ------------ - --- - - - - ---.- - - - - ----Born/Lastresidence in other distrJ.cts of the state of 6.6 6.4 7.7 6.5 7.6 enumera tion ----------------_._----'_._-_._._._'--' ..... _--_._---------------------------Born/Last residence in other States within India 3.3 3.4 3.6 3.5 3.5 ----------.-_,_._, __ '_._.~_-,-.-----------------,-------------------------Born/Last residence outside India 2.2 1.7 1.2 1.4 0.9 ------------_._---_._---------------------------------------------
Tot~l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ------.------'-.-.-'~---'-.--~~--.---'--------------------------------
TABLE-2 -------Percentage distribution of Internal Migrants by movement
1961-81
----------------------------------------------------------------By place of birth By last
Type of movement Residence 1961---1971---1981---1971---1981-----------------------------------------------------------------
(a) Birth Place/Last residence 67.9 65. B 61. 7 65.8 63.4 elsewhere in the district of enumeration ---------------------------------------------------------------
(b) Birth Place/Last residence 21.3 22.4 26.1 22.4 25.0 in other districts of the State of enumeration
-----------~---------------------------------------------------Intra-State Migration
(a) + (b) 89.2 8B.2 B7.8 88.2 88.4 ---------------------------------------------------------------- ___ !~~~!:~~~~~_~~g!~!!2~ ______ !Q~~ ___ !!~~ ___ !£~~ ___ !!~~ ___ !!~§ ----'!:2~e!_i:~~~!!!~!_~!g!~!!~~ ___ !QQ~Q __ !QQ.!.Q __ !QQ~Q __ !QQ~Q __ 1QQ..:.Q
-73-
(aJ Popu1a1:.ion mOvements by Migratlon Streams, 1.961-81 ( in percentage)
-------------------- ------~----------------------------------
Movements Year Streams
R-R R-U U-R U-U T-T -------------------------------------------------------------Born e1se- 1961 85,4 9.0 2,.9 2.7 100.0 where in t.he district of 1971 82,9 9.8 4,,6 2.7 100.0 enume.catlOn.
198i 79,,4 11,6 5.0 400 100.0
Born in 1961 5604 22,8 5.4 15.4 100 0 other dis-tn.cts of 1971 51. 8 23 0 7,,5 17 .. 7 100.0 the State of 1981. 48.9 2308 7,,8 1905 100,0 enumerat.l.on
Born in 1961 36,,8 33,7 4.6 24,,9 10000 other States 1971 34 .. 1 3L5 6.9 2705 100.0 in India
1981 29.7 33.8 ?,O 29.5 100,,0
Internal 1961 -; 3,,'7 14,,6 ~, 7 8.0 100,,0 • migrants
19'":':1 70.,3 15,3 5,5 8,9 100,.0
1981 65A 17.5 6,,0 11.1 100nO
------------------------------------------------------------
-74-
(b) Migration Streams by type of movement, 1961-81
Streams
______________ ~2Y~IE~~!:~ ______________________ _
Year Born elsewhere in the district of enumeration
Born in other districts in the State of enumeration
Born in Total other Inter-states nal In India Migrants
-----------------------------------------------------------------Rural to 1961 78.2 16.4 5.4 100.0 Rural
1971 77.9 16.5 5.6 100.0
1981 75.0 19.5 5.5 100.0
Rural to 1961 41.8 33.4 24.8 100.0 Urban
1971 42.5 33.6 23.9 100.0
1981 40.9 35.5 23.6 100.0
Urban to 1961 55.1 31.4 13.5 100.0 Rural
1971 54.9 30.6 14.5 100.0
1981 51.7 34.0 14.3 100.0
urban to 1961 25.5 41.4 33.4 100.0 Urban
1971 19.9 44.3 35.8 100.0
1981 22.3 45.5 32.2 100.0
----------------------------------------------------------------
-75-
TABLE - 4 ---------
Percentage distribution of internal migrants by duration of residence in the place of enumeration, 1971 -1981
--------------------------------------------------------------Duration of residence __ !~_g~E~!_~E~~~__ __!~_Qf~~~_~~~~~ __ _ in the place of enumeration 1971 1981 1971 1981 -------------------------------------------------------------Less than one year 7.3 5.0 8.3 5.5
1-4 years 18.3 17.4 28.7 25.4
5-9 Years 14.4 14.4 19.2 17.9
10 Years and more 54.7 59.0 34.6 46.4
Period not stated 5.3 4.2 9.2 4.8
All 100.0 100.00 100.0 100.0
-------------------------------------------------------------
Males per 1000 Females, 1961-81
-------------------------------------------------------------Population by movement
In Rural Areas In Urban Areas -------------------------------------------1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981
-------------------------------------------------------------Population as a 1,038 1,054 1,050 1,184 1,166 1,136 whole
Immobile 1,625 1,533 1,667 1,235 1,240 1,273 Population
Mobile Population 348 344 294 1,124 1,e60 947
(a) Within the 284 287 250 827 798 754 district
(b) Between 424 398 331 827 1,040 925 districts within the State
(c) Between 725 668 541 1,115 1,449 1,231 States
---~---------------------------------------------------------
-76-
TABLE - 6
Growth of Population by type and sex 1961-81 (Percent decada1)
Rural Areas Urban Areas Type -----------------------------------------------------
Males Females Males Females ------------------------------------------------------61-71 71-81 61-71 71-81 61-71 71-81 61-71 71-81 ------------------------------------------------------------------
Mobile
Immobile
Total
13.3
24.8
23.2
S.S
17.4
lS.9
6.7
27.3
18.0
29.9
12.1
19.4
TABLE - 7 ---------
21.9
52.4
40.1
37.8
48.6
44.8
29.4
51.8
42.2
Percentage distribution of Population by broad age-groups, sex and residence,1971
S4.4
44.7
48.S
------------------------------------------------------------------Agegroups (Yrs. )
In Rural Areas In Urban Areas - _______ i_- ___________________________________________ ------
Male Female Male Female ------------------------------------------------------------M NM T M NM T M NM T M NM T
---------------------------------------~----------------------------
Below IS 28.3 4S.4 43.0 13.7 64.3 42.5 18.9 49.7 37.5 17.7·58.2 40.8
,'.-"
15..19 9.0 8.S 8.5 9.1 7.3 8.1 9.6 10.8 10.1 9.3·10.6 9.9
20-24 9.6 6.6 7.0 12.9 4.1 7.9 12.2 8.4 9.8 15.4 6.7 9.4
25-49 37.2 27.3 28.7 45.7 17.1 29.4 46.1 22.7 32.0 45.0 17.6 29.5
SO+ lS.9 12.2 12.8 18.6 7.3 12.9 13.2 8.4 10.6 14.6 6.9 10.4
All 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
------0:-----.-___________________ '_' __ '_' ____ '_'-: __ '_'_'_:-._,_,_, _______ '_'_._'_'_-_______ _
M = Migrants
NM = Non Migrants
-77-
TABLE - 8
Percentage distribution of population by marital status, residence, sex, 1981
-------~----------------------------~--------------------~-------Marital ~------------B-U_E_~---__________ ~ _____________ U_B-B~_N __________ _ Sta t u s -:-----"Jia,le-------+---Ee:nale------__ t _____ ....Male _______ t ___ -E6Ilale ____ _ --------.~-----~----T_-~--~----_~ ____ T __ ~ _ _M ____ ~ ____ T __ ~_~ ____ ~ ____ T Never married 42.4 56.2 54.3 15.0 67.6 44.8 39.1 68.4 57.2 22.7 68.2 49.0 married 53,1. 40.4 42.2 72.0 25.6 45.7 58.0 29,6 40,5 65,7 25.5 42.4 W-fD 4.5 3.4 3,5 13.0 6.8 9.5 2,9 2,0 2.3 11.6 6.3 8.6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------
M= Migrant, l\M= Non-migrant, T='lbtal, W & D= Wido.-.ed & divorcerl
TABLE - 9
Percentage distrihltion of internal migrants by reasons of rrovement, residence and SeK, 1981
---------------------------------------------------------------Reasons
Male Female Male Female ---------------------------------------------------------------Employment 19.9 1.3 43.1 4.2 Education 3.9 0.5 6.6 2.4
Family Moved 33.4 9.8 27.3 32.5
Marriage 4.8 79.4 1.1 46.6 Other reasons 38.0 9.0 21. 9 14.3 All 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
--------------------------------------------------------------
-78-
TABLE - 10
Percentage distribution of migrants by reasons of movement and stream by sex,
1981
-------------------------------------------~-!-~-~-§---Reasons R-R R-U U-R U-U
Employment 1905 47.5 27.0 41.1
Education 4.2 8.1 3.2 5.2
Family Moved 33.7 23.5 31.9 31.5
Marriage 5.5 4.2 2.2 1.0
Other reasons 37.1 19.2 35.7 21.2
All 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
F E MAL E S
Employment 1.1 4.2 3.3 4.4
Education 0.4 2.6 1.0 2.2
Family Moved 8.6 29.3 21.2 35.9
Marriage 81.7 51.5 59.3 43.6
Other reasons 8.2 12.4 15.2 13.9
All 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
-79-
percenn.ge" distribution of inmigrants by streams of movement and reasons, 1981
MAL E S -------------------------------------------------------------
Reason -------------------------------------------------------------Streams Employment Education Family Marriage other
moved Reason -------------------------------------------------------------R-R 28.2 35.9 51.4 78.8 58.5
R-U 41.1 41.4 21.4 5.9 18.6
U-R 6.4 4.4 7.9 5.2 9.2
U-U 24.3 18.3 19.3 10.1 13.7
T-T 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
-----------------------------~----~-------------------------
F E MAL E -----------------------------------~------------------------
R-R 43.3 35.8 44.5 81. 8 62.4
R-U 26.4 3(' .4 24.7 8.4 15.8
U-R 9.5 6.2 8.1 4.4 8.7
U-U 20.8 22.6 22.7 5.4 13.1
T-T 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10'().0
------------------------------------------------------------
DELHI'S MIGRANT PROBLEM
SOME ISSUES
o.P. SHARMA
While inaugurating the meeting of the National
Capital Region Planning Board at New Delhi recently, the
Prime Minister felt depressed over the manner in which
buildings and roads are planned and executed in the
National Capital and asked the works and housing minister
"to pull up the Cen tral public works department and the
Delhi Development Authority". There can be no two opinions
about the concern expressed by the Prime Minister but
one cannot ignore the constraints under which the planners
have to work while planning anything for Delhi. The
already overcrowded city attracts on an average about
350 people daily who move into the city for permanent
settlement. No doubt, the planners do have deep insight
into the problems and proper perspective but the extent
to which Delhi is growing all their planning goes awry.
During the 1971-81 decade only we have added half of the
Delhi's 1971 population at the 1981 census the population
was 6.22 million. Looking at the growth during 1961-71
the planners must have started planning for providing the
basic needs to its people and they might be still in the
process of providing basic civic amenities to the existing
population of 1971, the decade posed the problem of
planning for another 2.15 million people. The resources
are limited and the time also plays its role. In case
the population of Delhi grows with the speed at which it had
been growing during the last three decades the number of
people in Delhi, in 1991 will be around a crore. Imagine
one per cent of the country's population living in such a
small piece of land and, is not providing all of them with
basic civic amenities a gigantic task? However efficient
the planners may be, these deficiencies are bound to
persist with no fault of the planners. Let us have an
ieda as to how the population of Delhi is swelling.
-81-
Till 19~1 the growth of population of Union
Territory of Delhi was slow. Over the three decades, from
1901, its population increased by 57 per cent from
0 .. 41 million to 0.64mi11ion. Next decade experienced "a
watershed and the population in 1941 increased to
0.92 million, giving a growth rate of 44.27 per cent
1941-51 decade took sudden leap due to exchange of population
between India and Pakistan during 1947, and in the bargain
Delhi gained a lot. The population of Union Territory of
Delhi/lpgJe~~~million in 1941 to 1.47 million in 1951.
Therefore, the decadal rate of growth of population had
been more than 50 per cent and it is steadily going up in
each successive decade. The rate of growth of population
during 1951-61 was 52.44 per cent/·~2.93 per cent during
1961-71 and 53.00 per cent during 1971-81. At the turn
of the century the population of Delhi was only 0.41 million
and during 1901-81 the population increased to 6.22 million,
which means we have added 20 Delhis of 1901 of which
2.15 million or 5 Delhis of 1901 were added during 1971-
81 only. The trend of the growth of population of Union
Territory after 1941 suggests that in addition to large
number of displaced persons, it threw open its gates to the
migrants from other States and Union Territories with the
result that at the 1981 Census there was not even a single
state or Union Territory which had not contributed to De1hi 1s
population growth.
The popUlation of Union Territory of Delhi according
to the 1971 census was 4.07 million, During the decade
1971-81, more than half of Delhi1s 1971 population was
added to Union Territory of Delhi. The population of Union
Te-rri tory of Delhi according to the 1981 Census stood
-82-
at 6.22 million-an addition of 2.15 million people during
the decade. This gives a percentage increase of 53.00.
During 1971-81 out of this 2.15 million population,1.23
million moved to Delhi from other states and Union
Territories and 0.28 million people out of 4.07 million
in 1971 moved out of other States and Union Territories.
Delhi's net gain due to migration was of the order of
0.95 million. If we subtract this in-migration and add
the out-migration, the 1981 population cbmes to 5.55
million as against 4.07 million in 1971. The difference
during the decade works out to 1.48 million which is
supposed to be the natural increase. The growth ~ate,
after taking net migration into account works out to
29.60 per cent which is higher than the national rate
of 25.00 per cent.
The population of Union Territory of Delhi is
predominantly urban. At the 1971 census 89.70 per cent
of its population lived in urban areas comprising Delhi
Municipal Corporation (DMC), New Delhi Municipal Committee
(NDMC) and Delhi Cantonment (Cantt) while this percentage
increased to 92.73 because of declaration of 27 villages
as towns at the 1981 census. According to the 1981 census
the number of villages in Union Territory of Delhi was
258 of which 17 were un-inhabited and 27 treated as towns.
Effectively the number of villages thus comes to 214. Of
these , 27 villages which were treated as towns at the
time of the 198~census, as many as 22 were part of the
Delhi urban agglomeration which also included DMC, NDMC
and Cantonment. Only 5 towns were outside the Delhi and
kept their identity. Of the 0.46 million people living
in rural parts of Union Territory of Delhi in 1981, 0.28
--83--
million were enumerated in 132 inhabited villages of Delhi
tehsil and 0.18 million in 82 inhabited villages of Mehrauli
tehsil.
Out of 6.22 million people enumerated in Union
Territory of Delhi, 3.23 million were born at the place of
enumeration and the remaining 2.99 were migrants. Of these
2.99 million migrants, 0.32 million or 10.84 per cent had
moved to the place of their enumeration from other parts of
Union Territory of Delhi and 2.30 million or 76.92 per cent
had their place of last residence in one of the states o~
Union Territory and the remaining 0.37 million or 12.24 per
cent moved to Delhi from other countries. Of these 0.37
million migrants from other countries 0.33 million were
those whose last residence was Pakistan. A majority of
these 0.33 million people had moved to Delhi after the
partition of the country in 1947 and settled here. However,
because of the instruction to enumerators at the time of
the 1981 census, their place of last residence had been
recorded as Pakistan. If we s~bstract these 0.33 million
people whose last residence was Pakistan then we are left
with 2.66 million total migrants.
The significant contribution towards the population from . t . . growth was of~other states and Un~on err~torTes.Of the
2.99 million total migrants to Delhi, as said earlier, 2.30
million were from other states and Union Territories and out
of these 2.30 million migrants almost half- 48.18 per cent
to be exact, were from Uttar Pradesh. Haryana and punjab
contributed 15.56 and 9.77 per cent of the 2.30 million
migrants. Other states and Union Territories which contributed
more than 1 per cent of these migrants were Bihar (3.99),
r.\adhya Pradesh(2.38) , West Bengal(2.34), Himachal Pradesh
(2.16), Maharashtra (1.78},Tamil Nadu(1.48) and Kerala
(1.13). There is not even a single state or Union Territory
-84-
which has not sent its people to Delhi. Even as far off
place like Lakshadweep has sent 51 of its people to
union Territory of Delhi.
However, if we take only the recent migration,
i.e. those migrants who moved to Delhi during 1971-81
or who have been residing at the place of enumeration
for less than 10 years, the number comes down to 1.23
million, which accounts for 53.48 per cent of the total
2.30 million migrants from different states and Union
Territories, 22.85 per cent of these migrants moved to
the place of their enumeration during 1961-71 i.e. they
had been residing at the place of enumeration between
10 and 19 years. Those who had been residing at the
place of enumeration for 20 years or more accounted for
19.36 per cent and the period in respect of the
remaining 4.31 per cent could not be det~~rnined.
Of the 1.23 million migrants who moved to
Union Territory of Delhi during the last decade of 1971-
81 from other states and Union Territories 'hhe majority
was from Uttar Pradesh. Together they accounted for
50.09 per cent of the migrants from other states and , .. ~~o . . f Unlon Terrltorles who had move~ Unlon Terrltory 0
Delhi during 1971-81. States which accounted for more
than one per cent of such migrants were Haryana (12.93)
Rajasthan (7.63),Punjab(6.49),Bihar(5.77},Madhya Pradesh
(3.07), West Bengal (2.70) ,t.1aharashtra (2 . 01) , . Himachal
Pradesh(1.91), Tamil Nadu(1.66} and Kerala(1.47}.
The flow of migrants has increased substantially
during the recent past, from a majority of the states and
Union Territories. The highest percentage of the total
-85-
migrants who moved to Union Territory during the last
decade was recorded by the states and Union Territories
in the north-east region. For instance, 86.92 per cent
of the migrant.s numbering 428 moved during the last
decade. In the case of Nagaland and Manipu~ the percent
ages were 81. 29 and 77" 94 and in the case of Meghalaya
the percentage was 77.20. 76.89 per cent of the total
m~grants from Assam moved to Union Territory of Delhi
during 1971-81. In the case of Bihar also the percentage
of migrants who moved to Delhi during 1971-81 was quite
high. They accounted for 77.21 per cent of 0.92 mill~on
migrants. The flow from the neighbouring states, during
the last decade was not so high. For instance, out of
1.11 million total migrants from Uttar Pradesh, 55.61
per cent moved to Delhi during 1971-81. Similar1~ out
of 0.17 million migrants from Rajasthan,53.72 per cent
moved during 1971-81. Of the 0.36 million migrants from
Haryana, 44.46 per cent moved during the last decade
and7~5sition of Punjab is still different. In all 0.22
million people recorded their place of last residence in
Punjab and only 0.08 million or 35.03 per cent moved
during the last decade. It will thus be noticed that
during the recent past, the flow of migrants from the
neighbouring states has been comparatively slow in
relation to far off states and Union Territories though
in absolute terms their number is small.
The question which immediately comes to one's
mind is why so many people get attracted towards Union
Territory of Delhi. Very valuable information has been
collected at the recent census about the reason for
-86-
migration. B:oadly:the reasons for migration have been
classified under five heads employment, educ~tion, marriage,
family moved and the rest. Family moved includes those
who had to move because of the shift of the head of the
household because of employment or in a few cases because
of education, though the degree of the latter category
may not be slgnificant.
Out of 2.30 million tot~l mig~ants, as mentioned
earlier, 1.23 million moved to Delhi du~ing 1971-81. The
highest number wa,s of those who had to move because of
the movement of their family. Their number, out of 1.23·
million was 0.49 million ~ich gives a percentage of 39.42.
Next comes employment. The number of such migrants was
0.42 million and they accounted for 34.48 per oent of the
total migrants. The migration because of marri~ge was
also quite significant. The number of such nrigranbs was
0.16 milllon and they formed 12.63 per cent of the total
migrants. Movement because of education, as one would
expect, was quite iess. Their number was 0.04 million
and they accounted for only 3.33 per cent of the tot~l
migrants. In the case of 10.14 per cent of the total
migrants, the reaSOn for migration could not be determined.
Out of 0.78 million migrants who moved to Union
Territory of Delhi because of emploYlment, as many as
0.42 million or 54.07 per cent were from uttar Pradesp
alone. Haryana, Rajasthan and Punja.b accounted for
10.71, 7.71, and 7.05 per cent of the total migrants' who
moved to Delhi for employment. Out of 0.38 million migrants
who moved to Union Territory of Delhi because of marriage,
0.16 million or 43.45 per cent were. from Uttar Pradesh and
0.11 million or 29.61 per cent were from Haryana. Respective
percentages in the case of Punjab ,and Rajasthan were 9.70
and 6.91.
-87-
Out of 60,337 migrants who came to Delhi
because of education, 27,599 Or 45.74 per cent came
from Uttar Pradesh and 9,927 or 16.45 per cent moved
from Haryana. Respective percentages in the Gas~ of
Punjab and Rajasthan were 8.05 and 5.34.
The maJority of migrants who moved to Union
Territory of Delhi,as said earlie~was because of the
movement of their families. Out of these 0.83 million
migrants, 381,048 or 46.17 per cent were from Uttar
Pradesh and 116,059 or 14.06 per cent were from Haryana,
Punjab and Rajasthan accounted for 11.63 and 8.02 per
cent of the total migrants who moved to union Territory
of Delhi because of the movem~nt of ~heir families.
After the reason "Family moved" which
accounted for the highest percentage, the reason for
migration which accounted for the next highest percentage
was "employment". The share of such migrations for the
country as a whole was 33.78 per cent. States and
Union Territories which had share of such migrants
higher than country's percentage were Bihar (54.63),
Kerala (42.69), Orissa t40.58}, Uttar Pradesh (37.91),
Pondicherry \36.33), Dadra & ~agar Haveli (35.29),
Madhya Pradesh (34.85) and Rajasthan (34.27). The lowest
percentage of such migrants Was from Manipur (17.90).
In the case of Manipur, next to the reason family
moved, the reason of migrant was highest of those
who moved to Un~on Terr~tory for education (23.54).
More than 10 per cent of the migrants from Lakshadweep
moved to Delhi for education.
Movement because of "Marriage", as one could expect,
was quite significant in case of Haryana. Out of 357,709
migrants from Haryana 111,066 or 31.05 per cent moved
-88-
because of "marriage". The share in the case of punjab
was 16.20, in the case of Rajasthan 14.84, in the case
of uttar Pradesh 14.71 and in the case of Gujarat it
was 12.84 per cent. Other states and Union Territories
where the share was more than 10 per cent were Chandigarh
(11.91), Maharashtra (11. 05), Jammu & Kashmir (11.4), Himachal
Pradesh(10.30), Madhya Pradesh(lO.48) and West Bengal
(10.10). The lowest percentage was recorded by Mizoram
(0.61) preceded by Arunachal Pradesh (1.87) and Nagaland
(2.41).
The flow of migrants to Delhi is not confined only
to States and Union Territories of India but also attracts
people from other countries. Total migrants from outside
India at the time of the 1981 were 365,937 and out of
these the place of last residence in the case of
328,211 was Pakistan. If the number of migrants from
Pakistan is subtracted from the total migrants from
other countries we are left with only 37,726 migrants.
Of these 37,726 migrants or ~6.83 per cent were from
Asia including USSR,5.14 per cent from Europe, 3.95 per
cent from Africa 3.49 per cent from Americas, 0.25 per
cent from Ocea~~and in the case of 0.34 per cent the I
country of last residence could not be determined. Out
of the total migrants from other countries, more than
50 per cent were from Nepal, 14.30 per cent were from
Bangladesh and 9.53 per cent from Burma, UK and USA
accounted for 3.21 and 2.64 per cent. It is quite
interesting to note that the migration from other
countries excluding Burma and Bangladesh, was more
during the recent decade 1971-81 than in previous
decades. Out of 0.83 million migrants reporting
I Employment I as reason for migration,0.77 million were
males and 0.06 million were females. Of the 0.77
-89-
million migrants, 32.00 per cent literates and 68.00 per
cent were illiterates. Among the females the majority was
of literates (58.82) and llliterates accounted for 41.18
per cent.
Of the 0.77 million male migrants who came to Delhi
in search of employment, at the time of the 1981 census
as many as 0.72 mlilion or 93.47 per cent were gainfully
employed, 0.23 per cent among them were those who were not
fully engaged ln some economic activity and were employed
marginally and only 6.30 per cent were still searching
for jobs. Thus it will be seen that a very small percentage
of male migrants who moved to Delhi for employmen~ould not succeed in their mission. The plight of females was,
however, miserable. Of the 63,128 female migrants who
came to Delhi for employment only 27,073 or 42.89 per cent
could get employment even though as compared to males the
literacy rate among them was quite high. As many as 35,767 or
56.66 per cent were still non-workers and 0.45per cent
were employed marginally. Though the percentage of non
worker male migrants who carne to Delhi for employment is only
6.30 but their number was 48,446 whereas the number of
such females was 35,767. Together they accounted for 10.12
per cent of the migrants who carne to Delhi in search of
employment and their number was more than 84 thousand. This
is the positlon with regard to the migrants who carne
to Delhi in search of employment but if we consider the
number of such person in DeIhl by taking into account the
employment seeker among local Dehlites then the number
swells ·tremendously. Not only these but quite a reasonafule
number among those who moved to Delhi because their families
moved, with the passage of time, have also entered the
employment market vlhich further inflates the number of
job seekers.
-90-
It is high time that some steps are taken by
the authorities to regulate this flow of population to
Delhi. Otherwise, if the estimates that by 2001 the
population of Delhi will be around 12 million then the
water supply will have to increase from 496 million
gallons to 1,127 million gallons per day, electricity
supply 'from 650 megawatts to 2500 megawatts~ Transport
facili~ies will also have to be provided. All this
means tremendous burden on t.he exchequer. '. 'n ".::, ,:' .,,~:!
Tc lessen the congestion everybody talks of
shifting the unlinked off1.ces from Delhi to satellite
towns, appears to be a wishful thinking. Shifting of
offices pre-supposes that the families of the employees
will also be shifting. We forget that in majority of
the cases, in addition to the head of the household, his
spouse or children are also employed and this does not
mean that with the shift of the head of the household the
entire family will move. Obviously, the family will stay
back and the head of the household will prefer to
commute daily rather than shifting his family as he would
prefer to undergo the torture of commuting daily rather
than asking his spouse or children. In some cases grown up
children are having higher education in Delhi and shifting
will add to their problems. In case we plan to shift the
offices then we will have to ensure 100 per cent satisfaction
with regard to accommodation schools/colleges and medical
facilities and in the case of those whose spouse or grown
up children are in service, provisions for alterna~~e'1abs
at the stations where the family moves. This is however,
impossible and those who are thinking that shifting offices
to satellite towns will ease the position in Delhi, are
perhaps mistaken~ The best course will thus be that we put
a full stop to the opening of new offices in Delhi so that
those who are already settled in Delhi are not uprooted.
-91-
Another point which the planners should seriously
consider is that the development of NCR by four d~fferent
governments is not going to be a realistic approach. No
doubt the NCR Board will co-ordinate the planning activities
but st~ll the implementing agencies will be adm1nistered
by d~fferent governments. The best course will thus be that
the components of NCR falling 1n Haryana, Rajasthan and
Uttar P~adesh are added to Delhi and let the entire NCR be
admin1stered by a slngle body which will be quite efficient
and effect1ve. There will be no grouse that the portion
lY1ng in one state is being neglected and the other 1S
be1ng given preferential treatment. Today luckily the
party in power at the Centre 1S admin1ster1ng ~he governments
in all the three adjoining states. In the event of any
party other than the one 1n power the Centre assumes charge
in a particular state that may adversely affect the smooth
1mplementat10n of the NCR plan. The right course will thus
be that let all the three ad)oin1ng states, surrender those
of their areas in favour of Delhi so that the development
of all the sat~~lite towns falling in three different states
~s planned and implemented effectively by a s~ngle agency.
The Uttar Pradesh government has sent its sub-region plan of
Rs. 748 crores, the Rajasthan government of Rs.215 crores
and Haryana governmen-t; of Rs.£20 crores. The Ch~ef Min1ster
of uttar Pradesh felt that like Delh~ the plan for the three
such regions should also be raised to Rs. 2000 crores. Further
the state capitals of the three states are far off from
the areas which fall in NCR. Ln case the above suggest~on
~s agreed to then the implementati0r{and monitoring of the
plan schemes w~ll be easier and more effic1ent otherWlse
the results will not be very much satisfactory, as the
exper~ence-6f past two decades tells.
-92-
Well, whatsoever the future course of action is adopted
for the development of NCR, the fear that the population of
Delhi is going to swell to more than 12 million by 2001 holds
good as sealing the borders of Delhi for the future migrants
will be unconstitutional. Our planners, will have to be v~gil
ant and seriously think of providing the minimum baS1C CiV1C
amenlt~es. Even today, we are not in a position to manage
the required quantity of electricity, water, transport and
other such amenities and providing full satisfaction to
more than 12 milllon people by 2001 is not an easy job . W\th
the upcoming of huge housing complexes and tremendous
addition to the industrial un~ts, the green belt ~s slowly
disappearing and with the present rate of populatlon growth
of Delhi one will not be wrong in saying that a time wlll
come when Dehlites may not get even fresh air to breathe.
Attraction of migrants to Delhi in spite of all these
hazards means that for in-migrants Delhi still appears
much better place to survive and Delhi is a sort of paradise
for the migrants.
IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON THE GROWTH OF DELHI
R. K. PURl
Delhl's population has been increasing rapidly.
Its population increased from 40.66 lakhs in 1971 to 62.20
lakhs in 1981 i.e., an increase of 21.54 l~khs or by 53
per cent in the last decade. How much of this increase was
due to migratlon? What are the reasons for migration into
Delhl? ~"hat is the age distribution of the inmigrants;
how many of them are literates and illiterates; what
are the educational qualifications of 'the inmigrants;
what are thelr economic characteristics? These are
the various issues to which this paper is devoted.
According to Census of India, migrants are
classified in two ways; (1) migrants by place of birth
(POB) and (2) migrants by place of last residence (POLR).
The POB migrants are usually reterred to as life-time
migrants and their break-down into durations of residence
is not given. Migrants by POLR are, however, sub
classified into various durations of residence such as
less than I year, 1 to 4 years, 5 to 9 years, 10 to 19
years and 20+ years. Excepting D-l table of census
tabulatlons (which gives POB data), all other tables
are based on the POLR data. So, essentially this paper
is based on POLR data. Slnce Delhi union territory is
only a single district and is almost urban in its
entirely I the migI"ation from rural to urban areas wi thin
Delhi is not considered in this paper and the analysis
pertains mainly to the flow of migrants from other states
of India to Delhi union territory.
The views expressed in this paper are those of author and do not necessarily represent the office to which he belongs.
~94-
Based on POB data, there were a total-of 28.21
1akh persons in Delhi in 1981 who had been born outside
Delhi as against 19.60 1akhs in 1971. 23.52 1akhs of there
migrants were born in other states of India while 4.69
1akhs were born in other countries (mostly in Pakistan in
pre-partition days). 45.34 per cent of Delhi's population
in 1981 were POB migrants into Delhi as against 48.21 per
cent in 1971. This percentage has declined as the
percentage of those born in foreign countt:ies has declined
sharply from 12.47 to 7.54, even though the percentage of
inmigrants born in other parts of India has gone-up from
35.7 to 37.8.
On the basis of last residence, there w~ a
total of 26.6 lakh persons in 1981 who have migrated into
Delhi as against 19.1 lakhs in 1971. Of these, 22.99 1akhs
migrants had come from other states of India while 3.66
1akhs had come from other countries i.e., 37.0 per cent
of Delhi's population in 1981 were migrants from other
states of India and 5.9 per cent from other countries. In
19 7 1, the corresponding figures were 37.4 and 9.5.
1.81 ~akh migrants had migrated into Delhi during
the last one year (prior to 1981 census.) , 6.46 1akhs had
a duration of residence of 1 to 4 years and 4.65 lakhs had a
duration of residence in Delhi of 5 to 9 years. A total
of 12.92 lakh persons have migrated into Delhi during
1971-81, constituting 48.46 per cent of all the migrants.
(Migrants with 0-9 years duration have been treated as
migrants during 1971"'81 in this pape:r). It would thus be
seen that the rate of migration into Delhi has been
increasing very fast. The average annual rate of inmigration
into Delhi was 0.93 lakh during 1971-76, 1.62 1akhs during
1976-80, and 1.81 lakhs in 1980-81 (The corresponding
annual average rates of inmigration during 1961-66, 1966-70
-95-
and 1970-71 were 0.61, 0.94 and 1.32 lakhs respec~ively.
The average annual rate of inmigration during 1971-81 was
1.29 lakhs per year as against On81 1akhs during 1961-71.
Of the total inmigrants during the last decade,
12.30 1akhs were from other states of India and 0.62 lakhs
were from other countries.
The inmigrants into Delhi from other states and
union territories of India during 1971-81 numbered 12.3
lakhs out of whom more than half (50.1 per cent) were from
Uttar Pradesh, 12.9 per cent from Haryana, 7.6 per cent
from Rajasthan, 6.4 per cent from Punjab and 5.8 per cent
from Bihar. 3 per cent of the inmigrants into Delhi during
the last decade were from these five states. Other major
states which had contributed more than 1 per cent of
inmigration into Delhi were Madhya Pradesh (3.1), West
Bengal (2.7), Maharashtra (2.0), Himachal Pradesh (1.9),
Tamil Nadu (1.7) and Kerala (1.5)
Of the total migrants from other states during
1971-81, 6.95 lakhs (57 per cent) had come into Delhi from
the rural" areas and 5.28 lakhs (43 per cent) had come from
the urbadrreas. 57 per cent of the rural migrants were
from Uttar Pradesh, 14 per cent from Haryana, 9 per cent
from Rajasthan, 7 per cent from Bihar and 3.7 per cent from
Punjab. Of the migrants from urban areas 42 per cent were ftom
uttar Pradesh, 11.5 per cent from Haryana, 10 per cent
from Punjab, 6 per cent from Rajasthan and 4 per cent were
from Bihar. While the proportion of migrants with rural
origin was higher in case of Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan
and Bihar, the proportion of migrants from urban origin was
-96-
much more in the case of Punjab. It is further seen that
as the distance increased the proportion of migrants with
urban origin was higher than the proportion of migrants
with rural origin. For example, 70 to 87 per cent of
migrants from distant states of Andhra Pradesh, Assam,
Gujarat, Jammu & Kashmir, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu
and West Bengal were from urban areas. Kerala (52 per
cent), Orissa (55 per cent) and Bihar (30 per cent) were
the only three distant states from which the proportions
of urban migrants were lower. On the other hand, Punjab
was the only nearby state from which the proportion of
urban migrants (67 per cent) was very high. The proportion
of urban migrants from the four .other major. states
contributing to Delhi's inmigration were - 36 per cent in
case of Uttar Pradesh, 38 per cent for Haryana, 34 per cent
for Rajastha~~30 per cent for Bihar. In case of Madhya
Pradesh~this percentage was 45. Thus, Punjab, Kerala,
Orissa and Bihar are the only exceptions to the rule. Orissa
and Bihar are predominantly outmigrating states due to
extreme poverty conditions in the rural areas while in case
of Kerala, the rural-urban distinction is very m~ch blurred
due to very large rural settlements akin to urban areas.
On the other hand, Punjab has itself become an inmlgrating
state for rural labour ~eading to very little outrnigration
from its rural areas.
Of the 12.3 lakh inmigrants from other states during
last decade, 6.95 lakhs (56.6 per cent) were males and
5.34 lakhs (43.4 per cent) were females. The sex-ratio among
the migrants from urban areas was 936 females per 1000 males
and 660 in case of migrants from the rural areas; the sex
ratio for migrants from all areas being 768. The sex-ratio
-97-
for the total population of Delhi in 1981 was 808. If we
exclude the migrant population of the last decade, then
the sex-ratio of Delhi would have. been 818.
The broad age distribution of the migrants to Q~1!!!
Q;~~~ Agglomeration during 1971-91 was as under:-
--------------------------------~-~-----------------------
Age-groups E~r2~n£~g~_!::Q_iQt~1_~ig:!~!}i§
Male Female ---------------------------------------------------------
0 - 14 19.70 20.71
15 - 29 45.87 49.74
30 - 59 31.49 25.74
60+ 2.93 3.81 ----------------------------------------------------------
Thus, half of the female migrants during the last
decade were in the age group 15-29 while amongst males this
percentage was 46 per cent. More than three-fourths of
both male and female migrants were in the labour force age
group (15-59).
~n9st males in the age-group 15-29, 27 per cent
of the migrants were illiterates, 35 pe+, cent were literate
but below matric, 27 per cent were matric but below
graduates and less than 9 per cent were graduates (other
than technical degree). Even in the age-group 30-59, 30
per cent of the migrants during the last decade were
illiterates while 25 per cent were literate and below
matric, 22 per cent were matric but below graduates, 16
per cent were graduates without technicaldigree while 6
per cent had either a technical degree or diploma.
-98-
Amongst females in the age-group 15-29, 43 per cent
were illiterate, 24 per cent were literate but below matric,
20 per cent were matric but below graduates and 11 percent
were graduates wlthout technical degrees. 48 per cent of
the female migrants ln the age-group 30-59 were illiterates,
20 per cent were llterate but below matric 16 per cent were
graduates and above without technical degree and over three
per cent were holding a technical degree or diploma. Both
among males and females, the proportion of those holding a
technical degree was much more than those who had technical
diplomas or certificates. In the age-group 15-29, 63 per
cent of the males and 67 per cent of the females were either
illiterate or literate but below matric. In the age-group
of 30-59, 56 per cent of the male and 68 per cent of the
female migrants were either illiterates or literates but
below matric.
There were 787 females per 1000 males amongst
migrants of all durations to Delhi union territory. The
sex-ratio was 806 in the age-group 0-14, 779 in the age
group 15-29, 768 in the age-group 30-59 and 912 in the 60+
age group. It is, however, noticed that among the recent
migrants the sex ratio was much lower. Among current
migrants (Less than 1 year duration), sex-ratio was 707
(808 in the age-group 0-14, 706 in the age-group 15-29
and 572 only in the age-group 30-59). Amongst migrants of
1- 4 years duratlon, the sex-ratio was 738 (776 in the age
group 0-14, 794 ln the age-group 15-29 and 591 in the age
group 30-59). ~~ongst mlgrants of 5 to 9 years duratlon,
the sex-ratio was 796 (819 in the age group 0-14, 902, in
the age-group 15-29 and 655 in the age-group 30-59). Inmigrants
of duration 10 years and above had a sex-ratio of 801
(851 in the age-group 0-14/ 657 in the age-group 15-29
and 828 in the age-group 30-59). Amongst the recent
migrants, the sex-ratio was particularly low in the age
group 30-59.
-99-
In case of male migrants from other states lnto
Delhi during 1971-81, 55.8 per cent had migrated for
employment 29.3 per cent due to faml1y movement and 4.1
percent for educatlon. In case of male migrants from rural
areas 60.5 per cent had come for employment, 26.2 per cent
due· to faml1y movement and 3.8 per cent for educatl0n,
while in case of male mlgrants from urban areas 48.4
per cent had come for employment, 34 per cent for movement
of family and 4.5 per cent for education.
In case of females, 52.6 per cent had come due to
family movement, 28.6 per cent due to marriage, 6.8 per cent
for employment and 2.3 per cent for education. In case of
female migrants from the rural areas, 53.8 per cent had
moved' due to shifting of family 27.4 per cent due to
marriage, 7.4 per cent for employment and 2.1 per cent for
education. In case of female urban migrants, 51.3 per cent
had come due to family movement. 30.1 per cent for marriage,
5.9 per cent for employment and 2.6 per cent for education.
Thus, 81 per cent of the fenale migrants from rural areas
as well as from urban areas have come into Delhi either due
to marriage or family movement.
Q!§~~!£~~!2D~2f_~!9f~~t§_~9_~~Q~~_~~~~§_f~E2fi!~9
~~~1QX~§N!_~§_~§~§Q~_EQf_~!9I~i!2g
6.90 lakh males and 0.52 lakh females had corne
into the urban areas of DeIhl for reasons of employment.
Amongst males 31 per cent were ll~iterates, 32 per cent
were literates but were below matric, 23 per cent were
matriculates but below graduates, 10.6 per cent were
graduates and above tother than technical degree}, 2 per
cent were graduates with technical degree and 1 per cent
had technical diplomas. Amongst females 58 per cent were
-100-
illiterates, 18 per cent were literates but below matric, 12 per cent were matriculate$ but below graduates, 8.5
per cent were graduates and Cibove (other than technical
degree), 2 per cent were
had tebhnical diplomas.
3/4th of females who had
tecnnical graduates and 1 per cent
That is roughly 2/3rd of males and
come into Delhi for employment
were either illiterate or we~e below matric. In case of
migrants from the rural area$ more than 70 per cent of
males and 90 per cent of femCiles were either illiterates or
below matric. I£~S surprising to note that a very large
percentage of the migrants f~om the urban areas were also
illiterates - 24 per cent in case of males and 40 per cent
in case of females. Another 28 per cent of the male migrants
and 23 per cent of the female migrants from the urban areas
were less than matric. In other words, 2/3rd of the male
migrants and 3/4th of the female migrants into Delhi coming
for employment could have been absoreed only in unskilled
jobs.
93.5 per cent of male migrants reporting employment
as reason for migration were main workers, 0.2 per cent
were marginal workers and 6.3 per cent were non-workers.
Of the male migrants reporting employment as a reason for
migration, 2 per cent were below the age 15, 6.7 per cent
were in the age-group l5-,~.9, 14.4 per cent were in the
age-group 20-24, 16.2 per cent were in the age-group 25-29
and 60.7 per cent were of the age 30 and above.
Amongst the female migrants reporting employment
as reason for migration, 43 per cent were main workers
and 57 per cent were non-workers, the percentage of
marginal workers being negligible. 9 per cent of them
were below the age 15.7 per cent were in the age-group
15-19, 15 per cent each in the age-group 20-24 and
25-29 and 54 per cent were 30 and above.
-101-
When we look at the migrants by different durations,
we find that among C'l:.rrent male migrants, 89.8 per cent were
main workers as agalnst 94,3 per cent for 1-4 years duration
and 93.7 for 5+ duration. Of current male mlgrant~ 6 per " cent were under ageJ lS.l7 per cent in age 15-19, 24 per cent
in age 20-24. 18.5 per cent in 25-29 and 34 per cent were
of the age 30+. Among migrants of 1-4 years duratlon, 4 per
cent were below age 15.14 per cent were in age-group 15-19,
26 per cent In}~O-241 21 per cent lIf?15-29 and 35 per cent
were of the age 30+ Among migrants of 5+ duration, 0.45
per. cent were of age 0-14, 2.3 per cent of age 15-19, 8 per
cent of 20-24, 14 per cent of 25-29 and 75 per cent of
30~. That is, 60 per cent of male current migrants were
of age 15-29, as against 61 per cent ln 1-4 years duration
migrants and 24 per cent o111y among 5+ duration.
Among females, 65 per cent of the current migrants
were main workers, as agalnst 46 per cent for 1-4 years
dUratlon and 36 pe~ cent for 5+ dUratlon. 35 per cant of
current female mlgrants were above age 30, as against 36 per
cent in case of l-4 years duratlon, and 72 per cent in
case of 5+ duration. 49 per cent of current female migrants
were in age-group 15-29; the corresponding percentages for
1-4 years duration and 5+ duratio~being 50 per cent and I
25 per cent.
occupational dlstribution of mlgrants reporting ~~E12~~~~_~~_f~~22n_t~£_~!gE~t!QQ~ ___________ _
Of the male migrant workers report.ing employment
as reason for migration, 7072. per cent were engaged in
occupaticnal dlvislon 0-1 (professional, technical and
related workel:s;, 5.42 per cent were engaged in division-2
(administrative, executive and managerial workers), 13.24
percent. were in divlsion-3 (clerical and related workers) .
-102-
11.09 per cent were in division-+ (Sales workers) 12.69
per cent. were in division-5 (service workers), 1.15 per
cent were in division-6 (farmers, fishermen, hunters,
loggers and related workers) and 47.49 per cent were in the
division 7,8 and 9 (production and related workers,transport
equipment operators and labourers). Amonst females, 20.53
per cent were In division 0 and 1 2.50 per cent were
in division-2, 10022 per cent in division 3, ,3.30 per cent
in division-4, 26.78 per cent ~vere in division-5, 0.48
per. cent were in division-6 and 35.11 per cent were in
division 7, 8 and 9.
Recent migrants are concentrated more in
occupational divisions 7,8 and 9. Amongst males, 44 per
cent of the migrants of 5 years and above duration were in
the occupational division 7,8 and 9 ~hereas among 1 to 4
years duration group this percentage was 53.22. That is,
as the duration decreases, the percentage of male migrants
engaged in division 7,8 and 9 increases at the cost of
decreases, in divisions 0,1,3 and 4.
trend was all the more discernible.
Among females, this
As against 23.57
per cent among 5+ duration, the percentage of females in
division _ 7,8 and 9 had gone upto 33.93 among 1 to 4 years
durations and 62.62 among current migrants of less than
1 year duration. On the other hand, the percentage of
:temales in divisions 0,1,2,3 and 4 declines very sharply
as the duration of residence decreases. 27.73 per cent
of the female migrants in the 5 years and above duration
were in the division-O and l~ as against this 15.68 per
cent female migranuwith 1 to 4 years duration and 8.93 per
cent of less than 1 year duration were occupied in these
divisions. The position is almost similar in respect of
divisions 2 and 3.
-103-
The place of last residence data gives us directly
the net migration into Delhi during 1971-81. The volume
of immigrants is available from the migration tables published
for the union territory of Delhi based on 100 per cent
data but the volume of out-migration from Delhi based on
100 per cent data has not yet been published. For estimat1ng
the amount of net migration, .the volume of outmigration
has therefore been used from the 5 per cent census data
already published. The following table gives net migration
into Delhi by POLR data during 1971-81.
Immigrants
Outmigrants
Net ~igrants
Males -----731,584
115,404
616,100
Females Persons -_._,-_:_- --'_"--"--
559,918 1,291,502
162,641 278,045
397,277 l,013,457
----------------------------------------------------------
As against 12.92 lakh persons immigrating into
Delhi from other states and other countries, 2.78 lakh had
outmigrated from Delhi during 1971-81, leaving a net
migration of 10.13 lakh persons into Delhi. Amongst the
net migrartts. 6.16 lakh were males and 3.97 lakh were
females.
However, net migration has also been calculated
by using POB data and also indirectlY,by applying life
table survival ratios to age data of 1971 and 81 Censuses.
-104-
By POB data the net male migrants (I-D) in. 1971
census were 9.93 lakhs. In 1981 census the net male
migrants were 14.29 lakhs. By applying the 10 year all
India male survival ratio to the net rnigrant$' of 1971,
the estimated male survivors of 1971 migrants were 9.10
lakhs. Subtracting this figure from the net male migrants
of 1981 census, the net inter-decada:l male migrants during
1971-81 works out to 5.20 lakhs. Similarly the net inter
decadal migrants in case of females work out to 3.54 lakhs.
That is, there were a total of 8.74 lakh net migrants into
Delhi during 1971-81 on the basis of POB data.
On the basis of 1981 census data relating to children
ever born and children surviving child mortality estimates
have been obta.ined. The average life expectation at birth
corresponding to these child mortality estimation work out
to be 65 for males and 66 for females as per the South
Asian Model Life Tables. Corresponding to these life
expectancies, the life table survivorship ratios for each
group in the South Asian Model Life Tables wer.e applied
to the smoothed as well as unsmoothed age distribution of
Delhi's population for 1971 census. For 1981 census the
smoothed age distribution of Delhi has not been finalised
yet but a tentative smoothed population was used for our
purposes.
According td~his method the net inter-censal
migration works out to be 11.58 lakhs -- 7.12 lakh males
and 4.46 lakh females when the smoothed populations are
used. If we use the unsmoothed population of Delhi for 1971
and 1981, the net inter-censal migration by this method
-105-
work out to be 11.73 lakes -- 7.17 lakh for males
and 4.56 lakes for females. There is not much of
difference in the net inter-censal migration whether
we use the smoothed or un smoothed data.
Another indirect approach could also be made
to estimate the net migration into Delhi assuming
that the decennial growth rate of Delhi's
population should be the same as that of all India.
Applying ~.ll India decennial growth rate to DeIhl's
population of 1971, we get the expected growth of
Delhi's population. Substracting the expected growth
of Delhi's population from the actual growth of the
population during 1971-81 we get an excess of 11.29
lakhs which would be the amount of net migration into
Delhi during 1971-81. using this approach, we find
that the net migration into Delhi during 1961-71 was
7.53 lakhs and taking into account the estimates made
by the Expert Committee on Population Projections for
1991 & 2001 for India's and Delhi's Population, ~he
net migration into Delhi during 1981-91 and 1991-2001
is likely to be 16.55 lakh and 23.64 lakhs respectively.
The detailed calculation by this approach are given
in Table-7. It would be noticed that net migration
into Delhi accounted for 53.5 per cent of Delhi's
growth during 1961-71, 52.4 per cent during 1971-81
and is likely to account for 54.5 per cent of its
growth during 1981-1991 and 59.0 per cent during
1991-20 1.
-106-
A. ~l_~!!S!_Q~-~!f~~
1971 1981
Persons Males Females Persons Males Females ------- ----- _,----'-- ------- ----- -------l. Born in 1453 824 629 2351 1300 1043
other states of India
2. Born in other countries 507 273 234 469 252 217
-----------------~-------------------------------------------Total (1+2). 1960 1097 863 2820 1560 1260
-------------------------------------------------------------
1· Last 1521 853 668 2299 1268 1031 residence in other states of India
2. Last 387 210 177 366 199 167 residence in other countries
------------------------------------------------------------Total (1+2) 1908 1063 845 2665 1467 1198
------------------------------------------------------------
-107-
Table 2: Inmigrants to Delhi by place of last residence ~~~!~s_!2Z!:~! _______________________________ _
Place of Last B~~!~~~2~ ____
Persons Males Females ------- --_"_- -------
l. Other States of India Total 1230 696 534
Rural 695 419 276
Urban 528 273 255
2. Other countries Total 62 38 26
- ------- - _--------'--_"--"_ -- ----- - -- - - - - - ---_"-- -- - - - - -- -- - - - --Total (1+ 2) Total 1292 732 560
------------------------------------------------------------
-108-
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qt qt M • 0 • M f"- 00 "'" 0\ 0 ( I'""- l"- I'""- 00 I 0 I It! 0 I • I . 1 . I .jJ 0\ L{) rl N • 0 I 0 0\ L() 1"'"1 I 0 0 M "'" (V) I 0 I N "'" N I 0
1:' 8 I rl r rl 01 I I
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+l (1)1 ::I 0 I oU 0 I . I ~ I: trt ro..o I:.c:. 00 \0 ('V') , 0\ rl N rl , 00 I It! It! It! I 10 It! 0 ()I rl M I rl .--I I I 1-1 I 1-1 Z (1)1 i I i ..c: ~:>I t!) t.a - 81 I I I () 0
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• ..-1 1:1 10 (I) 1-1 I N N N i r-I I N r-I I M I ::I Q 01 ~..ot!) I 1 I I I ~r-I
·..-11 I I I 1 I o 0 (I) +ll I I I I 1-1 () ~ 101 Ii I I I 10 1-11 ~ I 1 I ..c:+l +l (I) 1 (I) 0 1 I 1 () (J)
I: Ell +l..-l co 0\ (V) L{) I 1..0 I I.D L{) ..-I qt i I'""- res 10 (I) 01 10 (I) () qt N "'" N ~ L{) r a N ('V') ('V') I 0 diM () ..-II 1-1..0 • ..-1 0 , o I • r I-Itrt (I) 1-1 (Y) L{) L{) I'""- L{) I I'""- qt 0 N I co I: I: (l)trt +l+l+l L{) ('V') N N ('V') I qt N N N I N • ..-1 • ..-1 Pol o<C 1 .r-! ::I 10 I I
H..o~ I • Q; (I) I I O'l~ I I It! It!
('V') (I) I I +l+l +l I i I: I:
(I) 10 1 I (j) (I) ..-I 1-1 ..-I M m 0\ L() i f"- (V) 0\ qt I I.D tl () ..0 (I) (V) N N rl ..-I 1 I.D L{) co ('V') , r-- 1-1 1-1 It! +l • • • I (I) (I) 8 .r-! \0 I'""- a L() N ~ N N r-- ..-I I 1..0 Al~
r-I qt N ('V') ('V') ('V') ! L() "'" "'" I'""- I "'" rl , I H I (I)
(J) (J) +l qt (j\ 0'\ (1)1 "'" 0\ 0\ (I) 0 rl N L{) ~I M N L() ~ :z
~ 10 10 ::I + +
(I) 0 r-I , rl tJll-I L{') a (:;:) ..-I L{) 0 0 rl ~tJ'I 0 rl (Y) 1..0 ~ 0 rl ('V') I.D ~
-109-
Table 4 Percentage distribution of. inmigrants to Delhi ~f2t:!!_2!:h~!:_§!:~!:~~_2~_!!!9!~_eY_!:~~2Q!!~_~Q!:_m!9:!:~!:~Q!!
----------------------------------------------------------------C~E9~!!!:~9:~_ .. _!:2_!:<2!:~!_l!!!9:E~!!!:2_~E<2I] ________
Reason . 'All areas Rural Urban ------------------------------------------M F M F M F
----------------------------------------------------------------(a) ~~9:f~!!!:~_Qf_~!1_9~!:~!:!Q!!§
1. Employment 56.78 5.49 62.52 5.74 49.38 5.20
2. Education 3.29 1.80 3.17 1. 59 3.45 2.01
3. Family Mqved 27.74 45.93 23.98 45.27 32.69 46.66
4. Marriage 8.39 35.90 0.37 37.90 0.42 33.96
5. Others 11.80 10.88 9.96 9.50 14.06 12.17
(b) ~!9:E~!!!:2_Q~_Q:~_Y~~E2_9~!:~E!2!!
1- Employment 55.76 6.77 60.50 7.49 48.45 5.94
2. Education 4.09 2.33 3.82 2.11 4.53 2.56
3. Family Moved 29.32 52.58 26.20 53.79 34.19 51.32
4. Marriage 0.34 28.64 0.30 27.36 0.39 30.08
5. Others 10.49 9.68 9.18 9.25 12.44 10.10
------------------------------------------------------------------
Table 5
-110-
Percentage distribut10n of inmigrants of all durations reporting employment as reason for migration, by sex, age and by category of !2E~~!! ___________________________________ _
-------------------------------------------------------------Age-group Main workers Marginal workers Non-workers Total
---------------------------------------------------------------Males --'-'-_.
a - 14 1.14 3.88 14.05 1. 96
15 - 19 6.40 18.85 11. 26 6.73
20 - 24 14.55 26.33 11. 97 14.41
25 - 29 16.99 15.99 4.79 16.22
30 + 60.90 34.84 57.99 60.66
All ages 93~47 0.23 . 6.30 100.00
---------------------------------------------------------------Females -------
0 - 14 4.18 1. 74 12.83 9.07
15 ... 19 8.53 6.62 6.54 7.39
20 - 24 16.08 17.07 13.57 14.66
25 - 29 16.57 13.94 13.28 14.69
30 + 54.60 60.98 53.72 54.13
All ages 42.89 0.45 56.66 100.00
--------------------------------_.,---------_,---------------------
Note: Percentages in each column are to all ages, where as percentages in last row (all ages) are to total.
-111-
Table 6 - Percentage distribution of migrant workers reporting employment as reason for migration in various occupational divisions.
--------------------------------------------------------------Duration of Residence Divisions
---~-------------------------------------0-1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 &9 --~~-~ .. --------------------------------------------------------MALES -----Less than 1 year 5.50 5.20 6.36 7.03 16.61 0.88 57.58 duration
1 to 4 year dura,tion
, 5+ dura tion
6.22 5.21 9.38 9.34 14.74 0.97 53.22
8.56 5.48 15.49 12.25 11.40 1.26 44.21
_._'---'--.---'----'-------_ .. _---'_._--'_'_'_'--'_._'_'---------------------------All durations 7.72 5.42 13.24 11.09 12.69 1.15 47.49
----------------------------------------------------------------FEMALES -------
Less than 1 year a.93 ' 0.96 3.59 2.02 21. 50 0.06 62.62 duration
1 to 4 year 15.68 2.16 10.24 2.57 28.48 0.26 39.93 duration
5+ duration 27.73 3.20 12.04 4.33 26.78 0.76 23.57
----------------------------------------------------------------All duration 20.53 2.50 10.22 3.30 26.78 0.48 35.11
----------------------------------------------------------------
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1-1 r-I r-I r-I r-I r-I ed 1.0 I""- 00 0'1 0 Q) r-I 0'1 0'1 0'1 C'I 0 )'i r-I r-I r-I r-I N
MOBILITY AMONG INDIAN WOMEN
O.P . SHARMA
In common parlance, migration is termed as change
in the place of residence of a person from one geographical
unit to another. If the movement in within the boundaries
of a nation, it is known as 'Internal migration' while the
movement across the International boundaries is called
'International migration'. In ancient times, the movement
of people wa~ in the fl'eJm of 'group movement' and the
members of the tribal societies rarely ve~tured singly. The
tribes led a nomadic life wandering in search of places where
they could find sustenance. It is believed now that "first
true man originated somewhere in east Africa and wandered
over a period of many centuries untiLi.all the major conti
nents were occupied by human beings".
The bulk of civilisation and inventlons of agricul
ture resulted in new innovatory types of migration. The
first half of the current century was the hey-day of free
individual migration. Study of international migration has
drawn more and more attention of demographers but the internal
migration, which surpassed the international migration, has
not received the attention that it rightly deserves. "The
right of free movement as often as one wishes within a nation's
territorial boundaries is constitutionally guaranteed and
is regarded as inherent in the very concept of citizenship'.
However, the major internal migratory movements in the
modern world represent similar responses to 'pushes' and
'pulls' of economic diversity in different regions o£ a country.
-114-
. In the modern society society, migration is a question
on which the po.licy makers are never unanimous, more so when
the study involves female migration. One school of thought
is that the female migration does not contribute materially
to the process of speeding up of economic development and
modernisation. Others hold the view that economic development
is hampered because of lack of planning with regard to the
movement of population from one area to another, thereby
disturbing the economy of both the places, from where they
move and of the places to which they move. This is a highly
debatable question, particularly, when we analyse the
female migration data.
In the Indian context, the movement of females in
general, is not because of economic reasons but because of
social reasons. Majority of the female migration is due to
marriage. Thus, femal~are more migratory than males but
this is because of the age-old system of marriage. The
migration, on account of employment or education, is very
limited in India as unmarried female do not generally leave
their parental homes. The second most predominant reason
for migration among females is 'family moved'. The present
study is mainly devoted to the analysis of the social
characteristics of the female migrants.
India's population at the sunrise of March 1, 1981
was 665,29 million of which 343.93 million were males and
321.36 million were females. This does not includ~·?~opulation of Assam where census could not be taken. If we add the
projected population of Assam for 1981, the population of
the country would be around 685.18 million. Since no census
could be taken in .Assam in 1981, analysis of the
available migration data excludes Assam.
TOTAL MIGRANTS
WITHIN INDIA
WITHIN DISTT.
OTHER DISTTS. OF STATE/u.T.
OTHER STATES/U.T.
OUTSIDE INDIA
ASIA
OTHER CONTINENTS
~ OTHERS
f::::::1 MARRIAGE
115
FEMALE MIGRANTS (Pfoce of Lost Residence) 1981
-o 0
PER C E N TAG E
I\) ~
o 0 ~ (JI 0) 000
.." CD o 0
cD 0 o 0
"" ::0 o
zil: ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~--~~~ ~~
)Io:::j ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ x
z
o N"J~cr7"-~~~~~:""':"':"~":""::""~~~~~~~~ i ~ ~
5:!cno ~,..c,.r,.~;,.c,c,~~,_,:.,;..,:.y:.rr~~~""'"'?Ir:~~~~ )10 c I:
."
REASON OF MIGRATION
~ EMPLOYMENT ~ FAMILY MOVED
• EDUCATION
-11'6 -
Of the 321.36 million females in the country, again
excluding ~sam, in respect of 176.69 million population
the place of last residence was the place of their enumera
tion and 144.67 million were migrants. In the 1981 Census,
a person was considered as a migrant if the place where
he was enumerated was other than the place of his last·
residence. Thus 144.67 million females, who were classified
as migrants, included 96.70 million whose place of last
residence was other than the place of thelr enu~eration but
within the district itself and 32.84 million had moved
from other districts of the same State/Union territory.
As many as 12.25 million had moved from outside the State
of Union territory to the place of enumeration. The
remaining 2.88 million moved to India from other countries.
This means that, in 1981, female migrants, based on place
of last residence, accounted for 45.02 per cent, against
43.26 per cent in 1971, of the total female population
of the the country excluding Assam. Out of the 144.67
million female migrants, against 68.98 per cent in 1971
66.84 per cent had the place of their last residence within
the district of enumeration; and 22.70 per cent in 1981,
against 19.80 per cent in 1971, had moved to the place of
enumeration from other districts of the same State/Union
territory. PBainst 8.09 per cent in 1971, 8.47 per cent in
1981, had their place pf last residence in other statel
Union territories. Further, against 3.13 per cent in 1971
as many as 1.99 per cent in 1981 had moved io India from
other countries. It is apparent that during the decade
1971-81 migration from within the country has increased
as compared to from outside the countrv. Among- the female
migrants from within the country, relatively the long
distance migration waS('higher in 1981 as compared to 1971
-117-
whilst the short dlstance migratlon, i.e. from within the
district, declined from 68.98 per cent In 1971 to 66.84
per cent in 1981. In the case of those who had moved from
other states, the share of the total female migrants has
gone up sllghtly from 8.09 per cent In 1971 to 8.47 per
cent In 1981.
The higher percentage of female migrants from wlthin
the state or Unlon t:erritory of thelr enumeration can
largely be attributed to their marriage. Detailed analysis
of the reasons of migration has been attempted in the later
part of this study. Of the 12.25 million lnter-state female
migrants, the pride of place had gone to Uttar pradesh,
which accounted for 16.66 per cent of the total lnter-state
female migrants followed by Bihar with 8.80 per cent. Other
states whlch accounted for more than five per cent of the
inter-state migrants were Madhya Pradesh(8.16), Rajasthan
(7.48), Maharashtra l6,,98), Karnataka (6.62), Haryana(6.20) ,
Punjab (5.53), Andhra Pradesh (5.53) and Tamil Nadu (5.33).
Of the 144.67 million female migrants in 1981,
the place of last residence of 2.88 million was ln other
countries. This gives a percentage of 1.99 ln 1981 against
3.13 in 1971.:(jf these 2.88 million female migrants, 98.74
per cent had their last residence ln countries of ~..sia, 0.77
per cent in Africa, 0.03 per cent In Burope, 0.17 i~7'Americas and 0.02 per cent In the countries of Oceania. Out of
2.85 million female migrants who moved to India from
countries in ASla as many as 1.49 mlliion or 52.49 per cent and
moved from Bangladesh,/0.89 million or 31.27 per cent from
Pakistan. Other countrles whose share was more than one
per cent were Nepal (8.96), Sri Lanka (3.40) and Burma
(2.05).
-118-
Of the total female migrants, who had moved to the
place of their enumeration at different points of 3.67 per
cent had been residing at the place of their enumeration
for less than one year, 16.83 per cent for a period rang
ing from one to four years and 14.71 per cent for a period
ranging from five to nine years. This means that 35.21
per cent of the female migrants moved during 1971-81.
Those who moved to the place of their enumeration between
1961-71, viz, those who have been residing at the place
of enumeration for the periods ranging between 10and 19
years, accounted for 23.69 per cent of the total female
migrants. As many as 37.71 per cen'c female migrants were
those who had been residing at the place of their enumera
tion for 20 years or more. The duration of stay at the
place of enumeration in respect of 3.38 per cent of the
total female migrants, however, was not reported, The
female migrants vlho had- moved to ~the p~lac.e. of thelr
enumeration either from other 9arts of the district or
other districts of the State/Union territory or even other
states/Union territories, also present the same pattern
Out of the 141.79 million female migrants 'liTho moved to the
place of enumeration fro~ within the country, 35.53 per
cent moved to the place of enumeration during 1971-81,
23.65 per cent during 1961-71 and 37.41 per cent earlier
than that. The duration of residence at the place of
enumeration in respect of 3.38 per cent was not reported.
with regard to those who moved from other countries the
position is slightly different. During the recent past,
the movement of females to India from other countrles
has slightly gone down. Out of the total female migrants
from other countries, as many as 52.39 per cent had
been residing at the place of their enumeration for
more than two decades, 24.32 per cent moved during 1961-
71 and 19.62 per cent during 1971-81. Thus, it will be
-119-
seen that during the past decade the magnitude of
female migration from outside India has gone down
considerably.
If we analyse the data relating to the females
who have migrated from different countries we find
that out of 2.88 million female migrants who migrated
from other countries during 1981-82, 0.57 million
female migrants 96.96 per cent of those migrated from
Asian countries. 1.47 per cent from ~£rican countries,
0.94 per cent from countries in Europe, 0.59 per cent
from countries in the Americas and 0.04 per cent
from the countries in Oceania. During the last decade
the migration of females had been of the highest
order from countries of Europe and the Americas.Cf the
4,879 females who migrated to India from countries
in the Americas, as many as 68.03 per cent came to the
place of enumeration in India during 1971-81, while
62.00 per cent of the 8,632 female migrants from
countries in Europe (excluding USSR) came to India during
1971-81. Those who migrated to India during 1961-71 from
countries in the F.mericas and Europe accounted for 20.13
per cent and 18.44 per cent of the total female migrants
from these two continents, respectively. The respective
percentage of those who moved to India prior to 1961 were
3.95 and 12.82.
The reasons as revealed during census for this kind
of migration among females are discussed inthe following
paragraphs.
-120-
Out ot the 144.67 million female migrants. 72.34
per cent moved because of marriage and 14.72 per cent
because of the movement of their family. So, 87.06 per
cent of the female migrants moved per force. Only 1.92
per cent among them moved because of employment and 0.88
per cent in pursuit of education. The reason of migration
in respect of 14.67 million or 10.14 per cent of the total
female migrants was other than the four mentioned above.
Almost the same pattern is discernible when we look at the
data of female migrants whose last residence was within
the country. Of the 141.79 million female migrant from
with the country. 73.37 per cent moved because of marriage,
14.27 per cent because of movement of their families, 1.92
per cent on account of employment and 0.88 per cent in
pursuit of education. Reasons for migration in respect
of 9.56 per cent were other than the four mentioned above.
The pattern is quite different in respect of those whose
last residence was outside India. Of the 2.88 million such
female migrants. 37.02 per cent moved because of the
movement of their families 21.61 per cent because of
marriage, 1.57 per cent for reasons of employment and 0.69
per cent because of education. In the case of 38.91 per
cent the reason of migration was other than these four.
Now let us analyse further the female migrants
who moved to the place of enumeration from within the
country. As stated earlier, the highest percentage of
the 141.66 million female migrants whose place of last
residence was within the country (73.37 per cent) moved
for reasons of marrlage. The magnitude of the movement
because of marriage decreased with the increase of
distance. In the case of 96.70 million female migrants
who moved to the place of enumeration from within the
district of Enumeration 78.18 per cent moved because
-121-
of marriage. Movement among 32.84 million female migrants
from districts of the state/Union te:rritory, came down
to 66.53 per cent primarily because of increase in the
distance between the place of their last residence and
enumeration p..cross the state boundary the percentage
goes down still further.;- as out of 12 . .a~ million female
migrants who moved from other states/Union territories,
the percentage of those who moved because of contracting
of marriage, goes down further to 53.77 per cent. On the
contrary, movement in the volume of fetrtale mJ.gratidn
is 1n dir~ct proportion to the increase/decrease in the
distance between the place of last residence and place of
enumeration. The percentage of female migrants who left
the place of their residence because of the movement of
their family in respect of those who moved from within
the district of enumeration, was 10.60. Of those who moved
from other dis:trict o:l;·the same state/Union territory
increased to 19~79 and it increased further to 28.41 per
cent in respect of those who moved from other statefJnion
territories.
Similar is the case of those who moved on account
of· reasons of employment or education. In the Gase of those
who moved for reason of employment from within the district,
the percentage was 1.29. while those \.vho moved from other
districts of the state/Union territory, it was 2.83 and
in respect of those who moved from other statefunion
territories their percentage was 4.51. In respect of those
whose reason for migration was education, their respective
percentages were 0.70, 1.16 and 1.54. Thus, it will be
noticed that with the increase of distance the volume of
movement on account of marriage, decreased whJ.le in the
case of 'family moved', 'enlployment' or 'education' the
volume of migration increased. So, the bulk of the female
migration is due mainly to compulsion of marriage or family
movement.
122
FEMALE MIGRANTS
(PLACE OF LAST RESIDENCE)
1971 (111.19 Million)
WITHIN DISTRICT
~ OTHER DISTRICTS
1981 (144.67 Million)
.. · .. . · .. . . . . . . · ... :66.84% . · .
· ... . . . · . · .. ' .......
.. OTHER STATES
OTHER COUNTRIES
-123-
The analysls of the female migrants who !TI0ved to the
place of enumeration because of employment, reveals quite
an interesting pictllre~ In all, 277 million females moved
to the place of enumeration from wlthin the country be
cause ot employment.It is not necessary that those who
moved because of employment got gainful employment after
their movement to the place of enumeration. It 1S quite
interesting to note that on March 1, 1981, the reference
data for the 1981 cenSllS, only 1.22 ~i1lion or 43.89 per
cent out of them were gainfully employed and classified
as main workers and 0.10 million or 3.57 per cent as marginal
workers and 52.55 per cent as non-workers. Main workers~
according to the definition adopted at the time of
the 1981 census, were those who had worked for the major
part of the year preceding the date of enumeration while
marginal workers were those who had not worked for the
major part of the preceding year concerned but nevertheless
had done some work any time during the reference period.
It will thus be seen that those females who migrated
for reasons of employment, after arriving at the place
of their enumeration did not necessarily get employment.
However, those who moved recently to the place of their
enumeration had comparat1vely higher percentage of main
workers as compared to the earlier period. For instance,
those who moved to the place of their enumeration because'
of employment during the last one year, their percentage
was 64.04. Among those who moved between one and four years,
44.10 per cent were main workers and those who moved e~rlier
than that had percent.age of main workers as 40.96. It
appears that those who moved because of employment in the
beginning get employment and with the passage of ti.'1\e they
were thrown out of employment and fell in the category of
non-workers. The percentage of non-workers among the females
who moved because of employment during the year preceding
the enumeration was 35.58, which increased to 53.04 per cent
-124-
in respect of those who moved to the place of enumeration
between one and four years but came down to 46.83 per cent
in respect of those \vho moved prior to thlS period."
The age distribution of the female migrants,who
moved to the place of their enumeratl0n, because of employ
ment, indicates that the proportion of higher age group was
substantially high. Of the 2.77 million female migrants
from within the country, as many as 52.90 per cent were
aged 30 years or more and only 14.86 per cent were between
15 to 30 years of age. Against this, the percentage of
30 years and older female migrants who were labelled
as main workers was 58.18 and that of the girls less than
15 years of age was only 5.40. 1mong those marginal femai.es.'
who migrated from within the country for reasons of
employment. 1.46 million were non-workers and out of these,
48.12 per cent were aged 30 years or more. Girls below 15
years of age accounted for 23.20 per cent of the non-
worker population.
It is quite interesting to note that those female
migrants who had moved to the place of enumeration during
last year and who were classified as main workers at the
time of the 1981 census, 37.08 per cent were aged 30 years
or more. The percentage went up in the course of time, which
reached 42.49 among those who moved between one and
four years and 77.01 among those who moved prior to this
were aged 30 years or more. Same is the position with
regard to those who moved to the place of enumeration
because of employment but were classified as non-workers at
the time of the 1981 census. Those who moved during the
year preceding the enumeration and were aged 30 years
or more accounted for 22.17 per cent of the total non
working female migrants, whereas the corresponding
percentages for those who migrated between one and
four years and 5 years or more were 28.47 and 65.86,
respectively.
-125-
Of the 2.77 million female migrants who left the
place of their last residence because of employment,
12.91 per cent moved during the year preceding the enu
meration, 32.95 per cent between one and four years and
51.50 per cent earlier than that. Of the 0.41 million
aged between 15 years of age,20.77 per cent had been
residing at the place of enumeration for less than one year,
48.32 per cent between one and four years and 24.63 per
cent for the last 5 years or more. Of the 1.47 million
aged 30 years or more, 7.76 per cent had been residing
at the place of enumeration for less than one year,
21.83 per cent between one and four years and 68.94 per
cent for five years or more. The pattern of the other
age groups is almost identical to that observed in the
case of those who were less than 15 years.of age.
Another important factor in relation to migration
is the literacy rate observed among the female migrants.
Of the 2.77 million female migrants who moved because of
employment, 1.14 million or. 41.05 per cent were literates
and remaining 58.95 per cent fell in the category of
illiterates. The literacy rate varied considerably among
different age groups. For instance, while 34.22 per r
cent of the female migrants who were less than 15 years
of age at the time of the 1981 census were reported to
literates', the percentage in respect of those who were
Df: 3D years or more was 36.61 ..... ~~~~~
~~~ The highest literacy rate (54.61 per cent), however,
was observed among female migrants who were aged 25-29 years.
followed by age groups 20-24(52.26) and 15-19(45.05).
Let us look at the distribution of total female
migrants and literates among them. Of the total female
migrants 52.90 per cent and 41.18 per cent of the literate
-126-
female migrants were aged 30 years or more and against
14.86 per cent among the total female migrants, the share
of the literate female migrants of younger age bracket
of less than 15 years was 12.39 on~y. Almost the same
distribution is observed in the case of illiterate female
migrants. Of the 1~63 million illiterate female migrants
who moved because of employment 56.89 per cent were
aged 30 years or more and 16.59 per cent were of less
than 15 years of age.
Ou·t-migration is stimulated by the existing educa
tional system and non-availability of facilities which
compel the youngsters to leave their native places to
the areas having desired educational facilities which
help them to pursue their education. No doubt the movement
of 1.27 million girls in pursuit of higher education is
quite an encouraging phenomenon. That is why by and large
female migrants have a higher literacy rate as compared
with the literacy rate observed in the case of total female
population in the country and much higher than those
females who never migrated. Not only that, more than
45 thousand females coming to India from other countries
for higher education, is a reflection on the prevailing
status of educational institutions in the neighbouring
countries and of the high standards of the educational
institutions in India. Out of 45,445 females who came
to India for education as many as 43,170 came from
countries in Asia and remaining ~,275 from other continents.
Migration due to economic reasons is also of vital
importance, Out of 2.77 million females left the place
of their last residence for 'employment' and they inclu
ded females of all ages, though the highest percentage
(52.90) comprised of those who were aged 30 years or more
-127-
but the percent.age in respect of teenagers was also quite
hlgho Out of 2.77 million female migrants who moved because
of 'employment',as many as 22.58 per cent were less than
20 years of age and 24,.47 per cent aged 20-29 years. So
the mlgration among Indian females because of employment
contrary to the general expectations, is not restricted to
aged females but their age distribution is quite uniform
among different age brackets.
Whatever be the reason of mlgration, the fact remains
that females in India are quite mobile and the mobility
is going up gradually. As in 1971, the percentage of
female migrants to total female population was 43.26,
which increased to ~5.02 in 1981.
Because of the basic differences in the nature of mig
ration between male and female migrants, we find that sub
stantial proportion of female migrants from within the state
were from rural areas. In 1981, out of the total female
migrants from within the state, 87.51 per cent were from
rural areas and 12.28 per cent from urban areas.
As distances increase, the rural to rural movement
for reasons of marriage declines while urban to urban
increases. For instance, of the female migrants who moved
because of marriage from other districts of the state,
81.20 per cent moved from rural areas and 68.7.5 per cent
among them moved to rural areas and 12.45 per cent to
urban areas. Of the 18.61 per cent who moved from urban
areas, 6.87 per cent moved to villages and the urban to
urban stream accounted for 11.74 per cent. If we still
go further and study the female migrants who moved because
of marriage from other states/Union territories, we find
that of the total female migrants who moved because of
-128-
marriage from other states, 70.04 per cent came from
rural areas and 29.50 per cent from urban areas. Again,
out of 70.04 per cent who moved from rural areas of
other states/Union territories, 50.75 per cent moved
to villages and 19.29 per cent to urban areas.
Sim11arly, out of 29.50 per cent females who
migrated from urban parts of other" states/Union
territories, only 7.60 per cent moved to villages and
21.90 per cent to urban areas. It will thus be seen
that a sizeable migration among females is because
of marriage and movement of family and not because of
economic reasons, which holds good in the case of males.
All these lead to a note of caution that while handling
migration data, the sex differential will have to be
kept in mind. In case migration data are handled in
the1r totality, the results may be misleading, as wide
variations exist among the male and female migrants.
RECENT UR~NIZATION IN INDIA: SCENARIO
B. K. ROY'·
ABSTRACT :
The paper on 'Recent Urbanlzation in India' seeks
to explain the pattern of urbane situations ln India. The
paper is primarlly based on census data and supported to
some extent by other studies and Government documents. The
combination of these tries to focus some issues on the
subject. The Vlews expressed in this paper are entirely
of the author and in no way related to the author's
affiliation to his servi.ce ln the Government of India and
the Census Organisation of India.
INTROVUCTI0N :
Urbanization depends largely on the development of
industrialization, infra-structure within cities, towns and
their neighbourhoods. The economic system within a country
generating migration opportunities at locations is a refined
input in urbanization. HOwever, the concept and definition
of urbanization is an outcome of declaring urban population
at the time point within a space, constituted or chartered
and this is usually given by the censuses of the Countries.
In particular, the census has to provide a frame of urban
spaces with populatlon to assess developments and urbanization.
Due to defined limitations and contrasts in various countries
and within a country, the degree of urbanization needs
defining by the ~parameter, urban population to total
popUlation. Several Demographers, Economists, Statisticians
and Geographers define urbanization with specific views and
tools in several ways. Demographers usually try to see
urbanisation according to urban population to total population,
-130-
accretion of population in urban areas, per cent urban
populat~on alike. Economists usually try to relate
population growth, pattern of demand and technology on
the process of urbanization. Statisticians follow a
common goal and try to relate production functions,
growth rate of urban population involving labour and
non-rural based demands and create models on macro and
micro levels and foresee urban populat1on projections.
Sometimes, this is the ma~n goal of Demographers,Economists
and Stat~sticlans in tackling issues related to urbanization
(Goldstein & SLY 1975). Geographers consider urban~zation
in relation to distribution of urban spaces and see
proportions and growth of urban population at a level
usually given in censuses. At occasions, juriSdiction an·a.
morphogenesis of towns lead geographers to opine on the
process of urbanization. In addition, occasionally
Geographers have also tested "gravity model concept"
to focus issues partly or fully real ted to urbanization
and urban zonations in broader perspective (Roy 1977).
A vast literature accordingly is available to determine
perspectives and techniques in the evaluation of
urbanization in the country.
METHOVOLOGY & SOURCE:
Keeping in view the above developments, the
author tries to proJect recent urbanization levels and
patterns in India mainly according to census data of' 1981
by three measuring standpoints (i) At all India perspective
keeping districts and urban centres in view, a delineation
of urbanization index (U.I) is presented on the basis of
the following notation :
u. I. = 1 (A + B + C + D + E + F) '6 (p P p P p P)
-131-
Where U. I. represents urbanization index and A to
E represent the number of census towns in size classes
I through VI respectively and (P); population of towns
in the size group.
This procedure may reduce the census data system
for assessment at district level easy comprehension and
a general consensus can be measured regarding the
characte:rlstlcs of numbers and population in these
groups bringing t,hem all to one measuring rod. This
is preferred over the hypothesis of finding proportions
of urban population to total population because of
generating inter se positioning of districts in the
country and spell out levels. Readers may very well
carry out other concepts of measuring urbanization and
may compare dlsparities in this regard.
Besides, in the paper specific mention of the Class
I urban areas are referred to with emphasis of the million
cities regarding their growth and accretion linking the
pattern as defined in methodology (i) above. In this
process by (ii) reconstituting information on morphogenesis
of Lucknow as case studying the pattern of landscape
change due to urban spread during 1971-81 censuses is also
indicated to see the internal allocation of landuses.
(iii) Further, by a case study of standard urban Area of
Gulbarga (Farnataka) a view is presented giving its
probable input in future urbanization in the country for
further research. These three criterian of urban
exposition may give some clues to the readers about the
recent urbanization and its consequences in the process
of development which may be considered in generating
multi-level economic-demographic models (Wegener 1982)
by the schol,ars for various regions of the country.
-132-
URBANIZATION: av1 O\;e!'1. v,[e.w :
The Indian urbQnization, it considered according
to percentage of urban population of selected regions
according to the United Nations estimates by 2000 AD,
the position of Ind.l.a rema~ns lowest ever to the East
As~an situation at 1980 assessment WN 1982). Further
from the Indian census, it could be noted that 46~21
percent growth rate occured in urban population between
1971-81 accounting for 23.70 per cent urban population
in 1981. The Planning Comm~ssion also estimated and
expected that in 1991 the urban population may go as
high as between 27 and 28 per cent. B¥ 2001 AD, this
situation may reach further high ttable 1) surpassing
and creating imbalance between migration and urbanization
(P.C.1983).
TABLE - 1 ----,_,_-. -
Trend of urban~zation in India 1901-2001
Years Urban Population % of Urban Population _ ---_. J~!±!!2Bl_~ _____ t2_t2~~!_E2E~!~t:!:2B __
1901 25.61 11.00
1911 25.58 10.40
1921 27.69 11.34
1931 32.97 12.18
1941 43"55 14.10
1951 61.63 17.62
1961 ',7.56 18.26
1971 106.96 20.22
1981* 157.68 23.70
1991 227.00 27 to 28 2001 . 307.00 31 to 32
* Excludes Assam
N.B. If considered the highest estimate of the Planning Commission, the Urban Population of India may be 235 mill. and 320 mill. in 1991 and 2001 respectively. Figures for 1991-2001 are based on Planning Commission, 1983.
-133-
With this perspective, it can be remarked that
the estimates of the Planning Commission may not possibly
reach that level because of current high cost of living
in urban areas and its increase in future, specially
metropolitan areas. The rural to urban migration
probably being discouraged as envisaged in the Seventh
Plan from the point of view of creation of jobs related
to unsk~lled labour to urban areas. The labour force
may be organised to suit the rural job orientations such
as NREP, IRDP, DRDP, RLEGP, and l"ltYSEM may ';~::~'::-"'.':-'.'.',:-,,"
restrict some degree of rural to Urban thrust and generate
economic growth of regions (P.C. 1985). However, the
rigorousness of this validity is a test of time and is
being believed that urbanization due to excess manpower
and job-seekers will continue to creat a line problem
in India unless a radical change is created and implemented.
The trend of male dominated move as shown in Table 2 may
continue and produce stress of urbanization in future
years.
TA R.E - 2
Percentage distribution of migrants by reasons of movement and stream by sex,
1981
--------------------------------------------------------Reasons R - R R - U U - R U - U --------------------------------------------------------Employment 19.5 47.5 27.0 41.1
(1.1 ) (4.2) (4.3) (4.4)
Etlucation 4.2 8.1 3.2 5.2 (0.4) (2.6) (1.0) (2.2)
Family Moved 33.7 23.5 31.9 31.5 (8.6) (29.3) (21.2) (35. 9 )
Marriage 5.5 4.2 2.2 1.0 (81. 7 ) (51.5) (59.3) (43.6)
Other reasons 38.0 9.0 21.9 14.3 (8.2) (12.4) (15.2) (13.9)
--------------------------------------------------------Figures in-brackets are for F.emales and without brackets for Males
-134-
URBANIZATION LEVEL : P~e~ent Scena~io
The foregoing statements revealed some aspects
of present and the future of urbanization. Now turning
to the methodology as envisaged in this paper to work
out U.I., reveals the other aspect of level of urbanization
in the country. On the outset, it may be noted that
the definition of declaring a place as urban also remains
the same in the Indian census of 1981 as of previous
censuses.
During 1971-81, the economic development in
raising the cities and towns has not been as such
stimulating but the census in the process has classified
urban areas giving too much emphasis on out-growth and
unchartered perepheral growth in 1981 and hence the
decadal urban population has reached high figures of
46.21 per cent variation.
The situation as transformed in the U.I. and
mapped (Fig.l) show such reflections in urbanization
largely due to urban population swealing. Interestingly,
the mountaneous regions over Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal
Pradesh, Sikkim and districts of West Kameng and Lohit
of Arunachal Pradesh have emerged as urbanized zones
in the country in U.I. Level-l. Even the state of
Manipur excluding districts of Manipur Central and
Tengnoupal represent this level. These districts claim
4. 48K of the total population and only 3;! of total urban
population of the nation. The contribution of number of
Class I & II towns stands at only 1.86:': and 2.22:,
respectively. Other towns from Class III to VI contributed
largely in the region making 7.43: of the total size classes
of the group.
ARABIAN SEA
tOA,O.IUIl • 011,1
Goa 0 GO"IOA.AN a DIU P POHOICHE: RRY
, ,
I"
I I
A
land upon Sur .... ,y of Indio map .Itl'l the p'lml5'lon of the Sur ... ,ytJr Gln,rolof 111(110
Tilt hrr,torlo;Jl _0"-., of Indio .1It'l'd ,nt~ 1M •• 0 to Il d"ton" of twelvo ""tlcal mil" mto.urea from th, 0Slpropriof. lias. line
c
,I
II
135
URBANIZATION INDEX BOUNDARY,INTERNATIONAL_._._ BOUNDAFtV. STAn/UNION TERRITORY __ ._
.OM
'"
DISTRICT...... .•. __ _
IUlO.£TItI' IOO!O 0 100 too 100 400
l-s I j ~*==k nO
BAY '0 F
BENGAL
IJRBAN!ZATION INDEX
~ 0'0115 8 ABOVE
R 0010 - l)'Olq
-.0 O·OO~ - 0-009
[lID 0'004 a BEI.OW
o ENTIRElY RURAL
8 DATA NOT AVAILAaL~
UNI- URBAN AR.EA
NO CENSUS WAS CONDUCTED IN ASSAM IN 1,"
E A N
0'
FIG. I
1996
-136-
In general, the U.I. Level-2 mostly align to
the former areas of mountaneous regions. This zone being
responsible for 54 districts of the country, holding
10.57~ of the population concentrated in 454 towns of
various categories. The urbanization is subdued on
account of higher numbers of small towns. On the map
(Fig.l), such areas are conspicuous over Orissa-Bihar
Highlands, Mirzapur throu9h Unnao axis and isolately
located in 8 districts in south India. Marginal areas
characteristically defined in this level in 11 districts
of the N.E. Region.
TABLE - 3 ----~----
----------------------------------------------------------------------------U.I. No. of Total Pop. Total Number in U.I. Levels by Level distr- 1981 Urban pop. ~~!~_~~~~_~1~~~~~ _____________ Total
(~s per icts 1981 I II III IV V VI ~~g~lL ____________________________________________________________________ _
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------1. 40
2. 54
3 . 186
4. 109
a 29.79 4.73 4 6 36 38 58 77 b ( 4.48) (15.88)
c 3.00
a 70.30 16.17 23 24 63 127 142 75 b (10.57)
a 316.67 b (47.60)
(23.00) c 10.26
64.23 102 138 370 584 454 (20.28)
c 40.74
a 232.57 57.70 86 102 274 310 104 b (34.96) (24.81)
93
8
219
454
1741
884
c 36.60 -----.----~-----------------------------------------------------------------
Note:
a: denotes population in Million. b: denotes l to total population. c: denotes % to total urban India.
Figures in braekets denote % of total urban of the Level to the total population of the U.I. Urban areas namely Calcutta, Bombay and Madras are treated single urban units.
-137-
U.I. Level-3 represents situation in a majority
of 186 districts which alone has the pride to have 40.74%
of the nations urban share with 64.23 million urban
people. In this zone the number of urban areas from
Class I through VI accounts for maximum in the country
(Table 3). It seems a big: .. support in the urban activities
is rendered by even smaller towns, however their service
area is variant and could not be corelated as how far
these small towns are dependent or interdependent. A
major number 59.89% of total number of class V towns
lies in this level. The marketing of agriculture produce
mostly forms the functions of these towns.
Urbanization in U.I. Level-4 has typical character
istics as far as geographical distribution is concerned.
The coverage of districts be.ing 109 in the country in
this level, contains 86 Class-I towns (39.45%) of the
country. The ratio between Class II & III gives rise
to equitable support in development of such towns than
others in the region. In general the towns generating
urbanism in this level are concentrated on the one hand
in some areas and sparsely located on the other particular
geographical areas, thus exerting pressure of urban
population high in the former regions and very weak in
the later regions which are mostly agriculturally under
developed tracts and forested and mining regions of the
country.
Another important dimension of urbanization during
the last ten years is the accretion of population in urban
areas within the U.I. Levels defined above. The incidence
of accretion have pronounced effect on Class I areas in
a major way and such centres have enhanced or depressed
the U.I. Levels in the inter-se position of districts in
this level.
-138-
In general, the accretion of population at urban
areas in 1971-81 has been in a span of 22% to 40%. Among
this, some specific urban areas have attracted more
population due to development of industries, new insti
tutions, urban adjustment, constructions etc. In the
D.I. Level~, there are mat~ed Low number (4) of Class
I areas. Among them Kharagpur (W.B.) accounts for
33.73% accretion over 1971. Being an important terminal
town between West Bengal-Orissa-Bihar, this accretion
does not seem to be high in 1981.
In U.I. Level-2, this situation is not very
high among the urban areas but considerable importance
to Ghaziabad (.U.P.) is Qttached as more than 50% accretion
has been reported due to its functioning as a setelite
town of Delhi and thereby development of housing.
The D.I. Level-3 ~one of the country being
superior to other levels according to the concept of the
methodology of this paper it is inferred in view of
accretion of population that the region as such is
stagnant and weak. Industrial town, for example,
Chandrapur (Maharashtra) has dynamism in absorbing
about 54% of accretion of population over 1971. On
the other hand in D.I. Level-4, the situation in this
regard is not ubiquitous and fast developing urban areas
are mostly those which have generated establishment of
new institutions or new industrial related activities.
A characteristic example is Ranchi (Bihar) which has
growth rate of 88.63% with urban accretion of 46.98%.
(Fig.2) However ln general, the urban areas were
responsible for growth rate between 29% & 51% in D.I.
Level-4 (Fig.l).
139
l..~. INDIA ~ ....
J' "
v ~
...,....,1"'."'.\, ;
,t' rJ'
t.
CLASS I URBAN AREAS (POPULATION 100000 AND ABOVE)
GROWTH RATES 1971-81
ARABIAN SEA
.-~. 9-.~
N
(
500000 - 999999
300000 -499999
200000 -299999
100000 - 199999
0 A c
Bolld upo, .urVIY of India mop w;tII the perrr,i •• ;on of the Surveyor General of Indio.
n. lerrilorlol waters 01 InalO exl.nd Into Ihe sea 100 di.,onc. Of tw .... naulical "'iltt mllosured from the appropriate bose 'ine
r~. couna'ary o( MI9Mlayo .fiown on ffils mop i. o. int.rpr.t,d from tile North. Eo.tern aroa4 (lIoor9OOl$ollon) Act, 1971, bul has yot to verified.
N
E 1
po
~ .~~ ~ 50.01- 715'00 11: &Wl8 _ J>
~ I/IZ ~ 25·01- !5O'OO r
1<::::'.:1 BELOW 215'01 ~ ~ a ANOAMAN SEA
III
~ DATA NOT AVAILABLE .,. ~... 41
E A N
~ <;, 0 e f> '.b •
" ~ PYGMA~ION POINT
(LA HENCHING) )
-140-
URBANIZATION & MILLION CITIES
Another face of urbanization in India is of the
contribution of the 12 million cities of 1981. These
centres play major roles in national and regional
migration. A prediction of projected population sometimes
is deviated due to many unknown factors operating in
such cities. Kings Lay Davis (1962) estimated the size of
population of 10 major centres in India at 1970 base
upto 2000 A.D. But by 1981, the census of India declared
2 additional centres of Jaipur and Lucknow as million
cities by marginal population. However, the Planning
Commission has also ventured to forecast some other 12
cities (Coimbatore, Patna, Surat, Madurai, Indore, Varanasi,
Agra, Jabalpur, Vadodara, Dhanbad Bhopal and Ulhasnagar)
which may attain million mark in 1991 census according to
their growth rate. The growth may be judged whether three
million jobs if created annually in the 7th Five year
Plan may add, in addition, the anticipated rural to urban
migration (1981-91) to these cities? The new policy of
the Planning Commission in reorganising labour force and
manpower planning as outlined earlier may also react this.
Considering the million cities of India at this
stage, the individual percentage variation in them (1971-81)
shows and maximum at Banglore (75.90%), Jaipur (60.32%),
Delhi (57.14%) and other cities of Calcutta and Bombay
between 23% & 38% and all other remaining million cities
between 23% ~ 48%. This very well responds to the index
of dissimilarity in them(Table-4), that is, the shift
towards development is not so much discernable. The
high inference for Calcutta (1.37) is mainly due to the
contributions of towns of the agglomeration. This
trend also in addition indicated haphazard urbanization
-141-
and this is a challenge to the planners to accurately
guide the problems and reactivate urbanization at such
centres in future.
TABLE - 4 ---------
Urbanization in Million cities: over view
Cities ~!D_~~!!~~QL ________ ~_ ..8' % of pop. Index
Pop. Pop. Inc r e- variation of Million of 1971-81 cities of dissimi-
1971 1981 aBe 1981 to 1ar i ty 1971-81 pop. of
total Million
--------------------------------------------_£~~~~~--- --------Calcut ta 7.43 9.19 1.76 23.69 21.85 1.37
Gr.Bomaay 5.97 8.24 2.27 38.02 19.60 0.10
Delhi 3.64 5.72 2.08 57.14 13 ,60 0.77
Madras 3.16 4.28 1.12 35.44 10.18 0.16
Banga10re 1.66 2.92 1.26 75.90 6.94 0.72
Ahmedabad 1.75 2.54 0.79 45.14 6.04 0.13
Hyderabad 1.79 2.54 0.75 41.90 6.04 0.15
Pune 1.13 1.68 0'755 48.67 4.00 0.12
Kanpur 1.27 1.63 0.36 28.35 3.88 0.17
Nagpur 0.93 1.30 0.37 39.78 3.09 0.01
Jaipur 0.63 1.01 0.38 60 .32 2.40 0.15
Lucknow 0.81 1.00 0.19 23.46 2.38 0 .. 15
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
-142-
MORPHOLOGICAL CHANGES
Concomitant to the population increase in urban
areas gives rise in the change of morphogenesis of
the townscape. This general system obviously operates.
In Indian urbanization, this gives birth to several
problems such as high land prices, under hand dealings
of land transfers and above all creation of congestion
with least amenities. In the million cities, the
expansion of areas for various needs and the responsibilities
of Planning agencies are very arduous. The census has
shown that towns and cities have crossed the chartered
jurisdiction in almost all towns of major concentration.
In general the extensions are not so well organised
considering the policy whatsoever laid-down for urban
development at this stage.
With a case analysis of Lucknow some of the
fa~s of urban landscape of this city are analysed to
drive to the notion outlined above specially expansion
of areas, vis-a-vis, adjustments (Table-5).
-143-
0 1.0 0 C"-J .-l .-l C 1.0 0 ex:. ('I")
-. t «j · .w 0 r-- 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 -::t .-l
1:-1 ..-! ~ .-l .......
1.0 ~ 0'\ r-I '" ,....... -::t r--; -q .-l 00 ,,-..
~I 0'\ . & . 0 .......,- ('I") N 0 0'\ r-I 0 H, ('I") '-:j" N N ('I") 00 p::jl I <.1 0'\
~ N
II'1 0 r- ('I") '" 0 .---. 0 r- ('I") 00 '" ~ co . · .-l .-:j" 0 ('I") 00 00
~ N ('I") .-l ..-I 7 ..-I lID ~
~ <U «j :::s C) -.-I 0 p::j
:;J ".-I ,_, <U ..., 0'\ N lI"\ -::t -.::t > .j.J t::: m A "........ N 0- -.::t 0 .-l H II) «j Po
~ r-- · . <U :::s .--I «j .__. N N .-I N 0 til -g ..-I El ::::> ('I") <U 1 <i.J H t:J t:::
Z • .-1 10 0 0 .-l r-.. ".-I H .0 '" :I: 10 Hi 00 lI"\ .-l 0'\ 0 .e '-" .j.J
~ "........ 0'\ N -.::t 0'\ N ",..... t:::
'" . · · 0'\ <U
~ .....,. 0 r-1 .-l r-l 0'\ ",..... <U .__.
15 U) ('I") > '-' ".-I H
~ .j.J <U :::s ~ til ..... (I}
~ H ,0 til -< II'1 N 00 II'1 ..... lID .j.J til <U
'" -.::t .-l 00 0 00 fl.I II) H El z lI"\ <U -.-I ~ ~ -._..' N ('I") N -::t 0'\ t::: t::: t:J
N -,4 -.-I t::: -.-I
~ III El <U H
~ ~ ~ .j.J tnl 0 <U
I ~ a I I ~ '" -.::t U) ~ ('I") ,.-... ,.-... ,.-... • .-1 , ,-;... M r-- M ('I") N N U) 00 t::: 1!I:11. ~ -::t .._, '-'" .._, til ... :u u '-' r-l .-l C'J ('I") 0 ..-I ~I ::J 0\ Q. <I ,:..l .-l ~I .-l .-l ~ t:::
~ ell ~ 0 .. .-I 0 Po
Lf'\ '" N N -.::t ~ 0 '.-1 :::s I'Ll ",..... U) N N r-- N .,4 +J til ('I") .. · <U +J til "C P '-' N ('I") ,-! r-l ...... "C ell <U <U
~ -.::t • .-1 t:J ,_, UJ I OIl :::s t:J til
;S <U "C <U ~ p::j flI;1 p::j .._,
z 0 0\ M ('I") r- ,.-... ¢ ".--,.
H ,.-.." C'") U) 0'\ .-l r- .-l r--N-- .. '-' '-" '--'
(/) ..._... -::t -::t N '.::1' -.::t f3l N C I Z I!D
~ <U • ...!
U 1.0 1.0 "1 -.::t -0 H ,-.... Lf'\ -::t r- 1.0 -::t 0 .-l ,_ ,0 tJ8 .._,
00 \,()
~ II'1 r-- <U N C"") r-- 0 .j.J
r-l ell ell ell It) Ql <U H N
~ N H
III til ~ J! 0 EI> '4 ..... .-l ..... H ell t::: t\f t::: t::: til +J ".-1 .w ".-I 0
'8 doP 0 oV> 0 .... +J til .w til .w
(/) ::i <U <U ell W 0 '+-I H '+-I ,_, Q .-l .j.J H ~ 0 < 0 < -..-{ 00 0 p::j I Z
8 lID <U.-l ::s ~~ t:.:: II) .--I .-l
~ P r-- 00 <11..-1 <U 0'\ 0\ ..c::
u U .-I .-I UdP
-144-
This table shows that the urban agglomeration of Lucknow
has added extension of areas over Ram Sagar Misra Nagar
and HAL Colony in the North and Hind Nagar Colony and RAC
Area in 1981. This has raised the geographic area of
the city from 127.65 km2 to 140.82 km2 in 1981.
The urge of adjustment with increase of 0.19
million people in Lucknow in 1981 demanded obivously
larger proportion for residential purposes. The business
area at the expansion level is accommodated vertical
to certain extent while the public services area have not
increased. Educational, industrial and administrative
areas have gained a bit the recreational facilities,
planning of par~kf",' play-grounds etc. (1.45%) in
comparision to a norm fixed by the Town & Country Planning
(4%) is not taken into account in this city. Ecological
balance, thus, lost.
This shows that newly urbanised areas such as of
Lucknow, although create some infra-structure mostly
derived from open spaces and hence there is a loss of
38.66% area during 1971-81. Such trends are operating
almost in all urban areas of the country due to urbanization.
This maladjustment can be reorganised if an over-view of
urbanization policy is spelt out for various classes of
cities & towns in advance or in stages of its perspective
growth.
RURAL-URBAN DUALISM IN PERSPECTIVE URBANIZATION:
Urban-rural dualism in urbanization process is
already operative in the country due to growing out-growths
and peripheral development as outlined above. precisely,
this problem may emerge in future in a broader perspective
in relation to areas constituted for the 332 Standard
Urban Areas (SUAs) in the country. These areas are
-146-
evolved with a core of 50,000 & above urban population
alongwith rural areas (Villages) having socio-economic
linkages and hoped that these may generate a specific
urban-rural organism by 1991 when the time period of 30
years of constitution of these areas attain a span.
A characteristic example is cited out of these
SUAs from the SUA of Gulbarga (Karnataka). The core
built-up of Gulbarga SUA is quite mature but the urban
areas (Chartered jurisdiction) is open and the rural
space is infested with scrubs. The rural components
have various degree of growth of population (Fig.3)
It is anticipated that the rural areas which lie
along the main arteries of roads may be preferred by
private individuals and agencies to habilitate without
any planning to take advantage of the urban core of
Gulbarga and create a peculiar urbanization. This peculiar
urbanization may be related to the emergence of ribban
habitats to be followed bysporadic and sprinkling homesteads
causing a disintegration of rural habitats of the area.
It means relccation may be cyclic and this process may
not allow the planners to provide a good base, if a
policy is not evolved early. In long run, on account of
psychological notions typical outgrowths may develop
in the SUAs of the country adding more problems in future.
Fear of this trend is quite logical in view of increasing
out-growths elsewhere without sufficient amenities. In
the Indian conditions, such habitats grow practically
without amenities and then by democratic process facilities
are demanded by the dwellers from the local agencies.
This unhealthy situation in urbanization can be
modelled before hand if a law is framed to develop the
SUAs of the country by the Government. This system may
render to protect woods-scrubs, create planned residential
-147-
area ln larger terms consldering growth potentials by
2025 A.D .• This agency, if constituted may investigate
constantly development forces and plan.a most appropriate
urban-rural organism helping a new organised urbanization
even on regional basis.
SUMMARY
The contemporary urbanlzation ln India is leading
towards irrational consequences for the habitats in
gene:ral~ The effect of human concentration without a
migration policy in regions and locations may adversely
affect human satisfacttion. The data base although
good; sometimes create problems to have a firm view on
all classes of towns. In general, the small towns which
may be serving the immediate rural areas and a link with
their higher orders have remained mostly non-dynamice
This is supported by the fact that declassifications
and towns regaining '.urban status during censuses vary
from time to time (Table 6). In 1981 about one million
urban population was ruralised in some 101 towns and
abou t 2.68 million c ;:e;r.eT-- ·:While rural population got
status as urban. A large number (6l8) of towns was
declared new urban areas contributing about 5.55 million
population in the country.
India
-148-
TABLE - 6 -,_.-------
RURALIZATION VIS - A - VIS URBANIZATION 1981
No .. of towns declass~fied
101
(1)
No. of New Towns
618
(2 )
No. of towns regained urban status
261
(3 )
ll) Populat~on of declassified towns comes to 1.0
million, 0.92% of 1971 urban population.
{2) Total population of new towns is 5.55 million,
3.48% of 1981 urban population.
(3) 2.68 mlilion population responsible for 1.68%
of urban population 1981 in this class.
(Calculated from Paper-2 & A-4 Table-198l, UAS Counted as single unit).
The morphological expansions of towns and
cities becoming in stages out of management of local
bodies specially in providing amenties·and hence health
problems such as diseases, water pollution, ecological
imbalance and health care systems are not so managed
but breaking. Even, these problems may emerge very
high in SUAs in future due to relevant problems outlined
in the foregoing.
-149-
REF ERE N C E S
Goldstein, S. & SLY .F. David, (ed) The measurement
of urbanization and projectLon of urban population,
Ordina, 1975.
Govt. of India, Planning Commission (P.C.), Task
Force on Housing and urban development September,
1983.
Govt. of India, Planning Commission (P.C.) SE;!venth
Five Year Plan, 1985-90, Vol.I & ·II.
Kingslay Davis,
Roy B.K.,
United Nations,
Wegener, M,
"Urbaniz~tion in India :
Past and Future" (in) Roy
Turner (ed) India's Urban
Future aup, Bombay,1962 PP 1-26.
"Typogrammes of service zones of
Selected Cities and distribution
of Potential population", Deccan
Geographer, Vol. 15(2), 1977,
PP 281-296.
Department of International,
Economics & Social Affairs,
Estimates and Projection of
Urban, rural and City population
New York 1982.
"A multi level economic demographic
model for Dortmund region", (in)
Urban System Modeling, II ASA,
Luxemberg, 1982, PP 371-401.
PROJECTION OF URBAN POPULATION
K.SoNATARAJAN
~~_-t:.~~~.91 ~2Y For projecting the urban population the
following three methods were considered:-
(A) By projecting the ratio of urban population to total population (U/T)
(B) By projecting the proportion of population living in common towns for various censuses to total population in each census (U/T) and multiplying the projected proportions by estimated (u/u )~ and c
(C) By URGD Method as given in Manual-VIII of U.No
In each of these methods various assumptions such as linear
or second degree increase in U/T •. linear or second degree
increase in Uc/T and/or U/Uc and constant increase in URGD or
linear inerease in URGD were made.
The Method lAo seeks to project the proportion of
urban population to total population on the basis of the
change observed in the urban proportion during the last
decade/last two decades o It was assumed that the difference
between the ur~an proportions in 1971 and 1981 censuses would
continue to grow in a linear manner. Another assumption was
that the/urban proportion would continue to grow at an increasing
rate as observed during last two decades o Accordingly a second ./
degree curve was fitted to the urban proportions observed in
1961, .1971 and 19812censusesQ
The method oBI involved the working out of the proportion
of population in common towns which have been in existence
throughout from 1931 to 1981 to the total population
(ioeo' Uc where BU' stands for population of common towns and T c
-151.-
"T' stands for the total population) .. This proportion was
projected upto 2001 in a linear manner - iweo by assuming that
the change in the proportion of common towns would remain
the same as it was during 1971-810 These projected trend
values of ~_were inflated by the ratio of urban proportion T
to the proportion of population living in common towns
,(ulu ) so as to arrive at the trend values of the urban c proportions ~~; 0 Fu=ther~ while the proportion of population
~ in common towns L,e" Uc was comparable over time, the
ratio u/u was affected by conceptual changeso It was only c during 1961, 1971 and 1981 censuses that the urban proportions
were comparable conceptually in the sense that uniform defini
tion of urban areas was introduced 0 In view of this, a
second degree curve was fitted to the differences of u/u c on the basis of 1961, ,1.9'11 and 1981 proportions and by assuming
constant second order differences as the proportions u/Uc were estimated for 1986. 1991. 1996 and 2001. The inflation
factors thus obtained were applied to the trend values of
Uc to obtain the projected values of U/T upto 2001.
'-'T
The urban-rural growth differential Method IC' is
based on the fact that the urban-rural growth differentials
follow a logistic pattern. Under this method also, two
alternate assumptions were made:-
(a) The URGD was assumed to remain the same as observed during the decade 1971-817
(b) The URGD was assumed to increase, ,the rate of increase being the observed increase in URGD·s, during 1961-71 and 1971-81.
For a comparative purpose U/T. ,U ciT and URGD for
1961, 1971 and 1981 are presented in statements 1'01 to 3
-152-statement .' 1:-0bserved U/T* in 1961 1971 & 1981 ___________ - _________ L __________ _
----------------------------------------------------state/Union Territory
Census Year ---------------------------------1961 1971 1981
------ - - ---------------------------------------------1 2 3 4 ----------------------------------------------------
Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Gujarat Haryana Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & ·Kashmir Karnataka Kerala Madhya pradesh Maharashtra Manipul:
Megha1aya Nagaland Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim
Tamil Nadu Tripura Uttar Pradesh West Bengal Andaman & Nicobar
Islands Arunachal pradesh
Chandigarh Dadra & Nagar
Haveli Delhi Goa Daman & Diu Lakshadweep Mizoram Pondicherry
17c44 7c69 8~43 25~77 17g23 6~34
16~, 66 22,.33 15 .. 11 14,29 28,,22 8,68
15.27 5 .. 19 6,32
23,06 16.28 4~22
26 0 69 9,,02
12.85 24,,45 22.14
88£75 16 •. 06
5,36 24,,11
19,,31 8 _,82
10eOO 28,,08 17,,66
6.99
18,,59 24,,31 16~24 16~29 31~17 13,,19
14,.55 9095 8.,41
23~73
17 ~'3. 9,.31
30.26 10,43 14002 24~75 22.77
3,,70
90.55
89,,70 26.44
23 c32 10029 12047 31~10 21Q88
7e61.
21,,05 28J89 18c74 20029 35~03 26042
18,,07 15u52 11.,79 27v68 21 .. 05 16015
32c95 10.99 17.95 26,,4:1 26.30
6.56
93063 6v67
92~73 32e37 46 .. 28 23~67 52 .. 28
----------------~-------~----~---------------------*Proportion of urban to total population
-153-
Statement ,_ 2:-0bsarved U /Te in 1961,1971 and 1981 c -----------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------------__________ £~u§~§_X~e~ ___________ _ State/union Territory 1961 1971 1981
123 4 ------------------------,--_._---'-------------------------------AndhrCfl Pradesh Assam' Blhar Gujarat Haryanid Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Manipur
Meghalaya Naga1and Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tr;ipura
uttar Pradesh west Bengal Admaman & Nicobar
Islands 2 Aruna.cha1 Pradesh
chandigarh2
Dadra and Nagar Have1i2
Delhi Goa,Daman & Diu
Lakshadweep2
Mizoram Pondicherry
14<74
6 0 21 23037 12 0 99 4.30
15035 20.14 10.65 11 0 78 26.32
8.68
10089 1.96 3~40
19.45 15.16
4.22 22.29 4.81
12.44 18.34 22.14
88.75 16.06
5.36 24.11
16.57
6.44 24.14 12.98
4070
16096 21.55 11.68 12.63 28.51
g e 36
9.13 4.17 3.80
20.24 16.02
6 .. a4 24.79
6.44
13.47 19.20 22.77
88.29 22.80
9 0 55 37.50
@proportion of population of common towns to total population
I 'Since census.was not taken in Assam in 1981,. Uc/T could not be worked. out
2 h . . . In t ese unlon terrltories,there were no common towns from 1931 to 1981
19.10
7e59 25.53 13.98
4051
13.05 24014 11.27 14 .. 39 31.25 11 0 02
8 0 67 4.43 4.64
22,,73 17.71 11.61 26.30
6.44
13.98 18.32 26.30
82.91 24s55
15009 37.60
-154:"
Statement 3 ',";', Annual exponential. growth rates for urban and rural areas and their dUf,erellce' 1961-71,1911-S1 ---..,..-----------~'1~----------":"".:---
----------~--------------------------~-----------------------
states/Union Territories
. "', ~
, Growth RAte .' '. ' --"I"'"".:~~- ..... --~~·~-'--~r.~---------~--------~...-·---___ ~2~~:r~__ ~2r~:~~____ _ __ ~~ _______ _ U r b a 1'1., R u ~.a 1 N r ban R u r all 9 61 - 7 1 1 97 1 - 8 1
-'--'-'--~_':""'-''''!'''''--:-~~~-,.. --~~---------.,__----------------------------------.. -----1 2 3 4 5 6 7
-----.._--._.~..,.,,_"r'__.,,·r.....,--· ___ '.'P ______ """:"-------------------- ___________ - __________ _
1., Anlihra l'-radesh 2. Assam 3 ~ Bifutr 4, Gujarat 50 Ha-ryana
6" Himaeha1 fradesh 7 0 Jammu & Ra s1:mdr 8 0 Karnataka 9., Ker.a1a
10~ Madhya Pradesh
11 c Mabarashtra 12, Manipur 13 ~ Meghalaya 14" Naga1and 15, Or. is s.a
16. !'hi\j a b 17" Rajastlian 18, Sikkim 19 n Tamil Nadu 20 0 Tripura
21" Utt:al!' Pradesh 22, West Betlial '" 23 0 Aadaman & Nicobar
" Islands 24. Arunachal Pradesh?+ 25 u Chandi.garh 26" Dadra. &' Nag.arHave1H 27, Delhi 28, Gaa Daman ~ Diu 29" Lakshadweep+ 30, Mizoram 310 Pondicherry
India . . " ~ ",
2.,92 5,01 3 0 64 3.,44 3.,04
:L05 3,,69 3.02 3,,05 3.83
3 0 42 7,37 2,,25 90 B7 5.09
2,25 3~25
10 0 55 3.27 4,55
13,,53
L~67 2,.82 l.o 76 2.,26 2~74
2.00 2,36 1,91 2,,20 2.29
2 0 01 2 ,~6B 2~82
2.B4 2.01
1,88 . 2029 2,02 1.51 2 0 94
1,,65
3,36 L82
1,53 -0 .. 24
L96
3~96 4,62 4,37 3.047 4 .. 67
2,,98 3,,84 4.10 3,,19 4,45
3,36 9,,76 4.,95 B~50 5,,22
3~68
4 c,62 9-;;54 2047 3 ~29
4~74
2$76 6~.38
11 .. 71 4,66
3 c 84
L57 2 0 92 L88 2,,01 2,)00
2.06 2(29 1,75 1046 1.:76
1 Q 62 1016 2(36 3.42 1,46
1.61 2043 3,33 1,22 2.71
1,68
2,,37 0,,53
1081 _._ .... _______ ., .... -.; ___ ... _________ ~---------------------_
1¢25 2.19 1~88 1018 0,30
LOS 1.33 L11 0,,85 1.54
1~41 4,69
-0,,57 7 e03 3~08
0 0 38 0.96 8,,53 10 75 1.61
8.21 Be l5
1025
2.39 1011 2 .• 49 L45 2.67
0 0 92 1~55 2 0 35 1074 2,,69
1J5 8~60
2~52 5~08 3",76
'Z o 07 ,2~19 6~22
10 25 0,,58
4.28
3 0 81 2,,87
9,,34 4 4 13
2,,03
+In thase Union Territories there were no urban areas in 1961 and 1971
Flve estlmates of the percentage of urban popu
lation to t.ot.al poplllat.ior.. for: t.he years 1986( 1991, 1996
and 2001 were thus obtained_ These percentages varied
between 30.15 to 34 .. 98 for the year 2001" 'rhe constant
URGD method estlmated thlS pe:centage as 31~35. The extra
polation based on UIU gave a percentage of 32 0 14 while c the fittlng of second degree curve to UIT gave a percentage
of 34.57 The assumption of lncreaslrig URGD gave an urban
percentage of 34.98 for the year 2001e
The projected proportlon of urban populatlon to
totCll populati()ll by various me'"ChodE. (All India) are given
in statement - .4
Statement .4 - Projected percentage of vrban ~opu1atlon to total population by various methods - All India ------------------------
* (U/T) (U/T) Using V/U U .R.G .D.. U ,:R.,G,D,· Year Linear Second inf1ationc constant increasing ________________ ~~~E~~ ___ ~!2!2E _______ --______________ ____ _
-!-------~---------~---------!----------~----------~-------1981 23.31 23.31 23.31 23 0 31 23.31
1986 25"01 25076 25.·30 25,18
1991
1996 2001
26,72
28,,42 30,13
28,,20
31,39
34~.57
27,,36
29._70
32 0 14
27-14
29 20
31.35
*The rate of increase was the observed increase during 1961-71 and 1971-81r
25 c' 4 ° 28<00
31,17
34.98
The urban projections were made for each state and
union territory se9arately by various methods. A pooled
estimate was derived for India by adding up the urban
. population of all states and union terri::oriesr
-156-
The Expert Committee considered all these methods
and results thereof carefully and decided that it would be
best to proJect the urban population on the assumption of
increasing URGD - the rate of in~ase being half of the [-
observed lncrease during 1961-71 and 1971-81. The projec-
tions worked out in this manner have been termed as
increasing URGD method in subsequent paragrap'hs. The , of S" .. iJ,.hll .
Commlttee further recommended that ln case,and union
terrltorles it may not be possible to work out the urban
populatlon by thlS assumption and as such some
exceptl.ons may have to be made. The Committee also
recommended that All India proportions may be derived by
adding up the projected urban population of the various
states and union territories.
Accordingly urban proportions for 1986, 1991,
1996 and 2Q01 were worked out statewise by URGD method.
Modifications were made in the States/union territories of
Andhra Pradesh, Manipur, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Tripura,
Arunachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Dadra and Nagar Haveli,
Lak~hadweep & Mizoram. The projected proportions are
presented in statement - .5.
8l.
Statement .5: Projected percentage of tirban population in 1981, 1986,1991, 1996 and 2001 -----------------------------
StatejUn:L.on ~2~_~~~~~~2!Y ______ 12~1 __ !2~2 __ 122! __ !22~ __ ~QQ1 ___ ~~~~f~~ __ _ 1 _______ ~ __________ ~ ______ 1 ____ ~ ______ § _____ 1 _______ § _____
l. Andhra 23.32 25.53 27.88 30.35 32.94 URGD Pradesh Constant
2. Assam 10.29 11.08 11.86 12.63 13.36 ~ increase in URGD
30 Bihar 12.47 13.93 15.63 17.60 19.88 ~ increase in URGD
4. Gujarat 31.10 32.71 34.44 36.28 38.26 ~ increase in URGD
5. Haryana 21.88 24.46 27.83 32.10 37.39 ~ increase in URGD
60 Himachal 7.6L 7.94 8.26 8.59 8.92 ~ increase Pradesh in URGD
7 • Jammu & 21.05 22.39 23.83 25.39 27.08 ~ increase Kashmir in URGD
-15~-
-----------------------------------------------------------------S1. State/Union No. Territory 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 Remarks -1-------2------------3------4-----5-----6-----7-------8--------------------------------------------------------------------------
8. Karnataka 28.89 31. 50 34.59 38.17 42.27 ~ increase in URGD
9. Kera1a 18.75 20.18 21. 88 23.88 26.22 ~ increase in URGD
10. Madhya Pradesh 20.29 22.62 25.43 28.76 32.65 ;!.,; 2 increase in URGD
11. Maharashtra 35.03 37.08 39.28 41. 63 44.11 ~ increase ir. URGD
12. Manipur 26.42 28.41 30.40 32.39 34.38 U/1J ", " .' q ,
13. Megha1aya 18.07 20.32 23.47 27.73 33.31 ~ increase J..n URGD
14. Naga1and 15.52 19.00 22.61 26.21 29.65 ~ increase in URGD
15. Orissa 11. 80 13.94 16.51 19.59 23.24 ~ increase in URGD
16. Punjab 27.68 29.98 32.85 36.34 40.49 ~ increase in URGD
17. Rajasthan 21. 05 23.03 25.44 28.31 31. 71 ~ incr-ease J..n URGD
18. Sikkim 16.15 19.82 23.48 27.15 30.81 U/U c 19. TrJ..pura 10.99 11. 28 11. 58 11. 88 12.19 URGD cons-cant
20. Tamil Nadu 32.95 34.34 35.76 37.20 38.67 URGD constant
21. Uttar Pradesh 17.95 20.37 23.46 27.33 32.10 ~ increase in URGD
22. West Bengal 26.47 27.43 28.60 30.00 31.64 ~ increase in URGD
23. Andaman & Nico-26.30 28.36 30.91 34.01 37.72 ~ increase bar Islands J..n RGD
24. Arunachal Pradesh 6.56 7.99 9·~ ~2 10.85 12.28 Li.near U/T 25. Chandigarh 93.63 94.79 95.75 96.54 97.29 URGD CONSTANT
26. D§dra & Nagar 6.67 6.67 6.67 6.67 special aveli t)iethod
27. Delhi 92.73 94.00 95.22 96.32 97.28 ~ in-:::rease in URGD
28. Goa, Darnan & 32.37 35.19 37.11 37.95 37.99 ~ incr:ease " Diu J..n URGD
29. Laksttadweep 46.28 46.28 73.56 73.56 73.56 special method
30. Mizoram 24.67 29.20 33.73 38.26 42.79 T]/lJ c 31. Pondicherry 52.28 56.88 60.14 62.10 62.82 ~ inc:cease
in URGD
158-
The modifications in respect of each of these states and
union territor1es are discussed below. Only the modified
values have been shown in statement - 5.
~~~~~~_~~~~~~~:- On the basis of the assumption of
increasing URGD, the growth rate of the rural popu~ation
for the last quinquennium of this century works out to be
0.08 per cent only, which seems to be too low. On the
other hand the assumption of constant URGD gives a rural
growth rate of 0.45 per cent in the last quinquennium
which seemed to be more reasonable.
~~~~e~E : - The urban proport1on ha·s more than doubled
in Manipur between 1971-81 lead~ng to a very sharp
increase in URGD between 1961-71 and 1971-81. Increasing
URGD assumption would lead to an urban proportion of 74.42
per cent Wh1Ch seems to be completely unattainable. It
may be mentioned here that U/T was 8.68 per cent in 1961,
13.19 per cent in 1971 and 26.42 per cent in 1981 in
Manipur. A jump of U/T from 26.42 per cent in 1981 to
74.42 per cent 1n 2001 seems unreasonable. Even the
assumptions of constant URGD or linear U/T would lead to
very high urban proportions (66.72 per cent and 52.88 per
cent respectively) in 2001. In view of this, the urban
proportions for Manipur have been worked out on the basis ,
of common towns approach.
The proportion of the population of common towns
to total population i.e. (Uc/T) was 8.68 per cent, 9.36 per
cent and 11.02 per cent respectively in 1961, 1971 and 1981
censuses. These ratios when projected lead to a proportion
of 11.85, 12.68, 13.51 and 14.34 per cent resp€ctively in
the year 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001. In 1981 the U/U c ratio in Manipur was 2.3975 as against 1.4092 in 1971 and
-159-1.0000 in 1961. The projection of U/U ratio on the c baSiS of either by linear trend or a second degree
trend leads to unacceptably high value of urban
proportion for Manipur. In view of this it was assumed
that the ratio ulu would remain constant upto 2001. c Under this assumption the urban proportion was estimated
to increase from 26.42 per cent in 1981 to 34.38 per
cent in the year 2001.
~~~~~~:- Sikkim's urban proportions were 4.22 per
cent in 1961, 9.37 per cent in 1971 and 16.15 per cent
in 1981. In this case, URGD declined between 1961-71
and 1971-81. Even so, the assumption of inc~sing or
decreasing URGD gives an urban proportion of 35.07 per
cent in 2001 which seems to be exceedingly high. In
this case also, the common towns approach has been used
assuming that U/U observed in 1981 will remain constant c upto the year 2001. This gives U/T of 30.81 per cent in
2001.
T~~!!_~~9~:- In this case, URGD has been declining
between 1961-71 and 1971-81 and extrapolating this trend
would in fact amount to declining URGD, which would give
U/T of 35.36 per cent in 2001 as against 32~95 per cent
in 1981. This seems to be too low. Therefore, in this
case, the assumption of constant URGD was made for
projecting urban proportions. The assumption of constant
URGD would lead to an urban proportion of 38.67 per
cent in 2001.
!E!E~E~:- In this case also URGD has been declining
between 1961-71 and 1971-81. Extrapolating this trend
leads to a declining urban proportion after 1991 which
does not seem possible. Therefore, in this case an
assumption of constant URGD, Wit~tRGD being same as
-160-
1971-8~ was made for projecting urban proportion. This
assumption would mean that the urban proportion would
increase from 10.99 per cent in 1981 to 12.19 per cent
in 2001.
Arunachal Pradesh: In case of Arunachal pradesh, -----'-----,_,"_,-----there was no urban population in 1961. The question of
applying the principle of in~asing URGD, therefore,
does not arise. The assumption of constant URGD would
give an urban proportion of 18.99 per cent in the year
2001 as against 6.56 per cent in 1981 and 3.70 per cent
in 1971. This seems to be too high particularly in a
hil~ area like Arunachal Pradesh. The urban proportions
have therefore been projected for Arunachal Pradesh by
assuming linear increase in U/T which would give a ratio
of 12.28 per cent in 2001.
gh~~~is~fh:- In Chandigarh's case the URGD had
declined between 1961-71 and 1971-81 and extrapolating
this trend would in fact amount to declining URGD assumption.
This would give U/T of 96.43 per cent in 2001. It was
thought to be more reasonable to make the assumption of
constant URGD in this case which would give U/T of 97.19
per cent in 2001.
Q~~E~_~!:~_~~S~!:_!:!~y~!!..:.- There Has no urban population in this union territory before 1981. The urban
proportion recorded in 1981 was 6.67 per cent. On examining
the population of various villages in 1981 it was felt
that no new town may come up in this anion territory upto
1991. Therefore, it has been assumed that the urban
proportion in this case may remain the same upto 2001.
~~~~~~~~~~J2:..-Lakshadweep had also some urban areas in 1981 for the first time; the urban proportion
-161-
being 46.28 per cent in 1981, In Lakshadweep, no island
has got a municipality or a corporation or cantonment
board or notif'ied town area committee, etc. In 1981,
all the islands had a density of population of more
than 400 persons per square kilometre and also 100 per
cent of the wo~kers in these islands were engaged in
non-agricultural occupations. On~y four islands namely,
Andrott, Minicoy, Kavaratti andAmini had a population
of more than 5 ,'~' persons. After considering
these factors, ,Minicoy, Kavaratti and Amini were treated
as census towns in 1981., On the basis of the estimated
exponentia~ growth rate which can be achieved from 1981
to 2001, Agatti islands may also have a population of
about. 5 f OOl: " ~, by 1991. It is, therefore, felt that
both Andrott and Agatt~ islands would be treated as
urban by 1991. On this basis, the urban proportion in
Lakshadweep would be 73.56 per cent in the year 1991
and 2001,
~!~9E~~:- Mizoram had an urban proportion of 5.36
per cent in 1961, 11.36 per cent in 1971 and 24.67
per cent in 1981. The assumption of increasing URGD
would give a high urban proportion of 71.96 per cent
in the year 2001. Even the assumption of constant URGD
gives an urban proportion of 68.14 per cent while the
assumption of linear increase in U/T gives an urban
proportion of 51_29 per cent which also seems to be
very high- The urban proportions in this case had been
worked out on the basis of conunon towns approach. by
assuming that U/U observed in 1981 would remain constant c upto 2001. This gave an urban proportion of 42.79 per
cent in 2001.
In case of Haryana and Punjab, the projected urban
proportions on the assumption of increasing URCD would
be 37.39 per cent and 40.49 per cent respectively in 2001.
-162-
The proJected rural population on this basis would give
a negative rural.gro\vth rate during 1996-2001 in both
these states. A very large portion of Haryana in
Faridabad, Gurgaon, Rohtak and Sonipat districts forms
a part of the National Capital Region in whi~h the urban
population is expocted to yrow very fast in the next
20 yearso Under the. impact of development of NCR, many
of the rural a::::'eas of Haryana I falling wi thin the NCR,
may become uL·ban. In vie'!," of this, a negative rural
growth rate during 1996-2001 in Haryana is quite plausi
ble.
In Punjab's case, the urban proportion in 1981 was
already very hi.gh (27.68 per cetit) ~ With the economic
prosperity in punjab due to the development of the small
scale industries and agriculture, there is every likelihood
of an acceleration in the pace of urbanisation resulting
in a negative rural growth rate by the end of this century.
The projected urban an~ rural popUlations for the
year 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001 and th~ir annual exponential
growth rates for each quinquennium are presented in Table - ... 1.
On the basis of the pooled urban population .the
All India urban proportions for 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001
are as under:-
-Statement :'.,6 : - !?E~j~SE:~9_~Ee~~_~E<2e9E~!2!!~
E·~;_~'!_!~9~~_JE~9!~9l"
--------------------------------------------------------Year proj~cted U!T(%) --------------------------------------------------------
1981 23.31 1986 25~26 1991 27.49 1996 30.06 2001 . 33.06 --------------------------------------------------------
-163- ,
To obtain the sex composition of the urban and
rural population it has been assumed that the trend in
rural sex ratio would be similar to that of total
population whose projection by sex is already available.
The proportion (R /R) (ratio of rural male population rn
to total rural population) was estimated for the years
1986, 1991, 1996 and 20010 The formula used was as
follows:-
[ [--!~-J Rm , ,T, 19'81+Sr i4 , = R ~98l+5rJ [ --~~i981 R 1981
r = 1,2,3,4
Where
R = Rural Population
R = Rural Male Population m T = Total Population of All Areas
T m = Male Population of All areas
The rural male population for the years 1986, 1991,
1996 and 2001 was estimated by multiplying the above
ratios by the correspoinding rural population.
Estimates of the population of rural females, urban
males and urban females were then obtained by subtraction,
(Table- , ,2)
-164-
Estimates of the rural and urban population
were available by sex for the years 1981, 1986, 1991,
1996 and 2001. Age distribution of the projected
population for India and 15 major states into broad
age groups 0-14, 15-29, 30-44, 45-59 and 60+ was
obtained by the method of "difference eliminations".
The various steps involved were as follows. All the
calculations were done separately for each sex.
The age distribution of the rural and urban
areas of India and 13 major states as reported in 1981
census was assembled in a 15 x 2 matrix form1i.e'Jin
age groups 0-4, 5-9 .•....••..•••. 65-69, and 70+ in
rural and urban areas. The marginal totals were then
adjusted to correspond to 1981 smoothed age . :as: on
1st "March by repeated iterations.
Total population by broad age groups and the
rural-urban break-up of the total population were
available for the years 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001.
Based on the 1981 rural/urban age distribution as
obtained above the age distribution for the subsequent
quinquennial years was obtained by tw~~fterations (by method of difference elimination) and has been
shown in Table - ' .. 3 •
-165-
m co ~ L() r-I .~ co ll"I .. ... ... 0.0 rl 00 "<:I' r- 0 1.0 N
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-166-
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-167-
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-177-
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-178-
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-179-
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-180-
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-181-
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TRENDS OF URBANISATION IN INDIA
R.K. PURl
The urban population of India increased from
25.8 million in 1901 to 159.7 million in 1981, i.e.,
more than six-fold lncrease has occurred in the urban
population of India during the last 80 years whereas
the increase ln the total population of India had
been less than three times (Table-I). In the first
four decades of this century, the proportion of urban
population had increased from 10.84 per cent in 1901
to 13.86 per cent in 1941 - an 1ncrease of mere three
points. Between 1941 and 1951 there were a perceptible
increase 1n this proportion from 13.86 per cent to 17.29
per cent but a part of this increase was spurious due
to change of definition of urban areas in 1951. Between
1951 and 1961 there was very little increase in the
proportion of urban population living in the urban
areas -- th~ proportions being 17.29 per cent in 1951
and 17.97 per cent in 1961. (However, using comparable
definitions for classification of urban areas, the
proportion of urban population would be 16.19 per cent
in 1961, implying 2.33 per cent increase during 1941-51
and 1.78 per cent increase during 1951-61. A part of
the abnormal increase during 1941-51 could be due to
massive migration of people from Pakistan to India in
1947 WhlCh got concentrated largely in urban areas).
Between 1961 and 1971 the proportion of population
living in urban areas --------------------------------------------------------*Paper presented at the First Regional Symposium of
SAARC Countries "South Asian Urban Experience "held at India International Centre, New Delhi from February
20-22, 1986.
-183-
increased by about two per cent from 17.97 per cent to
19.91 per cent and during the last decade the increase was
as much as 3.4 per cent -- from 19.91 per cent in 1971 to
23.31 per cent in 1981. Thus, the real thrust of urbanisation
in India has occurred only in post-independence era after
the advent of planning and industrialisation. (For
definition of urban areas in India, please see Annexure I).
Even in 1981 the p-ropotion of total population
living in urban areas in India is not very high as compared
to many of the other under-developed countries. In 1980,
41 per cent of the world's population lived in urban areas.
In the advanced countries this percentage was 71 whereas
in the less developed countries it was 31. In Latin American
countries this percentage was as high as 65 per cent, being
very close to that obtaining in advanced countries. Even in
South Asia as a whole, 24.78 per cent of the population lived
in urban areas in 1980 -- India's percentage was lower than
this average. Amongst the" countries participating in this
symposium, Pakistan had the highest proportion of urban
population (28.17 ~et cent) followed by Sri Lanka (26.56
per cent) and India (23:31 pet cent). Bangladesh, Maldives,
Nepal and Bhutan had very low level of urbanisation: their
respective proportion~ being 11.24 per cent, 10.54 per cent,
4.98 per 'cent and 3.92 per" cent respectively (Table II). The
average annual increase of urban population in India has also
been less thantftnt
most of the countries of the 'region.
Maldives alone- (which has very little urban population) had
a slower rate of growth of its urban population in the region.
The average annual growth rate of urban population in India
was 3:84 per cent in sev~nties as against 6.45 per cent for
Bangladesh, 4.65 pet cent for Nepal, 4.49 per cent for Bhutan,
4.03 per cent for Pakistan,3;63 per cent for Sri Lanka and
2.54 per cent for Maldives.
-184-
We shall now consider the growth of urban population
in the major states of India between 1951 and 1981.
Maharashtra was the most urbanised state in 1951 and it
continued to be in that position till 1981 (Table III).
In 1951 the least urbanised state was Orissa closely followed
by Bihar; these two being the only states where the proportion
of total population living in urban areas was less than 10
per cent in 19510 In 1981 also these two states lagged
behind all other states In urb~nisation, the percentage of
their population living in urban areas being 11.79 and 12.47
only. However, the pace of increase in the urban population
of Orissa has been much more than that in Bihar during the
last 30 years. In 1951, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu,
West Bengal, Karnataka and Punjab ',had more than 20 per cent
of its population living in urban areas. In 1981 the states
still below the 20 per cent urbanisation llvel were Kerala,
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa in that order. Besides
these states, the other states which had lower than "11 India
average were Madhya Pradesh, R.ajasthan and Haryana. On the
other hand,' the states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat
had crossed 30 per cent level in 1981. Karnataka Punjab and
West Bengal had a much higher proportion than the all India
average of 23.'31. It would be noticed that Rajasthan has
slipped down in urbanisation. In 1951, its proportion of
urban population was much higher than the all India average,
whereas in 1981 it was lower.
West Bengal was the only state where the process
of urbanisation has slowed down quite a lot. From a
proportion of 23.88 per cent in 1951 West Bengal has moved
up very slowly to a proportion of 24.45 per cent in 1961,
24.75 in 1971 and 26.47 per cent in 1981. The pace of the
-185-
growth of urban population has slowed down in Tamil Nadu
also during the last decade. The urban proportion of
Tamil Nadu increased from 30.26 per cent in 1971 to 32.95
only in 1981. On the other hand, the states of Andhra
Pradesh, Haryana, Karnafka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Orissa, Punjab and Rajasthan had a sharper increase in the
urban population during 1971-81.
When we look at the decennial growth rates, we
notice~hat the ~ll India urban population increased by 26.41
per cent in 1951-61, 37.91 per cent in 1961-71 and 46.78
per cent in 1971-81. During 1971-81, the states of Orissa
and uttar Pradesh had a more than 60 per cent increase in
the urban population between 1971-81, closely followed by
Haryana and Rajasthan. Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka
and Punjab were the other states which experienced sharp
decennial growth of their urban population during 1971-81.
There was a sharp decline of decennial urban growth in
Tamil Nadu, while in the states of Gujarat, Kerala,
Maharashtra, Orissa and West Bengal the decennial growth
rate of urban population in the last two decades were
almost the same.
We have not considered above the case of Assam,
as no census was taken there in 1981. Apart from Himachal
Pradesh (which has difficult hilly terrain in large parts) ,
Assam is the least urbanised state of India. In 1951, the
proportion of its population living in urban areas was
4.38, which increased to 7.·69 in 196i and 8.82 in 1971.
The estimated proportion for 1981 was 10.29.
The analysis of the statewise urban growth rates
from 1951 to 1981 shows that the states like Maharashtra,
Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal which had already
reached a comparatively high proportion of urban population
-186-
are not growing so fast in the'ir urban population whereas the states which were less urbanised earlier are growing
sharply in their urban population such as the states of
Bihar, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and uttar Pradesh.
However, Kerala does not fit into this pattern. Though
Kerala is a less urbanised state yet the rate of growth of
urban population h~s been less than All India average. In
1951, 43;63 per cerit of urban population of India lived
in the four most urbanised states of Maharashtra, Gujarat,
Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Their share is declining over
the years. It carne down to 43.09 in 1961, 42.74 in 1971
and 39.44 in 1981.
In 1901, 25.81 per cerit of the total urban
population of India lived in elass-I towns. This ratio did
not increase very much upto 1931 when 30 per cent of the
urban population lived in elass-I towns. But since then the
proportion of urban population living in ~lass-I towns
has increased very sharply in every decade. It went upto
37 per cent in 1941, 43 per cent in 1951, 50 per cent in
1961, 56 per cent in 1971 and 60 per cent in 1981. Of the
160 million urban population of India in 1981 (including
estimated urban population of Assam), 96 million lived in
class-I cities/urban agglomerations only. On the other hand,
the population in class-II towns has re~ned constant at
about 11 per cent from 1901 to 1971 and around 16 to 18 per
cent of the urban population lived in class-III towns. The
percentage of urban population living in class-IV, Vand
VI towns has been declining over the various decades.
-187-
From 1961 onwards the rate of increase in the proportion of
population of Class-I towns has been slowly declining*.
Looking at it in other waY,70 per cent of the total
increase in urban population during 1961-71 took place
in class-I cities, .12 per cent in class II towns, 13 per
cent in class-III towns and 6 percent only in class-IV
towns whereas the popul'ation in class-V and class-VI towns
actually declined during 1961-71. During 1971-81, 69 per
cent of the increase in the urban population was in class-I
cities, 12.5 per cent in class-II towns, 10 per cent in
class-III towns, 6 per cent in class IV towns o The population
in class-V and class-VI towns which has declined during
1961-71 increased considerably during 1971-81; 1.5 per cent
of the increase in urban population in this decade being in
class-V towns and 0.6 per cent in class-VI towns. During
1961-71 the annual average exponential growth rate of the
population in c1ass-I cities was 4.20 per cent which increased
to 4.54 per cent during 1971-81. The annual average
exponential growth rate of class--II towns increased from 3.40
per cent to 4.17 per cent, that of class-IV from.l.71 to 2.17,
of class...;.V from -1.09 to +1.45 and of class-VI from -2.18 to of the
+4.79. That is, the increase in -&11 India average/annual
growth rate of urban population from 3.19 in 1961-71 to 3.82
in 1971-81 was shared by all classes of towns except class-II
towns wherein there was a marginal decline.
*For 1901-71, the data source is statement 16 in fly leaf to table A-IV·of Part II A, General Population Tables, 1971, page 2050 For 1981, the population in class-I has been estimated by including those towns of Assam which are estimated to have one lakh' or more population in 1981. In 1981, the distribution of urban population by various size classes is not published yet. As such the figures mentioned here are provisional (excluding Assam and Jammu & Kashmir)" as per paper 2 of 1981, published by Registrar General's ~ffice.
-188-
The urban population has been growing at a much
faster rate than the total population since 1961. The
decennial growth rate of the total population was 24.59
per cent during 1961-71, and 25.21 per cent during 1971-81
whereas the urban growth rates were 37.91 per cent and
46.78 per cent respectively. If it is assumed that the
rate of natural increase of the urban population is the
same as that of the. rural population, the excess growth
rate in the urban population could be ascribed to (i)
Addition of new towns: (ii) Migration from the rural
areas, and (iii) Migration from abroad. The assumption
of the natural increase in rural and urban areas being
almost the same is supported by the SRS data. In Table IV,
we have worked out the effect of migration on urban
growth. Applying the decennial growth rate of total
population of each decade to the urban population at the
beginning of the decade we got the growth of urban
population during the decade if the natural rate of
increase are assumed to be the same. The difference
between these figures and the actual urban growth is
composed of; (i) Population of new towns added in the
decade and (ii) migration from rural areas and abroad.
20.95 per cent of the growth of urban population in
1971-81 was dl,le to addition of nE~W towns and 5.51 lakhs
persons had migrated to urban areas (excluding Assam)
from abroad. Excluding these persons, there would be 120
1akh persons in urban areas who rnigrated from rural areas
in the last decade, That is,migration from rural to urban
-189-
would have contributed about 24 per cent of the total
increase in urban population during 1971-81 as against
14 per cent only in 1961-71. The total migration effect
(migration fro~ural areas and from abroad) was 25 per cent
in 1971-81 and 17 per cent in 1961-71.
We could take another approach also to assess the
impact of migratlon on urb~nisation. As per census results
given in D-2 table of 1981 census which gives migrants by
place of last residerice and duration of residence, a net
migra.t:ion of 94 1akh persons from rural areas to urban areas
had taken place during the last ten years which could mean
that internal migration from rural areas contributed 19
per cent of the urban growth during 1971-81.
The Expert Committee on Population Projections set
up by the Government of India has worked out the estimates of
urban population upto the year 2001. The Committee has
estimated the urban population by the Urban-Rural Growth
Differential Method (URGD) as recommended by the UN, on the
assumption of increasing URGDJ .. the rate of increase being
half of the observed change during 1961-71 and 1971-81.
URGD is a measure of the "tempo of urbanisation"
which gives the exponential rate of change over time. The
tempo of urbanisation from 1951-81 is as under: ______ ,_' __ " ___ ·_·_'_'_' __ '_'_'_' ____ ,__'_,_'_"_'_'_"_r_. __ . ______________ . _______ _ Year Urban Growth Rate Rural Growth Rate URGD ----- --'_ ---'_'_'_"_'_'_ -_'_'_'_'_'---_'_ -_,_"_._._. __ '_'_ ----_'_ - - - -_' __ '- - ------1951-61 3.05* 1.76 1.29
1961-71 3.29 2.00 1.29
1971-81 3.84 1.81 2.03 -----. __ '_ ------_"_.--._._-_._. __ '_,-_"_-,_"_,_ .. _ -_'--- _'_ --_._ --- - - - - - --------*The urban growth rates giveri here have been derived after elimination of conceptual differences between 1951 and 1961 censuses -- See Report of the Expert Committee on Populatiol Projections, 1971 Census; Paper 1 of 1979, R.G. Office, p.4,
-190-
United Nations has noted that emperical observations
of a variety of circumstances have shown that URGD remains
more or less constant for short period of times and that
this seems to be true irrespective of current level of
urbanisation or whether the rural population is increasing
or decreasing. Accordingly_" the UN has made population
estimates assuming a constant VRGD. However, the Indian
experience during last decade shows an increasing URGD.
Therefore, in India's case the assumption of increasing
URGD !:jeems more relevant for making population ,.
estimates for the future. The moot question is what amount
of increase in URGD should be taken. The Expert Committee
has assumed half of the increase in URGD. On this
assumption URGD for 1981-91 and 1991-2001 would be 2.21
and 2.64 respectively.
The projected urban population of India and 15
major states is presented in Table V. ..Apart from the
approach adopted by the Expert Committee, there could be
two other approaches to make estimates of population for
the future. These two approaches are:
1. by projecting the ratio of urban to total population tUjT) line~rly and by second degree; and
2. by projecting the proportion of population living in towns common from 1931 to 1981 censuses to total population of each census (U/T) and multiplying the projected
proportions by estimated uju . c
The first approach seeks to project the proportion
of urban population to total population on the basis of the
change observed in the urban proportion during the last
decade/last two decades. It is assumed firstly that the
difference between the urban proportions in 1971 and 1981
census would continue to grow in a linear manner, assuming
a constant growth of the urban prop6rtion. Second
assumption is that the urban proportion would continue to
grow at an lncreasing rate as observed between last two
decades. Accordingly a second degree curve was fitted to
the urban proportions observed in 1961~'1971 and 1981
censuses. As per this method, the U/T was estimated to
be 30.13 by linear assumption and 34.49 by second degree
curve in 2001. The respective estimated urban populations
were 297 million and 341 million respectively.
The second approach involves the working out of
the proportion of population in common towns which have
been in existence throughout for 1931 to 1981 to thEll total
popuLation (i.e. UfT) wherelu~ stands for population
of common towns and 'T' stands for the total population).
This proportion has been projected upto 2001 in a 1ine~r
manner i.e., by assuml.ng that the change in the proportion
of common towns would remain the same as it was during
1971-81. These projected trend values of U6T have been
inflated by the ratio of urban population to the
population Ilving in common towns (O/De ) so as to arrive
at the trend values of the total urban proportions (UfT).
While the proportion of population in common towns, i.e. of
Ue is comparable over time, the ratio/D/De is affected by
conceptual changes. It is only during 1961, 1971 and
1981 censuses that the urban proportions are comparable
conceptually in the sense that uniform definition of urban
areas was introduced.
In view of this, a second degree curve was fitted
to the difference of U/Ue on the basis of 1961, 1971 and 1981
proportions and by assuming constant second order differences of
the proportions;D/Ue were estimated for 1991 and 2001.
-192-
The inflation factors thus obtained were applied to the trend
values of Ue/T to obtain the trend values of U/T upto 2001. This
method, thus, involves two assumptions: (a) Ue/T would grow
in future In a Ilnear £ashlon, but (b) U/Ue would grow at
an increaslng rate. On this basis, U/T was estimated to be
32.14 and the urban populc..tion '<'. 317 in 2001.
Even when India enters the 21st century, one-third
of its total population would be residing in urban areas
and two-third would continue to live in rural areas.
(Even if the urban population of India is assumed to grow
by increasing URGD, the proportion of urban population to
t:otal population in the year 2001 would be 35 per cent only).
The urban popuiation of India would increase from 159.7
million in 1981 to 230.1 million in 1991 and 326.0.million
in 2001. The annual exponential growth rate of urban
population which was 3.21 per cent during 1961~71 and 3;84
per cent during 1971-81 would gradually fall down to 3.71
during 1981-86 3.60 in 1986-91, 3.53 in 1991-96 and 3.44
pe! cent during 1996-2001. Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu
and West Bengal together had 63.0 million urban population
in 1981 which would increase to 82.7 million in 1991, and
104.5 mlilion in 2001. That is, the contribution of these
four most urbanised States to total urban population would be
declining from 39.4 per cent in 1981 to 35.9 per cent in
1991 and 32.1 per cent in 2001 (Table Y).
Of the major states, only three states namely,
Karnataka, Maharashtra and Punjab would achieve urban
proportion of more than 40 per cent in 2001 (Table VI) .
Gujarat, Haryana and Tamil Nadu would have an urban proportion
between 35 and 40 per cent. Assam and Bihar would have
less than 20 per cent of their population living in urban
areas even in the year 2001. Maharashtra would continue to
be the most urbanised state in 2001(44 per cent) while
Karnataka would be the second in rank followed by Punjab.
-193-
Using the estimates made by the Expert Committee
for total urban population, we have estimated the population
in class-I and million plus cities. The population in
class I cities upto 2001 has been estimated by using URGD
method, assuming that the population in these cities would
grow generally on the assumption of constant URGD. Here
the term URGD has been used to refer to the growth
differentials between population of all the class-I urban
agglomerations in a state and the rest of the population
in that state. In 1961, 5p.7 per cent of the total urban
population of India lived, in Class-I cities. This
proportion had gone upto 55.8 in 1971 and 60.1 in 1981. .. ,',
It is estimated that roughly 63 per cent of the urban
population of India in 2001 would be living in class-I cit·iea;
As a ratio of the total population, 9.1 per cent of India's
population lived in Class-I cities in 1961, 11.1 in 1971
and 14.0 in 1981. This would go upto 20.8 in the year 2001.
Of the major states, it is estimated that more than 75 per
cent of the urban population would be living in class-I
cities in the year 2001 in the states of Gujarat (77 per
cent), Maharashtra (83 per cent} and West Bengal (78 per
cent). The annual exponential growth rate of the population
in Class-I was 4.2 during 1961-71, 4.6 during 1971-81 and
is estimated to be 4.0 in 1981-91 and 3.6 in 1991-2001
whereas the growth rate of total urban population were 3.2,
3.84, 3.65 and 3.48 per cent respectively. That is, the
population in class-I towns has been growing at a much
faster pace than that in the urban areas as a whole and
would continue to do so upto 2001. However, the gap between
these two rates would narrow from 0.8 per cent in 1971-81
to 0.1, in 1991-2001.
-194-
The population in million plus cities has also been
estimated by the URGD method; the term URGD referring to
the growth differentials between the growth rate of a
particular city and the growth rate of the population of the
state in Which(~~ty lies. We estimated the population of
1991 and 2001 individually for all those cities which had
a population of 5 lakhs or more in 1981, to see which of
them are likely to achleve a million or more population
over the next two decades. These estimates were counter
checked by taking the growth differentials between a city's
population and the urban population of the state as well
as the urban population of Indla. It is estimated that the
number of million plus cities would go upto 25 in 1991
and 36 in 2001. According to these estimates, Greater
Bombay, Calcutta and Delhi would have more than ten million
population each in 2001, while Bangalore and Madras would
have more than 5 mlllion population each. The population
of each of these cities in 2001 is given in Table VII.
The population in the million plus cities would go up from
42 million in 1981 to 73 million in 1991 and 112 million in
2001, constituting 26 per cent of the urban population in
1981, 32 per cent in 1991 and 34 per cent in 2001. That ' ..
is, an increasing proportionpf India's urban population
will live in very large cities. In 1980, Bombay, Calcutta,
Delhi and Madras ranked 16th114~ 22nd and 23rd among the 111.
25 largest cities of the world. According to(UN estimates,
they would move upto 7th, 8th, 17th and 13th ranks
respectively in 2001.
We would like to emphasise here that the estimates
of population for class-I cities and million plus cities
are essentially rough estimates which could be refined further
on the basis of other assumptions.
-195-
!~I]E2_2:f_~fee!}_S2!}S~!2:!:fe:!:!2!}
If we sub-divide the urban population into two
sub-populations such as the population of cities and
the,'rest of the urban population or the population of million
plus cities and the~est of the ~rban population etc., we
can measu__~e the "tempo of concentration" in a particular
class of cities. The percentage of city population in the
combined urban population, at any given time, may be called
the "level of concentration of the urban population", and
increases in that level may be considered as measurable in
terms of "Tempo of concentration". That is, the tempo of
urban concentration can be measured for any particular
class of cities. Based on the estimates of urban population
as presented above, we have measured the tempo'~ of urban
concentration from 1961-2001 in Class-I cities as well as
in million plus cities. Though the level of concentration
in class-I cities is increasing continuously between 1961 and
2001, the tempo of concentration is found to be declining
in each decade. The level of concentration in class-I
cities in 1961 was 50.69 per cent which would increase to
62.86 per cent by the year 2001.- But the rate of increase
in the level of concentration in each decade would decrease
from 5.13 per cent during 1961-71 to 0.52 per cent during
1991-2001. In case of million plus citie~, however, there
is no clear trend of tempo of concentration. In this case
also, the level of concentration in million plus cities
would increase from 22.9 per cent in 1961 to 34.2 per cent
in 2001. However, the rate of increase in the level of
concentration or the tempo of concentration decreased
from 2.6 per cent during 1961-71 to 0.9 per cent in 1971-81
which would again increase to 5.3 per cent in 1981-91
and would later decrease in 1991-2001 to 2.5 per cent. In
case of Class-I cities, there is no discoMntinuity in the
-196-
tempo of concentration because the number of ~lass-I cities
in 1981 is quite large and any small additions to this
number in each decade is a continuous event giving us no
discontinuity. On the other hand, there were only 9 million
plus cities in 1971 whose number increased to 12 in 1981.
This number is estimated to increase to 25_1991 and 36 in
2001. The increase in the number of million plus cities
from 12 to 25 during 1981-91 is essentially a discontinuous
event up-setting the tempo of concentration in million plus
cities shows an irregular trend from 1961to 2001.
In 1981, 26 per cent of the urban population lived
in the 12 million plus cities and 60 per cent of the urban
population lived in class-I cities. In 2001 these percentages
would increase to 34 and 63 respectively. In 1981 26 per
cent of urban population in Northern Zone lived in Delhi
alone, while Bombay accounted for 25 per cent of the urban
population in the Western Zone and Calcutta accounted for 31 . the S h per cent of the urban popu1at~on of~Eastern Zone. uc
high levels of urban concentration in individual cities have
got great sociological implications in . less developed
countries.
These cities have tvao vastly different classes of
population - one which is highly educated and affluent, and
the other which consists of a lumpen class who are uneducated,
under-privileged and deprived and many a times living away f~orn
their families in shanty dwellings deprived of the general
amenities of city life. In 1981, the sex ratio was 772 in
Bombay, 781 in Calcutta and 808 females per 1000 males in
Delhi as against the average of 878 for the urban population of
India. In these three cities, the literacy rates for 5+
population were 77, 72 and 71 respectively.
-197-
This dichotomy breeds two distinct class.of people in big
cities- the "haves" and the ·have_'nots". Urbanisation
generally, .connotes better standard in livings in the
urban areas. But this is not true for the large class of
"have-nots" in big cities. The tendency towards
concentration in big cities is therefore, fraught with
grave dangers, and ought to be reversed.
-198-
ANNEXURE - I
DEFINITION OF URBAN AREAS
One of the basic characteristics of the population
obtained through the census is the rural and urban
distribution of the people. The distinction between rural
and urban is not always amenable to a single definition
which could be applicable to all countries or for that
matter, even within the same country. Quite often it has
been asserted that an urban area should be distinguished not
merely on the basis of defined demographic characteristics
but also on the basis of the level of the infrastructure,
facilities. Ideally, it would be useful to define urban
areas irit-erms of the level of infrastructure development
and the availability of amenities in a given area but
criteria based on such considerations have not been adopted
in defining an urban area in India. Largely for purposes
of maintenance of comparabllity and for administrative
convenience, the definition of an urban unit which was adopted
at the 1971 census has been continued which, in act, has
been adopted from 1951 onwards. An urban area is defined
as follows:
a)
b)
All places with a municipality, corporation, cantonment board or notified town area committee, etc.
All other places which satisfy the following criteria:
i) a minimum populatlon of 5,000;
ii) atleast 75 per cent of male working population engaged in non-agricultural pursuits; and
ili) a density of population of at least 400 persons per sq.km. tl,OOO persons per sq. mile).
199-
In addition, the Directors of Census Operations
were also requested to classify marginal cases as rural
or urban taking into consideration local circumstances.
Such marginal cases which would have qualified to have
been classified as urban units would include major
project colonies, areas of intensive industrial
development, railway colonies and important tourist
centres etc.
It will be noticed from the definition that there
are two distinct types of urban units. Those units which
satisfy criterion (a) by virtue of a statutory notification
are, by definition, urban and are referred to by the
momenclature adopted in the relevant notification. In
other words, theeewouid be referred to as a municipal
corporation, municipal board eantonment board, a notified
area committee, etc. The other types of urban units would
be those which satisfy criterion (b) this would generally
include places which would otherwise have been considered
as rural, i.e., as villages. Places which are defined
as urban because they satisfy criterion (b) are, for
convenience, referred to as census towns or non-municipal
towns. This is to distinguish them from what are considered
statutory towns under criterion (a). -It must be mentioned
that quite often villages which are classified for census
purposes as urban units under criterion (b) may continue
to be included in the village list in the revenue records.
However, in census publications, the relevant cross
references are generally available and the reader would be
able to identify such cases.
-200-At the 1961 census a concept of "town group" was
adopted which was refined at the 1971 census with the
introduction of certain requirements of contiguity, the
characteristics of urbanisation etc. This resulted in the
identification what was called "Urban agglomeration", a
concept which has continued to be adopted in the 1981 census.
An urban agglomeration is a recognition of not merely a
core town but of the area over which its influence extends.
To put it very simply, an urban agglomeration consists of
one or more towns including in some cases villages or parts
of a village which can be considered as urbanised and
contiguous to. the town or towns concerned. An urban
asglomeration iSJ by definition) the continuous urban spread
consisting of core town and its adjoining urban outgrowth which
may be either urban in their own right or rural.
Urban units are, for the purposes of analysis,
categorised into the the following six distinct classes:
city.
100,000
Class Population
I 100,009 and above
II 50,000 to 99,999
III 20,000 to 49,999
IV 10,000 to 19,999
V 5,000 to 9,999
VI Less than 5,000
Class I urban unit~ is generally referred to as a
In other words, all places with a population of
and above would be cities. By convention, urban
areas with a population of a million and above are often
referred to as metropolitan areas.
-201-
Table-I -------
TOTAL POPULATION, URBAN POPULATION OF INDIA AND PERCENTAGE OF URBAN TO TOTAL POPULATION) 1901-81
-------------------------------------------------------------Year Urban population Total Population Percentage of U/T --------------------------------------------------------------1901
1911
1921
1931
1941
1951
1961
1971.
1981
---------
*
@
2~85 238.40 10.84
25.94 252.09 lO.29
28.09 251.32 11.18
33.46 278.98 11.99
44.15 318.66 13.86
62.44 361.,09 17,.29* (16.19)
78.94 439.23 17.97
109. 1 1 548.16 19.91
159.73@ 685.18 23.31
-------------------------------------------------
There were conceptual differences in the definltion of urbanization between 1951 and 1961. The figures within brackets for 1951 have been obtained by using comparable deflnltion between 1951 and 1961.
Figures for 1981 lnclude estimated popul.tion for Assam.
Ballgladesh
Bhutan
India
Ma1d~ves
Nepal
Pakistan
Sri Lanka
-202-
'fabj E: II --,- _,_'_'--,_"
ANNUAL AVERAGE GROWTH RATE AND PE~CU~'1'.ACE OF URBAN POPULATION IN sApe COUNTRIES,196G-80
AnnU2d average gr0wt:h Peic:e.nt,a:ge of urban .~f_,,~~e~f!.;_E,£E~b~,!:,£~!2!_r,-' .~ _____ EeE~!,e!:1,2,!! __ ,_. __ _ 1960-7G . 197a-80 1960 1970 1980
6.74 6A5 5.15 7.61 11.24
4,13 4.49 2.50 3.10 3.92
3,21 3.84 17.97 19.91 23.31
1,,97 2054 11.21 11.00 10.54
4.33 4,65 3.11 3.91 4 0 98
4.04 4.03 22.11 24.89 28017
4.35 3.63 17.92 21..86 26.56
-------------------------------------------------------------
Source: UN, Bsti.mates and p:t:oJectl.ons of Urban, Rural and city Populat~on, 1950-2025, the 1980 assessment. N.Y. 1982 ,For countries other than India) For India, the figuxes are for 1961, 1971. and 1981 censuses:.
-2(')3-
TABLE III
PROPORTION OF URBAN POPULATION TO TOTAL POPULATION AND DECENNIAL GROWTH OF URBAN POPULATION IN MAJOR STATES, 1951-81
------------------------------------'-------------------------------S. State U/T (per cent) Decennial growth rate No. ------------------------- -----------------------
1951 1961 1971 1981 1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 ------------------------------------------------_._-----------------
1. Andhra Pradesh17.42 17.44 19.31 23.32 15.76 33.64 49.03
2. Assam 4.38 7.69 8.82 10.29 J26.57 65.55 58.30
3. Bihar 6.77 8.43 10.00 12.47 49.03 43.58 55.22
4. Gujarat 27.27 25.77 28.08 31.10 20.07 40.66 41. 77
5. Haryana 17.07 17.23 17.66 21.88 35.02 35.29 59.97
6. Karnataka 22.95 22.33 24.31 28.89 18.26 34.94 51.08
7. Kera1a 13.48 15.11 16.24 18.74 39.89 35.42 37.96
8. Madhya Pradesh12.02 14.29 16.29 20.29 47.70 46.24 56.50
9. Maharashtra 28.75 28.22 31.17 35.03 21.32 40.41 40.32
10. Orissa 4.06 6.32 8.41 11. 79 86.79 65.76 69.12
11. punjab 21. 72 23.06 23.73 27.68 29.06 25.07 44.89
12. Rajasthan 18.50 16.28 17.63 21.05 11.04 38.05 59.18
13. Tamil Nadu 24.35 26.69 30.26 32.95 22.59 38.32 28.21
14. uttar Pradesh 13.63 12.85 14.02 17.95 9.90 30.43 61.13
15. west Bengal 23.88 24.45 24.75 26.47 33.97 28.17 32.00
India 17.29 17.97 19.91 23.31 26.41 37.91 46.78
------------------------------------------------------------------
~I
il
r-l o o N
I
r-l 1.0 ~ r-l
5 R
I
-Ul
o r-l
1.0 .
r-I
I .
-204-
"<:f' r-l I""- 1.0 1.0 I""- N ~ . . . 1.O"<S't-N ...-! N N M
o 1.0 1.0 1.0 N 0 ~ ...-! o J1") r-l 1.0 " .... .... ..... J1") N ~ r-l
..-l r-l M
MNI.()M
"'" a "'" 00 I""- 1.0 I""- M .... .... .... .... J1") a J1") M
r-l ...-l N
M 00 ...-l ~
1.0 0 "'" ~ I""- r-l ~ ~ ... .... .... ... Sl g] ~ ;j!;
"'" J1") ~ ...-l ...-l 0 "'" ...-l "'" J1") "'" ~ .... ..... .... .... ~ I""- Ln 0 r-l N M "'"
I""- MOO r-- r-l ~ r-l r-l 1.0 M ~
... .... .... ... o a 0 J1") M J1") c- ~
00 M N -.::J' MI""-MOO ~ 0 ~ I""-J1") N r-l l""-. .. ... . "'" J1") N l""-N N N .-!
I""- "'" I""- r- rMr-IN.....-IN 0"1 ...-l I""- r-l 0
... ... .... ... lito
OO~~OI.O 1""-0 J1") MN
r-l r-l N M
J1") 0 J1") ~ ~
M 1.0 00 "'" ~ N r-l .-I N 0
..... ... .... ... .... ~ 00 J1") I""- 1.0 M "'" 00 M 00 -.::J'J1")1.000~
...-! r-l r-I r-l .....-I 1.0 r-- OO.~ 0
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
. . . r-f N M
-205-
!~~~§-Y
PROJECTED URBAN POPULATION OF INDIA AND 15 MAJOR STATES 1981 - 2001 ________ ' __ ' ________ '_ L _____ ,_,_, __ ' _____ _
(in millions)
-----------------------------,-,--'-.-.--'-.-.--~-------------------
1981 1991 2001 - ---------_"_"----_"_"_"_"_'-'_-'------- - ----- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --
India 159.7 230.1 326.0
Andhra Pradesh 12.5 17.9 24.2
Assam 2.0* 3.0 4.1
Bihar 8.7 13 .. 5 21.0
Gujarat 10.6 14.1 17.8
Haryana 2.8 4.6 7.1
Karnataka 10.7 15.7 22.0
Kera1a 4.8 6.6 9.0
Madhya Pradesh 10.6 16.3 24.5
Maharashtra 22.0 29.6 38.3
Orissa 3.1 5.2 8.4
Punjab 4.6 6.5 8.9
Rajasthan 7.2 11.3 17.8
Tamil Nadu 16.0 20.2 24.4
Uttar Pradesh 19.9 32.0 53.2
West Bengal 14.4 18.9 24.0 • ,
- ------~-_,--------,_,--"_,_'_'_._.-:----'_ -----_'._---------- - - - - ----
" *Estimated
Sl.No.
-206-
TABLE VI _"_ -'_'_'_"_'-'-
PROJECTED PERCENTAGE OF URBAN POPULATION IN 1981, 1991 & -2001
State 1981 1991 2001 -_ ----' __ ,_-'-' ___ I-i_-._-t-._:_:_:_,_'-:_·_·_'_'_'_'_' __ '_'_:_ -' _ _ ._,_._"_ - _"_ -- - - -- _"_ - --
India 23 .. 31 27.48 33.06
. .t..- Andhra. Pradesh 23.32 27.88 32.94
1'- Assam* 10.29 11.86 13 .. 36
1· Bihar 12.47 15.63 19.88
t. Gujarat 31.10 34.44 38.26
5. Haryana 21.88 2 r. .·83 37.39
6 . Karnataka 28.-89 34.59 42.27
7. Kera1a 18.75 21.88 26.22
8. Madhya Pradesh 20.29 25.43 32.65
9. Maharashtra 35.03 - 39.28 40.11
10. Orissa 11.80 . 16.51 23.24
11. Punjab 27.68 32.85 40.49
12. Rajasthan 21.05 25.44 31.71
13. Tamil Nadu 32.95 35.76 38.67
14. Uttar Pradesh 17.95 23.46 32.10
15. west Bengal 26.47 28.60 31.64
*For Assam 1981 proportion is estimated.
-207-TABLE VJJ:-
CITIES WITH AN ESTIMATED POPULATION OF ONE MILLION AND ABOVE IN 2001
-------------,--_.-:-"_ -- - ------------_._,_._------._ - -- - ----- - -----
s:.. No. City Population (in mi,llion) ----------------------------------------------------------
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17., 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26 •
. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.
Greater Bombay Calcutta Delhi Banga10re Madras Hyderabad Ahmedabad Pune Bhopal Sur at Kanpur Patna Jaipur Nagpur Indore Ranchi Vadodara U1ahasnagar ' Jamshedpu~ Vishakhapatnarn Dhanbad Lucknow Madurai Jaba1pur Coimbatore Vijayawada Varanasi' Jodhpur Cochin Ludhiana Srinagar Meerut Agra Gwalior T:~t.ii rappa IIi Allahabad
13.95 12.93 12.90
7.63 7.37 4.62 4.55 3.31 3~07 2.59 2.57 2.50 2.38 2.27 1.77 1.75 1.58 1.55 1.52 1.50 1.47 1.46 1.39 1.39 1.36 1.22 1.31 1.19 1.19 1.18 1.09
. 1.08 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00
AN ANALYSIS OF THE DENSITY DIFFERENTIATION OF THE POPULATION
OF INDIA, 1961, 1971 and 1981
G. P. CHAPMAN
In.tILoduc..t.ion
During the course of urbanization, increasing propo
rtions of a nation's population become concentrated at higher ,
densities, and a decreasing proportion relatively speaking
occupy rural areas at relatively lower densities. However,
accompanying these changes there are usually changes occurr
ing at other scales as well: relatively speaking some regions
become more densely settled, and some less densely settled.
The analysis of these trends is possible using statistics
derived from Information Theory, ~~ which have useful
disaggregative properties. The national trends may be
decomposed into any number of scales, but usually there is
little point in proposing too many scales of analysis. The
finest scale possible will depend upon the smallest scale
of data unit used.
In an earlier paper (Chapman, 1973) the author used
simple Information Theoretic indices to consider the behaviour
of population densities in the USA and in the UK over the
last 100 or so years. The national trend :in the USA showed
increasing differentiation of population density, as one
would suspect from the history of its urbanization, but a
disaggregation of the national trend showed quite clearly that
the density differentiation between states was decreasing
over time, while the density differentiation within states was
increasing. Quite simply, at regional and national scales, the
population was still spreading out from its historic concentra
tions, mostly in the !aste'rn Seaboard. But at a local scale,
differentation between country and town was ocourring fast,
-2()Q-
so that now we have a productive but vastly lonely country
side of dispersed and isolated homesteads.
In the case of the U.K. three scales of analysis
were used: urban/rural, county, and national centre/~eriphery.
In the period 1861 to 1961 the only scale at which there is
a consistent trend over time is the centre/periphery scale~
The depopulation of the peripheral areas and. the concentra.,..
tion in the South East continues throughout. this period. The
largest component of differentiation is still, as one might
suspect, the urban/rura.l difference, but even that passed a
peak somewhere in the 1930's. Since then the rural areas
have had increasing densities and are less different from
the towns, and even the differences between the counties
within the centre have diminished.
Other studies of this type using these statistics
include Semple and Gauthier's (1973) examination of income
inequality in Brazil.
THE INVIAN VATA
Only three census dates are used for this paper
1961, 1971 and 1981.
The finest unit of data used is the difference between
urban and rural areas (treated each as aggregated units) of
the Indian States. The second scale of ana·lysis is of the
States themselves.
The Index of Inequality is defined as:
Pi L09 Pj ] al .
-210-
Where Ps isthe fraction of the total national popu
lation in State S, As is the fraction of the total national
area in State S, p the fraction of the population of the
Sith state in the ilth category, there being two such
categories (i=l for Rural population fraction, and i=2 for
Urban Population fraction.), and a the fraction of the state
. area in the ilth category (rural or urban.) The value of
the total index can be seen in Figure 1.
Because the index is so neatly additive, we can compute
E Ps L09 Ps s , As and E. P [€ Pi
S s IES . Log .e,LJ at
separately, and plot them seperately.
The first component is the density differentiation
between states. Examination of the component in detail shows
it comprises two parts:
Ps and Log Ps for each State S 1
As
The second part is essentially a surrogate for
den~~~y,being a function of popula~~on d~v~ded by a func
tion of a~ea, the whole also being expressed logarithmi
cally. (There are technical reasons for this that need not
concern us here: but see Chapman 1977.) Density or any
derivative of it is an intensive property, that is to say,
like pressure, it exists at a point or at a place, but
we are not sure of the extent over which the density
prevails. Densities as high as in many cities may be found
in restricted quarters of some villages: the difference
lies in the extent over which the densities prevail. The
-212-
first part of the component is the state share of national
population: this is used to wetiJght the density derivative.
This is an extensive property - it says for how many people
the density condition prevails. The national inequality
figure is therefore the density (intensive property) figures
of all the states weighted by the population significance
(extensive property) of the states.
The trend for India is shown in Figure 1 as one of
the two parts into which the national overall statistic
is divided. It seems that there was quite a shift in the
density inequality between 1961 and 1971, but little shift
between 1971 and 1981. What is quite obvious is that there
is no major redistribution going on at the regional scale
equivalent to wh~has happened regionally in the USA. Nor
is there ~~~ an evening-out of population densities
similar to that which happened at the county scale in
England and Wales after the 1930'.
Because the Between State Component has two parts
we can actually draw an inequality diagram in which the
position of the states is clearly seen. These are shown
in Figures 2a to 2c. The horizontal· line represents
average national density, and those states above the line
are above national density, those below are below the
national density. The length horizontally of the line is
1 (unity). Therefore the line is fractioned according to
the fractions of the national population. The area of
the rectangle for each state is thus the result of the
combination of the intensive property (vertical axis) and
the extensive property {horizontal axis.} Thus it is
immediately clear that not only are U.P., Bihar, West
Bengal and Tamil Nadu densely settled, they are exten
sively so. Something similar appears to be true of
-213-
Kerala, Punjab and Haryana. On the negative side, not
only the emptiness but the extensiveness of that empti
ness is evident for Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. As
the scales of spatial units get smaller,it is not
!urprising that specific densities depart increasingly
from the national average. Visually apparent on the
diagrams are Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir, for opposite
reasons,. It is significant and demonstrative that
Delhi should have such a visual impact: in national
terms this concentration of population is significant.
The diagrams show the relatively small change over time,
the bAggest change being between 1961 and 1971.
The numerical values for the areas of these
rectangles are also given in Table 1, between state
lnequality. Here we can highlight change over time
for the individual states. The comparative stability
of the national picture is reflected in the compara
tive stability of .osr state figures. Interesting
changes include the consistent increase of Delhi, and
the decreases of Jammu and Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh
Since we hear so much about the pressure on the
environment in these two states, it is interesting to
note that in relative terms they are remarkable
precisely for diminishing relative population pressures.
214
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216
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• ~
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w • - .. 0 N CD a: ...
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"'til", eo, 10101"" "'.LISNiO - "A.IUdOIl'" illlSN UN,
-217-
TABLE 1. Components of population density differentiation index I
STATE WrrHIN BETWEEN ------ ---------------------------------------------------~----------------------------
1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981
------------~-------------------------------------
Andhra Pradesh .132 .158 .194 - .0021 - .0021 -.0021 Bihar .041: .045 •. 061 .0302 .0297 .0303 Gujarat .271, .209' .242 -.0043 -.0043 -.0039 Haryana .148 ' .160 .0025 .0025 Himachal Pradesh .050 .059 .067 -.0014 - .0025 - .0027 Jatmnu & Kashmir .256 .294 .344 -.0059 -.0074 - .0080 Karnataka .175 .201 .242, -.0025 -.0017 - .0017 Kera1a .059 .058 .058 .0219 .0199 .0190
----------------~---------------------------------------------------------
Madhya Pradesh .166 .,161 .182 -.0200 -.0190 -.0193 Maharashtra .216 .266 .327 -.0025 -.0009 -.0009 Manipur .133 .. 187 .292 - .0011 - .0011 - .0011 Megha1aya .213 .230 - .0011 - .0011 Naga1and .000 .128 .159 -.0007 -.0007 -.0007 aJrissa .040 ' .043 .063 - .0035 - .0032 -.0035 Punjab .197 .207 .200 .0038 .0055 .0048 Rajasthan .105 .,147 .177 - .0171 -.0162 -.0163 Sikkim .052 .149 .292 -.0003 -.0003 -.0003
--------------------------------------------------------------------------Tamil Nadu .135 .. 156 .182 .0210 .0205 .0183 Tripura .087 .106 .105 .0000 .0000 .0000 Uttar Pradesh .100 .107 .123 .0438 .0407 .0432 West Bengal ,.~Q5 .175 .166 .0312 .0386 .0382 Arunachal Pradesh .000 .228 .155 -.0012 -.0014 -.0014 Chandigarh .166' .140 .0006 .0009 Goa Daman & Diu .159 .033 .087 .0006 .0002 .0006 Delhi .397 .353 .272 .0065 .0087 .0113 Mizoram .220 -.0008 Assam .091 .093 -.0043 -.0012
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-218-
The \'Ji thln State figures of T,able 1 are those for:-
E_. _ Pi Log PI ~t:~9 ai
and therefore reflect urban rural differentiation having
already accounted for the differing average density of
each state. The figures show that Maharashtra has the
most extreme density differentiation, and that it has been
increasing. This is not surprising to those who know
Bombay and Poona and the dry tracts of the plateaux. But i
it is interesting to note that Jammu & Kashmir has a
similar level and trend. Given its own relatively low
densities overall, it nevertheless has a very high urban
differentiation. By contrast, Himachal Pradesh has as
little differentiation as, in its own context, Bihar.
So Jammu & Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh appear alike in
that they are relatively empty and emptying montane
states, but unalike in the way that urban population
concentrations are building up in Jammu and Kashmir.
Perhaps the most staggering change is in Sikkim, "7here
clearly there has been a rapid and major shift. Has this
presaged the recent political troubles in the State?
vJest Bengal and Delhi have similar trends for
very different ~ ~~~ reasons. Clearly in West
Bengal population growth within defined urban areas has
decreased, but has increased in areas which are still
defined as rural. In the case of Delhi Union Territory,
so little popalation is rural that any increase in urban
populatlon and area results in a reduction of inequality -
all the population becoming homgeneously urban.
Combining the two component values together enables
one to make a cross-classification of the states in 1961
as follows as shown in Table 2. The critical values chosen
-219-
were greater than .120 to indicate high urban/rural differen
tiation, and positive values to indicate high state densities.
The classification seems to distinguish between the lowly
urbanised densely settled states (Bihar etc.), the lowly
urbanised low density mountain and desert states (Himachal
Pradesh etc.) the low density urban states (Andhra Pradesh
etc.) and the high density more urbanised states (Haryana
etc.). The situation in 1981 changes in one respect only:
several states g? from the low density less urbanised to
the low density highly urbanised category: these are Naga
land, Orissa, Sikkim, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh. This
paints a portrait of the greatest relative change in these
twenty years in the settlement characteristics of these
peripheral states with the much faster relative urbaniza
tion of their populations.
Low
WITHIN
STATE
High
-220-
TABLE 2 -------
TWO-WAY CLASSIFICATION OF STATES BY WITHINSTATE AND BETWEEN-ST~E INEQUALlTY : 1961 -----------------~-------------------------
BETWEEN STATE
Low
Himachal Pradesh Nagaland Orissa Rajasthan Sikkim Tripura Assam Arunachal Pradesh Assam
.Andhra Pradesh Gujarat Jammu and Kashmir Karnataka Madhya Pradesh Manipur Meqhalaya Mahar.antra
High
Bihar Kerala uttar Pradesh
Haryana Punjab Tamil Nadu west Bengal Goa, Daman and Diu Delhi
-221-
CONCLUSIONS
using the two sca1esfQr urban/rural within state,
and the States themselves, and the three dates 1961, 1971
and 1981, it has been shown that most of the density
differentiation of the population is occurring at the
level of urban rural differences within the states. The
Between State differentiation has changed from 1961 to 1971,
but not much since, The greatest relative changes since
1961 have been in the changing character of certain
peripheral states.
Cha:pman G.P.
Chapman G.P.
Chapman G.P.
(1970) 'The Application of Information Theory to the Analysis of Population Distributions in Space' Economic Geog~aphy Vol. 46,NO. 2 J Supp1ement pp 317-331
(1973) 'The Spatial Organization of the population of the united States and England and Wales' Economic Geog~aphy Vol. 49 NO.4", pp 325-343
(1977) Human and Envi~onmentai Sy~tem~ Academic Press, London and New York, pp. 421
Semple R.K. and Gauthier H.L. (1972) 'Spatial Trends in Income Inequalities in Brazil' Geog~aphical Analy~i~ Vo1.I~ NO.2 J p 169-
A note on concepts, definitions and measures of .. URBANIZATION and URBAN GROWTH
M.K. JAIN
Urbanization is a product of economic, social and
~litical processes which in the context of culture operate
to create spatial patterns of population distribution.
This is considered as an indicator of modernization or the
sign of growth and economic progress. As a process,it invol
ves two aspects vif., ti) the movement of people from rural
to urban places where, they engage in primarily non-rural
functions or occupations, and (ii) the change in their life
style from rural to urban with its associated values,
attitudes and behaviours. The important variables in the
former are population, density and economic functions
whereas, social, psychological and behavioural factors
are the important variables in the latter l ). This process
reveals through temporal, spatial and sectoral changes in
demographic, social, economic, technological and environ
mental aspects of a life in a given society. These changes
manifest themselves in increasing concentration of population
in the human settlements larger than villages, in increasing
involvement of people in secondary and tertiary production
and the progressive adoption of certain social traits which
arelkypical of rural societies. Statistically, the degree/
extent/level of urbanization denotes the proportion of
population of a country or its region/state enumerated in
urban areas at a particular point of time.
l)Burn, S.D. and Williams, J.P. (eds)Citle~ 06 the Wo~ld: Wo~ld Reglon~l U~b~n Vevelopment, 1983.
-223-
The process of urbanization is usually studied by
the social scientists both as dependent and independent
variables for explaining behavioural, structural and
demographic aspects of the society.
(1) Behav~ou~al :- In this context, the urbanization is
concieved as a causal factor of modernization2). In other
words, sociologists are of the view that the rural-urban
dichotomy is due to the process of diffusion of certain
modernization traits or characteristics in a population.
Thus the Process of urbanization is revealed through the-
- increasing process of differentiation;
- heterogeneity and segregation;
- competition and formal control mechanism;
- anonymity and transitory character of social relationships; and
- loose kinship bonds and lack of solidarity.
It is also however mentioned in this connection that
there is no universal process of transformation of social
values but is related to the specific cultural context.
(2) St~uetu~al :- Under this realm, the economists perceive
it as a product of increasing economic specialization and
advancing technology which result into the accumulation of
people. In other words, it is a process whereby the primary
functions are replaced by secondary and tertiary functions.
Thus, the city growth. is construed as a result of the cencentra
tion of differentiated but functionally integrated speciali
sation in rational locations3 ).
2)Hauser,p.M.,"urbanization: An overview" in P.M. Hauser and Leo F. Schnore (eds~ The Study 06 U~ban~zat~on, New York, John Wiley,1967, p.1-4l.
3)Berry, Brain J.L.,"Some Relations of Urbanization and Basic Patterns of Economic Development"in F.R.Pitts(ed.) U~ban SY.6tem.6 06 Eeonom~e Vevelopment, Eugenic.,·· .. New York,1962.
-224-
(3) V~mog~dphIQ :- In the demographic context, as explained
by H.T. Eldridge;) the urbanization - as a process of popu
lation concentration - involves two elements - (1) "the
multiplication of points of concentration" and (2) "the
increase in the size of individual concentration". Some
demographers consider it as a way of ordering a population . . . 5) ~n a g~ven env~ronment .
The definition of an urban area varies from one
country to another and from one point of time to another in
certain countries. Moreover, it is virtually impossible to
evolve a universally acceptable definition of an urban area.
These difficulties arise mainly on three accounts i.e.
(1) There is no point in the settlement conti~ flowing
from larger to smaller population clusters where, urbanity
d . d 1 . . fore t f ~sappears an rura ~ty beg1ns. Ther~ one has to resor or
arbitrary divisions regarding the distinctions between urban
and-rural areas. Problems however crop-up when one tries to
define the marginal or fringe areas which are known as
suburban village or urban areas. Thus, the criterion of a
minimum population size for defining a place as urban suffers
from lack of reality.
(2) Similarly, the concept of urban character also changes
due to constant changes in the functions and form of urban
areas. These changes occur due to emergence of new industrial
and technological advancement. Thus, the idea of certain ,
minimum collection of functions for defining an urban area is
also not much helpful. -------------------------------------4)Hauser, P.M. Op. CI~.
5)Lampard Eric E., "Historical Aspects of Urbanization" P.M.Hauser and O.D.Duncan(eds.) Th~ S~udy 06 Popula~lon Unv.press Chicago,1959,pp.529-54.
-225-
(3) As regards the cr.iterion o~ of:':icial desi~nation
for defining a place .. as urlba",. !~ i. noted th"'lt. this
cri teriori is anachronistic a.nd lori.,il ~a.use there is
always' a time qap between a place attaining urban character
and its being ascribed with an official designation'such
as municipality, town area committee etc. Moreover, such
designations are accorded by the national/provincial
governments which amounts to temporal and spatial variations.
united Nations, after considering all these factors,
recommended that the countries should tabulate data for
urban and rural areas based on the definitiomadopted by
them for treating a place as urban On the basis of (a) type
of local gOvernment, (b) number of inhabitants, (c) population
engaged in non-agricultural activities, and in addition, they
should provide standard tabulation by size of locality for
international comparisions in lieu of a standard tabulation
by rural and urban residence 6).
ConQep~~ and de6~n~~~on~ u~ed 604 p4e~ent~~g u4b«n ~ta~~~~~Q~ ~n rnd~a :
Town: In India, the administrative or civic status of
a place has served as the main criterion for treating it as a
town right from the beginning of the census-taking in the
late 19th century. Besides, certain criteria such as the
minimum population size, density and the sectoral distribution
of workers have also been considered for treating a non
statutory place as urban. Lastly, the Directors of Census
Operations of the states were, given some discretionary
powers to include any place which according to them possessed
pronounced urban characteristics. A town was defined mostly
6)United Nations, P4~nQ~pie~ and ReQommendat~on~ 604 the Populat~on Cen~u~ 06 1970,Deptt. of Economic and Social Affairs, New York, 1971.
-226-
in a similar manner upto 1951 Census. It meant (i) every
municipality; (ii) all civil lines not included within
the municipal limits; (iii) every cantonment; and (iv) every
other continuous cOllection of houses inhabited by not
less than 5,000 persons which the Provincial Census
Superintendent (Director) decided to treat as a town for
census purposes.
In dealing with the questions arising under (v) the
provincial Census Superintendents (now desi9nated as
Directors of Census Operations) gave due regard to the
character of the population, relative density of dwellings
and importance of the place as a centre of trade and avoid
treating overgrown villages as towns which had no urban
characteristics.
The number of towns and the urban population changed
from census to census in view of the upgrading of villages
due to their acquiring urban characteristics or downgrading
of towns which lost their urban characteristics. It was
the practice to treat some places even with a population of
less than 5,000 as towns in the former princely states since
they were of local importance.
The definition adopted for a town lttl·. the 1971 Census
which followed the 1961 pattern was as follows:-
(a) All statutory towns i.e., all places with a municipality, corporation,municipal corporation, municipal board, cantonment board or notified town area etc.,
(b) All other places which satisfy the following criteria:-
i) A minimum population of 5,000,
-227-
(ii) At least seventy five per cent of the
male working population engaged in
non-agricultural (and allied) activity,
and
(iii) A density of population of at least
400 sq. km. (1000 per sq.mile).
The Directors of Census Operations were also given
some discretion in respect of some marginal cases to
include, in consultation with the State government, some
places that had other distinct urban characteristics and
to exclude certain areas which could not be considered
as urban7 ) .
It was felt that the criteria adopted in 1971 Census
were adequate to make proper rural/urban classification.
Therefore, in order to maintain the comparability of data
it was decided to retain the same criteria at the 1981
Census also8 ) . A few minor changes indicated below were
however, made.
(a) ~vhile applying the test of occupation of the male working population to determine whether an area should be considered as urban or rural, the occupations of livestock, forestry, fishing, hunting and plantations, orchards, etc. classified under category III which were treated as non-agricultural till 1971 were treated as agricultural activity for the 1981 Census.
7)census of India, 1961, Gene~af Pop~fa~ion Tabfe~, Part II-A(i) India, New Delhi, 1964 p. 51-52
8)Census of India, 1981,Gene~af Pop~fation Tabfe¢, Part II-A(i) India, New Delhi,1985, pp.20-21.
-228-
(b) All urban units which are notified by State Governments as towns and having statutory governing bodies as well as all such places in respect of which town area committee or the like have notified by the State governments after 1971 Census were also included in 1981 urban frame though some of them did not satisfy the three basic criteria (Population, Density and Occupation) .
(c) The third criterion according to which the Directors of Census Operations were empowered to declare an area as urban in consultation with the State governments were applicable to only those places which had distinct urban characteristics and physical amenities, such as newly established industrial areas, special project areas, large housing colonies, places of tourist interest, railway colonies, etc., though they also do not strictly satisfy the criteria laid down for classification of an area as urban.
In some cases, the changes in the urban frame were
caused due to jurisdictional changes in towns/villages
during the intercensal period. Those units which were
treated as Census Towns for the first time in 1971 without
satisfying the prescribed criteria were again examined taking
into consideration their present position (development/
expansion etc.) and were dropped from the list, in case
they were found to have been not fit for consideration as
urban units. However, a few places have been retained as
. such on the recommendations of the Directors of Census
Operations.
ii) U~ba~ aggiome~a~lo~
with rapid industrialisation, mobilisation of
resources and induced development efforts allover the
country, the trend of urbanisation accelerated considerably
in the post independence period. This tendency demanded
need for immediate and perspective urban planning with
-229-
the opening of new means of communica tion channel and
consequent increased mobility of population and resources,
the cities and towns exerted great influence over
surrounding rural and urban settlements. In partial
recognition of these facts, the census organisation
introduced the concept of 'Town Group' in 1961. This
comprised independent urban units not necessarily contigu
ous to one another but interdependent on each other to
some extent. It was, however, later on found out that
the concept of 'Town Group' lacked technical fineness in
the sense that owing to the change of boundaries of the
constituent towns, the data generated thereon would become
incomparable from census to census. In most cases, the lack
of contiguity between the constituent urban units existed
and the intervening non-municipal areas and the spillover
areas of a town were left out of reckoning. As a result,
the concept failed to meet the expectation and need of urban
planners.
In order to amend the lacunae of· the concept of
Town Group, the concept of lJ.rban Agglomeration was adopted
for the first time during the 1971 Census. It was followed
for the 1981 Census. This concept was adopted in recognition
of the fact that in several areas, around a core city or
statutory town have come up fairly large well recognised
railway colonies, university campuses, port areas,
military campus, etc., and even though they are outside the
statutory limits of the corporation, municipality or
cantonment, they fall within the revenue limits of the
village or villages which is or are contiguous to the town.
It may not be altogether realistic to treat such areaS
lying outside the statutory limits of a town as rural
uni ts i at the same time, each such individuaL area by i tS.elf
-230-
may not satisfy the minimum population limit to qualify
it to be treated as an independent urban unit. Such
areas, therefore, deserve to be reckoned along with the
town and continuous spread including such urban out
growths would deserve to be treated as an integrated
urban area. Each such agglomeration may be made up of
more than one statutory town adjoining one another such
as a municipality and the adjoining cantonment and also
other adjoining urban growths such as a railway colony,
university campus, etc. Such outgrowths which did not
qualify to be treated as individual towns in their own
right should be treated as urban appendages of the units
to which they are contiguous.
The following are the possible different situations
in which urban agglomerations would be constituted:
i) a city town with a continuous outgrowths - the part of growth being outside the statutory limits but falling within the boundaries of the adjoining village or villages; or
ii) two or more adjoining towns with their outgrowths as in (i) above; or
iii) a city and one or more adjoining towns with their outgrowths all of which form a continuous spread.
In varying local conditions, there could be similar
other combinations which could be treated as agglomeration,
provided they possessed the necessary characteristics and
satisfy the conditions of urbanization, contiguity and
viability. Thus, the concept of urban agglomeration repre
sented a continuous urban spread constituting a town and
its adjoining urban outgrowth or two or more physically
contiguous towns or cities together with contiguous well
~~£~~~!~~~_~~~~~_~~~~~~~~~_~~_~ny, of such towns9
).
9)Ibid
-231-
iii) Outgnowth: The urban outgrowth of a town represents
an area which possesses the requisite.urban features
in terms of infrastructure, viz., the characteristics and
amenities. Moreover, this has to be a viable unit such
as village or a hamlet or an enumeration block and which
is identifiable in relation to its boundaries and location.
These are, generally speaking, well recognised railway
colonies, university campuses, port areas, military camps.
etc., which have come up around a core city/town. In
other words, outgrowth are the areas lying outside the
statutory limits of a town, which by themselves did not
satisfy some of the prescribed eligibility tests to
qualify for treating them as the independent urban units.
iv) Standand Unban Anea: This concept was also adopted
for the first time at 1971 Census for studYlng the trends
of urbanisation around some large nuclei. Its main
purpose was to provide comparable data for a constant
statistical-spatial reporting unit WhlCh was to serve
as the basis of urban development planning for the concerned
city or town. The necessity for adopting such a concept
was felt because the lack of contiguiting such a concept
was felt because the lack of contiguity between the
constituent urban units existed and the intervening non
municipal areas and the spillover areas of a town were left
out of reckoing. As a result, the concept of Town Group
failed to meet the expectation and need of urban planners.
Meanwhile, . in the mid-sixties, urban planners were
busy preparing Master ,lans for the cities and towns.
This exercise required data in respect of contiguous
urban units, on the one hand and partlally urbanizable
rural areas around the Cities/towns, on the other.
As census statistics presented on the basis
-232-
of Town Groups were not of much help to the urban planners,
the census organisation as well as the major data users
were exploring the possibility of an alternative suitable
concept. Around this time, International Geographical
Congress (IGC) was being held and it recommended replacement
of Town Group with 'Planning Areas' as developed by
Town and Country Planning Organisation (T.C.P.O.). Thus,
the two new concepts viz., urban Agglomeration (UA) and
Standard Urban Areas (SUA) were introduced at the 1971
Census. S.U.A. is defined as the "definite, stable and
projected growth areas of a city or town having 50,000 or
more population in 1971 as it would be in 1991, taking
into account not only the towns and villages which will
get merged into it but also the intervening areas which
are potentially urban". 10)Thus, it is a long term planning
area and is to remain as a constant statistical reporting
unit during the three successive Censuses - 1971, 1981 and
1991 irrespective of the changes in the boundaries of the
local administrative units within the tracts.
Characteristic features of a S.U.A. are that
it should have (i) a core town of minimum population of
50,000, (ii) contiguous areas made up of other urban as
well as rural administrative units should have alose
mutual socio-economic linkages with the core town and
(iii) the probability that the entire area will get
urbanised within the span of 2-3 decades.
10)census of India, 1971, Gene~ai Popuia~~on Tabie¢ (S~anda~d U~ban A~ea¢l Part II - A (iii), India, New Delhi, 1982 pp.iii - iv
-233-
In identifying the constituent units of S.U.A. the
following yardsticks were conventionally used:
a) a core tmvn with a population of 50, 000 or above by 1971 census;
b} predominant urban land use:
c) intensive inter-action with the urban centres as reflected in commutation for the purpose of work and secondary education facilities; extension of city bus service, sale of commodities like milk,dairy products, vegetables (other than those transported by rail or truck head) and purchase of ~ood-grains, cloth and general provisions, etc., by the consumers directly.
(d) anticipating urban growth as a result of locational· decisions relating to industry, market, transport and communication, administrative and servicing functions.
e) ~xistence of big villages with a large proportion of working force engaged in non-agricultural pursuite.
It is obvious from the definition of the S.U.A. that, it is a dynamic areal spread. The constituent units within S.U.A. tract, over the period of 1971-81, are
supposed to undergo various changes - both physical and
demographic.
(l) Ve9~ee 06 U~bdnizdtion - PU = 10~ where, lUI & 'pI
represent the urban and total populations of a country.
It indicates the absolute or relative number of people who
live in defined uri:Ja\. places. For measuring the degree of
11) for details on measures given hereunder please see, (i) E.E. Arriaga, A New Approach to the "Measurement of Urbanizat:lon"
Ec.Onorni.c. Veve£.0l=ffle.n.t and. CuLtu.M.i. Change, 1970, Vol .18, No.2, pp 206-2! 8.
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
Gibbs, Jack P., ''The Measurement of Urbanization", Soc).a.t Fo~c.e6, Vol.45, No.2, 1966,pp.170-177 Goldstein S. and David Sly (eels .),The. mea.6uAement on U~baMzation and r~ojec.tion 06 U~ban Population,lUSSP,Belgium 1974,pp,19-87, Shr¥~C;~LHenery,Jacob S.Siegal am A.ssociates,The. Me.thocU al1d ~dt~ of.. Ve.moglLaphy,u .S. Bureau of CensusjWashington,Vol.I • 97. , pp. 17 (,-183 •
-234-
urbanization different types of indices are used which are
(i) based on proportion of people living in the defined
urban placesaed (ii) relating to the absolute size of the
cities of a country.
AqlJa.nta.ge.: This is most widely used index because it is
very easy to calculate.
1) Variations in the definition of urban places as adopted ,by different countries affect the degree of urbanization.
2) Similarly, variations in treating the boundaries of urban places (such as actual limit of a city or the jurisdiction of a city as delineated under municipal law) may also affect the value of the index.
3) It does not consider the size class distribution of urban population.
(2) Ra.t,i.o 06 RuJta.{ - UJtbayt Popu{at,i.on :UR = *" where 'u' and
'R' are the urban and rural population respectively. The
index value is 'zero' - when the whole population is rural
and is 'one' when 50 p.c. population is rural.
Advantage. - It is a good measure of tempo of urbanization.
L,i.m,i.ta.t,i.oyt~ - It is also affected by differences in the
definition of urban place.
(3) S-Lze. 06 Loc.a{,i.ty o~ the. Me.d-Lan Inhabitan:t~:
Index establishes the size of the locality where
median inhabitants live-.Similar to that of the concept
of median age, formula 0
Q. ) 1.-
5D - PP. 1.
-235-
Where 'PPi ' is the cumulative per cent of
population for the locality size category just under 50
p.c., 'PPi +l ' is the cumulative per cent of the next
locality size category and 'Qi' nad 'Qi+l' are the upper
limits of the locality size categories Ii' and 'i+l'
respectively.
This formula is used when the limits of the
locality size categories are uniform but when the
categories of locality size are different, then a linear
interpolation for the logarithms of the limits of the
locality size should be made by using the formula
50 pp. MI = In Qi
+ (In Qi
+l
- In Qi) ____________ ! __
Pp. 1
Advantage - Unlike the earlier indices, this measure takes
into account the actual size of a locality and is
considered to be an indicator of the degree of urbanization.
V~hadvantageh - (1) This index is affected by the particular
stage of the urbanization in a country, (2) In countries,
where the per cent of population in rural areas is greater
than 50 p.c. and no classification of rural localities exists
index can not be calculated without making a hypothesis
of the distribution of rural localities.
(4) Seale on U4banization : This index is proposed
by Jack P. Gibbs, based on the size class distribution of
locality, it measures the extent to which population is
concentrated at the upper end of the scale ot the size
of the locality. Formula-
= E X. x Y. 1 1
Where 's ' is the scale of urbanization, 'X' u the proportion of urban population in the urban size class
Ii' and above a certain size and 'Yi ' the proportion of
the total population in the urban size class Ii' and above.
(5) SQale 06 Popula~~on Concen~~a~Ion - proposed by
Gibbs, it considers all points of aggregation unlike the
previous scale which is based on the minimum size limit.
Thus, it is less arbitrary. Formula-
Where '8 ' is scale of population concentration and p
'Z.' is proportion of population in size-class i. 1
MeJt.{_~-6 - (1) There is a fixed mlnimum value which approa
ches to one and a maximum value whibh can be obtained by
multiplying lx(N) where, 'N' - the number of size classes
used in calculation of index. This value can also be
converted into a relative measure by expressing ·i.t as a p.c.
of maximum possible (2) This index can also be applied to
individual urban units arranged in a size hierarchy and
thereby the arbitrary distinction qbOu.,t::minimum limit can
be taken into account (3) the 8 is based on distribution p
of both urban as well as total population.
VemeJt.{_~-6 - (1) The scale of urbanization is not free from
the arbitrary population size used to define a place as urban
(2) this is also affected by number of categories in the
distribution hence requires an identical size - class interval
(3) both the indices provide very little additional infor
mation about the relative extent of urbanization, and
(4) both the indices are closely related and measure only
population concentration.
(6) Mean C.{_~y Popula~.{_on Size - Based on statistical
concept of the expected value of the size of cities. Arriaga
proposed this index which gives the mean city population size
expressed as
Me = E l e . ) 1
= ~ p. xV. 1 1
Where E(C,) - represents the expected value of the 1
size of the cities, 'p,' - probab1lity that a randomly 1
selected person lives in city C., and v, is the size 1 1
of the city.
Since, the population livlng in a particular city
is also the size of the city, both the probable value and
the city population are the same and can be represented
by the same symbol C .. Therefore, since 1
. Ci v. = C. and p. =~----1 1 1 P
~
i: C~ MC = t '_ i1 1
P
Where 'e' 1S the population of city 1, 'P' 1S the 1
total population of the country, and 'm' is the total number
9f localities.
This index thus may be considered as a weighted
average of the sizes of the cities. This index is a
result of what would be obta1ned in a country if each
individual reported the Slze of the locality where he
resided and if an arithmetic mean was calculated from the
locality sizes. In other words, the size of each locality
by each 1nhabitant is added and then divlded by the total
population.
Due to difflculty in obtaining the sum i.e. 2: Ci as there may be too large number of small localities and
also in the light of fact that, the value of this index
does not change when instead of uSlng all localities as
required in the earlier formula, only the urban localities
are used ln calculation.
MC =
11\
:£ C~ i:.1_ __ ~ p
here, instead of all localities, only urban localities
are considered. Th1S index can be considered the pro-
duct of two factors i.e. n
MC = E i;:l_~~_ x
N E i=l
n
E i=l
C~ 1
C. 1
Where the first factor represents the urban
proportion of population and the second, the mean
city populatlon size of residence of the urban
population.
If information is not available for each parti
cular city, but for locality size categories, the index
can be calculated as
MC a =
s E K.Z.
= . -1 J J _1= ______ _
S 2 l: K./m. J=l J J
p p
TrJhere 'IC' is the population in the city size 1
category 'J' , 'm.' 1S the total number of cities in J
the category 'J', IS' is the total number of city size
categories and 'z' is the geometric mean of the city
size' categor~~.". Formula MC is used when the number a of cities included in each category is known, and MCb is used when it is not known for each category. In
this case, the highest city size category is generally
open and there is no category mean. If only a city is
included~the value of ~K. will be equal to K. otherwise ~ - J )
it should be an estimate of the average size of cities
included in the open category.
Cha~aQt~~~~tiQ~: tl) The index does not change significantly
even when the urban definition does. For example, in case of
Panama and Venezuela, the following was the difference when
the index values were computed by considering all urban
localities and only one (in case of Panama) and four
(in case of Venezuela) metropolices respectively.
Panama 1960 Venezuela 1961
Index considering all localities
Index considering the cities of 100,000 or more population
(in OOOs)
85
81
345
336
(2) The index gives absolute value and not the relative
and thus facilitates the international comparison.
L~m~tat~o~~ - (1) Index is affected by the delineation
of city boundaries.
(2) since the square of the population of the
cities is used in calculation in extreme cases, the weight
of the largest city/cities might be "too large".
(7) City Cone~nt~at~o~ I~d~x - This is also based on the
concept of the mean city population size. It compares the
achieved mean city population size Me, with the possible
maximumbity size in a population i.e., total population. I
Thus the index is
cc = _MC_ P
Where, Me is the degree of urbanization and P is the
total population or in other words,
i=l CC = n ~
C~ 1
---------p2
wnere, 'C' is the population of city 'i', and 'n' is 1
the number of cities included as urban.
The index var ies from near zero to L Zero is approached when there are no cities in the
population and upper limit is achieved when all people
are concentrated in a single city.
;~\ Tempo 06 Unban~zat~on - This refers to change in the
deg~ee of urbanization during a period of time. If the
degree of urbanization is measured by the p.c. of popula
tion living in urban places, the urban - rural ratio,
~y the city size of the median inhabitants, or by the
mean city population size, the speed of urbanizatio~
wou!d be the change registered in these indices over a
perl.od of time.
(i, Annu.al Change.6 06 Penc.en.tage Po~nt.6:
1 TA =
n
Where, 'TA' - the tempo of urbanization 'n' number
of years, 'PU' p.c. of urban population at time It I aLd
t+n.
~~m~~at~on: It is affected by the degree of urbanization
already achieved at the beginning of the period T i.e.,
countries having highest level of urbanization can not
show further changes despite the increment l.n urban
population as well as by changes in the definition of
urban areas.
-·7.41-
(ii) Annual Ave~age Rate 06 Change on P.C. U~ban: Calcu
lated by making use of different procedures depending on
the assumptions such as arithmetic, geometric etc., about
the average rate of change e.g., if it is assumed that
the change in p. c. urban is linear from' ye_:ar 't I to t+n
the following expression can be written.
pu t +n = PU t ( 1 +n x TRa)
where, 'TRa' is the arithmetic rate of change in the
p.c. urban i.e., PU. Thus,
1 - 1) TRa =
n
If the p.c. of urban population is assumed to
change geometrically, the tempo of urbanization will be
= (1 + TR )n g
Where TR g
is calculated as
ln (1 + TR g
1 = log
n ---.---put
andTR is obtained by taking antilogarithm and subg
tracting one i.e.,
TR g = PU t +n lib
(- ----------) - 1 put
THE SIMULATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL ECONOMICS
REAL IMAGINARY CASE STUDIES
G. P. CHAPMAN
&
ISABELLE TSAKOK
The structure of a gaming simulation of a whole
national economy (Ruristan) in the course of development
is outlined. The model is based on two sectors, urban
industrial and rural-agricultural, with traders linking
the two parts. There is also overseas trade in dollars
with the rest of the World. The country of ab9ut 35
players is run by its own government, and in the course
of one day goes through six simulated years. Two examples
of recent game runs are discussed. The utility of the
experience in shaping new ideas and understanding of the
development process is discussed, and the psychological
impact on players sensitivity is highlighted. It is shown
why such simulations are radically different from computer
simulations, and why what happens is in many ways real.
The name of the game is EXaction (derived from
the exaction by urban areas of surplus from rural areas),
and is an extension and elaboration of the Green
Revolution Game (Chapman and Dowler, 1982, Chapman 1983)
designed to a requirement of the World Bank. Up to 24
players grouped in pairs are responsible for the running
-243-
of up to 12 farms and families, whose fortunes and
viscissitudes will fluctuate over six years. Basically
they can grow either traditional or modern rice
varieties, and also can get involved in sugar cane
production. They have a range of inputs available to
them, depending on the performance of the economy as a
whole, and the performance of the industrial and trading
sector, government policy etc. The weather patterns
are unpredictable in each year, although the probabilities
of different environmental states are known. Physically
separated from this 'village' (see Figure 1) is a town
in which the industrialists can with suitable plant,
materials, labour and services, produc.~a variety of
goods, some of obvious utility (such as pesticide) some
of less direct utility (such as mobility-increasing
bicycles). Different trading and service functionaries
(such as a small village trader and a banker) link the
two sectors. External prices in the world economy vary
stochastically, and the terms of trade usually slip
against Ruristan although they could shift favourably.
A government presides, whose ultimate source of power
is its ability to monopolise foreign trade, and to print
money. All materials, goods, factories and crops, even
land, in the game are physically represented. This
gives limitless opportunities for any kind of dealing,
hoarding, corruption, and simple mistakes. The game
is run by two managers who need and have no discretionary
power: their purpose is purely mechanical.
Although there is a minimal geographical
structure and a distribution of assets at the beginning
of the game, the real structures of political a~d
economic power that emerge are the result of the actions
-en
LU 0
Z ~ o 3
zN-g ~Cl OW
I J- 0::
-en
.~ '--en :J
"'0 C
244
~--c'a Q) 't).x .. _ c (I') 0
I~m , I
l Jua5v I I JuaWUJaJ\o9: I I I I
w z o N LU ::> _J CO
-245-
of the players themselves: how they cooperate, compete,
misunderstand, and learn 'right' and 'wrong' lessons.
The unravelling of what happened, the examination of
national and personal statistics that reveal fragmentary
truths of what occurred, the motivations and policies
of the players, are all examined in a de-briefing that
may take several days more. In fact the interlocking
social, economic, environmental and technical dimensions
make it a field ground for the exploration of many concepts
in development studies.
Two examples of game runs are illustrated next.
The statistical data collected at the end of the runs
are given in Tables la '.to ld and 2a to 2c. The first
example explains how the tables are arranged before
commenting on the run itself. In both cases the
identities of the players are not revealed. Apparently
derogatory references are to players in their game roles,
not to them in real life.
B) Two example~ 06 Game Run~
l) A game 4un a~ ~he 066ice 06 ~he Regi~~4a4 Gene4al
06 India in New Velhi, AP4il 1986.
Four tables have been prepared - showing
weather patterns, pest incidence, and crop type (Table la)
farm and family sizes, births and deaths, consumption,
surpluses and deficits (Table lb) Individual Financial
Performance for both rural and urban sectors (Table Ie)
and National Parameters showing production and some demand
features, imports and exports, balance of payments and
amassed reserves (Table ld).
-246-
Most of these tables are self-explanatory, except
some lines of Table Id. There are two lines dealing with
'Surpluses'. The first considers TOTAL SURPLUESES and
is the sum of the surpluses recorded by farmers for
each season in Table 2 right hand side. It is in fact
the sum of the positive entries in the relevant column.
[The sum o£ the negative entries is one line above-
TOTAL DEFICITS]. The line RURAL SURPLUS shows the sum
of both positive and negative numbers [i.e. the
combination of Total Surpluses and Total Deficits]less
the amount of seed required. Therefore, for example,
looking at Season I, 287 represents the most that could
be sold ·from the village by large farmers, who would
ignore. the needs of deficit farmers. 221 represents a
surplus that could still be marketed by the rural area
after everyone had been fed and the seed provided,.
This leads to different figures for the va~ue . ~
on ~u~a~ ~u~p~u~, depen~ing on whether we use the low
or high figure, and it could also bE;! influenced by low
and high est~tes of price~ In columns 3 and 4 guessed
values of 17 and 13 rupees have been used. The spread
of values in greatest in season 3, from Rs.1955 to Rs. 4811.
This represents the greatest divergence in the rural
community between the two strategies of the rich - i.e.
profit and investiment, versus food security and current
consumption.
The National Food Surplus is obviously a statistic
in which government should be keenly interested. In this
run the second and third seasons showed major deficits.
The line on money supply is notional: this is the amount
of money printed by the government, but it may not all
have been in circulation. [It seems highly likely that the
government did not put them all in circulation]. The
-247-
exchange rate is that officially proclaimed by
government, and in this case is real since the Government
maintained a monopoly on foreign trade and foreign
exchange. The balance of payment figures are in $ and
are self-explanatory. The terms of trade are simple
commodity terms -
Pex x 100 Pex = Index of Export = 100 at Prices
Pim Pim = Index of Import = 100 at Prices
without reckoning volume. The agricultural component
is omitted since no trade (export) in agricultural
surplus occurred, although in this case the actual
world pr~ces declined rapidly in the last two years.
Start
Start
The composition of G.N.P. is self-evident. The
concept of 'rural trade' is important - it represents the
two surplus figures of value of Rural Surplus (see
above in the table) expressed as % of G.N.P. If these
are added to % Industrial GNP, and subtracted from 100%,
a range of two figures will be given for estimating
how much of the total economy is subsistence agriculture.
(In season 1 this is 47% or 52%). The last two lines
of the Table show the food saved each year as a result
of stress deaths, and the cumulative value of that food
in $ terms at current world pr1ces.
-248-
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I ,
-251)-
O.R.G.I. New Delhi
TABLE Ie. INDIVIDUAL FINANC tiL PERFORMANCE
Profit and Loss Urban
Industrialist 1 Starting Assets Assets
Rs 2960/__ !3:~_:!-'~~~QL: __
Profi t ----__ ~~2QL: __ Industrialist 1 started with 5 factories, and ended with 4 -but also had two generators and considerable stocks of output.
Labour 1 Profit Rs 3520/-[from starting assests of Rs 500/- + 40 mds.rice)
People: 5 adults 5 children at start: 7 and 7 at end.
·':~_rlq;; t~~:7~ ".~~.:~.;j L
BUYER
SELLER BANK
TRADER
RURAL
Meena Kalpana Su"'J.darna Roy Chikara Swami Dwindli Census Taragi Shanti Mohani
Industrialist 2 and Labour 2
These two combined to form a worker/manager cooperative.
Starting Assets Ending Assets
Profit
4557/_.LE.~2L:_ __ .2.E~L:_
Starting Ass.ets 5 factories: ending assets 8 factories
Profit of Rs
Profit of Rs Profit of Rs
??
GROSS PROFIT 1644 (1344) 7377 (9777)
440 1628 (1028) -449 -632 1044 (-156) 3814 (4414)
-2359 3477 (2877) -512 (-812)
People: 5 adults 5 children at start: 8 and 5 a t end.
548 On starting assets of Rs 1000/-
2073 On starting assets of the 1700/-2914 (Ending ASsets include Debtors Rs 4873/-)
PROFIT PER START ING ACRE SA E.A. 548 (448) 3 4 819 (1086) 9 5
88 5 5 407 ( 257) 4 5
-ll2 4 4 -158 4 3
348 (-52) 3 5 636 (736) 6 5
-786 3 3 869 (719) 4 5
-178 (-270) 3 4
() = Without Land Redistribution SA ::: Starting Acres EA ::: Ending Acres
-251-
O.R.G,I. New Delhi
TABLE Id.. NATIONAL PARAHETERS ------------------------------YEAR 1 2 3 4 5 6
WEATHER RRD DRn DRD DRR RDD RDD PESTS INDEX 5 5 1.5 7 1.5 3.5 7. HYV 9% 237. 23% 41% 37% PRODUCTION 894 763 786 968 881 850 ACRES 48 48 46 45 48 48 YIELD 18.6 15.9 - li.l 21.5 lS.3 11.' RURAL CONSUMPTION 625 645 625 605 570 610 TOTAL DEFICITS -18 -99 -122 -87 -39 -50 TOTAL SURPLUSES 287 217 283 450 350 290 RURAL SURPLUS (AFT ER SEED) 221 70 115 318 263 192 PRICE 15 18 15-1~ 1.--14 14 14 , VALUE 3315-4305 1260-3366 1955-4811 4134-5850 3682-4900 2688-3640 URBAN CONSUMPTION 150 160 170 180 200 215 NATIONAL CONSUMPT ION 775 805 795 785 770 825 NATIONAL FOOD SURPLUS 71 -90 -105 141 51 -23-RURAL'-f~B7D +2 +3-9D -2-7D,.S -2-6D+3 +6-2 l'RBAN BID +1 +2 +1 +2 +2 HONEY SUP;aLY 4800 9800 9800 9800 14800 EXCHANGE RATE 8:1 8: 1 8.25: 1 8.25: 1 8.75:1 $ IMPORTS RICE 80 $I.AGRIC.INPUTS 214 72 $LIND. HAT. 120 139 105 116 2~!! $I.FACTORIES 62 121 127 $E .AGRIC. $E • INDUSTRIAL 375 259 165 803 1581 1$ TOTAL 182 139 105 531 402 E$ TOTAL 375 259 165 803 1581 BAlANCE OF PA1'MENTS +193 +120 +60 +272 +1179 } RESERVES 443 563 623 895 2074 TERMS OF TRADE 100 105 100 91 86
(AGRICULTURAL T.o.T. WOULD HAVE BEEN WORSE) GDP .AGRIC 13410 13734 12580 12077 11662 1190er--GOP. INDUST. 5976 10476 6100 5400 9540 9430 GNP 1938b 24210 18680 17477 21202 21330 % AGRIe 69 57 67 76 56 55 7. Hi'OUST. 31 43 33 24 44 45 RURAL TRADE 17-227- 5-137. 10-227- 24-337- li-23% 13-17% FOOD SAVED THROUGH STRESS DEATHS
a 50 90 135 145 CUMUlATIVE VALUE IN $ 0 137 385 765 1044
-252-
All references in this commentary are to
prrticipants IN THEIR GAME ROLES. No criticism of any
real-life participant (who remain anonymous) should
be inferred. The commentary is necessarily partial -
it does not pretend and CANNOT be all-inclusive and
objective.
There were 30 playe~~. The total simulated
popula~ion was 114,84 in country and 30 in town. The
distribution of farm and family sizes meant that only
two farms were in labour dificit at the start - Kalpanna
and Census. The rest of the village had a major
requirement for more employment opportunities either
through migration or agricultural intensification. The
Government stated privately that it was its intention
that the poorest farmers should get pumpsets - but it
did not state how this was to occur. It decided to
retain monopoly control of foreign trade. The first
harvest was a good one and the nation was in food
surplus. Only two farms:,.'were in deficit - Mohani and
Taragi - although some of the others did not have large
surpluses, {particularly after seed requirements). The
Industrialists and the Seller complained about lack "
of demand, particularly for pumpsets. However the
size of rural surplus represented a potential demand
of about 5 pumpsets at a price of around Rs 700/-. The
obvious need was for credit in the system for the farme~
to bolster demand and investment. The Banker later
stated that he did not have enough credit, and that the
Government would give:' him no more. The tight money
policy undoubtedly contributed to one of the most stable
price performances of any run of EXACTION, but also
obviously hurt investment. The food surplus was stored,
-253-
and export of food banned. The Government had the
option of exporting industrial out~ut, or using foreign
exchange reserves, to finance next year's industrial
prcduction. They opted for the former, and f.e.
reserves actually rose. One of the industrialists
formed a successful (and ultimately expansionist)
alliance with labour : the other kept distant from his
labour.
Season 2 was a bad year. Even with a carry
over of food from the previous year it was obvious
that some food would have to be imported - the
government thought that some would be imported for
the urban poor. The deficit of -99 represents about
12 people at risk - or if -99 + 71 from stored food
-28, about 3 'people at risk. The Government, under
pressure from Kalpa~ proclaimed a minimum price of
rice - which of course stimulated the export to the
=
town of surpluses from the 4 farms with saleable amounts.
But 4 farms were in serious deficit, and the other 3
hardly surviving. Since food arrived in the urban area
the Government relaxed - and sold it at subsidised prices
because of political.',lobbying by urban labour. The
question was, who would suffer? The answer was the
rural poor - 9 people dying of food-stress. This
suggests that food must again have been kept in store.
The deaths occurred on Taragi and Meena - both farms
which showed a slow and confused response to their
problems. Mohani, in as much trouble, staved off death
longer by borrowing, by theft, and by pressure on their
employer Kalpanna. The Government seemed farily unaware
of the events. The farmers complained about lack of
inputs: the industrialists about lack of demand. Bank
credit was exhausted and most of it had been used on
-254-
loans for consumptions. It has to be said that neither
the Seller nor the Trader were either very good at
entrepreneurial channels of communication, and that
Kalpann~now with a bicycle, became the greatest link
between town and county, He tried vigorously to find
ways of investing in town - and in fact by season 6 a
sugar mill had been established to match his intentions,
although sugar cane was not then actually grown.
Pressures to migrate into town were rejected with
hostility by urban labour - but the greatest problem
was the lack of expansion in either the industrial or
agricultural sector. The counhv:again ran a trade
surplus which government retained.
Season 3 ·was in some ways worse in the village.
Rural protest finally reached the Government. Interestingly,
yet, again, it was not orchestrated by the poorest who
might have been too busy/apathetic/confused - but by
the subsistence poor who were surviving but knew they
had no chance of real expansion. The President began to
appreciate that something should be done to help the
flow of inputs. But again, while a national surplus
was generate~, again people died in the village. The
discontent in rural areas also turned against the larger
farmer - Kalpanflc"i,with threats of land grabs.
With better weather, season 4 saw the greatest
improvement in yields and the greatest overall surplus -
but still chronic rural deficits persisted. Rural
demand for land redistribution mounted, and at the end
of the year the government took land in excess of 5
acres and redistributed it to poor farmers. This was
undoubtedly a popularist act which earned the government
credibility. In the same year of major surplus, Mohani
- 25.~-
lost 6 people I oVE:rburdened wl.t~h debt. The government
again ran a trade surplus. '[he Goverrnuent did nothing
to ensure that capital was available to invest in the
redistributed land, and one of the main results was
that Kalpanmsaccumrnulated cash assets rather than
investing in other' farms. The action of the government
probably depressed rural growth rates. In town lack of
investment and lack of maintenance - because of both
government constraints and sluggish entrepreneurial
behaviour by Industrlalist ~2 meant t.hat unemployment rose,
but urban labour still made enough money to survive.
At the end of the game the government was
ready to concede to populist pressure, and may be to
resign, but by then it had such massive surpluses that
it could have joined Marcos ln Hawali on equal terms ..
It can be seen that these surpluses matched fairly
closely the cost in dollars of preventJ.ng food deaths.
The surpluses can be vlewed In many ways: as loot
stored abroad, or as conspicious luxury imported
consumption by the Government. Either way, it was an
investible surplus that was not properly used. A~
investment in IndustrY it could have generated jobs -
in agriculture it would have done the same and provided
some better food securi.ty. Whether it would have
prevented all deaths is open to question - and certainly
merely to lmport food - flnancially possible - might
have been counter-productive. There was no guarantee
that falling prices would have forced redlstribution of
food in rural areas.- And simply to use surplus in current
consumption only would not. have been wise. Although
country blamed town for much of what happened, the
government also complained that rural areas did not
-256-
articulate their demands clearly - and did not cane
up with well-formulated plans. Certainly the rural
areas had a remarkably low level of political cooperation -
but then the interest of the rich and the poor diverged
so much that it was difficult to make demands for the
whole constituency. Kalpannacould have succ~ded in the
early years as a leader, but preferred an individual
role, though he proclaimed he had all-along helped as
many people as possible.
The Government for its part remained poorly
informed about what was happening in rural areas -
and was quite prepared to hide away from it - and was
inherently far too conservative - though stable prices
did result. It also has to be said that the weather
was very bad. But for all that, there was surplus
capital. However, perhaps if all persons had survived,
the surplus would .have been consumed, and the end
result would have been similarly low levels of investment.
The mortality rate in rural areas was very high - and
unemployment also high, both contributing to a strong
push factor. The fact that migration did not occur
was also due to the lack of investment, and an absent
pull factor. Had migration been possible, rural mortality
rates would have been different. The reason for this
state of affairs was not solely a poor government policy:
it was also because of very poor rural political cohesion,
very poor information channels from rural to urban areas
or vice-versa, poor articulation of the service secber,
and possible inadequate credit.
-257 -
2) The Schc(!i 06 Vne,f("pme.rd. S.tudA~e.-6, UI1,lve.tt.-6A-f:.y 06 Ea.6.t AVlg.t--<.C(
'rhis was the smallest game yet run: t.here were
in total 22 particlpants, being arranged in six farms,
one with three players, and the minimal nine urbani
trading roles. This meant that there was no assistan"':
Banker with a bicycle, and only one industrialist and
one urban labour player. They quickly formed a profit
sharing partnership.
The room geography was fairly restricted, though
there was an adjoining room into which the government
could retire. They chose not to do so once the game
had got well under way, preferring instead (_ ~.o confronr.
crlsis somewhere close behind the front.lines,
The government had strong views before the game
that it would intervene' in food markets, and in the
trading sectors. It accordingly maintained a near
monopoly on overseas trade. The distribution of farm
sizes and family sizes in the village meant that no
farm was in labour deficit at the start: there was
little economlC reason forcing farms to interact.
In year 1 fortune smiled. The perfect weather
and extremely low pest lncldence meant that the highest
average yield ever recorded in any game produced a bumper
crop. The government felt that It had a storage problem
on its hands, and also realised that there might be a
liquidity crisis, since the Buyer had too few funds with
which to buy up the surplus. The government did not
supply more rooney-to the Bank, even though he had lent
money to the Buyer, and the Buyer and others in the tracing
-25~-
Table 28." School of Development· Stadies, Norwicp
FARM SIZES, FAMILY SIZES, CONSUMPrION, SURPLUSES AND DEFICITS .. •• I
FARM NAME SF EF
Sitihajar 6 7
Greenfield 6 6
Murphy 8 9
Chaudhuri 6 8
Shastri 9 13
Quino 5 9
KEY
SF ; Starting Family Size EF - Ending Family Size
B/D
+1.
-ID +2
+2
+4
+4
SA S.ML YRS- YRS-in 1:-4 .
3 2.0 4, 4
4 1.5 2 2
6 1.33 2 0
3 2.0 2 2
3 3.0 5 3
3 1.66 1 1
B/n; biI:ths (+) Deaths (-) for food-stress death SA = starting Acres S.ML~Starting Family/Land ratio YRS= numbers of years in food deficit
FT.
NP NA/SP
1480 493
1320 330
10000 1660
2231 743
-737 -245
2030 676
YRS-in 1-4 = Number of first four years deficit (before land redistribution) NP = Net profit NP/SA = Net Profit per starting acre.
Table 2b. Sc.hool of Development Studies
CROPPING PATTERN, WEATHER AND PEST S
1 2 3 4 5 6 RRR RDD RDR DRD RDD DRD
Sitihajar O.p. 0" • p o ill. t" O. II' .. o til • p 01"1'
Greenfield o CO" (f H" .1' o iJ fI'" H.p. 01' •• H1' •• O.p.H.p.
Murphy Oft" 0 o ~ 0 .~ H l"I tt. o t" '" • O •••
Chaudhuri 0., 0 '" o 0 ~ \) o ••• H •• If o .•. H.1' O.p.H.p. O ••• Hpt1 0
Shastri O. It • 0" \! oR (I l" o .p.H.p.' O.p.H ••• Op •• Rpp. O.,.Hpp.
Quino 0:;> • ., O.ooH"p. o. " . Op •• R.p. o ••• H e •• o .p.R •••
--- means nothing grown.
--25~-
Tabl.e 2c, School of Devclopml?-nt Studies
NATIONAL PARAMETERS
YFjl.R 1. 2 3 4 5 6
PEST INDEX 1 ~ 2~ 7~ 3~ 6 HJNSOON RRR RDD RDE. DRD RDD DRD
PRODljCT 10 N 666 291 460· 346 '358 409 A(~~RES 22 21 22 22 22 22 Y]:El,D 30.2 i3 .8 . 20.9 .. '15 ~ 7 16.2 19.4 T'OTAL- -1 -42 -21 -42 -74 ~ TGrAt+ 382 18 126 23 47 52 RURAL SURPLUS 359 -4.5 83 -41 -49 -2B
PRIcE 12-15 2~i4 25-30 20-38 ~ T-VALUE 4584 -1000 2075 -1200 -3000 -2300
to 600 to 3150 to 900 1880 2080
NAT IONAL CONS, 360 390 430 450 480 -S10 NAT ION...<\L SURPl. 2S r1 -120 8 -126 -144 -123 RURAL BIRTH/ DEATH +3 +4 +1 +2 +3-lD URBA~ BIRTH/ DEATH +1 +1 +1-7D MONEY SUPPLY 3260 +50:1
+2500 +1000
'E...'\CHANGE 'RATE 8: 1 9: 1 9: 1 10:1? 10.1? TERMS .OF TRADE 1- + 0 D1PORTS $RICE 286 180 265 60 $AGR IC • IN:?ur S 100 $Il'lD .RAH MATER 158 172 189 67 $I~D . F !\CT OR IE S 412 121
"10 ------__.-.--_ ...
TarAt 458 490 265 127 I;{PORTS - ---$AGR Ie UlT URAL 380 260 $ I:"1)USTRIAL GOODS 100 132 296 ll82 243 T'JfAL ZECi 332 556 482 2··13
BALANCE ;"190 -126 66 217 126
COMPOSITION GNP J:\i)USTRY PRlVATE 2840 3770 3364 4270 2200 't I:;m;STRY rUEL Ie ~ 648 101)0 1385 1500 AGRICULTURE 8000 8730 11500 131~8 1'1320 16000 TOTAL 10840 13148 15864 18804 . 18020 GNP / PC 216 243 27R 118 295 1--% INIYUSTRY 26 -34 28 30 21 ? % ACR IClJLTURE 74 66 72 70 79 ? RCAAL TRADE AS 40 5 15 4 5 ? ~ l. G!-;P
*foot note 0.11 next page.
-260-
KEY -TOTAL - Total deficits of farms in deficit TOTAL + Total surpluses of farms in surplus RURAL SURPLUS is difference of above less seed for following year VALUE is estimate of rural surplus x price NATIONAL SURPLUS is rural surplus less urban consumption TERMS OF .~TRADE is shift in price terms of agricultural and
industrial exports'versus industrial imports. It ignores the fact that the Ruristan changed from being a food exporter to a food importer. Recognition of this would turn the favourable terms of trade yrs ztJ, to unfavourable.
GNP/PC is in money terms and ignores inflation. for which there is no estimate.
RURAL TRADE EXPRESSES the value of rural suplus (VALUE) '"above as % of GNP. This figure is very low when most of agriculture is subsistence for on-farm c~nsumption.
-261 ':-
system were either refused or would not use promisory
notes., The buyer was also restricted from export~ng.
The net result of the confusion was that somewhe~c
near 100 mds of rice rotted, the Buyer lost money, and
the Industrialist invested in a godown factcry.
Host1.li ty between the trading sector and the go'\rernment
i)."\.creased. The Industrialist complained f:>1< lack of
rural demand, and exported much of ind\.: strial output.
In foct potential rural demand was as -high as it has
ever been in any game, if only the liquidity prob:_em
had be£\n handled right. The government decj_ded to
invest in its own agro-chemical pJ.ant, which was
relatively capital intensi~e.
Season 2 brought a catastrophic fall in output,
in the fact of a drol1ght ,. There was also the beginnings
of a breakdown in law and order in the rural are.s, j\
dispute over land meant that Greenfield lost p:::-od1.'.ct:.Ol"
for one year fran one acre, Rural confidencQ €.bb~c.,
and host.ili ty focussed on the largest fanne.c, vo1.t1.b:~
Murphy. The govermnent met the crisis by export:"ng a:_l
ir:dus'trial output, and importing rice. Fear.ing the
Banker was uncooperative, it cut him out by refusing
him more credit= This left the count"xy with (1
shortage of man-power in thE. service sector. Exactly
how this shortage was to be met was never made clear:
ad hoc pol-icies of ine£t2asing the money supply ,,'ere
persued in an attempt to raise rural demand_
In season 3 the country was again in slight sur~lus,
though it tC10k some time for the government to rea::.j_s~
tha tit was indeed. a sma 11 one, Murphy had a f e.ir l_y
large surplus, and the government became f:t:xatec. 0:1 the
belief that he was hiding it. The whole trading sys~em
was na~ionalised to control the export of su=p3~ses,
-262-
yet rice was both exported and imported. It became
clear that Murphy had succeeded in selling his stocks
He also managed to promulgate a rumour that he was
undercutting urban prices for new pumpsets. The rumour
(subsequently shown to be true) that Murphy had acquired
massive rupee hoardings unnerved the government in its
attempts to increase liquidity. Murphy never invested
these surpluses on his own land, thereby failing to
increase his demand for labour from the smaller farmers.
The Seller, now forced to sell at controlled prices
lost motivation, and lacked anyway the credit to supply
the smaller farmers. The smaller ones, except Green
field, formed a cooperative (this happened in nascent
form in the first year) which they felt helped their
survival in the face of government indifference, and
certainly provided a reasonable political mouthpiece.
The Government's production of agro-chemicals was
again exported, through 'lack of demand'.
Comparative failures in agriculture in the
next two seasons forced the country into crisis. The
government abandoned any long term perspective view on
the economy, and committed itself to land redistribution.
This it forced through with the supoort of ,the smaller
peasants and against Murphy's opposition, but he had
so failed to capitalise-.on his position in the rural
area, and instead of exercising patronage had antagonised
others, that he had no power base for resistance. It
was quite obvious that the farmers saw this as in their
best interests and as evidence that for the first time
the government took notice of 'the real productive base
in the economy' (their view). It also became clear that
the government had not thought about the consequences of
-26l-
failing to invest: it exhausted its foreign exchange
in buying food abroad, and allowed industry to spiral
into decline. It despatched an emergency mission to
seek a foreign loan, but failed to provide any
statistics on the National Accounts, which hindered
negotiations. In the fifth year there was considerable
death in the urban areas.
Throughout the linkages between the different
parts of the economy failed to work smoothly.
Interference by the government and nationalisation
were thought to be cost-free adventures. The quasi
monopoly on foreign exchange meant that there was no
effective relationship between internal and external
prices. The Industrialists and the government itself
became two enclave sectors, dealing in
haYing no relationship to the internal
through very small demands for labour.
dollars, and
economy except
The putative
exchange rate had no real meaning. The prices for
agro-c;chemicals were kept low and constant, which
meant a real subsidy, but were not in demand because
the farmers thought them useless without pumpsets,
and the government never really understood why these
were not in wider use in the village - indeed it probably
had no idea at all of the percentage of irri.ation.
In this run it is probably fair to say that
the government did not respond flexibly enough to the
favourabl.e circumstances in the first year, and that a
real investment opportunity was lost: that it mis
calculated the increase in managerial time required as
a result of nationalization; that it overemphasised
the Significance of Murphy's 'parallel economy' and
devoted too much time to destroying it; that the peasant
-264-
sector had no real idea of the productive value of
the urban sector and collectively viewed all urban
persons as unhelpful and parasitic. But clearly the
Government had difficult problems to deal with,
once of which, population growth, was never mentioned
even in the debriefing. It should also be said that
because of the small size of the economy, output in
both rural and urban areas fluctuated more than usual,
and this instability had much to do with the psychological
pressures that forced government to abandon a perspective
view.
'Initial Aims were
to stimulate industrial production to provide the
rural areas with necessary inputs.
to ensure food availability by giving a loan to
industrialists to produce godowns
to give loans to the industrial sector to produce
pump sets
to prohibit the export of all but one pumpset in
any year, and to encourage the export of bicycles •
. 'l.6 .t y e. a.}(.
'We thought we had a massive liquidity crisis,
and therefore we printed money, b.t did not release it
through the banking sector. We used the money to buy
up surplus. Foreign exchange was used to build a
fertilizer factory. Money was also given to industry
as a loan to pay labourers so they could buy their
food.
Problems: 60 mds of rice not stored but lost, a lack
of control in the rural area's and some hoarding - Murphy
stole a godown from the Buyer and used it for hoarding.
-2f)~-
7. Yl.d Ye.(Vt
'Afte~ the first year we had nothing but bad
we~ther, and low ag~icultural output, therefore the
go-uerrunent was forced to import rice. The gove=nment
had to run the agro-chemical plant - which used foreign
exchange, but output was either exported or directeq
to the nationalised economy. This was one of the most
successful government interventions. The marketing
system in the rural areas was very unclear. The
government felt it had to intervene in marketing, the
Buyer and Seller were not functioning properly" The5.!."
lack of liquidity was the main reason for. nationalising
them.
3ILd Ye.a-IL
'The year was a breakeven in agricultural
production. We did not want to import food, bu.t were
forced to do so and to sell it at subsidised prices.
There was a dual economy in the rural areas: so we
nationalised the Trader. Attempts to control Murphy
were unsuccessful. The Industrial sector \01as in crisis
with failures and decreased output. There was a
problem throughout w':'th the linkages between the! r.'u!:a]_
and urban sectors. This problem was never sol~·p-d.
The government wanted to provide industrial produ.c'ts
to the rural areas but this policy failed partly
because of the unequal structure in the rural areas,
and also because of bad agricultural production and
the need to feed industrial labourers, which lead to
the forced export of industrial output,
-26 (,-
4:th Yea.Jt.
'Another bad year. We stimulated the formation
of the cooperative by giving interest-free loans
through the Seller. Rural areas got access to subsidised
inputs of fertilizer, pestic~de and pumpsets. We
redistributed Murphy. Urban areas were in food deficit'.
Ma.na.geJt.'~ Com~n:ta.Jt.y on ;the PJt.e~iden;t'~ V~ew
The initial policy aims are stated from an
industrial urban viewpoint: and from the viewpoint of
production not marketing. The rural areas will
supposedly respond to the planned stimuli. Even at this
level the policy is arbitrary: why government itself
should set up in agro-chemicals rather than giving
them to the Industrialist is not clear. When it
becomes clear to government that the system is not
working as it hoped, it assumes that what it does no~
undeJt.~;ta.nd is nece~~aJt.~~y no;t woJt.k~ng well, and that
therefore in exercising its sense of responsibility
and accountability it must nationalise the system.
When the reconstructed system still fails to work,
blame is put on the weather, also on the fact that the
linkages between urban and rural areas represented a
problem that was never fully solved. The implication
is that still further control was necessary.
The government never asked itself what was its
own source of power, and ~ts failure to do so was part
of the reason for its failure to understand what was
going on. It held the major financial instruments of
the economy, and the urban sector generally held the
trading and production keys that would make technolog~cal
-26'1-
change possible in rural areas. The ru,!:"al areas
were either at or near subsistence, or elee in a
dependent trading position. Being po}.itica:ly
weak and with poor communica t~ons t.hey were unable
to persuade government to consider seriously
policies which would free that trading networks
rather than stifle them, extend the financ:_al
l.nfrastructure, and which would proV'ide a
coordinated and balanced package of inputs. The
top-down structure could probably only serve ,.g:.der
interests by voluntarily becoming more bottom \:~p.
To do so would not be an abdication of power and
responsibility, even though it might seem so at
the time.
C) The U~~~~~y on ~he Game
Clearly this game can be considered in many
different lights. It can be examined as a teaching
tool, which carries many different kinds of lessons
for different participants, but it can also be
considered for what it reveals about the nature of
academic enquiry into the development processo
~l A~ a ~each~ng ~ool
As a teachinq tool it is unconventional.
There is no I teacher I who pronounces (l.ect!!t2:eS) to
a relatiyely passive audience - teaching by instruction.
This is learning by experience, but the experi~nce that
will be created and the lessons that will be learnt are
not predictable. To that extent if the Manager
r::onsiders himself a teacher then he may f::"nd the expcriencp.
too threatening, not knowing where it will go. By
-261-
definition, it is also very interdisciplinary. We
have seen sociologists give comprehensive analyses
of a game run in terms of group dynamics, when the
same game has been 'completely' explained in economic
terms. More usually one finds the limits to
disciplinary perspectives exposed: that the economic
viewpoint will give an insight only into so much,
resting on some--:poli tical assumption, or indeed vice
versa. At the individual level one understands that
using a few selected variabl"es does not summarise
the individual and his circumstances: that each
farmer is a whole person in a social, environmental
and economic context, and that-any explanation has
to include concepts such as responsibility, foolishness,
hassle, nervous energy, anger, envy. One also understands
that everything at both micro and micro-level is
contingent. The President may make a 'wrong' decision
because of lack of information, or because the terms
of trade go wrong, or because of political problems
in the village. In other words what could have been
a right decision was contingent on many other factors.
We have used the game with the following
target groups (but this is not an exhaustive list).
1. Specialists who need to put their own particular
expertise in a broader context.
2. practitioners and students of macro-economics,
finance and banking, who are exposed to the
relationships between macro-and micro policy.
3. Students of development policy who have no
experience against which to evaiuate critically
the literature they read.
4. Professionals and volunteers who are going to work
in development projects to enhance understanding
of the relationships between town and country,
government and farmer perception.
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5. Policy maskers who wish to generate
research hypotheses and undertake
sensitivity analyses of policy implementation.
6. Extension agents and their managers •
. Usually the game is run during a residential
course or seminar which lasts a week or more.
It is also used in universities, but one
should not under-estimate the difficulty of persuading
colleagues to surrender a day and a half or more of
the timetable to one particular individual's
unconventional teaching ideas.
3, The Cha,e.£..en.ge ;to Ac.adem-<-c. Enqu.-<-!t.y
The second light from which we can leok at.
the game is the challenge it represents to academic
enquiry. We think it fair to say that this is the
closest anyone has yet got to . ·~.6el!ing' a whole
national political economy/social formation.
But even though all that takes place does so
usually within one room, no participant has other than
a fragmentary view of the 'total information' (whatever
that might be) that was potentially available, and no
participant can state what was the whole picture. In
the same way that what happens is always contingent, so
all understanding is partial and contingent on the
viewpoint and information, and nee£..-<-l1g.6, of the observers.
All the information is in one sense subjective: for
every piece of information a participant seeks to
acquire, there was always a limitless amount of other
things about which he CQuld have enquired. And what
-27~-
he does depends on what information he does acquire,
and that will affect the information that other
participants collect.
In other words, the game is a true human
community of reflexive human beings. These are the
basic buildings blocks: not the geography of the room
and the mechanics of the game. These building blocks
have differential memory, diplomatic and negotiating
skills. different training. The combinations of these
attributes and the emergent properties of the whole
are unpredictable. This unpredictability is related
to the reality of the game. Although in one sense the
game is unreal (all participants will suggest additions
for 'more reality') it is because what happens is so
manifestly the result of what participants do, that
clearly the result is 'real'. And because the results
are so unpredictable, that also increases the credibility
of the model. In the end we find that understanding
has nothing to do with prediction.
We believe there is no other way of modelling
a national political economy. (We are not referring
to descriptive or analytical models, but to dynamic
simulations). Such national systems are characterised
by emergent effects, unrepeatable idiosynchratic
performance. They are relexive, acting on components
decision makers, who through their own perception and
actions act on the system. All of these perceptions
are by definition based on partial information and
misinformation. These properties cannot be replicated
on a computer, but only in a system with human beings
as the components. (This argument is developed fully
in Chapman 1984).
-271-
The majority of explanatory accounts of
national development patterns and processes each claim
to have found the majority of the 'truth', even when
these major parts of the truth are so patently conflicting -
which of course accounts for the intensity of the
debates. These differences stem from the fact that no
observer observes the whole 'whole', and that each
observes only some subjectively defined whole. But
when he is a 'passive external' observer of the 'real'
world (a real nation state), whose extent ranges far beyond
is visual boundaries, he is not so confronted by the
necessity of feeling the extent to which he is
ignorant of the 'whole'. Tbe gaming simulation makes
everyone much humbler about the extent of knowledge
and theorising possible, and emphasizes the difference
between prediction and understanding. Ultimately of
course the point of all education and theorising for
the majority is better actors, not better predictors.
A second challenge to academic enquiry comes from the
interdisciplinary nature of the experience of such games
and th€ir interpretation. An economic data set may be
explained by economic concepts. A demographic data set
may be explained by demographic concepts. In the 'real'
world we are used to the separate collection and
presentation of such data, by departments of Industry
and by Registrar Generals perhaps. In the case of these
simulations the starting point is not pre-selected data,
but the experience in which the data can be generated.
We hope it can stimulate the collection and analysis of
interdisciplinary material and the modes of analysis
that can acoompany it, and also open insights into the
relationship between understanding which occurs at
different hierarchical levels.
-27~-
Chapman, G.P. and Dowler, E.A. (1982) The Green
Revolution Game, Cambridge.
Chapman, G.P. (1983) The Evolution and Impact of
the Green Revolution Game and Exaction, mimeo
Dept. of Geography, Cambridge and World Bank,
Washington.
Chapman, G.P. (1984) 'Gaming Simulations and Systems
Analysis: Two Factions of the Truth' Dialoguing
with Decision Makers International Institute of
Applied Systems Analysis, Laxemburg, Aust~ia, mimeo.
Chapman, G.P. and Tsakok, I. (1985) Exaction Development
Policy Ltd, Cambridge
Appendix - I
WORKSHOP ON MIGRATION AND URBANIZATION -----.... ----_._---_ .......... - ... -----------------,... MARCH 10 - 28 1986 ____________ ~L ____ _
LIST OF PARTTCIPANTS
u. K. Side (British Counci'l)
1. Professor J.C. Dewdney University of Durham
2. Dr. R.W. Bradnock School of Oriental & African Studies, LOndon.
3. Dr. G.P. Chapman Downing College, Cambtidge
4. Dr. R. Skeldon University of Hongkong
ORG! Side '(Resource Persons)
1. Dr. B.K. Roy, Deputy Registrar General (M) -Workshop Officer
2. Shri K.S. Natarajan, Assistant Registrar General (Demography)
3. Shri M.K. Jain, Senior Research Officer, Social Studies Division.
4. Shri S.K. Sinha, Senior Research Officer, Census Division.
Participants
1. Shri Babu Lal Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Census Division, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
2. Shri A.G. Bhaskaran Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Director of Census Operations, Punjab, Chandigarh.
-276-
3. Dr. S. Boopathy, Linguist Language Division, Registrar General, India, Calcutta
4. Shr~ Budh Singh Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Social Studies Division, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
5. Shri S.P. Desai, Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Director of Census Operations, Goa, Daman & Diu, Panaji.
6. Shri A.K. Dutta Deputy Director of Census Operations Director of Census Operations, West Bengal, Calcutta.
7. Shri S.P. Grover, Deputy Director of Census Operations, Director of Census Operatoins, Madhya Pradesh, Bhopal.
8. Shri Hari Kishan Assistant Director of Census Operations Director of Census Operations, Rajasthan, Jaipur
9. Shri Karan Singh Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Director of Census Operations, Punjab, Chandigarh.
iO. Shri Y.G. Krishnamurthy, Deputy Director of Census Operations Director of Census Operations, Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad
11. Shri Mahesh Ram Research Officer, Map Division, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
12. Shri H.S. Meena Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Director of Census Operations, Bihar, Patna.
13. Shri v.s. Nagle Investigator
-277-
Director of Census Operations~ Maharashtra, Bombay
14. Shri J.K. Patel Deputy Director of Census Operations Director of Census operations, GUjarat, Ahmedabad.
15. Shri Phool Singh Deputy Director of Census Operations Demography Division Registrar General, India, New Delhi
16. Shri S.R. Puri Research Officer (Map) Director of Census Operations, Haryana, Chandigarh.
17. Dr. Rajendra Kumar Gupta Geographer Director of Census Operations, Assam, Guwahati
18. Shri R.P. Singh, Research Officer (Map) Director of Census Operations, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow
19. Smt. Suman Parashar Assistant Director of Census Operations (T) Social Studies Division, Registrar General,India, New Delhi
20. Shri S.D. Tyagi Research Officer, Map Division, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
21. Shri K.N. Unni Senior Research Officer Demography DiVision, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
22. Shri R.K. Puri Deputy Director of Census Operations, Demography Division, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
23. Shri Subhash Garg Assistant Director of Census Operations, Demography DiVision, Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
Appendix - II
1. !~E~_2~_h~~e~_~~~~1~~YL_~h~_2~~s~et_~~~
£~;~n!~!~~_~~_~i9E~~!2nl
i)
iil ';i3..)
tv)
v}
vi)
vii)
Special aspects of migration;
Migration series;
Migration impact;
Definition o£ migration;
Push and pull factors1
Volume of migration;
Return migrants;
i) Sources of data;
ii) certain rules and categories of international moves.
i) Definition;
ii) Type of migrants.
i)
i1)
iii)
iv)
Sampling in migration surveys - methods;
preparation of questionnaire;
Size of sample;
Data collection approach.
5. Place of birth data and life time migrations.
6. Duration of last residence data.
7. Rates, ratios and other indices of migration.
8. Indirect measures of migration; survival ratio methods.
9. Estimating migration rates.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
-280-
Migratl0n efflciency.
Stock and flow of population.
Migration impact.
use of migration data for development.
urbanisation and urban growth.
Population projections.
Scale and tempo of urbanisation.
Growth of urban population in Indla.
Cartography with special reference to migration and urban~sation.
Practical problems relating to migration, urbanisation and census cartography.
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