PERSPECTIVES ON FOLKLORE

AND

THE QUECHUA PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN PERU

Being a dissertation submitted

to the University of St. Andrews

in part fulfilment of the degree of

Master of Letters in Arts.

i

This is to certify that this dissertation is

a record of work which I have carried out and

has been composed by me in the course of the

studies to which I was admitted under

Resolution of the University Court, 1967,

No.9, on the 1st. of October 1971. It has not

been submitted in any previous application

for a higher degree.

William

Mitchell

1st. May 1973

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Preface

The following study is the product of field

work carried out in Peru in the academic year

1972-73 under the auspices of the Centre for

Latin American Linguistic Studies of the

University of St. Andrews. Work was done both

in Lima and in the Canas and Canchis

provinces of the Department of Cuzco. In Lima

particular use was made of the libraries of

the National Museum of Culture and the

Faculty of Social Sciences of the Catholic

University. With regard to bibliography I

should like to note my indebtedness to Dra.

Mildred Merino de Zela of the Riva-Agüero

Institute for her invaluable help. My debt to

those who shared their stories, songs and

homes with me is immense, as is my

appreciation to those who deepened my

understanding of their way of life,

especially Alejandro Mamani of Ayaviri,

Saturnino Valeriano of Sicuani and my host

and hostess in Sicuani, Cornelio and Barbara

Chelquetuma. I also record here my sincere

gratitude to all who contributed in so many

ways and enabled me to take my first steps in

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discovering 'la América profunda', with

special thanks to my teacher and mentor,

Leslie Hoggarth.

Sicuani, Cuzco.

May 1973.

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Table of Contents

Page

Preface iiiContents iv

PART I : Folklore and Interpretation1

1. General 12. Definitions 23. Myth and folktale

34. Interpretation 3

i. The comparative approach3ii. The psychoanalytical approach

5iii. The anthropological approach6iv. The structuralist approach

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5. Conclusions 9

PART II : Peruvian folklore - a historical perspective10

1. Folklore and pre-history11

2. The world of the Incas11

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i. Origins 11ii. Oral literature13iii. Aztec and Inca lore - a comparison15iv. Religious concepts16v. Concepts of space and time17

3. After the conquest18

PART III : The contemporary Quechua, their thought-world and folklore 20

1. General 202. The Quechua thought world 20

i. Knowledge and knowing20ii. Land and work 22iii. Time 23iv. Reciprocity 24v. Health 25

3. Folklore - language, style, and setting25

i. Language 25ii. Style 27iii. Journey framework 28iv. Setting 28

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4. Folklore and belief29

i. Ideas regarding supreme beings29ii. Levels of existence30iii. Hierarchy of the spirits31iv. Other spirit-beings32

5. Folklore - function and content34

i. Function 34 ii. Content 36

PART IV : The example of Langui-Layo39

1. General 392. The structure of their world

393. The legend of the Langui-Layo lake

404. The ritual battle of Chiaraje

425. Conclusion 43

PART V : Texts 44

Introduction 44

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1. The legend of Langui-Layo lake452. The lake of Laramani (fragment)473. The fox and the mouse (cycle)484. The fox and the mouse (simple)555. The fox and the puma (notes)566. The fox and the huallata577. The fox and the condor608. The foxes and Juan Burro629. The skunk and the two women6610. The skunk and the cubs' warning

6811. The skunk, the letter carrier and the princess

6912. The 'foolish' young man7213. The two brothers7314. The little boy and the coming of February

7815. The condenado and the wood-gatherer8016. The condenado and the coca-trader 83

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17. The condor and the shepherdes8418. The young woman and the heron8919 The young woman and the plant-worm

9220. The engaged couple and the eagle9421. The mailman 10222. Ch'acha, son of the wind10623. An account of a journey11624. A visit to a paqo11825. Songs 122

PART VI: Conclusions ` 123

Appendix I Map of Department of Cuzco124

Appendix II Map of Langui-Layo Area showing the Apu and apacheta system 125Appendix III List of informants

127Bibliography 128

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PART I : Folklore and Interpretation

1. General

When William John Thoms called for concerted action in the collection and study of 'traditional wisdom'1 and in so doing coined the term 'folk-lore', he little realised that his call would later be regarded as 'folklore's magna carta' or the extent to which folklore studies would develop in the following century or so. In our own study some account needs to be taken of these developments, and of the current situation regarding folklore andinterpretation.

The study of folklore did not, of course, begin with Thoms. The brothers Grimm in Germany, for instance, collected and published peasant folktales in 1812. Theories such as the Indo-European folktale origin and that of folklore as representing the vestigial remnants of ancient myths, customs, and beliefs, find their source in the views of these brothers. These ideas held sway for some time, and in some respects the present comparative folklore theory derives from the Germans of the early nineteenth century. Other theories of last century were more extravagant, such as the one which reduced all folkloric material to representations of heavenly phenomena.

With the rejection of such all-embracing theories, attention was turned to empirical tasks such as the collection of folklore material. In this respect the magnum opus of the Victorian era was Frazer's twelve-volume The Golden Bough, and while his evolutionist patternism tended to ignore particular diffusion in given culture areas and the individual historical development of peoples, he nevertheless showed the debt of folk custom and 1 Letter in The Athenaeum, London, August 1846.

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tradition to ancient fertility rites. At about the same time, Arnold van Gennep was emphasising the utilitarian character of tales by drawing attention to a certain uniformity in widespread practices and beliefs among primitive societies, albeit he assumed a greater uniformity than existed.2 Meanwhile, in the United States, Franz Boas was developing views which would mould folklore studies there in the succeeding years3. On the more particular aspect of myth, Malinowski made important contributions in that general period.4 With men like these, and the development of the comparative folklore theory in Scandinavia, contact is made with current views of folklore.

The number of questions related to the study of folklore is vast,ranging from basic definitions to matters of content, function, meaning, change, diffusion, to relationships with culture and history. Anthropology linguistics, and psychology are but three of the disciplines from which theoretical constructs have been drawn in an effort to answer these questions. The theories of Darwin, Marx, and Freud have all been invoked, though the first-mentioned, with implications of primitive survivals, has not itself survived to the present. Thus today there exist a number of approaches to folklore which diverge considerably, these will be briefly considered later.

2. Definitions

It was to give a name to the 'traditional wisdom' of a society that Thoms coined the term 'folk-lore', but since then definitions have ranged much further than Thoms' conception. Folklore, as it exists in communities and as seen from that pointof view, approximates to Thoms' view, thus it has been briefly defined as "el conocimiento tradicional de las cosas del ser 2 La Formation des Legendes. Paris, 1910.3 See Race, Language, and Culture. New York, 1910.4 Myth in Primitive Society. New York, 1926.

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humano"5 However, as a science it embraces the much wider field to which such knowledge gives rise, and in this sense it has beendefined as:

Una ciencia antropológico-cultural que estudia las manifestaciones tradicionales, anónimas, funcionales y plásticas, populares y ubicables del pueblo entero trasmisibles por la herencia social.6

Inevitably, different understandings result in different defini-tions, and just such a problem has arisen between folklorists andanthropologists. The latter, normally dealing with non-literate societies whose traditions are completely oral, regard as ethno-graphic data certain material that the folklorist sees as his proper province, e.g. superstition, magic. In order to clarify such ambiguities, suggestions have been made to drop the term 'folklore' when referring to oral traditions, and call them "verbal art"7 or oral literature. Hence from the vast field implied by Morote Best's definition, folklore becomes more concerned with oral literature and arts directly linked with it such as music and dance, (i.e. poetry meant to be sung, and songsmeant to be accompanied by dance). This, too, means greater recognition of the way in which narratives are a form of theatre,acted out before audiences, with gesture, mimicry, song, and dance as integral parts.

Such 'oral literature' arises in non-literate societies, embracesfor them the whole of reality, and has a function within that setting. Thus the redefinition also underlines the contextual setting

5 Jose María Arguedas, "Que es el folklore", Cultura y Pueblo. Año 1, 1964, No.l,p. 10.6 Efraín Morote Best, Elementos de Folklore. Cuzco, 1950, p. 35.7 See W. R. Bascom, "Verbal Art", Journal of American Folklore, vol. 68, 1955, pp. 245-252.

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in culture of folklore and draws attention to the functional roleit has there. The recognition that myths, tales, proverbs, riddles, etc. are integral parts of a given culture gives a freshframework for understanding them. Culture as such, or a group's patterned behaviour, does undergo changes, and over a long periodthis constitutes part of that group's history, and folklore is linked with this too. This, in turn, involves a link with the individual, since both culture and history involve the interaction of individual people and not just groups.

3. Myth and folktale

Since in Quechua culture myth and folktale are linked, some comment on their relationship is necessary at this point. Myths tend to be distinguished from other types of tales in that they deal with ultimate realities, spiritual powers, and supernatural events which took place in a kind of primordial time. Stith Thompson defines myth as

a tale laid out in a world supposed to have preceded the present order. It tells of sacred beings and of semi-divine heroes and of the origins of all things, usually through the agency of the sacred beings. Myths are intimately connected with the religious beliefs and practices of a people.8

In contrast to myths, folktales tend to deal with the 'natural' doings of people and animals in ordinary time, and are more linked with personal morality. Yet many folktales contain mythic elements, and this applies to Quechua material. Hence in our study we shall, while recognising a distinction between myth and folktale, include both in our consideration of Quechua folklore,

8 The Folktale, New York, 1946, p.9.4

as regards interpretation, basically the same theories are applied to myth and folktale.

4. Interpretation

For the folklorist, the folklore of a people presents a whole world of knowledge about that people, an “imagen total del pueblo", as Arguedas has it, and approaching this world requires method. Among present day approaches a number of main trends can be seen, these include the comparative-historical, the psychoanalytical, the anthropological, and the structuralist.

i. The comparative methodAllusion has already been made to the 9comparative folklore theory, it represents the main tradition of European folklore theory and constitutes perhaps the dominant force in folklore science today.

The folktale is found in every culture, and it is to this universality of the folktale and its multiform nature that folklorists of the comparative school have addressed themselves. The theory involved has been propounded and developed in Finland and other Scandinavian countries with the works of Antii Aarne10 and Kaarle Krohn11 foundational. The name by which this method ismore generally known, the Finnish historical-geographical method,gives some clue as to the approach.12 The comparative folklorist attempts to reconstruct the history of a complex tale.13 This is done by collating and analysing the maximum number possible of versions of a tale, with the object of presenting a hypothetical 9 Op. cit., Culture y rueblo. Año 1, No.3, p.10.10 Verzeichnis der Märchentypen. Helsinki 1910, revised by Stith Thompson - The Types of Folktale. 2nd. Rev., Helsinki, 1961.11 Die Folkloristiche Arbeitsmethode. Oslo, 1926.12 For a useful summary of the method, see Ralph S. Boggs,"Metodología Folklórica", Folklore Americano. Vol.5, No. l, 1945, pp. 1-13.13 A complex tale is one including a number of motifs or episodes.

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'Ur-type' from which the variant versions have come, its geographical starting point, and its historical routes of travel.A basic assumption of this method is that a tale that has been found in hundreds of oral variants must have been consciously invented in one place and at one time. Subsequently the tale musthave travelled in wave-like diffusion from its point of creation over an expanding geographical area, trade and travel routes and the like variously affecting the diffusion.

A number of factors have emerged from this approach, one of whichis evidence for the wave-like diffusion of folktales. Considerable evidence also exists to show that the tales move from so-called 'more advanced' to 'less-civilised' peoples. So, for instance, in the 15th. and 16th. centuries Europeans carried folktales to the Americas and Africa, but the tales of Africans and American Indians are not found among European peasants. Certain widely diffused tales are thus thought to have their areas of origin in India and Western Europe. Other studies of this nature indicate that the folktale retains its identity as ittravels, and shows coherence and tenacity despite its movements.

Nevertheless the approach is not without its drawbacks, and has come under criticism from different sources. With its basic assumption the method rejects, for instance, possible origins in dreams and ritual. The end-product is of a mechanical and rigid nature and says nothing about meaning, style, social context, andthe like. At times the conclusions seem very much a matter of common-sense, and are of limited applicability. Perhaps the method's greatest weakness is that while it deals with complex tales, simple and single motif tales tend to resist this kind of analysis.

Some account has been taken of these criticisms, and concepts such as the variant and regional adaptations in linguistic areas

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have been recognised, with this a little of the method's rigidityhas gone. By its nature the approach has been able to give more attention to questions of historical development than other approaches, and if the quest for 'Urform' has been difficult, in many cases a 'Normalform' has been established for given tales.

The use of the comparative method in our study would take us beyond our present aims, but it would help us to elucidate the relationship between indigenous tales and those which have come with the Conquest and later colonists. It would also be possible to analyse material found in the Quechua culture in terms of the method's folktale type inventory, and then examine the way in which these tales function in their Quechua setting. For example,the tale of the fox and the mouse14 falls into the well-known type of a 'trickster cycle', but serves a specific purpose in theQuechua setting in providing a culture-hero in whom certain attitudes and aspirations are projected.

ii. The Psychoanalytical approachThe most speculative theory regarding folklore is that of the psychoanalytical school, and it tends to be scorned by orthodox folklorists.15 The approach is generally attributed to Sigmund Freud,16 who unlike those of the comparative school collected little original data. Instead he relied on certain parts of mythological material that was already available to support his psychological theories. The theories thus propounded were later extended to supply the basis for psychoanalytical examination of folktales.

Freud's interpretation of myths and folktales basically substituted a sexual symbolism for the 19th. century symbolism of 14 Part V, #3, p.48.15 Thompson in The Folktale speaks of their symbolism as "fantastic" and "absurd" - pp. 371, 374.16 Totem and Taboo, New York, 1918.

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heavenly phenomena which has already been mentioned. He leaned heavily on myths, fairy tales, taboos, and superstitions to support his explorations of the subconscious mind. Dreams were the expression of latent repressed wishes and fears of infantile sexuality in symbolic disguises.17 The next step was the equationof dreams with myths and other kinds of folklore - myths, for instance, revealed the psychic repressions of the childhood of the race. In the myth of Oedipus, Freud found his example par excellence of dark suppressed desires and drives of children grown to adults. The boy-child loves his mother incestuously and dreamsof slaying his father; in Oedipus Rex his wishes are fulfilled. On this, a model which is too transparent (are infantile desires so easily expressed?), the basis for folklore research is laid.

A 'censor' imposed by the superego screens the brute wishes of the libidinous id, and they emerge in dreams and myths in symbolic garb. The psychoanalytical folklorist then has the task of penetrating the censor’s veil and reading the true message of the fantasy. The result of applying this to folklore can be seen in one interpretation of Little Red Riding Hood18 - the wolf displays pregnancy envy when filling his belly with the girl and her grandmother and is punished when the girl puts stones (= sterility) inside him - it is a tale of women who hate men and sex. One can understand the reaction of scholars such as Thompsonto such symbolism.

The followers of Carl Jung, who set up his own school of 'analytical psychology' after his break with Freud, represent another wing of psychoanalytical folklore. Like Freud, Jung also uses symbolism in interpretation, and fairy tales and . myths areagain seen as dreams and psychotic fantasies. However Jung moves from overtly sexual terms to metaphysical terminology - e.g. 17 "Interpretation of Dreams", in The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud, A.A.Brill: NewYork, 1938, pp. 307-309.18 Erich Fromm, The Forgotten Language. New York, 1951, pp. 20, 196-7, 231-241.

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consciousness/unconsciousness, life/death - and his concept of the unconscious is transferred from the individual to the race. To explain variants in folktales, for example, he speaks of ever-present elements in the unconscious psyche similar to motifs which he calls 'archetypes', these keep reproducing similar myths. These archetypes are to be found in the 'collective unconscious' of a people.19

Of the views of both these schools there is much that could be said, for there is much in folklore that goes beyond Freud's sexual symbolism and the Oedipus plot, and Jung's archetypes quite disregard the influence of culture on both symbolism and folklore. Both cultural context and environmental setting must beknown before the causes of repression or frustration can be identified and their responses can be determined. Regarding Oedipus, it is significant that Oedipus-type tales appear in cultures lacking Oedipal-complex situations, and fail to appear in Africa, China, much of Asia, the Americas and Australia. They are not therefore a universal development from a universal complex, nor does the plot seem to be related to social environment.

It is difficult to see great value in the application of this theory to Quechua folklore which seems much more tied into the people's mores and folkways. Other psychological theories do exist and offer greater usefulness as interpretative tools - e.g.that of folklore being a projective system revealing the values of a culture.20

iii. The Anthropological approach

19 "Archetypes", in Essays on a Science of Mythology. C.G.Jung and C.Kerenyi, New York, 1949.20 Weston LaBarre adopts this approach, see "The Aymara: History and World View", Journal of American Folklore, Vol.79, No.311 (1966) pp. 130-144.

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When dealing with a people still largely pre-literate, it is perhaps to the anthropologist that one looks with greatest interest, particularly with the emphasis on role and function in culture.

The pioneer of this approach may be said to be Franz Boas21 who thought, among other things, that a people's tales form a culturemirror of the traits of the material culture, and encouraged empirical research into the collection of material and its setting in its cultural context. His 'culture mirror' theory was later revised by his followers, particularly Ruth Benedict, who noted that "tales tally with, and yet do not tally with" the culture.22 Examination of these divergences led her to the view that suppressed tensions in society are released and made manifest in the oral literature. Stress was laid upon the need tounderstand a given culture in order to interpret its oral traditions aright.From the foundations laid by Boas and his followers, the anthropological approach has developed, with its concern revolving around the social context of folklore, the relation of folklore to culture, and the functions of folklore therein. Basically the anthropologist is "searching for a context as well as a text".23

The social context of folklore is the place it has in the daily round of those who tell it, and is the whole setting in life thatthe material has. The fact that it is told in certain ways, and reacted to in others, indicates aspects of culture such as a people's values and goals. We have noted that the relation of folklore to the overall culture cannot be seen simply as a 'culture mirror', a thorough knowledge of a culture brings an 21 Op. cit,, pp. 397-524.22 See Margaret Mead, An Anthropologist at Work. Boston, 1959, pp. 226ff.23 Richard M. Dorson, "Current Folklore Theories", Current Anthropology, vol. 4.1 (1963), p.102.

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awareness of the many contrasts between the content of folklore and actual societal conduct, and these instruct about the societyin question. For the anthropologist the function of folklore goesfar beyond that implied by, say, the psychoanalysts. So, for instance, stories may be told when some doubt of an accepted pattern is raised - i.e. a validating function regarding the society's institutions. There also would appear to be an educative function in which the practical rules for guidance in society are imparted. Folklore can be used to maintain conformityto a group's morality, for it can be used to approve or censure, thus an integrating role can also be seen.Thus the anthropological approach regards folklore (including myth) as operating in a society to ensure the whole social fabricis maintained, and that there is continuity from generation to generation. Contrast with accepted norms is an offer of acceptable forms of release through amusement, humour, satire, creative imagination, or fantasy. It helps preserve the institution from direct attack, and thereby makes for stability in a culture.

In the Quechua culture a number of features prove amenable to this approach. For instance, stories are very often told to the family by the parents or grandparents after, the evening meal; during a fiesta like Carnavales one can find forms of role-reversal in songs and actions; or a story might contain sanctionsagainst a husband who spends too much time away from home. We shall return to some of these points in Part III of our study.

One final aspect of this approach, really an aspect of the development in anthropological linguistics, is the relation of linguistic structure to narrative expression. There are, for instance the views of B.L.W'horf, who feels that cognitive organisation is directly constrained by linguistic structure, so that sociocultural differences (including those in folklore)

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arise because of structured differences in language. Others have drawn attention to the mode of expression itself, for instance a verb may express diminutive action by repeated use of verbal forms describing 'small' actions - a feature for which English has no parallel. These factors that defy adequate translation mayindicate a difference between denotative and connotative meaning in a language, and so point to the cognitive processes of a language itself.

With regard to the Quechua we rather feel the reverse of Whorf's views apply in that in culture we are seeing linguistic reflections of sociocultural structure and not linguistic constraints upon culture - though it does appear that the Quechuanarrator does not go beyond the bounds set upon him by the language. On the other aspect of actual mode of expression, one notes the use in Quechua of long voice glides and undulation to indicate superlative quality, or the use of onomatopoeic expression to explain or illustrate.

The anthropological approach may thus provide an informative theoretical framework for the study of Quechua folklore.

iv. The Structuralist approachRelated both to linguistics and to anthropology is the structuralist approach to folklore. In this an attempt is made toconstruct a model that will explain the relationships of meaningful units in a text.

The approach has different roots, and one of the developments derives from the seminal work of Vladimir Propp24 and his formalistic method. Taking a different line from the Finnish school and their type-index of tales, Propp argued that it was the function of characters in folktales rather than the

24 Morphology of the Folktale. Bloomington, 1958.12

characters themselves25 that was the important factor. For example, a villain might take the form of a dragon, a witch, or apuma in different folktales, but the function as villain remainedconstant, it was in the employment of structural signs to denote the fixed sequence of these functions that Propp placed importance.

However, the structuralist position has found its greatest development not in the followers of Propp, but more in the views set out by Claude Levi-Strauss (though he himself may owe something to the work of Propp). Stated most broadly, structuralism in his sense is the direct application to folklore of the methods and presuppositions of structural linguistics - especially as derived from the work of Ferdinand de Saussure and Roman Jakobson. Rejecting the study of cultural elements as pre-scientific, only the relationships subsisting between these elements are seen to be important. "Structuralism", Levi-Strauss has said, "is the search for unsuspected harmonies". It is the discovery of a series of relationships latent in the elements. Inhis attempt to make such studies more "scientific", Levi-Strauss draws not only on linguistics, but also takes ideas from Marx, psychoanalysis, and geology. His approach is trans-historical, and so views which have roots in humanistic and historicist traditions are rejected. Determinism, rationalism, and materialism are characteristics of the approach, he vigorously maintains a fundamental unity and rationality of the human mind. He regards the sacred as everything "being in its place".

It is the human mind - almost a quasi-Kantian "unconscious" - andnot human emotions, which opens the door to understanding the various aspects of culture. His usual procedure is to set forth the dialectical polarities of a tale or myth - such as raw/cooked, dry/ humid, internal/external. The meaning of

25 Which provides the basis of the Finnish analysis.13

folklore, or its significance, lies in its ability to mediate between such polarities and solve such fundamental problems as the relation between nature and culture. The cultural world in general is seen as closed or finite, and folklore comprises a constantly re-arranged set of elements whose combination and re-combination makes for meaning. The narrator thus uses "an alreadyexistent set made up of tools and materials", and his use of these is a "sort of dialogue"26 which leads him to index and select from the possible answers that his "set of tools" can provide to his problem.

In examining this approach perhaps its greatest weakness lies in its relativity and its neglect of history.27 Added to this the fundamental postulate of the congruence between the sciences of language and folklore may well be wrong. "Understanding" myths, folktales, and symbols rests upon their elements as well as upon relationships that may exist between the elements, possibly Levi-Strauss' linguistic bias prevents him for seeing this, or from giving due regard to the creative power of a people's folklore. Also, societies change, they do not just re-arrange elements, andif this is so the levelling of cultural data by the structuralistcan only serve to distort the true meaning of cultural facts.

Having said this, there is a place for the approach along with the others.28 As far as Quechua culture is concerned ideas of balance in reality, reciprocity in social relationships, the

26 The Savage Mind, pp. 17,18.27 An example of the danger of such neglect is readily apparent to anyone who,with a minimal understanding of the historical roots of Hebrew religion, readsthe essay written by Levi-Strauss’ 'disciple', Edmund Leach, entitled, "Levi-Strauss in the Garden of Eden: An examination of Some Recent Developments in the Analysis of Myth" in E.N. and T.Hayes (eds.), Claude Levi-Strauss;The Anthropologist as Hero, eds., 1970, pp. 44-60.28 Indicated, for instance, by the study of Alejandro.Ortiz, En Torno a los Mitos Andinos. Lima, 1972 (mimeographed doctoral thesis--Universidad Católica, Lima).

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journey framework common to a number of tales, indicate areas where the structuralist approach might prove useful.

5. ConclusionsFrom this brief appraisal of folklore and interpretation, considerable problems can be seen to remain, and of the approaches each has strengths and weaknesses. In our own study which follows we shall, because of its preliminary nature, draw elements from the different theories without subscribing to any one. Though if they should be ranked, then probably the anthropological and structuralist approaches would prove most fruitful applied to Quechua materials.

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PART II: PERUVIAN FOLKLORE - A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

1. Folklore and pre-history

In considering an aspect of present-day Peruvian culture we are touching on something which has a history of some eight to ten thousand years, and on the people's 'prehistory' . If by folklorewe mean the oral tradition of a pre-literate people, then in 'pre-history' only the pre-literate part of the definition would be satisfied, for both 'oral' and ‘people’ imply coherent social entities with defined languages. To confirm that 'tradition' existed recourse to archeology is necessary, and through artefacts, or artistic representation, it can be decided whether certain practices characterised a given period of time.

In Peru's culture history among the earliest 'artefacts' for consideration are cave paintings - which by and large depict hunting scenes. One of the earliest artistic or cultural expressions of Andean man is seen in these paintings, with some indication of man's reflection and thought on his environment andactivities, and the likelihood that verbal recounting of these activities preceded artistic representation. There also the possibility that these paintings indicated early dance forms which imitated hunting activity. Today in Puno, for instance, thefiesta and dance of the Chaku still exists,29 and various chroniclers confirm that it comes from pre-Conquest times. In fact such paintings appear to have been part of a religious system; regarding the Toquepala paintings near Moquegua, Muelle notes that they are set in special nooks which may have been sacred places. As regards the scenes depicted by the paintings hesays:

es rito propiciatorio...la magia de analogía que está en boga todavía entre los brujos de Cachiche en nuestros

29 Chaku means 'hunt'16

días, con sus muecos claveteados de alfileres obedece al mismo primitivo razonamiento del hombre pre-histórico.30

It can thus be seen through archeology that folklore relates evento a people's pre-history.

Much later than this, but still in pre-Inca times, archeological studies like those of the Chimu kingdom, of Nazca, and of the peoples called the Chanka and the Qolla, have revealed ceremoniessuch as the "Aymoray"31 which was linked with maize cultivation, and which is still practiced in Huarochiri. The stress on the agricultural life that is found in such cases is significant, forit was primarily to agriculture that communities owed their economic well-being, and this in turn made possible the development of culture. It is therefore not surprising that in the people's cosmogony and institutions (such as fiestas) there are close links with the agricultural life.There is also a continuity to be seen in some of the musical instruments found in archeological investigations, and with this fact seems to be implied a continuity in music and songs. Forms such as the huayno, qhaswa,32 and yarawi have been shown to be pre-Conquest in origin. Some instruments, of course, have disappeared, others are only museum pieces. Of the latter, one isthe "Manchay puyto",33 a large earthenware vessel which was filled to differing levels with water and into which a large flute was played. Apart from its musical interest, the instrumentis of interest because of a legend that attaches to it. It is said that in tragic circumstances a curaca invented it for his beloved, later a priest prohibited the use of the instrument and 30 "Las Cuevas y Pinturas de Toquepala", MRCPA, I, pp. 195 f.31 Oscar Santisteban T., "El Ayllu y la Tierra en el Antiguo Peru", MRCPA, I, p. 191.32 Huayno and qhaswa are dances, the name is also given to the accompanying songs. The yarawi was originally a funeral song, it was adapted for Spanish useby the Arequipeño Mariano Melgar.33 This may be seen in the Museo de Cultura Nacional, Lima.

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so it passed from use. With this we touch on the effect of the Conquest upon the culture of the people.

Thus in these various survivals the continuity of pre-history, history, and present folklore is indicated, and certain themes emerge - imitative magic in religion, the inter-relation of life and agriculture, the place of music, dance, and celebration.

2. The world of the Incas

Perhaps the best-known part of Peruvian history is that of the Inca Empire, and some consideration must be given to the culture and thought world of that time. By careful use of the various accounts of the chroniclers considerable insight can be gained into this-here we shall be concerned with myth, legend, oral literature, and related matters.

i. OriginsMuch of the folklore material found in the chroniclers' accounts relates to origin myths and historical legends. The origin myths are often aetiological revolving around the culture heroes who are, of course, the ‘original’ Incas. The myths account for the existence of natural objects, sacred places, and human customs. The best-known series is that which was current in Cuzco in the 16th. century, and the principal myth of creation and the origin of the Inca are summarised here:

Viracocha, the creator, made a world of earth and sky andleft it in darkness. Then he decided to make people tolive in it, and he carved statues of stone in the shapeof giants and he gave them life. After a while, when thegiants displeased him, he destroyed them by turning someto stone at Tiahuanaco, Pucara, and other places, and

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overwhelmed the rest with a great flood, from which hesaved only two assistants.

Then he created a new race of his own size to replace thegiants he had destroyed, first he gave the world light bycausing the sun and the moon to emerge from the island ofTiticaca. The moon was originally brighter than the sun,but the sun was jealous and threw a handful of ashes inthe moon's face, which obscured her brilliance. ThenViracocha went to Tiahuanaco where he modelled animalsand men out of clay, each species and tribe in its propershape. On the models of men he painted the clothes theywere to wear. Then he gave men their customs, food,languages, and songs, and ordered them to descend intothe earth and emerge from caves, lakes, and hills in thedistricts where he instructed them to settle. Viracochahimself set out toward the north with his two assistantsto call the tribes out of the earth and see if they wereobeying his commands.

Viracocha took the central route along the line of theInca highway, and sent one assistant to follow the coastand the other to inspect the eastern forests, many peoplealong the way did not recognise Viracocha, because heappeared to be only an old man with a staff, at Cacha34

the people came out to stone him because they did notlike strangers. Viracocha called down fire from heavenwhich began to burn the rocks on the hill around him andfrightened the people, who begged him to save them. Hetook pity on them and put out the fire with a blow of hisstaff. The burnt hill remained as a reminder of his powerand mercy, and the Canas built a shrine there.35 Then

34 Now San Pedro, near Sicuani, Department of Cuzco.35 The Incas later built a temple to Viracocha there.

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Viracocha went on to Urcos where he summoned theinhabitants to come out of a mountain. They honoured himduring his visit and built a shrine in his honour on themountain. Me went to Cuzco, then northward to theprovince of Manta in Ecuador. He said farewell to hispeople and set out across the Pacific walking on thewater. From three caves in the side of the hill at Paqaritampo36

the ancestors of the Inca ayllus emerged, four brothersand four sisters. The brothers and sisters set off on theroad to Cuzco in search of new and better farm lands. Thejourney was slow, and during the journey a son was bornto Manco Capac and his sister Mama Ocllo. One of thebrothers began to cause trouble and was persuaded to goback to the caves to bring the sacred llama of the Inca,some gold cups and some seed they had left there - thiswas a pretext to shut him up forever in one of the caves.Later it was decided that each of the men shouldundertake a special function. One turned himself into arock and became the cult object at Huanacauri, havingfirst given one of the others, Manco Capac, instructionsfor performing the men's maturity rite. Another went tothe chosen site of Cuzco and turned himself into theguardian huaca there. Manco was left to found the newtown on the site of Cuzco which had been chosen with theaid of the golden staff that the brothers carried fortesting the ground, but the whole valley was occupied, sothey first had to dispossess the various inhabitants, andManco and his four sisters founded their city at the siteof the Temple of the Sun where one of the brothers hadearlier become the huaca.

36 About 18 miles SW of Cuzco in the province of Paruro there is a place called Paqaritambo where there is a hill with three small caves.

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Commenting on these legends, Rowe notes that the first explains awhole variety of origins and, dealing as it does with placeswhich were not incorporated into the Inca Empire until the reignof Topa Inca, is probably based on a number of earlier legendswhich the Inca adapted to their purpose of explaining thediversity of Andean origins.37 The second also explains origins -of the royal dynasty, of sister-marriage by the ruler, of threeimportant Inca shrines, of the maturity rite, and of the sacredllama. Later adaptations exist, and neither these nor theoriginal legend give historical accounts of the origins of theIncas, nevertheless they do indicate the character of Incamythology.

ii. Oral literature

Many fragments of the oral literature of this period are foundscattered through the writings of the chroniclers, and includeprayers, hymns, narrative poems, dramatic pieces, songs, andfolktales. The hymns and prayers show both lofty thought andbeauty of expression38 as can be seen in the following prayer toViracocha:39

"Oh Antiguo Señor, Señor remoto; Señor, quien crea y ponediciendo "que haya hombre, que haya mujer¡", modelador,hacedor; porque tú has hecho y establecido la humanidad,que viva yo en paz y seguridad.

¿Dónde estás? ¿Afuera? ¿Adentro? ¿En las nubes? ¿En lassombras? Oyeme, respóndeme, consiénteme. Por siempre

37 Handbook of South American Indians. Vol. 2, pp.315ff.38 John H. Rowe, op. cit., p. 320.39 Cited by Rowe in "Once Oraciones del Ritual Zithuwa", Wayka No.3, 1970, Cuzco, p. 21. The original title of the article is "Eleven Inca Prayers from the Zithuwa Ritual", published in Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers. Berkeley, 1955. Nos. 8 and 9, pp. 82-99.

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jamás dame vida, tómame en tus brazos, condúceme de lamano; recibe esta mi ofrenda dondequiera que tu estés, OhSeñor".

Much of the oral tradition seems to have been in narrative poem style, and in this form recorded myth, legend, and history was handed on from generation to generation. During the reign of the Incas it was the duty of the wise men, the amautas, to recite narratives and allegories, and in this way instruct the children and remind the older people about the traditions they had. The most notable events were put into verse by the poets, the haraweqs, to be sung at festivals and victory celebrations.

As regards Inca drama, much of the discussion has centred around the antiquity of the play Ollantay of which 18th. and 19th. century manuscripts exist. It is unlikely that the play in its present form is older than the 17th. century, though the songs may be verymuch older, and the story may be derived from an ancient legend.

After the conquest the priests took over these dramatic forms to produce a kind of syncretistic religious drama, a factor which underlines the importance of drama in pre-Conquest life. Edmonsonquotes an example from life today in the community of Toco in Cochabamba, Bolivia where the drama "The Lord of Kanata" is performed - this recounts the death of Atahuallpa and Quechua feelings about it this remains unregenerately Quechua without a hint of syncretism.40

A number of examples of poetry from the Inca period have survived, the oldest is a short verse recorded by Garcilaso de laVega:

To the songYou will sleep At midnight

40 LORE: An Introduction to the Science of Folklore and Literature, 1971, New York, pp. 184f.22

I will come.41

Most of the poetry, modern as well as ancient, is nostalgic love poetry like this example, often filled with allusions to nature. With regard to songs, an interesting example is to be found in Guamán Poma de Ayala who gives a fragmentary song - I Tintyachisun - said to have been sung in a drama as an encouragement to defenders of the Inca:

Ancap umanuan upyason We shall drink with the head of the enemy,Quironta ualcarisun We shall carry teeth necklaces,Tullunuan pinkullusien We shall make flute with his bone,Carampi tinyacusun We shall drum on his skin,Taquecusun We shall sing.

Apart from the song’s content, particular interest lies in the fact that J.M.B. Farfan has collected the following song in recent years:

Quaranta tinyachisun Of his skin we shall makedrumKirunta wallqakushan Of his teeth necklaceTullunta pinkullushan Of his bone fluteUmanchu upyashun. And we shall drink in his head.42

This song may point to a form of ritual cannibalism of defeated enemies, and provides a striking example of oral preservation of an ancient song.

41 José María Arguedas, The Singing Mountaineers. Austin, 1957, p.6.42 Ibid., pp.9-10.

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With regard to tales, these are inextricably bound up with myth and religious ideas - the most complete selection of these comes from Francisco de Avila.43 In the preface to Avila's collection Arguedas says the work reflects "el lenguaje del hombre prehispánico recién tocado por la espada de Santiago", and is "lavoz de la antigüedad trasmitida a las generaciones por boca de los hombres comunes que nos hablan de su vida y de su tiempo".44

Stories of the gods, culture heroes, and animals show the beliefs, hopes, fears, and problems of the people who spoke them.It is probable that many of today's legends and tales have their origins in such stories. For instance, in the legend we have collected of the Langui-Layo lake,45 there are many echoes of thetale of Cuniraya,46 and there would seem to be a link between thetwo. Also, in our story of the skunk and the sick princess,47 one can see the same basic characterisation and 'plot' as that inthe tale of Huatyacuri,48 where the latter overhears two foxes speaking about someone who is ill and goes off to cure him.

In view of such relationships we differ from Rowe in his view that "there is no indication in the chroniclers of the existence of animal tales such as the modern Quechua and Aymara tell".49

It appears to us that larger stories, such as those of Avila, have been broken down into their smaller component parts during the process of time, and of these some animal elements now exist as stories in their own right. This is not to deny that many animal stories came with the conquest, rather to state that the

43 Francisco de Avila, Dioses y Hombres de Huarochiri. Lima, 1966 (trad. by José.María Arguedas).44 Ibid., pp. 9-10.45 See Part V, #1, p.45.46 Avila, op.cit., pp. 22-29.47 Part V, #11, p.69.48 Avila. op. cit., p.37.49 Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 2, p. 315.

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Quechua animal tales do not wholly proceed from a European source.

iii. Aztec and Inca lore - a comparisonThe contrast between Inca folklore and that of the Aztecs is instructive. The almost lyric animism of the Inca, whose religionshowed none of the cosmic terror of the Aztec, moved in a sphere that was poetic compared with the aweful legends of the Aztecs. The rain theme, for instance, is not set forth with the same frightening aspects as the Mexican one about Tlalco, instead there is a story of a maiden with a pitcher of water. Her young impetuous brother, the lightning, at times shatters the pitcher of life-giving water over the world, but at other times she succeeds in saving the pitcher from him, and over mankind she pours a mild torrent of gentle water to ripen the seeds in the ground. In contrast to the warlike frenzy of the Aztecs, the people of the Inca empire (itself bent on conquest) could sing and pray for peace, e.g.:

"Oh Señor,...deja a la gente...a los que has hecho y establecido que perduren en paz y seguridad con sus niños, con sus hijos; caminando por el camino derecho no los dejes pensar en tentación."50

Although characterised by pessimism, that of the Inca empire was more veiled than that of the Aztec, and saw in the puku-puku51 which darts about the high valleys and gorges, a symbol of sorrowand the fate of man. Amid all that is claimed for the Inca Empire, these ideas of the ordinary ayllu member should not be overlooked.

50 John.H.Rowe, "Once oraciones del Ritual Zithuwa", Wayka No.3, p. 24.51 A small nocturnal bird, brown in colour, with a rather grave voice. It sings hour after hour into the night's silence.

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This comparison, together with the consideration of origins and oral literature, show that in the folklore of the Inca period there was an intertwining of myth, legend, poetry, and folktale. Man, nature, and the gods are, in like manner, bound up together.

iv. Religious conceptsAs regards the religious concepts of this period much could be said, but we shall confine ourselves to a brief summary of the salient points. If one can use the term ’universe' in relation totheir thought, then it is seen as tripartite - Hanaq Pacha, Kay Pacha, and Ukhu Pacha.52 Hanaq Pacha is the abode of the 'gods', Kay Pacha that of men, and Ukhu Pacha of certain dead and beings that cause illness. These three parts were thought to be linked together, the gods linked with earth through the Inca, who although born on earth is the 'Hijo del Sol'. The earth and the lower/interior dimension had links at various paqarinakuna'53 - these could be caves, lakes, rivers, springs, or a hole in the ground. The three spheres were linked by two huge serpents which came out of the water and the earth respectively, one following avertical route and later becoming the lightning and the rainbow (it was two-headed). As has been seen in the origin myths, the astral bodies, man, plants, animals, and customs all came from the hand of Viracocha who created and ordered existence. Yet he remained remote, and it was the sun that served as the focus for the Inca cult, with ceremonies relating to maize also very important.

The other side of religious life at this time relates to the naturalistic animism and atropaic magic which characterised the day-to-day existence of the ayllus. The chroniclers say relativelylittle of this, probably because their attention was upon the

52 Literally, 'the earth above', 'this earth' ,'the earth below/within'.53 Literally, 'places where it dawns' - there is a link in these with the origin myths.

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state religion rather than the practices of the communities,54 yet this had its own complex spirit world, ritual, and sacrificial system. It is noteworthy that after the conquest it was the basic religion of the ayllu that remained while sun worship vanished.

v. Concepts of space and timeTo speak of 'religion' as we have done briefly above, is to abstract material from a complex whole, because, for the people of the empire, life was one and indivisible. It is necessary, therefore, to try to elucidate certain concepts that pervaded thewhole to see something of the setting of the people's lore. Here concepts of time and space are important.

With a life so linked with nature and agriculture it is not surprising that the concept of time was closely related to the rhythms of nature and the observation of natural phenomena like the moon and the stars. So, for example, the term killa (moon) wasused to indicate 'month', while the term pacha was used to indicate both 'time' and 'earth' - there was a link between the agricultural rhythms and the fertilising power of the earth. The concept of time was cyclical, it was not an abstract given into which a number of activities had to be fitted, rather the points of reference which constituted time were the activities themselves.

With this concept there appears to have been a sociological concept through which people could relate themselves to events, their ancestors, and origins. Since the collective memory of pre-literate people tends to be ahistorical, this does not imply history in a western sense for it moves rather in the sphere of categories and archetypes rather than historical individuals. 54 J.V.Murra, "Rite and Crop in the Inca State", in S. Diamond (ed.) Culture in History, pp. 393-407.

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Thus a mythical model or culture hero becomes important, for theyallow people to subsume people and events under these categories and become 'involved' in the time of origins. Oral literature is in this way enabled to retain a continuity with antiquity in thatthe listeners are allowed unlimited imaginative play without losing all 'objectivity' or a sense of essential human attributes.

This ability to be involved through folklore in a time of originssuggests on overall cyclical concept of time into which the othertwo are set. The desire to return to what is thought to be archetypal is also significant.

In considering the concept of space, one is at once aware of the way in which the Incas divided the empire - Cuzco was at the centre and around it were the four parts of the empire55 or suyos, anti (east), konti (west), kolla (south), chinchay (north). As can beseen from the origin myths, Cuzco was regarded as the divinely appointed centre and capital of the empire, and from their atti-tudes and later development it would appear that this revelation ontologically founded their world for them. At the heart of the city was the temple of Coricancha, and this, and indeed the wholecity, were regarded as sacred. When it is considered that Cuzco was not the geographical centre of the empire, then it would appear that Cuzco was 'centre' in a religiously symbolic sense. Eliade draws attention to the importance of such symbolism as used in structuring space and suggests that it is the original 'revelation' that changes ‘'profane" space into "sacred" space.56

The centre is symbolic, too, in that it is the point of intersection of the three spheres - Hanaq Pacha, Kay Pacha, Ukhu Pacha - with the temple and the Inca being relational points.

55 Named Tawantinsuyo (i.e. four parts together).56 The Sacred and the Profane. New York, 1959, pp. 20-65.

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In the expansion of the empire and the assimilation of various provinces, Cuzco was central, deities were brought there to mark their subservience, in other places temples were built (as if to provide them with 'centres' on the Cuzco pattern; and stones weretaken from Cuzco to be used in the building of these. The Incas saw themselves as continuing the work attributed to the primordial pair, Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo, the 'founders' who made known the principles of civilisation. The whole process may fairly be regarded as an ordering of chaos and the development oftheir cosmos.

it is not without relevance here that the greatest danger to the empire from within came with the setting up of another city at Tumbibamba in the north of the empire. This was equivalent to creating another centre to the cosmos, and an extreme imbalance thus set in.These ideas of space, i.e. structuring and sacredness, are to be seen together with other aspects of life, particularly regarding objects of worship. Not only were caves, lakes, springs, thought to be important, mountains, hills, trees, stones, and unusual natural phenomena were also so viewed. Each provided a point of intersection for the three spheres of their world, or between thehuman and the supernatural, and carried with them definite symbolism - e.g. the tree was vertical and also indicated renewalof life. The whole environment of the people was in a sense 'sacred', and its structure showed a balance which it was important to maintain (one of the roles that the sacrificial system played).

From this consideration of space concepts, a number of matters emerge; one is the idea of balance and equilibrium that characterised their thought, another is the consciousness of the inter-relation of the different levels of the world, and, with

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this, the sacredness of the total environment in which the peoplewere found.

3. After the Conquest

Brief reference has been made to the effect of the Conquest on the folklore of the Andsean region, and it is undeniable that much was irretrievably lost with the advent of the conquistadores and their form of Christianity. With the disaster that befell thepopulation the continuity of oral tradition was very seriously damaged. In the sphere of religion, the state religion was replaced by Roman Catholicism, but as shall be seen later the basic naturalistic animism of the people remains strongly rooted in the culture even after 400 years.57 In the realm of folklore the two cultures - indigenous and Spanish - have experienced considerable interplay, and it is now difficult to find material that has remained pure, be it Hispanic or indigenous.58 One can see in certain stories motifs which are in origin alien to the Quechua culture but which have been assimilated into their world,59 as we have noted some animal stories fall into this category, and this points to diffusion via the invasor culture. Both the colonial period and the republican era have meant changes - forced population movement, improved communications, are but two of the factors affecting the population and, in consequence, their folklore. Though Farfan's example reminds us that there is also continuity and stability in folklore despite the historical vicissitudes experienced. There are also other unusual influences that have affected the people's concepts in this period. For instance in the 18th. century the teaching of the57 This would seem to confirm Rowe's view that creator worship was introduced at state level by the Incas - "Origins of Creator worship among the Incas", in S. Diamond (ed.), Culture in History, pp. 408-429.58 José María Arguedas, "Folklore del Valle de Mantaro", Folklore Americano, No.1,1953, p.103.59 The tale of the Ch'acha contains many elements which are not native to Quechua culture: king/princess, etc. See Part V, #22, pp. 106 ff.

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Aristotelian four humours was discontinued in the medical schools, but the 'hot' and 'cold' ideas deriving from these percolated through to the ordinary people and particularly to their concepts of plants and herbal medicine.

Perhaps understandably, the folklorists of Peru have until recenttimes addressed themselves to the problem of the effect of the Hispanic influence. Their concern has been to determine the extent of this influence, and to define contemporary Andean culture. Hence a broadly diffusionist stance has been adopted. More recently there has been a development away from this, and the work of Alicia Bustamante (arts and crafts), Josafat Roel Lineda (music), José María Arguedas, and Efraín Morote Best (various aspects of folklore), has redirected the thrust of research, and the fruit of this is beginning to be seen.

With these developments, and with the vast legacy of Peruvian folklore, the future is sure to contribute to a greater understanding and appreciation of the Andean people.

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PART III: THE CONTEMPORARY QUECHUA, THEIR THOUGHT-WORLD AND FOLKLORE

1. General

The term 'the contemporary Quechua' is an embracing one, and requires some clarification. The Quechua culture which for centuries has retained its identity and institutions, is today set in a situation which could possibly present it with a greaterchallenge than the conquest did, but in a completely different sense, for the forces of education threaten to 'secularise' its belief system, and those of urbanisation and centralisation draw many away from the setting in which their mores and folkways makesense. Thus for many, particularly the young, the world is in a state of flux and the way ahead is far from clear. Nevertheless, for the moment the culture remains strong and vibrant, and basic beliefs and practices continue as they have done for centuries —outside the towns.

Within the small communities a certain social structuring is to be found, so that while there are those who have more or less retained their indigence, there are others who have assimilated some of the Spanish-speaking culture (cholos), and still others who have all but left the Quechua culture behind (mestizos). Thereare other distinctions which could be mentioned, such as those who live in the valleys and those who live in the altiplano - thedifference in environment leads to slight cultural differences between the two; or one could differentiate on educational basis.

Our own study has taken place in the part of the Department of Cuzco that centres on Sicuani in the province of Canchis, though much of our time has been spent in the adjacent province of Canas. Hence what is said refers to the people of that part

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unless otherwise stated, though we have no doubt at all that our remarks have a far wider currency.

2. The Quechua thought-world

In speaking of the folklore of the contemporary Quechua, we are dealing with an entity which is, as with that of the Inca period,part of a whole system of thought and belief and hence is not easy to isolate. Belief regarding the natural and the supernatural, myth, folktale, social concept, and attitudes, are inter-related in a complex whole. We shall therefore deal with some aspects of this whole, for it relates to folklore in a functioning complementarity.

i. Knowledge and knowingIf a people's oral literature represents its traditional wisdom, or the reflection of the people upon their whole life-setting, then their concept of knowledge is important. The Quechua make certain distinctions here, represented in the terms yachay and yuyay. The former indicates knowledge gained by experience, such as by an apprenticeship, whereas the latter represents knowledge that is gained by reflection upon that experience or upon reality.60 Of course people have differing degrees of both, but when it is necessary to make a distinction the terms yachaysapa and yuyaysapa are used - yachaysapa refers to the person noted for astuteness, he is often secretly admired, though somewhat cautiously. It is not without significance that astuteness is oneof the characteristics of many folktales.61

The third form of knowledge is that which comes through ‘revelation' and for which there is ‘supernatural' selection and equipment:

60 Also has basic connotations of 'memory'.61 See, for example, 'The Two Brothers', Part V, #13, p.73.

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...a watuq62 that is what my father was...he was struck bylightning and later some paqos came to ask him about it and told him he must be a paqo too. When lightning hits someone while out shepherding he is as if dead for some hours, then he revives. This person has to be a paqo and from this point on he has power, ... so my father became a paqo.63

This form of knowledge is both respected and feared, and even moreso the person who possesses it.

Knowledge in the Quechua culture is knowledge for living relatingto the community and life in general, it is not abstract. Yet it has an understanding of what are regarded as the ‘ultimate’ causes of life, that is, the supernatural, and this is held in balance with the round of daily existence. This balance is maintained by various rituals which the paqo directs. In this respect Arguedas suggests they are archetypes almost like ideal Platonic models of reality64 - as examples among tile Quechua of Canas he cites the terms inqa (which he translates as "el modelo original de cada ser"), and khuru (el ser viviente mas elemental). However, he almost suggests a kind of dualism which is an oversimplification of the matter. What does appear to existin this relationship between the natural and the 'ultimates' is aseries of parallelisms, similar relations are seen to apply. Herethe example of abortion may be cited, it is believed to be accompanied by high winds and hail which can destroy crops. Theremay be a causal link between the two which results from failure to dispose of the foetus in the proper ritual way, the ritual arises because abortion represents an interruption of what should62 A diviner, sometimes used interchangeably with paqo.63 A priestly intermediary or shaman who communicates with the various spirits.64 "La Poesia Quechua de Kilko Waraka", Letras Peruanas, 1955, p.74.

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be the natural progression of events and thus upsets the balance.With regard to the hail, abortion is related to normal birth in the same way as hail is related to good weather conditions. Abortion does not cause hail, nor does normal birth cause fertilefields, but in order to maintain a balance in the forces related to the ultimates there must be normality in human reproduction (or ritual where there isnot).The Quechua thus have a detailed knowledge of their environment and society, and one finds their folklore full of the kind of comparisons that they make. It is a knowledge that embraces theirwhole reality, and this is one reason why myth and folklore are bound together. In the procedures that maintain the balance it isalso clear that knowledge is directed toward ritual. Folklore, myth, and ritual are necessarily inter-related, a necessity whichhighlights a sense of concern and insecurity, in the face of their reality. It is also of note here that in the altiplano there is greater evidence of ritual than in the quebrada, and this may spring from the greater uncertainty that surrounds life in the altiplano, subject as it is to the more extreme exigencies of nature.

ii. Land and workWithin knowledge two concepts are basic - land and work - and therelated idea of tenure. Their ideas are quite the reverse of individualism and a cash economy, their whole rhythm of life gives work and land tenure both a collectivist framework and a religious perspective. From the abundance of legal disputes that arise over the possession of small pieces of land and over irrigation, one begins to see the importance of land to the Quechua. it is true that a person's prestige and status is linkedwith land tenure, but land has an importance for a reason far more basic than this. To misappropriate Tillich's phrase, for theQuechua the land is in a profound sense "the ground of their

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being", and his regard for the land is seen in the number of ceremonies and rituals associated with it.

Not only does it provide (or withhold) the basis for his economy,it is identified with Pacha Mama,65 one of the ultimates of reality. She is of first importance, and must not be forgotten for then the harvest will suffer - this kind of belief explains why the greatest activity related to the Pacha Mama is in the growing season.

Her origins may be in the mother figure, so that as there is a relation between coitus and conception there is also a relation between Pacha Mama and life-giving and fertility in plants and animals. Libations and offerings are part of a system of imitative magic and propitiatory rites used to obtain fertility and fecundity. Her unpredictability promotes both reverence and uncertainty in the people. These factors could be illustrated in many ways, but some comments from an informant will suffice, theydescribe his involvement in a paqo's 'consulting-session':

"Listen, listen...carefully now... the earth is coming", the paqo whispered, "the earth is coming...'you must makean offering to me' she says..." 66

Later when my informant's parents saw that he (now 19) was sceptical about these beliefs, his father and a paqo warned him:

"...you don't believe any more, you have fallen down...for this you have to die...the earth, Santa Tierra Pacha Mama - she lives!"

Not only does Pacha Mama pervade agricultural thinking, there is a strong link with women, who pray to her, calling:

65 Mother Earth.66 From the conversation with Anastacio Lopez.

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Pacha Mama Pacha MamaAwaq-masiy Who shares in my weavingPushkaq-masiy Who shares in my spinningWayk'uq-masiy67 Who shares in my cooking...

The Quechua thus have a promise-threat relationship to the earth,and this appears to be an Andean characteristic, commenting on a Pacha Mama myth from the Callejon de Huaylas area Ortiz says:

"...explica la mediocridad actual de la tierra...señala que la tierra no es totalmente miserable y reafirma el aspecto doble de la tierra (fertilidad/infertilidad), cuyo equilibrio caracteriza el mundo actual".68

Related to the earth is work, it is regarded as a virtue, and laziness at a time when work should be done is socially reprehensible, while the possibility of being unable to work is viewed with apprehension. Work is equated with living to such an extent that Escobar suggests that man is not defined by biological features or functions but by his ability to work. Certainly children are introduced to work at a very early age,69 and such games that as they have are related to adult activities.70 In thinking about a work concept, it is important to realise that there is a time to work, and a time not to work, and just as they give themselves to work so the Quechua give themselves to 'non-work'.71 This can be seen in fiestas which fall into this category - there the energy devoted to drinking

67 Quoted by J. V. Nuñez del Prado in "El Mundo Sobrenatural de los Quechua del Sur del Peru", Allpanchis Phuturinqa. Vol. II, Cuzco, 1970, p.73.68 Op. cit., p. 84.69 From my observations in the Langui-Layo area, about 3-4 years old.70 E.g. building little corrals with small stones, and using stones to represent animals.71 Even in this period a fiesta may have a bearing on work time, particularly if it is linked with fertility rites.

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and celebration is at least equivalent to that given to work in the fields. Celebration would seem to be the antipole of work in the Quechua culture, with ritual perhaps lying on a continuum between the two.

iii. TimeThe concept of time is bound up with work and the agricultural way of life. The three are inter-related, so that in some parts the term wiri is used to represent the amount of land a man and two women can work in a day, and in which the quantity of seed carried by a llama can be sown. Basically their view of time is cyclical, as in the Inca period, though now the cycle is given slightly more structure by the Catholic religious calendar. Within the continuing cycle of events there is also an irregularity, and may be thought of as 'immediacy'. It is almost a necessary correlate to the felt helplessness experienced in face of the natural phenomena, a sense that something must be done. This is seen in action when hail is thought to be coming:

"...the hail is the punishment of Señor Santiago, he is the Lord of the hail...the hail is like a thief that comes and steals the grains of the barley and the best potatoes...so the people shout, 'Thief! Thief!', and burngrass to scare away the thief in the smoke".72

This immediacy of action and involvement in safeguarding their crops gives an outlet for what would otherwise increase their sense of inadequacy.

iv. ReciprocityWithin the social structure of the community one of the most pervading factors is that of reciprocity. One of the main terms 72 Conversation with Hilario Sumiri of Qejra. Note that when the Spanish came the Quechua called their firearms by the name of the weather god Illapa, and identified their weather god with Santiago.

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indicating this is ayni, this has often been regarded as mutual help in terms of work, but the implications reach far more widely:

"Mucho se ha escrito sobre el ayni de la cultura andina, como una forma de retribución de trabajo, o como modalidad por la que se realizan los ajustes de la cooperación económica. El ayni es eso y mucho más: funciona como una trama sutil de la vida misma. y se vincula a la universalidad de las actividades humanas".73

Links of reciprocity are forged in the family, within the community,74 and between communities.75 These are binding links and failure to honour the obligations they bring is a serious matter, giving offence long-remembered.

A form of reciprocity also exists between the people and the supernatural, that is, in religious practice and magic. Together with action taken to maintain the balance goes a 'quid pro quo' mentality,76 there is the belief that the spirits must respond tothe action of the people.It should also be noted that in the organisation and effecting offiestas the indigenous reciprocity system plays a fundamental role.

v. HealthIn this sphere the Quechua understanding is related to their understanding of reality. Man himself comprises body and soul,77

73 Oscar Nunez del Prado, E1 Caso de Cuyo Chico. Lima, 1970, p. 26.74 Including different social strata e.g. the compadrazgo system.75 For example, the communities of Kuchuna and San Pedro in Canchis. Kuchuna controls the water supplies for San Pedro’s irrigation needs, in return San Pedro send dancers every year to the main fiesta in Kuchuna.76 Thomas M. Garr, Cristianismo y Religión Quechua. Cuzco, 1972, p. 101.77 There may also be the concept of a person having a number of 'souls' (ánimas).

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which operate in a reciprocal relationship, and illness arises from imbalance between them or between the two and the supernatural or natural reality. There is also the belief that toa certain point body and soul have an autonomy apart from individual control, so that during sleep, for instance, these cango out to the mountains where contact with certain places or beings results in illness upon return.78 Therefore health dependson observing carefully various relationships which could affect the balance between the different spheres. When there is illness,the cause is determined by the paqo or hanpeq,79 and where imbalance has been caused then offerings are necessary, me following is an instance of a ‘serious' illness:

"When someone is ill and nobody can cure them...then theysay, 'he must have been at a chullpa'80 ...now you are not going to live, you must die...at times they bring an altomisayoq,81 and he says, to this gentil 82 'for where you have been you must pay...so much money', then he gets better.. .they make a despacho83 and the person is free".84

Actually the scale of treatment ranges from simple herbal cures to various magical rites. These latter are necessary, for instance, when someone has bewitched the person (possibly because

78 There can be a reluctance to wake a person who is sleeping, preferring thatthe person wakes naturally in order to be sure that the 'wandering spirit' hasreturned to the body.79 Hanpeq means basically 'one who heals', see "Account of a journey", Part V, #23, p.116.80 Round burial tower, the term is also used to indicate burial places such ascaves high in the hills.81 The highest grade of paqo.82 Regarded as the spirit of one long-dead, and is greatly feared.83 An offering, which may involve some form of sacrifice.84 From conversation with Anastacio Lopez. See also "Visit to the paqo", Part V, #24, pp. 118 ff.

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of some offence given), this must be exorcised, and is normally 'transferred' to a small animal or bird.85

Today modern medical practice is making certain inroads on these beliefs, but the Quechua attitude to illness remains fraught withuncertainty.

3. Folklore - language, style, and setting

It is against the background of such a conceptual world that folklore must be seen, for it is directly related to it.

i. LanguageFolklore is inevitably influenced by the characteristics of the language itself,86 and in that sense Quechua folklore has a uniqueness all of its own .87 Nearly all Quechua words are accented on the penultimate syllable, and so even 'prose' has a rhythmical quality about it. Though Quechua has a relatively small number of phonemes and a limiting phonetic patterning, thisis compensated for by a great freedom in word formation, and thismakes it possible to express the finest shades of meaning. Indeed, Quechua can be so precise in matters of emotion and feeling that, as Rowe says, it was

"frightening to the Spanish priests, whose theology was carefully thought out in the broad matter-of-fact terms of Latin...many of them hesitated even to catechise the Indians in their own language".88

85 This is the point of the remark about the chicken in "Account of a journey", Part V, #23, p.117.86 Though, as we noted earlier, we do not share the views of Whorf.87 Even Aymara differs, in our view reflecting more of introspection and repression.88 Handbook of South American Indians. Vol.2, p. 320.

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This facility in expressing the emotive and emotional is a contributory factor in producing the nostalgic love element that abounds in poetry and song. This richness makes a very intense form of expression possible, so that characters in tales come through with great exactness and detail.Words can contain such a complexity of images as to defy translation, to cite an example from Arguedas:

"..it describes the form of this march, the vehemence andfrightful rhythm with which the dread being descends the peak, the moving of its clothes, and the mass, between the incorporeal and the tremendously strong, of its body...all this with a single word repeated: 'laut'in...laut'in... laut'in...' nispa".89

There is great scope for individual creativity in this.

Living in such intimate contact with nature, and having a language which is by and large unwritten, the Quechua have tales which are rich in onomatopoeic detail. Arguedas' example is citedabove and our own corpus contains many examples, an outstanding one comes from "Juan Burro and the Foxes":

Manaña kayqa wañusqachu, kausashanmá; He's not dead, he's still living!ch'epiq-ch'epiqchanpas, ch'epiq-ch'epiq nishanmá; Look,his eyelids are flickering,t'irpur-t'irpurchanpas, t'irpur-t'irpur nishanmá;

There's a slight breathing movement,lap'aq-lap'aqchanpas, lap'aq-lap'aq nishanmá; and his ears are twitching.manan, kayqa kausanmi, No, this fellow's alive,

89 The Singing Mountaineers, p. 181.42

mana kayqa wañusqachu, nispa.90 He's not dead!

Here the slight bodily movements of the burro (who is pretending to be dead) are described - the slight flicker of the eyelids, the twitching of the ears, and the almost imperceptible tremor ofthestomach caused by breathing. It has a striking poetical cadence, and produces in the hearer an instant vision of the burro and at the same time sums up the humour of the whole situation.Another feature that is to be seen is the multiform repetition which is used to accentuate, elongate, intensify, and generally expand the meaning and significance of actions, events, and characteristics. Long accentuated vowel glides have a similar effect.91

ii. StyleIn matters of style we have already noted the scope that exists for individual creativity. It would appear that there exists a pool of stock motifs, and from these the creative artistry of thenarrator produces immense variation in tales. Multiple variants of stories exist without incompatibility. The kind of selection and use that obtains can be seen in the “Fox/Mouse" trickster cycle.92

One element in that - the fox sticking his head in the pot - appears as a simple tale elsewhere,93 while some of the other incidents are identical to those in the "Fox/Puma" cycle in whichthe puma, not the fox, is on the losing end. Added to this, the "Fox/Mouse" cycle can be ended according to the wish of the narrator, our version has five episodes, yet the implication of the first few sentences is that the fox had been deceived before.

90 See Part V, #8, p. 64.91 Unfortunately it is not possible to represent these in the written texts without considerable linguistic annotation.92 See Part V, #3, p.48.93 See Part V, #4, p. 55.

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In another version of the same cycle there are two further episodes beyond those of our version (the fox leaps out of the ring of flame) and the fox finally dies being dragged to his death by a burro - the same ending as can be seen in "Juan Burro and the Foxes".94 It would appear that the narrator selects stockepisodes, includes descriptive material, and according to his or her mastery of the language and ability, so presents the tale.

The limits of linguistic structure and the supply of traditional material would not seem to be transcended, yet the assimilative capacity appears to be considerable. This is shown not only in the incorporation of European materials into folklore, but also in the kind of improvisation that is to be found. An incident from Carnavales celebrations helps to illustrate this - a fellow research student went into the patio of some people he knew in Sicuani, and there was an old lady singing, the themes of the songs varied - encouragement to celebrate, to forget their husbands, not to get married because the woman’s lot was a miserable one, the Inca captive in Lima - to which was added one about this ’gringo’ who had just entered the patio, in which he was fitted into the ongoing thematic pattern which was, by and large, that of acting out a role-reversal.95 Within songs, then there appears also to be common motifs with endless improvisation.

iii. Journey frameworkOne way in which the folktales are linked to the culture history is reflected in a common framework that appears in a number of tales, viz. a journey framework.96 If our sample is representative, then an explanation of this feature could be forthcoming from the history of the people themselves.94 See Part V, #8, p. 67.95 This example comes from Benjamin S. Orlove, UCLA. Sicuani, March, 1973.96 E.g. The Mailman, The Condenado, The Engaged Couple, Juan Burro and the Foxes. See Part V.

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From the time of the Inca Empire, and possibly earlier, the people of the ayllus have been required to leave their homes for one reason or another. In the empire there was forced labour, wars to be fought, the selection of young people for work in the royal household, etc. During the conquest and colonial period a fearful toll was taken of the people, thousands travelled never to return. Since independence the lot of the Quechua has, until very recently, changed little - enforced movement to haciendas, and the like, applied. Throughout these periods there existed theneeds of inter-community trade, with journeys especially from altiplano to quebrada and from the sierra to coast and montaña.97

In all this certain needs arise such as that of explaining the disappearance of so many people. There is the strange world that exists outside of one’s own community, and the beliefs and fears that grow from isolation and remoteness - with the foreignness ofthe other place perhaps acting as a catalyst in the growth of folkloric material. There also exists a need for the community topreserve its identity and this may mean stories are told to warn of the dangers of transgressing the bounds of the community. Withthe supernatural and natural being part of one whole to the Quechua, there is interaction of both spheres, with motifs from their beliefs entering in to become explanations of dangers, reasons for disappearance, etc. Thus folklore links with the ongoing experience of the people, and has a mirror-like function with regard to that experience.

iv. SettingThe situations in which tales and myths are recounted are varied,but by far the most common setting is when the family gather together after the evening meal and before going to bed. Then the

97 In the area where I carried out research 'montaña' represented the eastern slopes of the Andes, going down towards jungle areas.

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parents, or the grandparents if they are present, are asked for astory, stories are also told in the meals following the various aspects of harvest, and there two other aspects of folklore may also be seen. One is the use of riddles in which individuals compete against one another, always introducing the riddle with the same formula:

"Imasmari, imasmari... iman kanman"98 (solve the riddle, solve the riddle...what can it be?). The other is what in some parts iscalled "tratanakuy", in which a number of people compete in hurling insults at one another, each time becoming noisier, and more aggressive. Scorn is heaped upon the opponent, often with considerable subtlety, the language is metaphorical drawing many allusions from nature.

Both of these forms are part mental gymnastics, part recreation, but those who are most successful in them are held in respect by the others.

These brief examples give some idea of the setting of folklore inthe culture.

4. Folklore and beliefs

Regarding the content of Quechua folklore attention has already been drawn to the way in which myth, ritual, and folktale are intertwined, in this section we shall seek to identify some of the belief factors arising from myth and ritual.99

i. Ideas regarding supreme beings

98 From imas-ma-arí, which together produce a strong injunction.99 By and large our remarks will be based on field-work observations, and therefore will present a fragmentary picture, and in order to amplify this occasional reference will be made to other sources.

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For the Quechua the whole of their environment is alive with beings, and this situation has the added complexity arising from the superimposition of elements of the Roman Catholic belief system, something of this is reflected in their concepts of a supreme being. Here both hazy ideas of the Christian God and an indigenous Pacha Kamaq100 are to be found. J. V. Nuñez del Prado has argued that Pacha Kamaq is also referred to as Roal,101 and Oscar Nuñez del Prado indicates that where it does occur it is tobe understood as standing in continuity with the Inca deity Viracocha.102 These two scholars also found myths which indicated acreation before this present one, and in which the moon featured prominently - something we noted in a number of conversations, particularly in relation to the 'gentiles':

"... there are caves in the cerros from which the bones ofthese dead (i.e. gentiles) come out at certain times. The bones come out in the full moon when they are revived, they talk, dance, and lead a normal life...to them the light of the moon is like the light of the sun to us. It is said that they lived in the light of the moon before the sun appeared. Then there was an announcement that their life was going to end and that the sun would ap-pear... they hid themselves in caves, but when the sun came - young, strong, and burning - it killed them. During the full moon they make full use of the time to come out and lead a normal life...they believe that the sun is not as strong as it once was and they are awaitingthe sun's disappearance, when only the moon will remain. In that day they will live but we will die because of the

100 Broadly translated as 'Maker of the World'.101 Op. cit., pp. 63-65. One informant suggests that rather than a reference to a 'creator' being, this may instead be a reference to a place spirit - the lugarniyoq (the 'owner/lord of the place') - where the abbreviated name (lugar),becomes luwar and is inverted to become ruwal.102 "El hombre y la familia: su matrimonio y organización en Q'ero", Allpanchis phuturinqa. Vol. I, Cuzco, 1969, pp. 5-27.

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lack of sun, it will be a resurrection of the gentiles, when one meets them they fall and become like skeletons, but such contact causes illness, especially partial or complete paralysis, they can also kill. So they are feared, and offerings are made to them".103

It may also be that these ideas are linked with ancestor worship,for it has links with "El día de los difuntos".104 The opposition found here between the sun and moon is of note, it parallels theInca origin myth in this. We found little belief relating to the sun apart from the above and brief prayer forms addressed to the sun, the first at sunrise and the other at sunset:

"Wayna Qapaq105 yayayku.." (Wayna Qapaq our father...)

and,

"Sumaqllaña paqarinkama" (May it go well until tomorrow.)106

With regard to the moon there is in the Langui-Layo area107 the belief that the fields should not be worked when the moon is waning (wañu killa) for then the crops will die with the moon.

ii. Levels of ExistenceThe three levels of existence noted in the Inca period, still characterise thought today. Hanaq Pacha - the upper world, a placeof promise and plenty - the ideas regarding those who live there vary: God/Roal, Christ, the Virgin, the saints, and those who have lived well below. At times this is a kind of projection of

103 Collated from various conversations.104 November 2nd.105 Wayna Qhapaq was one of the last Incas.106 This area of belief about the sun would doubtless repay further study.107 See Part IV.

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all that is desirable here on earth, there it abounds, like the "sweet coca" for instance:

"Where are you going, my father?I am going to the great forest, I am going walking.To what place do you go? Who calls to you? ,I will reap the sweet coca, I am going alone...108

In Kay Pacha, Roal can appear once again, together with all the spirits, men, plants, inanimate beings, and the astral bodies. Ukhu Pacha is inhabited by little men and certain animals, theycan be damaged by earthquakes, lightning or carelessly spat out coca. This area is sometimes equated with the Roman Catholic hellor with the dwelling place of supay.109 One can see that it is notjust a simple ’three-decker universe' view. One belief that should be mentioned in connection with this, is that of the condenado, a phantom who wanders over the earth until he has finally redeemed himself - God has rejected him because of great moral sin, and he must wander until the punishment has been worked out.110 There is great fear of condenados.

iii. The hierarchy of the spiritsTied in with ideas of a supreme being is a hierarchy of spirit-beings structured according to the relative height of the place the spirit 'inhabits', for example:

Orqo (mountain) - Apu (spirit of the mountain)Moqo (hill) - Auki (spirit that dwells there)Hallp'a (earth) - Pacha Mama (Mother Earth).

Other spirits are related to steep rocks, and smaller rocks rising out of the ground.108 From a yunca (funeral song), The Singing Mountaineers, p. 71.109 A being more or less equivalent to 'the devil'.110 See the "Wood gatherer and the Condenado", Part V, #15, p. 80.

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Whatever the role of the supreme being may be, it does appear that it is remote, and that for most practical purposes the Apu has the principal role. Within the overall Apu system of an area,111 certain Apus are more efficacious than others. In the "Visit to the paqo" this is illustrated,112 the informant had goneto an important paqo to find out about her husband's illness - atfirst the paqo was unwilling to help:

"... he did not want to obey the Apu's commands, so the Apu threatened him: 'I'll take away your table113 if you don't obey me and save this woman and her children', the paqo helped then".

When the informant was asked about the coming of the spirits after the Apus had been called upon, what she said seems to indicate that the Aukis came each representing a specific Apu:

"the aukis came, the first auki said, 'I am Apu Laramani, the one who loves you and cares for you dearly, my dear child', another arrived...'I am Apu Cunarani'...

Earlier she had mentioned that Apu Ausangate was also involved.114

The example shows that certain Apus are thought to have greater powers than others, for there had been other Apus consulted earlier who had been unable to help. The Aukis are seen to be subject to the Apus and do their bidding, and also the intermediary between the spirits and the people (i.e. the paqo)

111 See Part V, Appendix II.112 See Part V, #24, p. 121.113 'your table' here translates 'mesaykita', with the underlying concept of a kind of altar which the paqo appears to be 'authorised' by the Apu to administer.114 Ibid.

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holds his position because it is the will of the Apu - even the paqo lives in fear of the Apu.

Related to this hierarchy are the apachetas which are mounds of stones built by successive travellers who place stones at high points on the paths, or at significant geographical points.115 At these points travellers lay aside their cansancio, spit out any coca they may be chewing, and pray to the Apu for a good journey.These may also be burial cairns, and the dead are reverenced there - "alma yuyasqa mana yuyasqa alma".116

One of the continuing threats that the Quechua live with is the weather, particularly the hail, the frost, and the lightning. Brief mention has been made of Señor Santiago, and this belief isinter-mingled with that of Qhaqya117 who exercises judgment through the thunder and lightning:

"when there is thunder and lightning and Qhaqya strikes, what is struck is taken away to a great house in the sky where there are vast riches, and men, and animals. Lightning can come from those dead when they fight together with slings".118

At times the hail, thunder, and lightning are linked together, soone can find ' three sons' appearing in tales.119

iv. Other spirit-beingsFor the Quechua the supernatural pervades all nature and is not just a matter of the hierarchy mentioned above.115 For instance, the geographical point at which Cuzco first comes into the traveller's view.116 Souls that are not forgotten.117 A term which indicates the combined lightning, thunder, and its effect, it is at times personified as here.118 From conversation with Hilario Sumiri of Qejra near Layo.119 See, for example, 'The Mailman ', Part V, #21, p. 102.

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Spirits are to be found in springs, and are sometimes linked withthe beings who hid in the caves before the sun appeared, for someof them also hid in springs. They can cause a variety of illnesses particularly among children.

Trees may also be an object of veneration, as one informant indicated:

"...in my father's land there was a tall tree, it was very old, and the people worshipped it, they brought wine, incense, and a q'oymisqa120 ...they always paid with k'intus121 of coca as well... they believed that the tree was alive like a person, and if the offering was not made the tree could punish or kill them".122

This practice has now died out in this particular community, and of course in the higher areas there are no trees to revere, but in certain quebrada areas there is the yunsa celebration duringthe period of Carnavales. This is a dance which takes place around a tree festooned with gifts, the dancing couples take turns to chop the tree down, and the couple who succeed are thus marked out as responsible for the celebration the following year.During the dance alcohol is sprinkled on the trees at intervals, and after the tree is felled, branches are taken off to people's homes - there would thus appear to be a religious significance inthe tree. Symbolically it may link levels of reality, and if it indicates renewal of life, it is particularly apt in Carnavales when fertility rites are most in evidence.

Rivers are also embraced in the sacred:

120 An offering including maize, food, and llama fat - all of which is burnt.121 Three specially selected leaves of coca which are offered.122 From conversation with Anastacio Lopez, originally from a small community above the tree line, near Santa Rosa in the Department of Puno. The tree was unique in that there were no other tress in that area.

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"It is alive...it is dangerous because it is like God...so there is the prayer to the river -

Hatun mayu Great river,Panpachaykuway Take away (my sin)hatun mayu Great river,Amapuni apawaychu Never ever take me away.

... a k'intu of coca is selected and with a little alcohol it is thrown into the water, so that the river will not take the person away in judgment".123

The river, signifying natural continuity and purification, is a powerful symbol.

Among the many other spirits that exist there is the cabildo, a kind of house-spirit/guardian whose favours must be courted. During Carnavales one of the activities is to sprinkle the bottoms of the outer walls of the house with a mixture of flour and ñujcho flowers124 (or confetti), in this the owner of the houseis "festejando al cabildo" to ensure the spirit's goodwill duringthe year.In addition to these spirits there are many evil winds which can be injurious, particularly to children - a piece of wool (spun tothe left) tied on the leg is thought to give protection. Another area of belief concerns omens, these abound, for instance if a long-eared owl flies over a house it is a sign that someone in the house will die soon. Birds and animals are the subject matterof these omens.

123 From conversation with Anastacio Lopez.124 Small red flowers, linked in Incaic times with the worship of Viracocha. One use today is to symbolise shed blood in Roman Catholic processions.

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In such a world, fraught with uncertainty and insecurity, the Quechua live, and it is not surprising that the intermediaries - the paqo, hanpeq, layqa (magician), and watuq - the priesthood of animism, are such important people. They have a history at least as long as that of the Quechua, with its own craft:

"...at about the age of 18 my father said that I should go to work with a paqo...so I went...and he was calling to the spirits using the 'forros de Mallku'...I don't know what Mallku would be ...but there were big pages...sojja, sojja, sojja125 ...then he called and they called to him".126

Mallku was a deity in the Incaic period,127 and the name indicates 'chief' or 'greatest among its species', and as can be seen in our quotation, has a magical significance. The paqo would appear to have been using a book of spells (hence 'forros' and the noise of pages turning) attributed in some way to Mallku. Our informant was, unknowingly being introduced to practices with roots stretching back at least to Incaic times.

5. Folklore - function and content

Having seen something of the thought- world and belief-system of the contemporary Quechua, we now come to matters of the function of folklore in that setting, and an analysis of some aspects of content.

i. FunctionIn our appraisal of different approaches to folklore, we noted inthe anthropological approach the consideration of folkloric

125 The sound of pages turning.126 From conversation with Anastacio Lopez.127 Jorge A. Lira, Diccionario Kkechuwa-Espanol. Tucuman, 1944, p.616.

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function, and applied to the material in our corpus this proves valuable.

a. We have already seen that the idea of intermediaries to link the spheres of reality is an important one, and even inthe stories intermediaries can span the two. For instance, in the "Condor and the Hummingbird", the birds represent an aspect of the supranatural sphere, but the possibility of communication is seen in the way in which the hummingbird can take messages between the two. The relatedness of the different levels of existence is underlined and reinforced, and in some instance there is the reminder of the mixed blessing that this is - e.g. in stories of condenados.b. The family setting in which tales are most often told indicates a role in education and socialisation of children into the mores and folkways of the community. A story such as "The little boy and the coming of February” has somethingto say both to the children and the parents.

c. The way in which the situation of the people is often reflected in the tales enables the audience to see themselves in certain roles and in this way promotes group solidarity. They are able to laugh at the zonzo and the "Twobrothers”, identify themselves with him and share in his triumphs over the "misti” who was fooled into buying the bird, over the cattle dealers, and over his grasping brother. On the surface it may appear as a simple morality tale warning against the dangers of avarice, but in reality we can see a protest against the exploitative hacendado and the superior "misti”, and the conviction that real astutenesslies with the Quechua. Or in the story of the "Fox and the Mouse” the Quechua can identify himself with the small ’culture hero' who continues to outwit his powerful opponent.

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d. Folklore also provides socially-sanctioned ways for disapproval of certain actions, or for the acting-out of role-reversal. The insult exercise mentioned earlier can allow censure that otherwise might not be possible, or a given situation might arise where someone not acting properly would be the object of a tale. This is also linked with the role folklore has in conveying a group's morality, in the "Woodman and the Condenado” for example the penalty for certain forms of sexual deviance is enunciated.

e. The tales and songs can serve as a vehicle whereby feelings of oppression or repression can be released, an idea we noted in Benedict's "tales tally with, yet do not tally with culture" dictum. Songs in Carnavales can do this for women, for example:

"... kasada kashaspa being marriedananaw how lovely!

k'uchupi tiyamuysitting in a corner

alalaw so cold!

kasada kashaspa being marriedatataw it's

awful!wawata uywamuy bringing up kids

atataw how grim!

kasada kashaspa being marriedatataaw how grim!

lawata ruwamuy preparing mazamorraakakaw.128 what a

pain!

here the women sing ironically of their position.

128 A. E. Espinoza, "Canciones del Carnaval de San Pablo", Wayka, No.3, 1970, Cuzco, p. 53.

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f. Also permitted within the folklore are actions not normally approved, or word-play that allows things to be said which would not normally be spoken out. For instance inthe song-cycle just quoted from, the young men and women sing of intercourse, but use language of forging links drawnfrom metallurgy. In a subtle way people are allowed to do orsay what they want, but the responsibility for it is shiftedfrom them to the folkloric tradition.

g. Folklore also, of course, offers an enjoyable escape fromreality, and the humour of many of the stories provides this. At times when tales come during a work period, dull activity may be converted into play.

In these functions the individual can be seen to be either actually or vicariously doing what he or she would like to do, and this inevitably provides a unique source of information aboutthe people.

ii. ContentA detailed content analysis of all the tales in our corpus is notpossible here, we shall therefore confine ourselves to certain themes or characteristics which are prominent in the tales.

a. Of these features one is the degree to which there is a concern about food. The mouse involves the fox in trying to get cheese and mazamorra; the foxes want to eat the burro - who first has to be fed before he sets out on his mission; the parents put food aside for February; the condor outlaststhe fox and eats him; the fox plans to eat the huallata and her young; in the conflict between the two wives the test isfood preparation; the worm "cuts trees" (in reality, attacksbeans) and dies because it threatens food supply; likewise the skunk stealing potatoes; the young man on the eagle has

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a food supply-and-demand problem; the mailman is given food only to find it is worms and maggots, it is easy to see in this a reflection of the hardships that derive from sub-sistence agriculture, where famine is a real possiblity. Yetthere are some elements that move in the realm of fantasy - a fox trying to drink up a lake - and this would seem more than just the basic food problem, ideas of revenge may also enter in.

b. It is significant that the pre-occupation with food is usually linked with a conflict situation. The fox and the huallata, fox and puma, fox and mouse, the two wives, the burro and the foxes, the heron and his wife, the worm and his wife, the condor and his wife - all are in conflict. An interesting factor is that these conflicts most often involve animals not normally in conflict in everyday life, and thus the language here may be analogical of conflicts existing in the culture itself. Since marriage within one's immediate kin group is not practised, marriage outside one'sclose relatives is a must, and conflict it seems, is inevitable - three of the tales concern marriages between different species. Thus the tensions that arise from the conflicts may be shown in the tales, and a feature such as the huallata-fox callousness may bespeak overt hostility. Notonly do individuals and families experience conflict, communities are at times involved, it is not difficult to see a link between conflict, means of sustenance, and economic needs.

c. Linked with conflict is violence. The mailman stays in the house with the possibility of brutal treatment hanging over him; the ch'acha kills all his schoolmates; the two brothers kill readily and arbitrarily; etc. Some of these indicate a social morality where rough justice is handed

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out, others the quid quo pro principle, but others show undeserved suffering. In part there is acceptance of this, an attitude of recognition and resignation in the face of it. But there are also elements of censure in the tales, andthe occasional hint that such violence will get its due reward. The historical experience of the Quechua and their despairing helplessness may be seen here.

d. Part of the humour of the tales lies in their elements ofdeceitfulness and trickery - seen especially in the fox and mouse cycle, but also in other tales. At times the deceit iswanton, such as that of the huallata, or the condor turned smart young man, and the social corollary of this is distrust and suspicion, both common attitudes to be found incommunities. The tales illustrate at times a protest againstthis deceit when it is practised to their disadvantage, but at the same time it is approved if it proceeds from them.

e. Conflict in marriage has been mentioned, and this is partof a larger element of failure and disappointment in love. This is very evident in poetry and songs, e.g.

"I will tell my father, I will tell my mother, How in the nest of the puku-puku You make me weep bitterly, How in the nest of the puku-puku You make me suffer harshly".129

The young bride finds marriage is not what she thought it would be. In the tales the heron is killed by his wife, the condor is boiled alive, the worm and his wife separate from

129 For the Quechua version, see Part V, #25, p. 122.59

one another, unexplained pregnancies arise. One more aspect of the sadness so often found in Quechua life is seen here.

f. In selecting these few elements it can be seen that the folklore of the Quechua projects so much of their attitudes,concerns, and characteristics. An unhappy world is reflected, with insecurity all around them, and pessimism, mistrust, and antagonism being some of the features.

The factors that have gone to produce this are not easy to determine, but the very nature of their environment must play some part. The inward-looking nature of their social organisationalso promotes in-group solidarity, and suspicion, dislike, and conflict for that which is outside. So, for instance, recourse tomagic is necessary to deal with real or imagined enemies, perhapsmore important than these factors is the culture-history of the people, with its oppression, degradation, and variety of harsh sanctions which the people had to endure. The whole effect of this may be just the kind of individual and society which is characterised by what we have noted above.

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PART IV : THE EXAMPLE OF LANGUI-LAYO

1. General

During our field work some time was spent in some of the communities130 to be found around the Langui-Layo lake in the province of Canas in the Department of Cuzco. What follows is an attempt to illustrate what has been said in Parts II and III by some of the findings in the Langui-Layo area.

The lake itself lies in the extreme south of the Department of Cuzco131 and at a height of 12,700 feet above sea-level, it is thelargest lake in the department, 15 kms. by 5 kms. One of the ranges of the Cordillera Occidental passes through the area, reaching its highest point in the Nudo de Vilcanota.132 The wholearea is a mountainous prolongation of the high Colla plateau to the south. At either end of the lake are small towns - Langui andLayo - and a number of small communities are scattered around thelake.

As the name of the province suggests, the people of the area are,historically, the Kanas. The expansion of the Inca Empire south-wards took place primarily along the Vilcanota valley, and after a bitter struggle was extended later into the territory of the warlike Kanas, though the Kanas retained much of their individuality.

During the following centuries the Kanas assimilated certain elements of Hispanic culture, but it was re-translated in the process. Throughout the period they retained their independent spirit, and this is reflected in the fact that many of Tupac

130 Qejra, Calcapampa, Hanocca.131 Layo is 188 kms. south of Cuzco, 48 kms. south-west of Sicuani; 71 09' W, 14 30' S.132 See Appendix II.

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Amaru II's supporters in 1780 were Kanas. Many had to work in themines, but after the high point of mining development passed mostreturned to their communities and to their agricultural life. Something of their independence has remained with them, and the people of Langui-Layo remember vividly the uprising against the hacendados of 1921.

2. The structure of their world

For the people of the area the enclosing nature of their environment has deep significance. On either side the lake is bounded by high ranges, and at the south end of the lake a flattish tableland133 rises from the lakeside pampa to act almost as a bridge between the two ranges.134 For the people the peaks of Yana Orqo, Paucca, Taqllo, Chunchus, Vilcanota, La Raya,Laramani, and Qhaqya have apus; travellers, for instance, invoke these at the apachetas.135 Related to these are the aukis of the lower hills, in the Layo area the following hills have aukis - Calvario, Quisco, Pukara, Poqobanita, Kinchillani, Quimsa, Qoqta.A variety of other spirits are believed to exist, e.g duendes, who are in the rivers and streams, they have a siren-like effect on travellers luring them into danger and making them ill. With the apu-auki-apacheta system around them, and Pachamama 'under' them, one becomes aware that the people have structured their environment in a way that structures their existence.

Together with this there is another factor for consideration, thepaqos have one specific place where despachos are offered. This isasterisked on our map, and its location is significant - it lies beside the river where the pampa meets the hills, and at a sandy, cliff-like face which marks a low point in the Cusibamba tableland. It is as if this is the centre of the ‘bridge' 133 Cusibamba, where, incidentally, the 1921 rising took place.134 See map, Appendix II.135 See map, Appendix II.

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between the two ranges, and the centre of the structured supernatural, the symbolic meeting place of the different levels of reality. Here beside the river, the people meet (through the intermediary, sacrifice and offering) the spirits.136 Eliade's comments are apposite:

"...man in traditional societies could only live in a space openings upward, where a break in the plane was symbolically assured and hence communication with the ‘other world', the transcendental world, was ritually assured...he felt the need never to be far from the centre and to remain in communication with the supra- terrestrial world, in short, whatever the dimensions of the space with which he is familiar and in which he regards himself as situated - his country, his city, his village, his house - religious man always feels the need to exist in a total organised world, in a cosmos".137

The Quechua, as we have already noted is religious man, and as wesaw with his ancestors so here there is the need to order his existence lest chaos should overwhelm him.

3. The legend of Langui-Layo lake

The best known part of the folklore of the area is the legend ofthe lake, and of the four versions collected, the most complete is included in our corpus.138 Time was when there was no lake in the area, at that time an old man, ragged and covered in dirt, arrived on the day of a wedding, so the legend goes. He was cleaned up by one of the guests - a pregnant woman. She was warned to flee because of what would befall the town, she was not136 There are other places where offerings can be made, but this is the recognised and important point where paqos make their offering.137 The Sacred and the Profane, pp. 43f.138 Part V, #1, p. 45.

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to look back. But she did, and saw judgment coming upon the town as it was flooded completely. For her disobedience she was turnedinto a rock.

The other versions have the same basic elements, and in addition include a request by the old man for food, it was refused - in our corpus version a refusal element is also present. The other versions agree against the corpus version that it was an egg thatdropped from the sky, and when it broke upon the town the flood was the result. Two of the versions suggest that the woman was relieving herself when she looked back. The corpus version is theonly one to suggest that obedience on the part of the woman wouldhave meant fertility and not disaster for the area. Other elements occur only once in the other versions -

at times of full moon the people of the underwater town comealive again, and for this reason the lake is regarded as alive.

the bell of the church under the water still rings at times,and lures people into the lake.

Another legend, which is probably independent and concerns another lake near Laramani,139 suggests the judgment took the formof this small lake emptying itself upon the valley below.

In the Andean region lake legends abound,140 and that of Langui-Layo can be paralleled in a number of other places.141 At first sight the legend is an aetiological myth, for it explains the existence of natural phenomena - the lake, and a great rock from which a stream flows. Closer study suggests more than this, particularly when some contrasts in the story are noted. The wedding celebration has an air of plenty about it, the corpus

139 Part V, #2, p. 47.140 In our own corpus, for instance, one appears in the tale of the “Ch'acha" -as we have earlier suggested this tale may have some European elements.141 Efraín Morote Best cites an almost identical legend from a place near Cuzco. "Aldeas Sumerigidas", Folklore Americano, Lima, No.1, 1953, pp.45-81.

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version suggests a great number of guests, other versions give anidea of the splendour of it, and the indication is that of abundance. Into this situation comes a poor, dirty, ragged, old man, a contrast of plenty and of poverty. From the related refusal motif there may be indicated the desire of those who haveplenty to keep it for themselves, a lack of hospitality and kindness. The poor man comes to re-establish a proper balance into this situation through judgment.

In the versions that mention the request for food, the pregnant woman is also the cook at the wedding. An emphasis on food thus reappears, with a contrast perhaps of hunger, and satisfaction, there is the difficulty that the hungry experience in obtaining food.

The pregnant woman and the setting of a wedding, together with the sudden transformation of all this, suggest a fertility/infertility contrast, a factor confirmed by the last paragraph of the corpus version. Again we find the tension felt in the face of the promise-threat relationship which the people have with their environment, not least in their agriculture.

Thus, while the legend is aetiological in explaining origins, andmoralistic in censuring selfishness, lack of hospitality, and curiosity, it also goes deeper and reveals the uncertain edge on which life is balanced.

Earlier, the link between this legend and that of Cuniraya was mentioned,142 the old man who is disdained but who is actually very powerful, the woman, pregnancy, flight, death, turning into a rock, all appear, and the two would seem to be related.143 Despite all the vicissitudes of history, the basic story has not lost its identity, and if our understanding of the legend is correct, then it indicates also that the contemporary Quechua

142 See p.15.143 Note also the 'old man' motif in the Viracocha myth, pp. 11,12.

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stand in historical continuity with their ancestors and their problems.

4. The ritual battle of Chiaraje

To the outsider one of the strangest aspects of life in the Langui-Layo area is the ritual battle that takes place at least three times a year - 1st. January, 20th. January (St. Sebastian’s Day), and "Jueves de Compadres" during Carnavales - between the people of the Langui-Layo area and those of Ch’eqa. The site of the battle is some kilometres NE of Langui, in a bowl-shaped hollow144 in the shadow of Chiaraje (which is about l1,000 feet above sea-level). The battle, which has two parts, involves fierce fighting on horse and foot, using stones, slings, bolas, and whips (at times with metal objects embedded in them). Youths can take part from the age of 12, and the number of combatants varies according to the date, but as many as 1000 have been knownto take part in recent years. While the men fight their women folk who have come to support (mainly unmarried women) dance the qhaswa on the edge of the bowl-shaped hollow and sing encouragement to the men, for example:

Amapunin manchakunkichu, Never be afraid Wauqechay fulano. Little brother, whoever you are.Chiarajellay patapiqa On the field of the battle of stones.Amapunin manchankichu, Never be afraidWauqechay manzana. Brave little brother,Yawar unu phawaqtinpas, Though a river of blood flows,Rumi chijchi phawaqtinpas, Though it rains stones like hail,Duroy duro sayasunchis, Let us fight fierce and hard,Qaqa hina sayasunchis. Let us stand firm as a rock.

144 Yuraq K'anchay ('Radiant Light'), about 13,000 feet above sea-level.66

Chiarajellay patapiqa On the field of the battle of stonesGuerrallata ganasunchis, We are going to win the battle,Wauqechay fulano145 Little brother, whoever you are.

The battle ends as the afternoon draws on, with the victors at times carrying of the womenfolk of the opponents.146 The vanquished hurry off with their wounded and dead.147

The phenomenon is not restricted to this one instance, it features widely in the southern Andean region,148 though the authorities have in many places curbed the practice. The origins are obscure, but it may be that the practice dates to inter-tribal warfare of pre-Inca times. Various suggestions have been made regarding the significance of the battles - initiation rites, fertility rites, promotion of group solidarity, etc. Thereis the legend that St. Peter and St. Sebastian had a sling battle, and that this commemorates it - there is a statue of St. Sebastian in the church in Ch'eqa. Others link it with the exploits of Tupac Amaru II. But these ideas are overshadowed by the consensus amongst informants that the purpose was to bring a good harvest. The Apus would look with pleasure upon the valour and courage of the victors and award them a good year, whereas the vanquished would be deprecated and suffer the consequences oftheir lack of zeal and effort. Taunts levelled at those who did not participate in the battle confirm this view, e.g.

145 From Benigno Consuegro, age 25, native of Ch'eqa.146 Normally the women take to their heels before the battle ends.147 On January 20th. 1973 two men died.148 See Celina Gorbak, Mirtha Lischetti, and Carmen Paula Muñoz, "Batallas rituales del Chiaraje y del Tocto de la Provincia de Kanas (Cuzco)", Revista del Museo Nacional, Lima, XXXI, 1962, pp. 245-304.

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"you're a coward,...prepared to eat the produce of the land, but you won't go and fight for it!".149

The good year is even further assured if a death occurs, and suchdeaths are regarded as virtuous and apparently are not mourned. This may be human sacrifice to Pacha Mama, the ultimate in propitiatory rites.

This massive conflict type shows again the role of ritual and sacrifice in propitiating the deities in order that harvest may be assured and a tangible sign given of this. It underlines aspects of conflict in the Quechua world.

5. ConclusionIn these three examples drawn from the beliefs and practices of the people of the Langui-Layo area, there is confirmation and amplification of our conclusions in the earlier parts of our study regarding the contemporary Quechua, their thought world, and folklore.

149 From conversation with Benigno Consuegro.68

PART V: TEXTS

The text materials in this section are the transcribed versions of stories, legends, and accounts first tape-recorded from informants. Every attempt has been made to ensure that the transcription is a faithful representation of the recorded original, though at times this was complicated by the fact that other family conversations might have taken place simultaneously (e.g. The example of the visit to the paqo - Part V, #24, pp. 118-121). Punctuation has been introduced working on a basis of breath groups and combining this with meaning. Accordingly there may be divisions which we have made which others would make at different points, and we are aware that further investigation andwork with the informants in question might lead to changes in this respect.

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The legend of Langui-Layo lake

Huj unay tiempon Langui llaqtaqa sumaq llaqta karqan. Hinataq chay tiempoqa casarakuq karqan kasqa karqan Langui llaqtapi. Hinan chay pachaqa chay casarakuqpapi askha kasharqanku, hinaspataq chaypi huj señora kasqa karqanwijsayoq. Chayllamanmi huj qhoñasapa machulachaqa haykukusqa karqan chay wijsayoq señoratataq nisqa karqan,

— Kay qhoñayta p'icharqoway, nispa.

Hinataq niqtinqa p'icharqosqa chay señoraqa y hinataq chay machulachaqa chaypi huj ratolla samaykusqa. Hina wajmanta kunanqa lloqsiranpullasqataq, hinaqa huj runamanñataq chinpayullasqataq p'icharunanpaq. Hina mana hinachayqa mana p'ichapuyta munasqachu, aswanpas phiñarikapusqa:

— Qan qhoñasapa machulatachu ñoqa p'ichashayman, nispa.

Hinan chay ñaupaqtaq chay wijsayoq señora p’ichaqninman chinpayullasqataq, hina wijsayoq señora p'icharusqa. Chay qhoñasapa machulachaqa nisqa:

— Señora, kunanqa pasapuy apuraylla porque manan yachankichu imachus kay llaqtata pasananta, nispa.

Hinataq kay señoraqa chay wijsayoq señoraqa chay nisqanman hina pasanpusqa. Hina chay alto orqo Mamaqani wichay nisqa chay lloqsiyanpusqa, hinaspa chay qhatapiqa samaykuyta munasqa chay señoraqa, bueno, manataq samaykuytaqa munasqapunitaqchu.

A long time ago the town of Langui was very attractive, and at one point during that time there was a wedding there. In the house where the wedding was there were lots ofpeople, including a woman who was pregnant. A old man, face covered with snot, came in andasked this pregnant woman,

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"Could you please wash this snot off me?"

At his request the woman cleaned him up, and the old man rested there for a little while. Then he went off out again, and later came in and went to someone else to be cleaned up again. But this person did not want to wash him, and in fact got quite annoyed,

"What would I be doing washinga snotty-faced old man like you", he snorted.

So the old man went back once again to the woman who had cleaned him up before, and shegave him a wash. The old man then said to her,

"Listen señora, you should getaway from here as quick as youcan, you don’t know what’s going to happen to this place."

So the woman who was pregnant went away just as she had beenadvised. As she was getting upthe high mountain called ’Mamaqani’ she wanted to have a rest on the hillside during the ascent, and at the same time she did not want to stop.Hinataq

— ¿Imatapunitaq niwarqan chaymachulachari, imataq kanqari Langui llaqtapiri? nispa nisqa, hinaspa imachu kashanpas, nispa, kutirispa qhawarisqa, hinataq tiyaykuspataq. Hinaspa qhawarinanpaqsi janaq pachamanta q'aytu morota hina laych'uykukamushasqa karqan llaqta ukhuman hatun moroqa.

Hinaspataq hujta allinta qhawarinanpaqtaq qocha tukurqapusqa karqan, hina llaqtantinta milp'urqapusqa unuqa karqan manaya llaqtaqa kapusqachu karqan. Hina chay warmitaq tukupusqa karqan qaqaman; kunan chay qaqamanta unu phawashan.

Manataq chay warmi qhawarinmanchu karqan, chay

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machulachaq nisqanta chayqa Languiqa mana unuwan milp'usqachu kanman karqan, aswansi kanman karqan yunka tukuy imaymana frutakuna chaypi winanman karqan. Qhawaripurqantaq chayrayku mana imapaschu kapun aswan qocha chay qhawaq warmipas qaqaman tukupun.

She thought to herself, "What was that the old man said was going to happen to Langui?" and added, "maybe it's even happening and turning round tosee she sat down. Just then she looked up and saw as it were a ball of black and whitewool coming down from the sky

upon the town below, a huge ball.

To get a better look she turned back to a lake―the whole town had been flooded with water and now no longer existed ―the woman herself turned into a rock; and today water flows out from that rock.

If the woman had not looked back what the old man said would not have happened and Langui would not have been flooded with water. Instead itwould have been a fertile valley where fruit and many other things grew. But since she did look, there is nothingbut the lake and the woman wholooked―now turned to a rock.

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The lake of Laramani (small part of legend)

Laramani chaypi kusa qolqe kashan nillankutaqmi, chaypas qochayoqmi kikinmi, hay hina orqo kuchupi kan mana lloqsinpaschu, haqay ladollaman. Kunan timpolla lloqsin mana napiqa chirawapiqa lloqsinchu kasqanpi detenido chay qocha kallantaq chay kallantaq. Chaylla yachani. Over there in Laramani there's

lots of silver, so they say, there's a lake there too, justin a sort of corner of the hillside, it has no outflow, just on this side. At this time of year the water flows out, but in the dry season it doesn't, it stays where it is.This is all that I know.

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The fox and the mouse

Chaynaqa kunan ñoqa willasqayku huj cuentota atoqmantawan huk’uchamantawan.Huj ch'isis huk'ucha purishasqa qocha patapi killa p'unchay killa k'anchashaqtin,hlnaspa huk'uchata tarirqosqa atoqqa, hinaspa nisqa: ―Mikhurukusqayki, nispa.

Niqtinnataq huk'uchaqa kutichisqa: ―Mikhushawankichá mikhunaykitaqa, hatun queso kay unu ukhupi kashan, chaytaraq horqokuy, nispa, manan ñoqa atinichu huch'uyllakaspa haykuyta qanri saltaykurqoy nispataq horqorqoy, nispa.

―¿May? nispa.

Atoqqa kusisqaraq qhawarisqa hina, queso kashasqa unu ukhupi, hinataq atoqqa saltaykun queso- man, mana kanchu queso, mana tarinchu, yaqa aswan wañun pay. Chayqamaqa huk'uchaqa ayqerikapusqanña, hinañataqá chaymantaqa mana yanqa qotusqanta rikurqospa atoqqa

pasan huk'uchata maskhaspa. Hina huk'uchaqa purishallasqataq wasi qayllapi, hinanñataqya qayllanman chinpaykuspa niykusqa: ―Mikhurqosqaykipuninqan unuman saltaykuchiwanki yanqa, nispa.

Hinataqya nispa niqtinqa huk'uchaqa nisqa: ―Mikhukushawankichá makillaykipi kashani, ichaqa sumaq leche lawan kashan kay wasipi, nispa nin.

Misk'illaña niqtin atoqqa nin:―¿May malliykuyta munayman, nispa nin.

Now I am going to tell you a story about a fox and a mouse.Once the mouse was out at night walking along the side of a lake in the moonlight when the moon was really bright. Then the fox met the mouse and sail to him, "I'm going to eat you".When he said this the mouse replied "Yes, you're going to

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eat me, I'm your food, but here in the water there's a huge cheese, you can still take it out, I'm too small to get it but you could go in and jump on it,'' he said, suggesting how he could get it.

"Where is it?" said the fox.

The fox gazed happily, the cheese was in the water, he jumped at the cheese but didn't get it, there was no cheese and the fox nearly died. Meanwhile the mouse had escaped, and the fox realised that he had been quite deliberately tricked, and he ran to find the mouse. The mouse was strolling near a house, and coming up close to him, he said, "Now I really amgoing to eat you for you got me to jump in the water just for your own amusement".

At this the mouse said to him,"Yes, you're going to eat me, I'm in your hands, but in this

house there's some really tasty milk mazamorra."

When he heard that it was sweet, the fox asked, "Where about? I would like to taste it".

Huk'uchaqa dedonpa puntallanpiaparamuspa llaqwaykuchisqa hina misk'i kasqa llaqwaparqokun qalluntapas allintaraq sinqan wichaykunaman. ―¿Maymi? Pusarqoway, nispa nin.

Hinataq rin hinataq pusakatan q'oncha patapi leche lawa kasqa chayta mikhun tukuy sinqantin winakun atoqqa, hinaspataq tukurqon mikhurqospa, hinataq umanman uman winarqosqa mankaman mana horqoyta atinchu: ―¿Maymi? nata uchu musk'aman apakataway, nispa.

Huk'uchataqa nin: ―Mana chay uchu musk'amanchu apakatan.

Hinaqa chay wasiyoq kasqa yuyaqkuna iskay yuyaqkuna qhari warmi chaypaq umanman apakatasqa. Hina chayqamataq

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apakataspaqa huk'uchaqa pasakapun chinkarakapunña. Hinataq atoqqa waqtan umanpi p'akirukun mankaqa manan uchu musk'achu kasqa yuyaqkunaq uman.

Hinaspataq yuyaqkuna qatirin: ―¿lman chay? nispa, qaparinku alqocha qatirin; hinaspa pasapun atoqqa.

Hinaspaqa: ¿Maypitaq haqay huk'uchaqa kashan? nispa, huk'uchamanqa maskhaq pasakantaq. Hinaqa tuparusqa karu panpapi hina chaypiqa panpata huk'uchaqa t'oqoshasqa: ―Kunan ichaqa mikhurqosqayki, nispa nin.

The mouse brought some on the tip its finger and got him to taste it and it was sweet, he really licked and sniffed it all up!

"Where is it? Take me there please," he said.

So he went and guided him, on the top of the stove was the milk mazamorra, this he ate up, even his nose was in it. When he had finished off the food, his head was stuck fast in the pot and he could not get it out. "Where are you? Take me to the grinding stone," he said to the mouse,

"No, not the grinding stone", said the mouse.

In the house the owner was in bed with his wife, they were both old, and he guided the fox to the owner's head. Having directed him there the mouse made off and hid himself, and the fox thumped his head against the other. The pot was smashed and it wasn't a grinding stone at all, it was the heads of the old couple. The old pair kicked him out, "What on earthis this? they asked, and beganto shout, probably it's a dog." The fox got out.

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"Where will that mouse be?" heasked himself, and went off tolook for it. This time he found him on a plain a good way off, and the mouse was digging a hole, the fox said to him, "This time l am reallygoing to eat you."

Hinaspa huk'uchaqa nillantaq: ―Mikhukapushawankichá makillaykipin kashani, nispa, mana qan yachankichu huj mana allin willakuykunan kashan, nina paras chayanqa lliuqtas runata ruphanqa llapatas kay pachapi kaqkunata ruphanqa, nispa. Chaymi ñoqa kunan panpata t'oqokushani pakakunaypaq, nispa nin.

Hina atoqqa nin: ―¿Cheqaqtachu? nispa nin.

―Ari, cheqaqtá chayanqa, nispanin. Hinaqa, t'oqoysiwankimanchu? nispa huk'uchaqa nin.

―Arí, t'oqoysisqaykin, nispa, ñoqapaqqa hatunta t'oqosun

ñoqapaqwan ñoqapuni ukhuman haykusaq, nispa.

Hinaqa t'oqonku llank'anku hinaspa ukhuta panpata t'oqonku. Hinaman tanataq t'oqoruqtinkuqa huk'uchaqa atoqqa: ―Ñoqapuni ukhuman haykusaq, nispa, ukhuman haykun;

Huk'uchataq chay qhepanta hay-kun, hinaspa pakakunku chay panpa t'oqopi. Hinaspa huk'uchaqa nisqa: ―Qhawarirqamusaq parachus cheqaqtachus para chayashan manachus, nispa lloqsirqamun.

Hinaspataq chay t'oqo punkutaqa churaykurqosqa kiskakunawan p’ata kiskakunawan montukasqa, ninataq chay chayta montukataspaqa pasakapusqa ayqerikapusqa, hinaqa mana kutikunchu huk'ucha hina atoqqa: ―¿Maytaqri? Nina parachá rupharqapun cheqaqtachá nina para chayashan riki, nispa nin.So the mouse replied, "Of course you are going to eat meup, I'm in your hands, but you

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do not know that there has been bad news. There's going to be fire from the sky falling like rain, and all that's in the world and all ofhumanity will be burned up. That's why I' m digging this hole for myself, that I can hide".

So the fox said, "Is this really true?"

"Oh yes it's the truth, it's going to come, how about helping me to make the hole?" replied the mouse.

"Of course I'll help you, and while we're at it let's make abig hole so that I can get right inside it.

So they worked together and made big hole in the ground, and when was done the fox said, "Now I'm going to get right inside," and in he went.

The mouse went in after him and they hid there in the holein the ground. Later the mouse

said, "I am going out to see whether it is really raining or not," and out he went.

Then he covered up the entrance to the hole with spiky thorns, and when he had piled these up he went off andescaped. When the mouse did not come back the fox thought,"Where is he? The rain of firehas probably burnt him up, it really must be raining then".

Haywarqamun makinwan chay t'oqota, hinaqa kiskata llamiykun hinaqa kiskakuna allaykun makinmanta 'p'aqtaq, p'aqtaq' nispa hina: ―Parashasqapunimá cheqaqtá, allichari kaypi ñoqaqqa pakakushani, huk'uchataqa rupharqapunchá, nispa riki. Diego sutin huk'uchaqa, chayqaDiegotaqa rupharqapunchá, nispa payqa nin.

Hinaqa kaypi kashan yaraqaypishap’inchá chay p'unchay pasan chay p’unchay pasan llamiykun

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qaqlla kashan: ―Chayashanpunimá, nispa, yastayaraqaymi nisiutaña. Yaraqamantaña wañupushanpis.

Hinataq: ―Kunanqa imaynataq chay cheqaqpuni manachu, nispa.

Huj ladonta t'oqorqamun hinaspa lloqsirqamusqa; hinaqat'oqoruspa qhawaykun hinaqa mana para nina paraqa chayasqachu aswanpas kiskalla t'oqo punkupi monturayashasqa.Hinaspa kunanqa puririn huk'ucha maskhaq: ―¿Maypipunitaq haqayqa kashan?Diegoqa chaykunata ruwaykuwan ñoqaqa cheqaqta nirqani mana cheqaqchu kasqa nina paraq chayayninqa, nispa.

Hinaqa maskhaspa puririllantaqhina naqa huk'uchaqa qaqatanataq nit'ishasqa tanqashasqa, hinaspa chaypi hap'irqosqa o tariparqosqa atoqqa nispa: ―Kunan ichaqa mikhurqosqayki chay imata ñoqata yaraqaymanta wañuchiwanki panpa ukhupi tiyachiwanki nina paran chayanqa, nispa.

So he put his hand out of the hole and the thorns pricked his hand. "It really is raining! What a good job I'm hidden in here, the mouse musthave been burnt up", he said (the mouse was called 'Diego'), "Diego will have been burnt up". [Note: 'p'aqtaq, p'aqtaq' - onomatopeia for thorns sticking into the fox.]

While he was there he was getting hungry, day after day passed, always touching with his hand was still the same, "Yes, it's really raining," he said, "but I'm starving", and he was almost dead with hunger. "Well, whatever it is,what am I to do?" he said to himself.

He made a hole on the other side and went out. When he looked he realised that it hadn' t been raining fire at all, instead thorns had been

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piled the entrance to the hole. So he went searching forthe mouse, "I wonder where he is, Diego has done this to me,I believed it to be true and this about the rain of fire has not been the case at all,"he said.

He went searching on, and the was beside a rock flattened against it, pushing it. There he caught him and caught up with him. The fox said to him,"Now indeed you are to be eaten, you have caused me so much suffering with hunger andmade me hide underground with the story that it was going torain fire from heaven".

Niykusqa huk'uchata atoqqa, hinataq huk'uchaqa nisqa: ―Mikhukapushawankichá makillaykipin kashani, kay qaqas ñit'iwasun chaymi mana allinchu kashan, nispa. Qanta ñoqata ñit'iwasun chaymi kunanñoqaña kay qaqata hap'ishani, nispa ñit'ishasqa ñit'ishan, hinataqmi nisqa kay qaqata

allinta chillparqosunchis rumikunata astarimuy nispa atoqtaqa.

Hinaqa atoqqa mana kasunchu paytaqa nin: ―Aswan ñoqa hap'ishasaq qan aparqamuy rumikunata, nispa.

Hinaqa huk'uchaqa: ―Allinta hap'inki, allinta kallpachakuspa ñit'inki, nin, tanqankipuni mana chayqa nit'iwaswanmi, nispa.

Hinataq huk' uchaqa rumi apaq pasan, hinaspa mana ukirirqonchu paytaqmi hap'ishan hap'ishan chi isiyanña yasta tutayanña makinpas utinpunña mananña kallpan kanñachu. Hinaspa manchakushan qaqaq ñit'inanta,hinaspa kunanqa allinta yuyaykun, hinaspa kunan karumanpuni saltarqoyman: ―Chaychá, nispa. Allinta kallpacharikun witi puntamantaraq, hinaspataq kunanqa saltan qaparikusparaq "Wáqaq" nisparaq huj ladoman saltan.

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Hinaspa qhawarimun qaqata hinamana qaqaqa kuyurinchu ni imanpas kuyurinchu, hinaspa nin: ―"¿Imaynatapunitaq q'oturqollawantaq chaqay Diegoqa ñoqataqa kaynata chayta qaqatanataq hap'ikuchiwan kunanqa? nispa. ¿Maypin kashan? Maskharamuspa mikhurqosaqpuni, nispa.

So the mouse said to the fox when he had finished, "Yes, you'll go ahead and eat me, I'm in your hands, this rock is going to flatten us and that's bad news, and that's why I'm holding it like this."He went on pushing, "Let's wedge the rock in tight, you bring some stones," he said tothe fox.

But the fox did not want to dothat and said, "I've a better idea, I'll push and you bring the stones".

So the mouse replied, "Good, you push then, but with all your might, keep on pushing

because if you don't it will flatten us."

So the mouse went off to bringstones, he did not return but the fox went on pushing and holding on all day. It was nowevening, his hands were tired,he no longer had strength leftto hold it, he was afraid thatthe rock would flatten him. Heworked out a plan in his mind to jump out away the rock 'Like so!' he said. With an effort involving the whole of his body he took a great leap "Waqaq!", he shouted as he jumped to the side.

Then he looked rock and it wasstill the same, it hadn't moved the slightest bit, so hesaid to himself, "How has Diego managed to trick me yet again? He makes me act like this holding the rock. Where is he now? I'll search for himand this time for sure I'll eat him".

Puririn maskhaq, hinaqa orqo patata maskhaspa rin, hina

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chaypi huk'uchaqa Diegoqa llant'ata llant'aykushasqa; hinaspa tariparqon: ― Kunan mikhurqosqayki, nispa, kay hinata ñoqata qaqata hap'ikuchiwanki, hinaspa yaraqaymantapas wañuchiwanki chiriwanpas pasachiwanki tutantin, nispa.

Hinaqa Diegoqa nisqa: ―Arí, mikhukapushawankichá kayqa kuskataq kashanchis makillaykipi kashani, ñoqamanmi cargon tukawan tupawan kay ayllupi, chaymi kunan ñoqa cargota pasasaq chaypin kunan runakuna faltasqan, chaypin llant'a llant'aqkuna mana kanchu tukaqkuna mana kanchu, serviciokuna runa askha faltawan, nispa nin. Hinaqa ¿manachu chaypi yanapaykuwankiman pasarqoysiwankiman cargota? Hinaspa chay qhepataña mikhukapuwankiman, nispa.

Hinaqa: ―¿Cheqaqtachu chay kanki?

―Ari, cheqaqtan kani cargopi, nispa.

Hinaqa: ―Llant'ata llant'aysinllantaysisqayki kunanqa.

―Allinmi, ñoqapuni kasaq musico, nispa.

Llant'anku llant'ata askhatas monturparinku huj wasi sayaytaraqsi, llant'aspa hinaspataq kunanqa atoqqa paypuni tukuyta munan, tukaqsikayta munan musico hinaqa, Diegoqa nin: ―Allinmi, tukapuwanki, nin. Hinataq kunanqa llant'ata montuysichikun huj lakaypi hina montinku paykuna llant'ata.

He went looking, and went up top of a hill, and there Diegowas getting wood ready. So thefox caught up with him, "Now I'm really going to eat you," he said, "you made me hold up that rock, you made me suffer with hunger, and suffer the cold all night too".

So Diego said to him, "Well, there's no doubt at all that

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you're going to eat me, here we are together and I'm in your hands, and it's my turn to take responsibility in the ayllu for this fiesta, but now I'll pass the responsibility on, and you need men for and this, and these are lacking, there's no one to arrange the wood, there are no musicians, no one to deal with the other services, I need lots of people," he said, "you couldn't help me to discharge my duty, could you? Afterwardsyou could eat me".

"Is this the truth about what you have to do?"

"Yes, it's true, I have the responsibility", he replied. "Then I'll help you to get thewood ready, I'll help you withthat," he said.

"That's good, I can look afterthe music," said the mouse.

So they got wood together, a pile about the size of a house, and while they were arranging the wood the fox offered to play as well, he

wanted to be a musician. Diegosaid, "Very good, play for me if you would". he asked him for help to pile up the wood and they built it up.

Hinaspaqa chay chaupipi tukaykuspa sayaykuspa atoqqa tukan, Diego yachaykuchiqtin altota qhawaspa: —¡Diego cargopi! ¡Diego cargopi! ¡Diego cargopi! nispa. Ahinatan tukanki, nispa yachaykuchin Diego.

Hinataq kunan chay llant'a chaupipi sayaykuchin, hinataq chaykamaqa Diegoqa muyuriqmanta ninata hap'ikuchimun. Hinaqa ninaqa yawrarimun, '¡Viuuu!', nishan yanqataraq. Hinaspaqa paytaq altota qhawarispa: —¡Diego cargopi! ¡Diego cargopi! nispaatoqqa tukaykushan. Hina mana pay riparakurqanchu ima kasqanta, hinataq kunan ninamanta mana escaparqoyta atinchu chaypi nina ruphapun, chaypi atoq wañupun.

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Kaykaman chay cuento chayqa chaynatan, huch'uy chaylla. Huk'ucha Digo sutiyoq hatun atoqta wañunankama pusasqa.

The fox went in the middle of this to play. So So the fox played, standing in the middle[of the pile]. Diego told him to look up and say, "Diego's in charge! Diego's in charge! Diego's in charge! That is howyou have to play," he taught him.

So he stood in the middle of the wood, meanwhile Diego lit

the wood all around. Soon the flames caught on, and crackledfiercely. Looking upwards the fox played on, "Diego's in charge! Diego's in charge!," and he didn't notice what was happening around, then he could not escape the flames and it burnt him. So the fox died.

This is all the story, it's small. It tells of the little mouse Diego who led the big fox to his death.

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The Fox and the Mouse

Huj casarakuqsi kasqa. Hinaspachay casarakuqpa wasinman haykusqa huk'uchaqa, sumaq mesa patapi queso churarayasqa, chayta huk'uchachaqa mikhurqosqa chaymanta huj q'oncha patapi kasqa leche api chaypaq mañanacampo kasqañachu mikhuyunanpaq huk'uchapaqqa, hinanñataq huk'uchaqa allinta sajsaruspa pasapusqa. Hina atoq chayta purimushasqa, hinaspa atoqwan tuparuspsaqa nisqa: ―Haqaypiraqsi sumaq mikhuna convido kashan. ¿Qantapusarusqaykichu? nispa.

―¿Maypitaq kashanri? nispa.

―Haqaypi casarakuq kasqa hina chaypi sumaq mikhunakuna puchuyusqa. ¿Hakuchu chayta mikhuramusun? nispa.

―May pusaruway, nispa nisqa.

Pusayusqa q'oncha patapi lecheapi kashasqa. Chaytas atoqqa gustonpaq mikhuykun, hinas mankaman qaqa uman haykurapusqa. Hinas: ―¡Ayyy! ¿Imanayarusaqtaq? Kunanri

umayraqsi mana lloqsirapunchu.¿Imanasaqtaqri? nispas nin.

Hukúchaqa nisqa: ―Hamuy, hamuy, kaypi kashan qollota, kayman p'anarunki, nispa.

Novioq umallanmantaq atoqqa p'anarachipusqa chay leche apita.

―Kaypi rumi kashan, kayman waqtaruy, nispa.

Umanta atoqqa waqtasqa, hinaspa casarakuqpa umanpi ñut'u leche api manka. Chaylla.

Once upon a time there was a wedding. A little mouse had gone into the house where the wedding was and had eaten the cheese from the fine spread onthe table. There was also red maize porridge on the stove, but by now the mouse had no room for any more food, so he went out, very satisfied indeed. At this a fox was coming along, on meeting the fox he said, "Over there there's some fine food from a

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banquet. Would you like me to take you?"

"Where is it?" he asked.

"Over there, there was a wedding and a lot of good foodhas been left over. Let us go and have a feed," he replied.

"Take me there," he said.

When he had taken him in, the red maize porrdge was on the stove and the fox ate it heartily, but his head got stuck fast in the clay cookingpot. "Ayyy!! What am I going to do? Now my head can't come out! What am I to do?" he cried.

The mouse said, "Come, come over here, there's a round stone here, you can knock yourhead on it." he said. (But it was on the head of the bridegroom the fox was made toknock the red maize porridge.)

"Here's the stone, give it a good bash," he said.

So the head of the newly married man was covered with the bits and pieces of the clay cooking pot and the porridge.

That's all.

The Puma and the Fox

This is a story cycle very similar to that of the mouse and the fox, and so the text has not been included here. The episodes areas follows:

i. The fox deceives the puma (through a wordplay) into giving himpermission to rape his wife and daughters.

ii. The puma catches up with the fox who is holding up a great rock, and the fox persuades the puma to hold it in the same way as the mouse tricked the fox.

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iii. The puma, trying to trap the fox, enters into the fox's holeto await his arrival, but the fox senses this trap, and so speaksto his 'house' on arrival and the puma gives himself away by replying to the fox's greeting.

iv. The puma and his family try to trap the fox by pretending that the puma is dead. The fox is persuaded to come to the wake, but he will not enter the house. By speaking in an insulting way about the dead, he finally rouses the puma who once again gives himself away. The fox escapes again.

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The Fox and the Huallata

Huj kutinsi huj huallata qochapatapi unankunantin puriykushasqa, chayllamansi huj atoq qayllaykusqa, hinaspanisqa chay huallatata: ―Imanaqtintaq wawaykikunari sumaq puka chakichakama? nispa. Munayllaña chakinkuna sumaq, nispa, Ñoqaq wawaykunaqa manataq chayna puka chakichakunachu, nispa.

Chaysi huallataqa nisqa: ―Arí wawaykunaqa sumaq puka chakicha ñoqaqa yachanin wathiyayta. Maypachachus wathiata perqaruni hinaspa chayman wawayta p'anparuni k'urpakunata parirachispa, hinan chay wawakunaqa t'oqyanku: '¡P'araq! ¡P'araq! iP'un! ¡P'un!' nispa. T'oqaqtinku '¡Puka chakicha! ¡Puka chakicha! ¡Puka chakicha!' nispa nini. Chaymi wawaykunaqa puka chakichakama lloqsin, nispa. Qanpas chaynata wawaykikunata wathiyarunki, hinaqa t'oqaqtinninki '¡Puka chakicha! ¡Puka chakicha! nispa ninki. Hinaqa llapa wawaykikuna uñaykikuna

puka chakichakama lloqsinqa, nispa.

Hina atoqqa nisqa: ―Arí. Hinata ruwarusaq, ama hinallaqa kasaqchu aswanpas niwasqaykita hina ruwasaq, nispa. Chaywan puka chakichakama wawaykunapas kanqa wawaykikuna hina, nispa.

There was once a goose swimming in a lake with her young when a fox appeared and asked her, "How is it that your young have such nice reddish feet? Their feet look so nice. My little ones do nothave feet coloured like these".

At this the goose said to him,"Well, I know how to prepare an oven so that my young can

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have reddish feet. When the earth oven is prepared and theyoung put inside, the earth isheated then the young inside go off, 'P'araq! P'araq! P'un! P'un!'. When they go offI say: Little red feet! Littlered feet!', and so all my little ones come out with reddish feet. You too can do the same by making an oven foryour little ones, and when they go off you say: 'Little red feet! Little red feet.' All your little ones will comeout with reddish feet."

So the fox said, "Fine, I'll do it straight away, I'm not going to remain like this any longer, I'll do just as you have told me, this way my little ones will have reddish feet just like your young".

Hina riki atoqqa wawankunata wathia k'urpakuna perqasqanmanninawan parirachisqanman

p'amparusqa wawankunata atoqqa. Hinaspa '¡P'araq! ¡P'araq! ¡P'un! ¡P'un!' nispa niqtin, '¡Puka chakicha! ¡Pukachakicha! nispa nisqa. Chaymantaqa yapamantaqa t'oqallantaq chay t'oqaqtinqa nisqa: ―¡Puka chakicha! ¡Puka chakicha! nispa.

Chay qhepatataq chay atoqqa wawantaqa wathia perqa ukhumanta t'aqwispa hasp'ispa horqoramusqa, hina qhawarinanpaq wawankunaqa manapuka chakichakamachu kapushasqa, aswanpas llapallanwañurapusqa rupharapusqa wawankunata. Hinaspa atoqqa qayllaykuspa huallatata nisqa:―¿Imatataq kaytari ruwarachiwanki? Llapan waway wañurapun kunan yachanki, kunan ñoqa qanta mikhurusqayki, kay hinata wawaykunata sipichiwanki wañuchichiwanki yuyaymanta, nispa.

Hina chayta niqtin huallataqa nisqa: Manayá qanqa allintachuniranki iñiywanchu, nispa.

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―Qanqa chaytapas q’otollawankitaq, manan hinachu kunan mikhurusqayki, nispa atoqqa phawaykusqa.

Hinanñataq chay huallataqa qochaman phawayapusqa wawankunantin. Qochaman phawaykuspa qochapi riki wayt’apushan unu ukhupi. Atoqtaq mikhurqoy yuyallaña qhawashan huallatata wawankunantinta mikhurqoyta.

So the fox prepared an earthenoven for the cubs, lit the fire, and put them inside the oven. When they went off, "P'araq! P'araq! P'un! P'un!",he cried, "Little red feet! Little red feet!" Then, immediately following when they went off again, he cried,"Little red feet! Little red feet!"

Straight after this the fox searched for the cubs, scratched and scraped away theearth, and took them out. But when he looked at them, they

did not have red feet, insteadthey had died, and he had burnt his little ones. So making his way to the goose, he asked her, "What is this you have made me do?! All my little ones have died, and I'mletting you know that I am going to eat you! Look at this, knowingly you make me kill my cubs and cause them todie."

At this the goose said, "You haven't said the thing properly, nor have you done itwith faith."

"You've deceived me yet again,the matter's not resting at this, now I'm definitely goingto eat you", said the fox running at her.

So the goose and her young slipped into the lake, and having got in, there they swamaround. But the fox, eager to eat, kept his eye on the goose, wanting to eat her and her young.

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Mana atinchu qochaman haykyuyta atoqqa, hinaqa atoqqa chay huallatata qochapihap'irunanpaq qocha unuta lapt’ayta qayllarisqa lapt'ashansi, lapt'ashansi wijsanman hunt'arunñas unuqa.Astawansi payqa sayariykuspa chhaphchiyukun saltaykun wichay-wichayman astawan-astawan, wijsanman hunt'ashan unuqa, laqoshan llaqwashan lapt'ashan unuta. Ahinapi wijsanman qaqa hunt'arapusqa unuqa, manataqsi qocha unutaqaimanarillanpaschu lapt'aspanqa. Hina qhawarinanpaq huallataqa wawankunantin unu ukhullapipuni kakushan. Hinas saltashan saltashan wichay-wichayman, chhaphchi-chhaphchiyukuspa unuta lapt'ashan, mananas wijsan atinñachu askha unuyoq kayta. Hinaspa wijsanqa riki saltashasqanpi hina: ―¡P'otoq!¡Phullchiq! nispa riki t'oqapusqa anchaynapi atoq wañurapusqa.

Chaymi chay atoqmantawan huallatamantawan willakuy.

The fox could not go into the water, so in order to catch the goose, he began to gulp down the water of the lake, his stomach filling up as he drank steadily away. What is more he stood up, was shaking himself, and leapt about up-and-down, up-and-down, his stomach filling more and more with water, and again licking,lapping, gulping down the water. So his stomach was completely filled with water, yet with all his gulping he was not able to empty the lake. For he could see the goose and her young still there on the lake. So he leaptaround and about even more, up-and-down, giving himself a good shake, gulping at the water, but now his stomach, with so much water, could takeno more. And while he was jumping about, his stomach burst, with a 'P'otoq!! Phullchiq!!' as it did so. With all this the fox died.

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And that is the story of the fox and the goose.

Notes:

1. The legs and feet of the huallata (Andean goose) are orange-redin colour.

2. Wathia is a term that comes from the potato harvest. During the harvest an earth oven is made with clumps of dried earth. Thedried potato stalks are burnt inside the oven to heat it, the potatoes are then put in the heated oven and the oven is collapsed over the potatoes. Two hours later the cooked potatoes are ready to eat (usually accompanied with queso fresco) and chicha.

The Fox and the Condor

Zorro riki condorta nisqa nan nisqa.

―Qharin kani, nispa.

―¿Waqaqchu kanki? mispa condor.

―Qhari kani arí ñoqa, nispa.

Hinaspa: ―Arí, haku orqo puntata, awer aguantamusunchis

chirita, nis nisqa. Riki pusanakusqaku.

Chaymanta hinaspa chay qaqa puntapi orqo puntapi tiyaykunku riki nintin condornintin latintin, lariyqariki qhari payqa tukun. Hinspataq tiyaykunku tiyaykuspankutaq tiyashanku titachanku, unaymanta tapun: ―¡Lariy! ¿Chirinchu?

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―Maypis qharita chiriq kasqa, nispa nin altota.

Hinaqa chaymantaqqa llapa ahinunayña kallantaq unayña: ―¿Ñachu Lari chirinña?

―Maypis qharita chiriq. ¿Qantachirinchu?

―Mana ñoqataqa chiriwanchu, nishanmi condorpis. Hinapi riki nan llapa ahina unayña kashallantaq yapa tapuykunallantaq: ―¿Lari chirinchu?

―Maypis qharita chiri, nispa altota nillantaq.

The fox once said to the condor,

"I'm really tough!"

"Do you know how to weep?" asked the condor.

"I'm a real man," replied the fox.

"Well, let's go up to the top of the mountain then and we'llsee which of us can resist thecold best," suggested the condor. So they went one afterthe other.So there on the rocks at the top of the mountain they sat down, both the condor and the fox, the fox pretending that he was really tough. So they sat, and sat, and sat, and after a while the condor asked, "Hey foxy, are you cold?"

"A man never feels the cold," he replied loudly.

So after this, quite a bit later, once again he asked, "Are you feeling the cold yet,foxy?"

"A man never feels a cold, howabout you, are you cold?"

"I don't get cold," the condorreplied.So it continued like this for a while, and again they called

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to one another, "Foxy, are youcold?"

"A man never feels a cold," hecalled back in a loud voice.

Yapa hujtawan unaycha kallantaraq hinaqa nillantaq Lariqa: ―Maypis qharita chiriqkasqa, bajollataña nirqapusqa,mananña clarotachu.

Hinaqa yapa unaymantaqa tapuyusqa: ―Oooooiiiii.....chiiiriii, nispa mana rimarirqapusqachu.

Hujtawan tapuyusqa, ch'in, wipiq wijchuyakapusqa qaqa

patamanta. Hinaspa mikhuchikapusqapacha lariqa condorwan mikhupusqa. Arí.After another period of time, the same thing happened and again the fox replied, "A man never feels a cold," but his voice was weaker and he didn'tspeak clearly.

So after another long spell the condor asked, and the answer was, "Oooooo...iiiiiii,....the coooold," but he just could not express himself.

Once again the condor called,... silence, the fox fell from upon the rock and dropped down below. Straight away the condor went down to eat the fox, and he ate it. That's it.

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Juan Burro and the foxes

Huj kutin purishasqaku majinokuna (1) karuta karu llaqtata mulakunapi cargayusqapuriyushasqaku. Hinaspa tutayachikusqaku mana wasiman taripasqakuchu, hinas ch'usaq panpa pastal panpapi puñuyusqaku. Hina chayman huj atoqcha qayllaykusqa: ―Señor, señor, k'akallachay hanpikunaypaq wirachaykita qoykuway, nispa.

Hinaspas qoykusqa moq'o wasallatas wasapayurun; unayllamantas kutiramullantaq:―Señor, señor, k'akallachay hanpiyukunaypaq wirachaykita qoykuway, nispa.

Qoykullantaq pasapullantaqsi; yapamantaqa kutiramullantaqsi:―Señor, señor, k'akallachay hanpiyukunaypaq wirachaykita qoykuway, nispa.

Chaypiqa qatiripusqa: ―¡Ñasuñaqoykiña askhataña! ¡Maypi saparatolla noqari qoykimanri? nispa, phiñarikuspa qatirisqa.

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―Awer, awer, imallakichá kunantuta qatisunkiyá, nispa, pasakapusqa.

―¿lmallaqin ñoqata qatiwanman?nispa. Chanqarparispa qatirparipusqa pasapusqa.

Hina chay viajero majinokunaqamulankunata watayuspa chay pastal panpapi puñuyusqaku. Hina tutamantan rijch'aripunankupaq mulakunaqallapan mana riyatayoq mana watasqa kapushasqa llapanta asnokunata llapanta mulakunaqta riyatanta aparikapusqa. Hinanñataq tutamantanqa cargarikapunankupaq ch'usaq kapusqa mana imapas.

Once there were some traders going far to a distant town with their loads carried on mules. They had not reached a house by the time darkness fell, so they spent the night on a grassy but uninhabited pampa. A little fox came up tothem there, "Sir, sir, could you possibly give me a some

ointment to put on the cuts onmy feet?", he asked.

When he was given this he merely went over to the other side of a hillock, and after awhile he came back again, "Sir, sir, could you possibly give me a some ointment to puton the cuts on my feet?", he asked.

This time too when he was given it he went off, but yet again he came back, "Sir, sir,could you possibly give me a some of your ointment for the cuts on my feet?", he asked.This time he chased him away, "I've already given you more than enough! How can I possibly be giving you every little while?" he retorted angrily chasing him off."Well, well, you'll see, there's a surprise in store for you tonight", replied the fox."What can surprise me?", he said, and chasing him off withstones, the fox went off.

Then the traders tied up theirmules securely and went to sleep on the grass Now when

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they woke up in the morning none of the mules had reins, and not one of the burros or mules was tied up, the ropes had been taken away. So there in the morning they had nothing to tie the loads on with, nothing at all.

Hinas maskhayunku llakisqa, ―¿Imawantaq kunanaqa cargachayusunri? nispa, maskhaq puririnku.

―Chay wirachata nispa nishawaranchis chaycha riki aparun. ¿Maymanchá riki aparun? ¿Imanasuntaqri? nispa.

Chayta asno hamushasqa huj machu asno hamushasqa, ―Hat'ariy maytataq kay laqlaq wasari (2) purimushan, nispas nin.

―¿Imata maskhashankiri? Ñoqa yachashaniyá, ñoqaman pagayuwankiman huj alkacerta, (3) chayqa ñoqa aparamuymanyá chay riyataykikunata, nispas nisqa.

―Ojalachá qanman pagasqayki, nispas nisqa.

―Mikhuykuchiwayyá sajsata hinanoqa kunan riyataykita aparamusaqmi, nispa.

Hinas alkacertaqa sajsata mikhuykachin. Hinaspa asnoqa pasan atoqkunaq t'oqon punkuta, chaypis asnoqa sayaruspa kunparukusqa wañusqahina. Hinas huj atoqchaqa lloqsiramusqa: ―Juan Burroraqsi punkunchispi wañurusqa, hakuchu apayarakamusun mikhunanchispaq, nispa, huj kaqman willayaramusan.

Chay huj kaqkunapas lloqsiramullankutaqsi kusisqa qhawarunku: ―May wañusqapunichu, nispa, wañusqapunin manan kuyurinpunichu, nispa. Wijsanpas qaqaraqmi kashan wañurusqapuni, nispa. Phaway riyatanchista aparamuy hinaspawataruspa apayurukusunchis, nispas nisqa.

Sadly they began their search,"And what are we going

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to load up with?" they asked, as they went looking.

"That fellow who said to us 'just some ointment', he's sure to have taken them. But where to indeed? And what can we do now'?"

Then along came an old burro, "Get away back where you came from, old show-off ", they said.

"What are you looking for? I know, and if you will pay me with food then I'll get the ropes back for you," he said.

"Let's hope so, here, I'll payyou".

"Well you'll have to feed me till I'm full, and then I'll bring your ropes to you", he replied.

So they helped him eat his fill. Then off he went to the mouth of the foxes cave, therehe stopped and dropped down asif dead. Presently a little fox came out, "Juan Burro has died at our door! Come on,

let's bring him in to eat", hesuggested to another.

Others came out as well and looked him over happily. "Let's see if he's really dead," they said, "whether he's actually dead and not moving at all," they added. "His stomach is distended, he really is dead. Run and bring our ropes to tie him up so that we can pull him inside."

Riyatankuta aparqarimunku chakinmanta makinkunamanta watarunku hina cinturankumankama watarqarikunku. Hina hujchallaña ultimota lloqsiramusqa, hinas allinta qhawarqarisqa: ―Manamá kayqa wañusqachu, kausashanmá; ch'epiq-ch'epiqchanpas, ch'epiq-ch'epiq, nishanmá; t'irpur-t'irpurchanpas, t'irpur t'irpur nishanmá; lap'aq-lap'aqchanpas, lap'aq-lap'aq nishanmá; manan, kayqa

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kausashanmi, mana kayqa wañusqachu, nispa.―Haa...zonzon kanki, manan qosqaykikuchu, wañusqan kakushan, nispa.

Chay kaqchaqa mana yanapasqachu wakinkunalla arastanku aysanku, hinaspa asnoqa suchurillantaqsi qallpachayakuspa. Aysarinku hinaspa suchurillantaqsi t'oqon punkumanñas qayllayachishanku.

Hinallamansi asnoqa sayariruspa ―"¡Hauchis! ¡Hauchis! ¡Hauchis! ¡Hauchis! ...," t'ira pasamusqa cheqan kiska, cheqanrumi, yastá; ñut'u atoqchakunaqa pedazo-pedazoraqsi kayapun. Chay hujkaqchataqsi waqyaykachankamun: ―Nirqaykichistaqmi kausasha-nmi, nispa. Nirqaykichistaqmi,nispas waqyayukushan.

Nut'u atoqchakunaqa wanurqaripusqa. Hinaspa majinokunamanqa chayarachipusqa riyatanta makinkunapi chakinkunapi, hinawatukunata chayayachipusqa.

Chayraqsi chay majinokunaqa kusisqa chaskiyakapusqaku. Chaymanta viajeta siguipusqaku. Chayllan chay cuento.

When the ropes were brought, they tied all his feet together and belted ropes round his middle. Then the last of the foxes came out, and after a good examination declared,

"He's not dead, he's still living. Look, his eyelids are moving, you can see a slight breathing movement in his body, and his ears are twitching. No, this fellow's alive, he's not dead!"

"Ahh...don't be so stupid, youwon't get anything to eat, he's quite dead", someone replied.Anyway he did not help while the others dragged and pulled,and while the burro too, with little pushing movements, helped to move himself. They

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pulled and he moved until theywere getting near to the entrance of the cave. Suddenly, the burro jumped up and ran off braying loudly, straight through the thorns, straight through the stones, the poor foxes were dashed into pieces. Meanwhile the other little fox was crying out after them, "Didn't I tellyou that he was alive? I told you so!"

The other little foxes were dead, dashed into pieces. The ropes and reins had been put back into the hands of the traders, and they were happy indeed to get them back. Soon they were on their way again.

And that ends the story.

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Notes:

1. 'Majiño' is derivid from the verb 'majiy' which has a basic meaning of 'to bore/be bored', but with the idea of abandoning asa result of boredom among its related meanings. It is the idea ofbeing left alone to wander that applies in this word, for these particular men spend most of their lives travelling from place toplace trading, the take liquor from the lower valleys to the highAndean plain.

2. The meaning of the phrase laqlaq wasari is obscure, laqlaq is linked with ideas of showiness and boasting, and wasa refers to the back of a human or an animal. The translation here is an attempt to make sense of the phrase contextually.

3. As far as I could ascertain the 'food' that is referred to here - alkacerta - is 'Alkaseltzer' (!).

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The Skunk and the two women

Naqa huj sipassi kan, hinaspassipasqa qaqa wasillapis añaqa tiyakun, hinaspas huj sipasqa nin: ―Ipacháy, ¿imatan ruwashanki? 'Ipacháy' nispallapunis unu aysakuq rispa.

Chayan rimapayan chay añataqa hinaspas: ―Ipacháy, ¿imatan ruwashanki? Ipacháy, ¿imatan ruwashanki? nispallapunis unu aysakuq rispaqa rimapayan, manas ch'inllata pasanchu.

Hinaspas añaqa munakun chay sipastaqa rimapayasqan causa. Hinaspaqa hujta qhariwan tupapun chay sipasqa riki; qhariwan tupaqtinqa ahna huj ahna wauqeyntincha kan riki, chaypa wauqentin warmin iskay riki kanku qhachunpura.

Hinas pañataqsi suyan aqhachinaqhata, huj kaqman askhata wiñaputa qoykun, huj kaqmantaqchikachallata wiñaputa qon hina cheqnisqa kaqman chika-challata qon, chay munasqa kaqmantaqsi askha wiñaputa hinas. Hinaspas aqhaqan chay cheqnisqaqa laqhallata aqhaqanriki, chay munasqa kaqtaqsi

misk'ita askha wiñapumantaqa aqhakun riki.

Hinaspas chaynaqa ipachaqa hamurusqa riki: ―Ipachay, ipachay, nisqa añaqa. Hinaspas: ―¿Imatan ruwashanki?nispa.

―Waykusqa aqhakushanin kaynatan suegray kay chika wiñapuchallata qoyuwan, chaymimana huj chay munasqa qhachuninmantaqmi askhata qoyun, nispas nin riki willarikun añamanqa.

There was a skunk who lived ina hole in a rock, there was also a girl, and every time she went to draw water, she asked the skunk, "My little aunt, what are you doing my little aunt?"

Every time she said to the skunk, "Little auntie, what are you doing? Little auntie, what are you doing?" she always asked, she never passedby without speaking.

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So the skunk liked the girl Because she talked like this. Then the girl got married, andlater found out that her husband had a brother who alsowas married, so there were twosisters-in-law.

He was waiting for chicha to beprepared, and had given a lot of maize for making chicha to the one, but only a very little to the other, the one he hated was given very littlebut the one he loved got a great pile of maize. So the chicha of the one who was hatedwas utterly tasteless, but that of the one who was loved was very tasty indeed.

Then the 'auntie skunk' arrived. "Oh little auntie, little auntie" said the skunk,"what are you doing?"

"I'm hard at preparing chicha, that's all, and my brother-in-law has just given me this little drop of maize, but to my sister-in-law whom he loveshe's given lots and lots," sheexplained to the skunk.

Hinaspas anaqa nin: ―Apamuy kimsa saratawan, kimsa

trigotawan qoyuway, nispas riki nin.

Hinaspas añaqa chayta q'otorispa q'otorispas aqhamanaqhaman aqha mankankunaman q'otoriy q'otorispa churayun churayun hinas.

Hinaspas chay munasqa hamuntaqsi rirqollantaq: ―Nachu aqhay, nispas rirqollantaq añaqa.

Hinaspas: ―Ñan aqhay, nispas nin.

Hinaspas chaymanpis ahnatas q'otorispa q'otorispa chaypa aqhamanpas churaykullantaq. Hinas hinaspas riki chay chiqnisqa kaqpaqa misk'i aqhankasqa, chay askha wiñapuyoq jugo aqhaqmaq aqhaqtaqsi laqha, chayqa imanwanchá aña imanaykun riki hinas.

Chayta aña kinto. Chaylla.

So the skunk said to her, "Bring me three lots of maize,and give three lots of wheat to me."

Then the skunk began chewing away at it in his mouth, then he put a little to the chicha

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in one pot, then in another, then in another as he was chewing.

Then he went off to the other sister, the one who was preferred, and asked, "Is the chicha ready?"

"Yes it's ready now."

So, in the same way, chewing away in his mouth, he put a

little into the chicha. This itwas that the chicha of the one who was hated was sweet, but the one who prepared her chichawith lots of maize and juice had chicha that was quite tasteless, somehow the skunk must have changed it.

That's the story about the skunk. That's all.

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The skunk and her cubs' warning

Añaqa ninsi riki ukhiyushan chajrata riki.

Ch'isinllaraq hinaspas runaqa rin riki papanta: ―Mashodotañas (1) tukun sapa tutas tukun tijran papataqa, hinaspas manapunichu hap'isaq imaynan, nispas.

Hinaspa por-si-anlla rirqan riki. Ukhiyushasqa riki hinaspas wawakunaqa añasta nin: ―¡Mamáy, nuna hamushan! ¡Mamay, nuna hamushan! nispas nin riki.

―¿Ima nunan kanman? Chay saywacha chayqa, nispas nin.

―Manan, nunapunin hamushan. ¡Mamáy, nunapunin hamushan!, nispas nin riki.

Ukhiyushallansi, ukhiyushallansi mana qhawarikuspa. Hinaspas riki aña uñakunaqa: ―¡Nuna, mamáy! ¡Nuna, mamáy!

―Taytaykicha chayqa, nispas nin riki. Primerotaqa saywacha chayqa nin qhepatataqsi, 'Nuna mamáy,nuna' niqtinqa, 'Taytaki chayqa,' nispa nin; hinas ukhishallan.

Runaqa chinpa qayllaqataspa p'anarun riki k'aspiwan palowan riki. Hinaspa: ―¡Nishayki 'Mamáy, nuna', nishayki!, nispas, walayupunku wawankunaqa riki.

Chaylla.

(1) From the Spanish 'demasiado'.

There was a skunk grubbing up earth in a chacra.

So just as it was getting dark, the man went out to see his potatoes, "This coming andgoing, so many times now, willfinish the potatoes! Yet no way can I catch it!", he thought.

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So he had gone out just in case. The skunk was there grubbing away, and her cubs called to her,"Mamaaa, there's somebody coming! Mamaaa, there's somebody coming!".

Paying little heed, the skunk replied, "Who's there? That's just a boundary marker."

"No! There's really somebody coming. Mamaaa, there is somebody coming!", they cried.

The skunk went on digging and grubbing away, taking no notice. So once again her cubs

cried, "There's somebody coming, Mamaaa". "That'll be your father", she answered. The first time she said it wasa boundary marker, then after they had warned her again, shesaid it was their father. She went on digging. The man came up opposite her and smashed into her with a big stick.

Then, "I told you there was someone coming, I told you," was the cry as the cubs escaped over the wall.

That's all.

The skunk, the letter carrierand the princess

Hinansi huj papel apaq runa riki rin papelta apan. Hinaspas papelta apan runaqa tutayachikun apacheta kinraypi. Hinaspas riki runaqapuñun riki apacheta kinrayllapi. Hinaspas añaqa nawaqyanakamun nawan riki alqamariwan, hinaspas riki naqa: ―¿Ipalacha mayta rishanki? nispas nin riki.

Hinaspas ipalachaqa nin riki: ―¿Qanri imapaq yachayta munanki? nispas nin riki. Ñoqaqa rishani onqoqmani, nispas nin riki añaqa, ipala añaqa.

―Ipacha, yau. ¿Maytan rishan-ki? Ama riychu, nispa.

―Hanpiy reypa ususinmi onqoshan, chaymanmi seña churaqmi rishani, nispas añaqanin riki.

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Hinaspas: ―¿Kunan chay onqoq alliyanqa-chu? nispas nin.

―Alliyanqayá riki reypa usus-inmi onqoshan.

―Chaymi, ¿imamantan chay onqoshanman? ¿Kunan allin onqoshanman chay alliyanqachu?nispas nin.

―Alliyanqayá, qharimantachá onqoshanyá riki, reypa ususinqa qhariwan tupachinkuman, chayqa alliyanmanmi, nispas nin chayqa añaqa.

There was a man who carried letters, and once when he was out carrying a letter it got dark as he was going up the side of a hill (1), so he wentto sleep there on the side of the hill. While he was there askunk and an alcamari (2) were shouting to one another like

this, "Hey old lady, where areyou going?", said the alcamari.

The "old lady", the skunk, called back, "And just why do you want to know? I'm going tosee someone who is ill."

"Hey little lady, where are you going? You shouldn't go", replied the alcamari.

"I am going to cure the princess by making a sign on her", said the skunk.

"And is the sick person now going to get better?" he asked.

"Why yes, the sick princess will recover."

"And this person, what's wrongwith her, what's she going to get better from now?", he asked again.

"She's going to get better, it's the fault of some man that she's ill. The princess will have to meet a man in

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order to get better", replied the skunk.

Hinaspas runaqa chayta uyarispallas riki, hanpipakuq rin. Chay papel apaq chayaran chay onqoqmanqa, hinaspas nin naqa reyqa nin: ―Ususiymi onqon.

Hinaspa runaqa nispa riki: ―¿Chay ususiyki manachu alliyanman? nispas nin.

―Manañan alliyanmanchu llipin hanpiqwannan hanpichini, imaymana paqokunañan paqon,(3)chayqa manañan alliyanmanchu, nispa nin.

―¿Ñoqa hanpirosaqchu? nispas nin.

―¿Qanchu hanpipuwankiman? ―Alliyachipuwankimanchu qan? nispa chayqa.

Niqtinqa riki: ―Awer, nispas nin, ichaqa caldota t'inpuchimunkichis, allinta caldota t'inpuchimunkichis, chay onqoqqa kunan caldomantankarqonta, nispas nin riki.

Chay runaqa sapallan onqoqpa larumpi kedan chay reypa ususinwanqa. Hinaspas naqa llave jataqamun riki paykunataq'alata karqon riki. Hinaspas chay qhariqa ususinqa (¿imanakunyá?) kanpas riki. Hinaspas unaychamantaqa: ―Ñan onqoqpaq caldo, nispas waqyakamun, onqoqpaq t'inpuchina.

― ¡Caldo, caldo! nispas nirqamun onqoqqa. ¿Maymi caldoñoqapaq? nispas.Chiqapaq alliyarqon, chayqa añaq rimakusqanta uyarispalla,chay runaqa hanpiq chayarusqa.

Ajnan chay.

So the man (who was carrying the letter) went off to cure her after hearing this, when he arrived where the sick princess was, the king said tohim, "My daughter is ill".

So the man said to him, "Is there no way for your daughterto get better?"

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"No, she can't get better now,every possible curandero and paqo has tried, so now she won't get better", he said.

"Would you mind if I tried tocure her?" he asked.

"Do you think you could cure her, actually make her better?" enquired the king.

When he said this, the man replied, "Well, let's see, in the meantime you must prepare some good soup here, make it piping hot, for the sick princess will be wanting it".

So the man went alone to the sick one and stayed at her

side. He made everyone go out and locked the door from inside. The man was then with the king's daughter (and who knows what happened!). Shortlyafterwards he called to them, "The soup for the sick princess! Is it ready yet?"

"Soup! Soup!", the sick personcalled out to them, "where's the soup for me?"

To tell the truth of the matter, she got better, yet the man had only come to cure her because he overheard what the skunk was saying.

That's it.

Notes:

(1) Normally apacheta indicates the pile of stones or cairn made by travellers at the high point of a hill, here it is the hill itself.(2) The alcamari is an Andean bird of prey, also referred to as the 'mountain caracara'.(3) The curandero and the paqo are two of the 'offices' or functions in the indigenous medical system. The former deals morewith herbal and ritual treatments, the latter with various spirit beings, though it is not always a hard and fast division.

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The 'foolish' young man

Huj kutinsi kasqa churi...churichanqa waynachaña

kasqa. Hinas: ―Wasillapi tiyashanki wasita qhawaspa, aman maytapas rinkichu, nispa

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nisqa. Punkullapi tiyanki amanpiqpa haykumunqachu, nispa.

Hinas payqa mana wasita cuidasqachu 'punkullapi cuidanki' niqtin payqa aswanpas punkuta cudasqa. Hinaspas puritas munan riki payqa hinas punkuta khakarusqakhakaruspa punkuta q'epirikuspa pasapusqa. Hinas:―¿Imanasaqmi kay punkuta? Mallkiman pues seqarqosaq nasaq waqaychaykamusaq, nispas.

Mallkiman zonzoqa seqarqosqa, hinaspas chaypi mallki patapi punku q'epirusqa. Chaypi kamushan hinas chayman suwakuna hamusqaku. Hinaspa chay malki sikipi samayusqaku suwakunaqa; hinas chayman zonzoqa kachaykamusqa punkuta.HInaspas suwakunaqa mancharisqa escapapusqa, hina chay suwankunaq q'epin-q'epiyusqa wasinta chayapusqa.

Mana wasitachu cuidasqa aswanpas punkullata payqa cuidasqa mana wasitaqsi cuidasqachu. Chaynata pay suwakunaq q'epinta pay tarikusqa.

Chaylla.

There was a man whose son was still young. One day he said to him, "You are staying here to watch the house, just remain inside the door and letno one come in."

But instead of looking after the house, he looked after thedoor, for he had been told: "Just watch the door"! He wanted to go off for a walk, so he took the door off its hinges and went off carrying it. He thought to himself, "What am I going to do with this door? I know, I'll climb a tree and make it safe up there."

So the silly young man climed a tree, carrying the door to the top with him. While he wasthere, some robbers came just to that spot and rested at thefoot of the tree. At this the silly fellow let the door drop. The frightened robbers fled. So he arrived home heavyladen with the robbers' loot.

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Instead of watching the house,he had only watched the door... but that was how he came across the robbers' loot!

That's all.

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The two brothers

Kunanmi huj noticiata willasqayki. Kaypi huj viudamanta iskay churiyoq, hujchurinmi qhapaq huj churintaqmi pobre y zonzotaq; qhapaq-qhaqpaq uywanqa llasaq,chay pobrechaq ichaqa mana kanchu ch'ulla chitachallan pero ichaqa hatun, chay chitachataq ichaqa purin hinantin chajrakunata. Hinaqtinmi chay kuraq kaqqa aborrerqakapuspa chay chitachataqa ñaqarqapusqa. Entonces zonzotaq may viajemanta chayamuspa chaytanta wañusqata tarikapun,hinaspa sinchita qaparin, qaparispañataq ichaqa zonzoqa qaranta q'epiyukuspa huj llaqtata ripun.

Hinaspanmi chanpi ñanpi manaraq chayashaspa chanpi ñanpi puñurqapusqa, puñurqapuqtintaqmi alqamarinataq qarataqa lliuta tukurqapusqa; tukurqapuqtinnataq ichaqa

rijch'arirqospa chay alqamaritaqa hap'irqosqa, hap'irqospataq ichaqa mark'ayukuspa payqa rirqan llaqtata. Hinaspanmi payqa chayasqa huj suwa runaq wasinman, chaypitaq ichaqa puñukurqan rikurqan imatachus chay suwa runa chayachimurqan huj runaqta chayta.

Hinaqtinmi qhepaqtinqa lloqsisqa kalleta, chay maskhaqkunaqa khuyaytapuni purishasqanta. Hinaqtintaqmi ichaqa chaypi: ―Ñoqaq watoq chayqa qanmi, nispa nirqan.

Niqtinnataqmi ichaqa runaqa tapukurqan y adivinarqanpunitaq lliuta willarqan tarirqan, y askha qolqetataq pagarqan chay zonzoman.

I am going to tell you about something that happened. Therewas a widow who had two sons, one was wealthy and the other

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was poor and a zonzo (1) as well. There were large herds belonging to the rich brother,while the poor brother had only a young lamb, it was quite big but it roamed all over the different chacras. However the older brother he hated that lamb, so we cut itshead off. Returning from a journey, the zonzo found his lamb dead, he went and wet, but carrying the skin on his back he went off to another town.

Before getting there he lay down to sleep while still on the way, and while he was asleep an alcamari (2) proceeded to eat up the skin. Waking up just as the alcamari finished, he grabbed the alcamari, and having caught it carried it with him as he wentto the town. He arrived at thehouse of the thief, spent the night there, and so all that the thief had stolen and brought into his house from other people.

The next day he went out into the street where there were some folks going about very sad searching for something. On seeing this, he said to them, "I have something here that can divine."

And when he said this they puttheir questions to him, and having actually "divined", they found everything just as he had told them, and they paid the zonzo a lot of money.Hinallataq huj wasimanñataq chayallarqantaq, suwaq wasillanmantaq, chaypiñataq ichaqa wajmanta puñullarqantaq. Hinaspas imachus noticia kasqanta imatachus suwakamurqan chayta yachallarqantaq y rikushallarqantaq, Hinaspaqa qhepantin lloqsillarqantaq siempre suwachikuqqa waqakuspapurishasqa. Hinaspa nillarqantaq: ―Kay animal chaymi watoq watorqapusunkimanmi, nispa.

Niqtinnataq ichaqa watochirqany tariparqopunitaq. Hinaqtinñataq ichaqa huj mistinataq lloqsimuspa munarqokusqa chay animalchata

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―Venderqapuway chay watoq chaykita, nispa. Niqtinnataq ichaqa venderqapusqa chunka pisqayoq warankaman. Hinaqtinmi zouzoqa anchata kusikuspa phawayllaraq, mamanpaq wauqenpaq p’achakunata rantiyukuspa kutirqapusqa chayarqapusqa.

―Allinpaqchari, wauqelláy, kaychitaytaqa sipirqorqanki sinchitan. Chay qaraqa valepusqa: 'Qara barato, qara barato', nispa.

Hinaqtinmi ichaqa chaypi wauqenqa ovejakunata sipiyukuspa, rillasqataq llaqtata. Hinaspataq:―¡Qara barato! ¡Qara barato! nispa.

Niqtintaqmi ichaqa chay llaqtapiqa policiakuna, autoridadkuna hap'irqapusqa carcelman churaykapusqa. Hinaqtinmi librakamurqan may unaymanta, libramuspataq ich-aqa yuyayurqan wauqen qhapaqqa: ―Wauqeyta kunanqa sipirusaqpuni kay hinata ruwachiwan, nispa.

Later he came to another house, once again the thief's house and again he spent the night there. So here was otherinformation, and he knew and saw all that had been stolen. The next day he went out again, and as before there were people who had been robbed going about weeping. Sohe said, "My bird here knows how to divine, it could do it for you."

When they heard this they got it to divine, and succeeded inrecovering all their belongings. At this point a gentleman came along who was very keen to buy the bird, "Could you sell this diviner to me?" he asked.

This said, it was sold to him for 15,000 soles, and the zonzo, highly delighted, went running off home. Our on his way back he bought clothes forhis mother and brother, and finally arrived.

"Ah, my dear brother," he exclaimed, "what a stroke of luck that you killed my lamb,

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the price of skins has gone up, and I offered it as 'cheapsheepskin'!"

At this is brother went out and killed his own sheep, and went off to the town. Soon he was crying, "Sheepskins, very cheap! Sheepskins, very cheap!"

But when he shouted that in that town, the police and authorities arrested him and put him in jail. He was there for some time before he was released, and when he got out the rich brother thought, "I am going to kill the brother of mine, making me go through all this!"

Hinaqtinmi zonzoqa chayta uyarirqokusqa, uyarirukuqtintaq ichaqa mamitanta nirqan: ―Mamitáy, munakuwanki chayqa puñunaypi puñushay ñoqata puñunaykipi, nispa.

Hinan mamanta wauqenqa sipirqapusqa. Hinaqqa zonzotaqsayarirqamusqa mamanpaq puñunanmanta: ―¿Imatan mamaytasipinki? Mamayta, mamayta, nispa. Hinaqtinmi chay

wañusqata mamanta q'epiyukusparipurqan huj llaqtata. Hatariykun ripuspataq ichaqa chaypi mamantaqa, ñanpi sayaykuchirqan Wilkamayu patapi. Hinaspanmi hachakachikuna (3) chay wakarantiqkuna hamushasqa. Hinaspa chay wakarantiqkunaqa maskhashasqa peonta, peonta maskhaspataq nirqan: ―Joven, peonñi kapuy, nispa.

―Manan ñoqamantachu, mamaytayta rimapayaykuy, nispa; hinaqtinmi: ―Roqton mamitayqa, tupaykuy, nispa nirqan.

Niqtintaqmi tupaykurqan, hinaspan kalaveraqa unuman pasayakapurqan. Pasayakapuqtintaq ichaqa qaparirqan zonzoqa: ―¡Mamayta imapaqmi unuman tanqaykapuwanki? nispa.

Hinaqtinmi ichaqa chay carnecerokuna chay zonzomanqa askha qolqeta pagaykusqa, chayqolqewanñataq ichaqa wajmanta kutillasqataq wasinta, wauqenpaq wasinta, mamanpaqwanwauqenpaq wasinta. Hinaspanmi

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nispa: ―Allinpaqchari mamanchistaqqa sipirqorqanki, kalaveran valesqa chayqaqtapuni.

But the zonzo had got wind of this and had said to his mother, "Mother dear, if you really love me, sleep in my bed tonight, and I'll sleep inyours."

Thus his brother killed the mother. So the zonzo got up quickly out of his mother's bed, and cried, "Why have you killed my mother? My mother! My mother!"

So, carrying off his mother's body he went to a distant town, taking everything with him as he went. Then he stopped beside the River Vilcanota, and while he was there some people from Huancane, cattle buyers, came along. The cattle dealers werelooking for a laborer, and so they said to the zonzo, "Hey, young fellow, you can be our laborer."

"That doesn't depend on me," he replied, "you'd better ask my parents", and then he added, "my mother's deaf, give her shake."

When he said this, one of themtouched her, and the body dropdown into the water. When thishappened the zonzo cried out "why have you pushed my motherinto the water?! Why have you pushed my mother into the water?!"

As a result the meat traders paid him a huge sum of money, and with the money he made hisway back once again to the homestead where his brother was. When he got there he said, "What a break that you killed her mother, her body brought a high price!"

Hinaqtinnataq ichaqa wauqenqa warminta sipirukuspa puririllasqataq: ―¡Kalavera barato! ¡Kalavera barato! nispa.

Hinataq llaqtaman haykuspaqa autoridadkuna, alcaldekuna, guardiakuna hap'irqapusqa hatun carcelman churayapusqa

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runa sipimanta. May unay tiyamullantaq ahinataqtinmi ichaqa libramullantaq may unaymanta, wajmanta wauqenman kutipullantaq: ―Kunanqa unumnapuni kutinshapi winaspa chanqaykarqamusaq.

Hinaqtinmi wauqenta hap'irqosqa may t'urparisqa ovejata hina kutinshaman winarqosqa, hinaspataq q’epiyukusqa Wilkamayu patata.Hinaspa mancharikurqan mana wijch'uykuyta atirqanchu, hinaspa sayaykuchirqan Wilkamayu patachapi chaka patapi. Hinaqtinnataqmi ichaqapaykunaqa trago ujyaq pasasqa machaq.

Machaq pasaqtintaq ichaqa chaypi hachakachikuna hamushasqa carnecerokuna waka askha qatintin. Hinaspataq qaparqachashasqa: ―¡Manapunin kasarakuymanchu kayna sipaswanqa! ¡Manan kasarakuy-manchu! nispa.

Hinaqtinmi chaypi hachakachi wayna hachakachiqa nisqa: ―Ñoqa kasarakusaq, ama qanqa kasarakuychu, nispa.

―Ahora si, pasarqaway qanta winaykusqayki kayman, nispa.Niqtintaq ichaqa kay hachakachiqa wakanta llapanta qatarikuspa zonzoqa huj larunta pasakapusqa.

At this is brother killed his own wife and set out on his journey, "Corpse going cheap! Corpse going cheap!" he shouted.

But when he entered the town the authorities, the council, and the police arrested him and put him in the main prisonfor manslaughter. Now it was only after a long time that hewas released, and once again he went back to get his brother, "Now I'll throw him into the river tied up in a sack!"

So he laid hold of his brother, trussed him up like asheep and put him in a sack, then carted him to the bank ofthe River Vilcanota. There he took fright and couldn't throwhim into the river, so he put him down there on the bridge

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over the river, and went off with others to have a drink and get drunk.

While they were getting drunk,some meat dealers from Huancane came along driving a huge herd of cattle. Right then the zonzo began shouting out, "I won't marry this girl!I won't marry this girl!"

At this a youth from Huancane said, "I'll get married then in your place, and not you."

"That's good, now you untie meand I'll put you in the sack."

As soon as a young man from Huancane had said this, the zonzo went on his way on the other side of the river, driving the cattle with him.Chay wauqenkunataq ichaqa chaycomercianteta chayman winarqospa chanqaykapusqa Wilkamayuman.

Hinaspataq ichaqa wajmanta zonzoqa librarqokuspa wasinta chayarqollasqataq.

―Allinpaqchá wauqey, Wilkamayumanqa chanqaykurqowanki, wakan kasqaWilkamayupi, pasaqpuni kunan kayta pisi partellantaraq qatimunipas, nispa.

Entonces wauqenqa ambicioso qhapaqtaq karqan chayqa aswan munaspa: ―Ñoqatanñataq kunanqakutinshaman winarqoway, hinaspataq ñoqata Wilkamayun chanqayarqarauy, nispa.

Entonces niqtinmi chay zonzoqaverdadta chanqayapurqan Wilkamayuman. Hinaspanmi payqachay zonzoqa kedakapurqan llapan chay wauqenpaq kaqninwan llapanwan pay qhapaqkapurqan.

Chaylla ñoqaq noticiay.

His brothers came and threw the trader who was in the sackinto the River Vilcanota.

The zonzo, free once again, arrived back at the house,

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"I'm so glad you threw me intothe river," he said to his brother, "there were lots of cattle there, I've only brought a few of them!"

Then his grasping brother, so rich yet craving for more, said, "This time you can put me in a sack and then throw meinto the river."

When he said this the zonzo actually threw him into the River Vilcanota. So the zonzo himself was left with all his brothers wealth, and as a consequence himself became very rich.

That's all I have to tell.

Notes:

1. The Spanish word zonzo, which is widely used in these tales, has been retained here in translation because of the difficulty of finding a good parallel expression for this context of the 'not-so-simple-simpleton', who wins out against the odds through cleverness and cunning.2. The alcamari is an Andean bird of prey, also referred to as the'mountain caracara'.3. Hachakachi is the nickname used for people of the Huancane region in north Puno - throughout the area there are nicknames for people according to their towns.

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The boy and the coming of February

Huj runa kasqa wawan huj chicochayoq; hinaspa mikhunatawaqaychakusqaku Febrero killataq hamuspa: ―Ama chaytaqa horqomunkichischu hinalla kanqa Febrero killapinña chaytaqa horqomusunchis, nispa.

Paqayukusqa mejorninkunata, hina trabajaq pasapusqaku, chicochataqa wasipi saqayusqa:―Ahinallatan wasita cuidaq tiyanki, aman maytapis rinkichu, nispa.

Chicochaqa wasillapi kashan khuchitawan cuidashan, wasillapi cuidaspa tiyashan. Hinaspa huj p'unchayqa papantatapullantaq: ―¿Hayk'aqpunitaq chay Febrero chayamunqa? ¿Maypiñataq kashanri? nispa.

―Yakañan qayllamushan cercamushannan, nispa.

Willallasqataq chicochaqa: ―Suyasqan Febrero killata, ¿maypinataq kashanman? Kuskan

ñanpichu kashanman? nispa nisqa.

―Manaraqmi faltashanpuniraqmi,nispa nishan.

Hinas huj p'unchayqa pasallankutaq mamataytanqa trabajoq llaqta chajrata. Hinaspa chicochaqa kedashan, hinas huj khuchi rantoq hamusqa huj runa; hinas: ―Hamusqayki, nispa.

―Pasaykamuy, nispa, ¿Qanchu Febrero killa kanki? nispa.

―Ari, ñoqan kani, nispa.

There was a man who had a boy who was quite young. At that time they had put some food aside which they would use in February. They said, "We won'ttouch this until February, then we'll use it."

The best food was well hidden,and they went off to work leaving the little boy in the house, "Now you stay here and

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watch the house, and on no account must you go out," theyinstructed him.

So the little boy was there inthe house keeping an eye on the pig, and there he remained. One day he asked hisfather, "Just when will February get here? Where will he be just now?"

"Oh, it will be here very soon, it's getting near."

Another time the little boy questioned him, "This Februarywe are waiting for, where is he now? About half way here?"

"There's not much time left now," he replied.

Another day his parents went off to work in the village fields, and the little boy wasleft on his own. Along came a pig dealer, and called in, "I'm here."

"Come in," he said, "are you the month of February?" asked the boy.

"Yes, that's me," said the man.

―Febrero killapaq, nispan, papay mamaytaq waqaychishan haqaypi mikhuykunata waqaychishasunki, apakuy llapanta, nispa.

Q'epichipusqa mikhunakunata lliuta qhoqhasqakunatapas q'alata hich'aramusqa q'epiyuchipusqa, khuchipas kasqa wirallaña, chaytapas aysariyuchipusqa kacharparipusqa llapanta q'epiyachipusqa.

Tardenqa chayanpun trabajasqankumanta: ―Mamitáy, kunanqa chayaramusqa Febrero killa, hinan kunanqa aparikapun chay waqaychisqaykikunata, nispa willayusqa, khuchitapas aysarikapunmi, nispa.

Chaysi waqtaykuyta kachaykun: ―¿Imapaqmi qan mikhunanchispaqmi riki waqaycharani? Hinaspas khuyayta waqaykun: ―¿Imatañas kunanri taripaswan? ¿Maypiñacha riki? nispas.

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Waqtayuqtin chicoqa waqaykun hinaspas pasapusqa.

Chayllapin chay cuento tukukun.

"My parents have been keeping stuff safely in here for the month of February, they've been keeping food for you, youcan take it away what there is," said the boy.

Having given him everything totake away, including the pig which was quite fat, he bade farewell to the man as he carried the lot off.

When his parents arrived from their work in the afternoon,

he greeted them, "Mother dear!The month of February has justbeen and he's away with all that you have been keeping," and he added, "he's taken the pig away as well."

She began to thrash him for this, "Why on earth did you dothat? Don't you know I was keeping that for us to eat?" At this she wept sorely, "And now we cannot catch up with him, goodness knows where he will be."

The boy was crying after his thrashing and went off out.

The story ends here.

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The condenadoand the wood gatherer

Huj kutinsi huj runa mayu chinpapi llant'ata pallakushasqa. Hinaspa llant'ata pallashaspa uyarirusqa chinpanmanta huj runa waqyakamushasqanta, hinasmayuq qaparisqanwan mana allintachu uyarisqa ima nispachus nimushasqanta, hinaschay runa sayaykuspa uyarin: ―¿Maymantapunitaq? ¿Pupunitaq chaytari waqyakamushan? nispa.

Hinas wichayta urayta qhawarispan, mana pitapas rikunchu, chaysi chinpamannataq qhawarisqa, chinpaman qhawarispas rikurusqa mayu patapi sayaykuspa huj runa waqyakamushasqanta.

Hinaspas qhawarispa allinta uyarin, hinaqa uyarirusqa kay hinata waqyakamushasqanta: ―¡Yau tayta! ¡Yau tayta! Kay mayullata chinparachikuway, kay mayullata chinparachikuway, nispa waqyakamushaqta.

Hinas chay runaqa sayaykuspa qhawarin, chaysi makinwan haywakamushasqa señaschakamushasqa: ―Hamuy hinaspa kayta chinpar-achikuway, nispa nisqanta.

Hinas chay runaqa allinta sayaykuspa qhawarin, hinaqa yuyaykun mayuta chinpayta. Chinparunpunis chay runata mayuta chinpachimunanpaq, hinaqa mayuta chinparun tupaykunku.

―Allinpuni, taytay, hamuruwanki, kunan q'epirukuway, manan atinichu kay mayu chinpayta, nispas niqta, chay waqyakamuq runaqa.

A man was once going along theside of a river collecting wood. While doing so he heard a cry coming from someone on the other bank, but he didn't hear it very well, with all the noise of the river he didn't catch what was said. So

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he stopped and listened, "Where is it coming from? Who can it be calling?", he asked himself.

So he peered up and down the river but he saw nobody, then he looked across and saw a manstanding on the other side, shouting and shouting.

He watched him and listened carefully and heard what the man was calling to him, "Help,friend! Help, friend! Help me across this river, help me across this river," he cried across.

The man remained where he was and watched, the fellow was waving his hands about and making signs to him, "Come over and help me to get acrossthis," he called out.

Staying where he was the man had a good look, and thought about crossing over. When he had got across to help the fellow to cross, they met on the other, bank.

"I'm so glad you've come, friend, perhaps now you'll help me across, I just can't make it myself", said the man who had been calling.

Hinas chay runaqa nisqa: ―Q'epirusqayki arí. ¿Imaynataq manari? nispa.

Hinas wasanman chay runaqa wayllunk’urukun hap'iparukun, hinaspa q'epirachikun, mayutaschinpashanku, chay runaqa q'epirisqa chinpashan. Hinas chaupi mayupiña kashaspas chayrunaqa nisqa q’epichikuq runaqa: ―Choqorutiyoq, nispa nirikuway; hallp'a senqa, nispa niway. Kuruq tukusqan senqayoq, nispa niyukuway nispa.

Ninrinmanta uyanmanta qhawaykuspa q’epishasqan runaqa niykusqa. Hinas chay runaqa mancharikusqa, mancharikuspas chay q'episqan runaqata kacharparisqa, hinas chay runaqa riki mayuman urmaykapun, mayu apapun, hinasmayu chinpaman lloqsirapusqa

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chay q'epichikuq runaqa. Chay q’epiq runataqsi usqhayllaman mayuta chinparusqa, chinpaman chayaspa qhawariramusqa. Chaysi nimushallasqapuni: ―iYau tayta, q'epirukuway! Mayuta chinparichikullaway, mayuta chinparichikullawayn, nispa.

Chayta uyarispapas manañas kasunñachu, hinaspas phawayllaphawarikapun chay q’epiq runa-qa. Hinas ripararusqa chay runaqa mana kausaq runachu kasqanta aswanpas wañuq runa condenado kasqanta.

―Ima huchanmantacha riki coondenokuran, Dios qarqomun kayllanmanta millay huchanmanta, nispa nisqa, comadrenwanchus tiyakuranpas chay qhariqa, mamanwanchus pananwanchus,

The other replied, "Yes, I'll carry you. How could I how could I refuse?"

Then he got a grip and balanced on his back, and so

he was carried towards the other side. While they were crossing, the man said to the one who was carrying him, "Sayto me now 'man with the peakedhat'! Say 'dirt-covered nose!'Say to me 'nose eaten by maggots!' he told him.

When he said this the man glanced back at the face of the person he was carrying on his back. It gave him quite a fright, so much so that he letthe man drop into the river. When he fell the river carriedhim off but he managed to get out on the other side. Meanwhile the man who had beendoing the carrying crossed theriver in a frantic hurry. Whenhe got out on the other bank he looked back across - there was the man calling away as before, "Help me friend! Carryme across the river, carry me across!”

Hearing this the man paid no heed, instead he went off running. Then he realised thatthat man was not in fact

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alive, he was dead, a condenado.

"He has probably been condemned for some sin he's committed, God has expelled him from his presence because of his sin," he said to himself, "maybe he has cohabited with his comadre (2), or perhaps committed incest with his mother or sister,chaymantachu riki Dios qarqomun, chay hinata condenakuspa purinanpaq, nispañanpi yuyaykusqa.Hinas manaña qhepata qhawarikamusqañachu, llant'a q'epintapas aparikuspas phawaylla wayq'o-wayq'onta, wayq'o-wayq'onta, wayq'o-wayq'onta ñanta pasapapusqa llaqtaman chayanankama. Hinas llaqtaman chayarusqa hu-mp'illaña, hunp'i api sut'irishaq chayasqa llant'a q'epichantin. Kay sayk'usqa samaqesparaqsi chayasqa wasinman, mancharisqa, manana kay allin qhali runa hinachu, waq'a hinaraqsi, loco hinaraqsi qhawaykachaspa

chayasqa. Hinaspa chaymanta uma nanasqa mancharisqawan qhayqasqawan, chay runa onqospa wañukapusqa condenadowan tupasqanmanta.

Chayllan chay cuento. and God has therefore thrown him out, so he's condemned to wander," he thought as he wenton his way.

There was no looking back now,instead, carrying his bundle of wood, he ran on from valleyto valley following the path until he arrived at the town. When he arrived in the town carrying his wood he was sweating profusely, he got to his house exhausted and breathless. He arrived shocked, no longer like a normal person but as someone out of his mind, there was a strange look in his eyes. His head throbbed with the shock, and he was a deathly pale. He took ill and died - because hehad met the condenado.

That ends the story.

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The condenado and the coca trader

Ñoqa willasqayki huj condenadomanta cuentota. Huj kuka vendeqsi purisqa chay kuka vendeq askha kuka q'epiyusqa purikun hatun punakunata. Hinaspataqsi chay kuka vendeqqa millmawan cambiamun mas negocio kananrayku. Hinaspataqsi huj astanaman chayakusqa cabañamanchayllapi puñushasqa wasipi kukallanta chayman churiykuspa. Hinaspataqsi condenadoqa tardechallataña chayarqamusqa waqayukuspa tardechallataña condenadoqa rikhuriyarqamun. Hinaspa mana imanakuyta atinchu kukallanta q'epiyukuspa k'uchullaman chinpakatan wasi k'uchullaman pakay k'uchulluman. Hinapsas condenadoqa saykusqa chayamuspa wijch'uyakamuspa punku panpaman, punku panpapispuñusqa.

Hinaspas chay kuka vendeqqa kukallanta q'epiyukuspa mana escaparuyta atisqachu chay condenadomantaqa pñushansi. Hinaspataqsi punku panpapi

kashaqtinqa, allinta kukanta q'epirukun. Hinaspas saltan hawallamanña, hinaspa saltaspataqsi punku kuka q'epinta takamuspa hinaspa kutiyachimusqa kikin condenadopataman. Hinaspa condenadota saruyapusqa, hinaspa pasaqta condenadowanqa chaypi condenado hap'ipusqa runaqsi huch'uy kuchilluchallan kasqa chaywan defendikapusqa, maqanallakapusqaku asta karutaapanakusqaku condenado hap'inakuspa por fin kuchilluchawan vensisqa condenadota chay runa. Hinaspaescapakapusqa pero kuka q'epintaqa q'allata tukupusqa condenadowan hap'inakuspa.

Hinas chay runa ajnata chay runa willakun. Arí.

I will tell a story about a condenado. There was a coca-trader who used to carry lots of coca for sell in the high Andean plain area. The trader bartered the coca for wool, so as to increase his business. On one trip he came

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to a cabin and lay down to sleep in a room, having put his coca over at his side.

Just at that point, now very late, a condenado arrived. He suddenly appeared, very late, crying emotionally. The tradercould do nothing and picking up his coca he moved over to the other side and hid himselfin a corner of the house. The condenado arrived tired out, fell down in the doorway, and went to sleep there.

So the coca trader could not escape from the condenado, whowas asleep in the doorway. Since he was lying the trader tied up the coca tightly and jumped outside, but as he did so his bundle knocked against

the door way and made him fallon top of the condenado. The condenado woke up and made a grab at the man. The man only had a little knife on him and he used it to defend himself. They began to fight, and this took them quite a distance away as the trader struggled with the condenado. Finally, defending himself with his little knife, the man defeatedthe condenado.

So the trader escaped, but without the coca which was scattered around as a result of the struggle with the condenado.

That's how the man told the story. That's right.

The condor and the shepherdess

Huj runa kasqa, sapallan ususiyoq hinas chay ususinta kaychasqa oveja michiqta, hinaspa michiq rispa huj waynawan tuparusqa, sumaq pallaykama ponchoyoq, sumaq wik'uña sombreroyoq. Hinas chay waynaqa chay sipasman qayllaykusqa, hinas chay

sipastaqa nisqa: ―¿Q'epi-q’epipi puqllakusasunchu? nispa.

―Manan atiykimanchu, qantari llasachá kakunki, nispa nisqa.

Hinaqtin: ―Ñoqaqa ch'usaqchallan kani, haqay moq'okamallayá q'epiwank,

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ñoqataq kutichimusqayki, nispanisqa.

Hinaspañataq chay sipastaqa q'episqa moq'o wasakama, chaymantataq waynañata q'epimullasqataq sipasqa. Hinañataq kimsakama q'epinasqakusqayku, sipasñataqq'epin chaymanta waynañataq kutichimullantaq hina.

Hujta q'epirukuspaqa: ―Ama nankichu ñawiykita qaqata ch'illminki, ama qhawarinkichumancharikuwaqmi ñoqa q'epiqtiyqa, nispañataq nisqa.

Sipasqa creesqa hina qaqata ñawinta ch'illmisqa. Hinas chay waynaqa pasachipusqa naman qaqa ukhuman, ñawillanpaq chay sipaspaqqa wayna kasqa pero Condor kasqa chay waynaqa riki. Waynaqa qaqa ukhuman pasayachipusqa, hina kunanqa: ―Qhawariy, nispa.

There was a man who had only one daughter, and she was sentout to shepherd the sheep. As she was going with the sheep she met a young man wearing a lovely woven poncho and a finevicuna-wool sombrero. He came up to her and said, "How aboutplaying a game of piggybacks with me?"

"Oh I couldn't carry you," shereplied, "I'm sure you're quite heavy".

"But I'm as light as a feather, you carry me to that rise over there, and I'll bring you back again", he said.

So he carried the girl to the hillside, and the girl carriedhim back. They went back and forth three times.

Carrying her a fourth time, hesaid to her, "Now, close your eyes as tight as you can, and don't open them when I'm

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carrying you or you might get a fright."

The girl believed him, and shut her eyes tight. The youngman carried her right up into the rocks - to the girl he hadappeared to be a young man, but in actual fact he was a condor. The young man put her down in the midst of the rocks, and said to her, "Have a look."

Niqtin qhawarirapusqa ñawinta qhawaqtin barranco qaqa ukhupikapushasqa, sipasqa waqaykunsikhuyayta: ―¿Imallapaqtaq kaytaqa q'epichikamurani? nispa.

Manas mayninta uraymuyta atinchu, khuyaytas waqayushan.Hina: ―Ama waqaychu, nispa.

Chay condorpa wasinpitaqsi qaqa ukhupi aychakuna kasqa, ch'akiraq frescokunaraq, hina aychallatas mikhukushan sipasqa, waqaykushan p'unchay-p'unchay.

Taytamamanqa waturikapun manaswawanqa chayapunchu tardenqa, hujkunatas tapukun: ―¿Manachu ususiyta ripuwaranki? nispa.

―Mana rikuykuchu, ovejallaykinpurisharqan, nispa.

Khuyaytas taytamamanpas waqayushan, sapallan ususin kasqa. Hina riki huj p'unchayqa sipasqa waqayushan khuyayta: ―¿Imaynallatataq urayarapusaq? ¿lmaynatataq ripusaqqa? nispa.

Waqashasqanpi hina, na, sipaspas onqoqña rikhuripan. Hina pasallantaq waynaqa aychaman, chay pasashanankama q'entichaqa chayarusqa: ―Pharrr-q'entichay, pharrr-q'entchay, ¿piqpa mamataytancha khuyayta waqashan? nispa willaykusqa.

Hinas: ―¿Imataq ñoqapaq?

When he said this she opened her eyes, and seeing she was on a sheer cliff she wept

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sorely, "Why did I let him carry me?", she asked herself.

There was no way she could getdown from where she was, and she wept and wept. "Don't cry", said the condor.

There was meat in the condor'scave, dry meat and fresh meat,and all the girl had to eat was meat. Day after day her weeping went on.

Meanwhile her parents were wondering where she was when she didn't turn up in the evening, they asked folks, "You haven't seen my daughter,have you?"

"We haven't seen her, there's just your sheep going about bythemselves", they replied.

The parents wept sorely as well, she was their only daughter. One day the girl, weeping bitterly, said, "How am I going to get down? How can I go?"

Her weeping went on, and now she saw she was pregnant. Now the condor had gone off for meat, and while he was away the hummingbird arrived, "Whirrr...little humming bird,whirrr...little humming bird... ¿whose mother and father are weeping bitterly?" he asked knowingly."Do you have a message or me?"she asked.

Sipasqa yachakapushañas chaypiwaqasqanpi hina waqasqanpi hina chayqa q'entichaqa: ―Pharrr-q'entichay, pharrr-q'entichay, ¿piqpa mamataytancha waqashan? nispa.Hinas: ―¿Maytataq pasanri? nispa.

―Maytachá pasanpas, karutan pasan, nispa nisqan.

―Ñanta ñoqa allicharapusqayki apayurusqayki haqay urayman, nispa.

Ñanta allicharapusqa q'entichaqa hina panpaman

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uraykusqa; allichakuspa allichapusqa. Chaymanta ya está onqoñan qayllanña chay sipaspaqqa chayamushan onqokapusqa, hinas condor uñachakunata onqokapusqa wachakapusqa.

Hinañataq panal t'aqsakuq uyaramusqa hina: ―Pharrr-q'entichay, pharrr-q'entichay,Ñoqa pusarqapusqayki, nispa nisqa. Ñoqaña, waway, qosaykimanpas willayusaq t'aqsaqmi rin, nispa niyusaq. Hinaqtin pañal t'aqsaq urayamunan kashaqtin chayarapusqa hina qosanqa rikicondorqa, hinaspa: ―Risaq panalta t'aqsaramusaq wawata uywashanki, nispa saqeyusqa.

Hinas urayamusqa hinaspa pujyupatachapi t'aqsayushan. Hinas chaymanta pasapusqa sipasqa, chay q'enticha willayuqtin pa-sapusqa riki, hanp'atuchallatayachayachisqa riki q'entichaqa: ―Qanña sapa wajakamuqtin, "Kunallan, kunallan", nispa nipuwanki, wasiman chayarapunaykama, nispa niyusqa.

By now she did nothing else buweep and weep. Once again, " Whirrr...little humming bird, whirrr...little humming bird... ¿whose mother and father are weeping?" Then the hummingbird asked, "Where has he gone?"

"I'm not sure where, but he's gone far", she replied.

"I'm going to prepare a way for you to get back down below", said the humming bird.

The hummingbird set to preparethe way and went off down to the pampa preparing and arranging. In a short time thegirl was due to give birth, when the time came she gave birth to little condors.

When she went down to wash thenappies, there was the hummingbird, " Whirrr...littlehumming bird, whirrr...little humming bird... I’ve come to take you away," he said, "and I will tell your husband that you have gone to do the

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washing." Just when she was ready (once again) to go down to wash the nappies, her husband, the condor, arrived, and going out leaving him she said, "I'm going to wash the nappies, and while I'm out youcan look after the babies."

She went down and was washing at the spring, then she went off with the hummingbird when he gave her the word, he also told the toad, "Every time that the condor calls, you reply 'Just a minute, I'll be there just now', until we get down to the house."

Hanp'atuchaqa chay akawara patachapis kashan. Hinas sipastaq tira pasapun. Hinaspas condorqa wajakamun: ―¡Uñachakunas waqayapushan!

Chay condor wawachaqa: ―Chulis, chulis, chulis, chulis, chulis.

―¿Kunankamachu? ¿Imatan ruwamunki? Wawa waqan nispa. ¡Maleka! ¡Kunankamachu kamunki? Wawa waqan, nispas nimun.

―Kunallan, kunallan, kunallan,...t'aq, t'aq, t'aq, t'aq, t'aq, .nispas t'aqsamushan.

Chaymanta: ―¿Kunankamachu? ¡Maleka! ¡Wawa waqan!

―Kunallan, kunallan, kunallan,...t'aq, t'aq, t'aq, nispa.

¿Imatapunitaq ruwamun kunankamari? nispas.

Condorqa urayurusqa chay pujyupatata, hinas k'ayrachalla ch-ay akawari patapi kashasqa, "P'ultín" unuman pasayarapusqa. Hinas ahinapi kashaqtin q’entichaqa chayaramullasqataq: ―Pharrr-q'entichay, pharrr-q'entichay,¿piqpa warma-yanancha mamataytanpa qayllapiña? nispa.

Chayñas, waynaqa pasasqa riki wawakunata saqerparispa chay sipaspa wasinta. Sipasqa chayarapusqa: ―Mama, chay qatayniyqa condormi kunan yaqañachá chayaramushanqa, nispas.

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So the toad was there upon thenappies and the girl went running off, then the condor shouted, "The babies are crying now!"

And from the little condor came, "Chulis, chulis, chulis,chulis, chulis".

"How long are you going to be?What are you doing? The baby'scrying", he called, "Mary! Areyou still at it? The baby's crying".

"In a minute, in a minute, I'll be there just now...t'aq,t'aq, t'aq, t'aq, t'aq...", came the sound of the washing.Just afterwards, "Are you still there? Mary! The baby's crying!!"

"Wait a minute, I'm coming...t'aq, t'aq, t'aq..."

"What on earth is she doing till this time?” the condor said impatiently.

So the condor went down to thespring and, surprised, the toad that had been on top of the nappies dived into the water: "Plop!” While the condor was there, the hummingbird came along, "Whirrr... little humming bird, whirrr...little humming bird... ¿whose sweetheart is now beside her parents?” he said.

At this the 'young man' left his little ones behind, and went off to the girl's house. When the girl arrived, she hadsaid, "Mother, this son-in-lawof yours is a condor, and he'sgoing to be arriving soon."Q'entichaqa willayusqa riki hinas: ―Unuta t’inpurachinki hatun rakiman hinaspa chaymantaq q'aqla kapachuta mast'arunku, hina chayman tiyayachinki. Kunan sumaqmi chay waynaqa chayaramunqa allin p'acharusqan kunan, nispas niyusqa.

Nisqanta hinan hatun mankakunapi unuta t'inpuyuchisqa, hina riki waynaqa chayarqan:

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―Pasaykamuy. ¿Qanchu qatay kanki? Tiyaykuy, nispas riki.

Chay unu t'inpu taparusqa pataman waynataqa tiyachin. Sumaqsiya paykunaq ñawinpaqqa chayarun, sumaq pallaykama ponchoyoq, sumaq wik’uña sombreroyoq, sumaq bayo zapatoyoq, hinas chayarun rikiwaynaqa.

―Tiyaykuy qanman, qatayqa kasqanki.

―Tiyayusaq, nispa, rakiman papasayapun.

Tiyayuruspa laphaq pasayapun: ―Phatáq, phatáq, phatáq, phat-áq, phatáq, t'inpuq unutaqa ch'allichimunraqsi.

Chaynapi wañurapusqa riki qatayqa.

But the hummingbird had advised them, "Boil water in ahuge pot, and then over the top spread a smooth skin, and make him sit there. Now the

young man will arrive here elegantly dressed indeed."

As the hummingbird had suggested, they boiled water in big pots, and just afterwards the young man arrived. "Come right in, are you our son-in- law? Take a seat", she said.

So he was invited to take a seat over the boiling water. In their eyes he looked quite handsome - with his fine wovenponcho, his sombrero of vicuñawool, and lovely bay-coloured shoes - that's how he arrived.

"Won't you sit down? You are my son- in-law.""I will", he replied, going over to the large pot.The moment he sat down he suddenly dropped inside, and there he splashed about in theboiling water.

So it was the son-in-law died.

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Note: This is the longest of the three versions of this tale thatI have collected--it is the fullest, yet even so it does not include some of the details from the others. From the others it appears that the toad has the ability to change appearance to that of a woman washing clothes, which may explain why there is the sound of washing clothes in this version, after the girl has gone.

The young woman and the heron

Huj cuentota willasqaykitaq waqaqsallas waynaman tukuspa huj sipaswan parlasqa taripasqa, hinaspataq sipasmanqa taripan sumaq oqekama p'achayoq wayna. Hinaspa sipaspa sonqonta suwan, hinaspa parlanku hinaspas payku na kausanku. Hinaspataqsi sayan huj p' unchaymanqa sipastaqa nisqa: ―Ñoqaqa challwirun kani, nis-pa, challwa challwayllawanmi ñoqaqa kausani, challwasqallaywanmi kausani, nispa.

Hinataq sipastaqa nisqa: ―Mayutan kunan risaq challwaq,

nispa. Chaypin challwamusaq hina qanqa apamuwanki doce p'unchaupi merintata, nispa, mikhunata apamuwanki, nispa.

Hinaqa rin hinaqa sipasqa wayk'un sumaqninta mikhunata; hinaspa doceta apan mayu patantakama maskhaspa riki, hina mana tarinchu waynataqa, manataq waqaqsallalla kashan chaypi, chay waqaqsallalla chay mayupitiyaq, hinaspa manatarinchu: ―¿Maytaqri? nispa, mana tupanchu.

Hinas kutipun wasita, hinaqa chaysinmanqa chay waynaqa chayan chay sipas munaqñinqa: ―Yaraqasqa hamushani kay

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tukuyta yaraqawan, mana mikhunata apamuwankichu, nispa.

Hinaqa sipasqa nin: ―Apamuykitaq mikhunataqa p'unchayqa manataq kankichuqa,nispas nin.

Hinaqa niqtinqa: ―Chaypitaq kakushaniqa, nispas nin. Chay mayupi kakushani, nispas nin.

I am going to tell you anothertale of a heron who pretended to be a young man. He was talking with a young woman whom he had met. When he met her he was a young man with lovely gray clothes. He deceived the young woman, and they agreed to live together. So one day while standing there, he said to the young woman, "I am a fisherman, fishing is my job and I live from the fish that I catch."

So he said to her, "I am goingto the river to fish, and as Iam off to fish, you bring me lunch at midday, bring me something to eat."

He went off and the young woman prepared some tasty food. At 12 o'clock she took it to the river and there on the bank she was looking for him. But she did not find him,there was just a heron who lived in the river, that was all. She asked herself, "Wherecan he be?" She didn't find him.

So she went back to the house.Later that day in the evening the young man came back (to the girl he desired), and said, "I've come home hungry, and really feel hungry, you didn't bring me food," he said.

The young woman replied, "I brought you food earlier in the day and you weren't there."

When she said that he retorted, "But I was there, I was there in the river." Hinaqa hina kankunaqa qhepantin p'unchaymanqa

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purillantaq: ―Kunanqa apamuwankipunin mikhunata, mayupin kunan challwata challwashasaq sut'itapunin, ñoqa challwasaq qhawakuspa hamunki, nispa nin.

Hinaqa rillantaq challwaq, hinaqa sipasqa chay qhepantaqaallinninta mikhunata wayk'ukurqospa apallantaq, mayu patantakama rin maskhaspamana tarillantaqchu, chay waqaqsallalla kashasqa chaypi,yapa kashallantaq hina sipasqamana tarispa phiñarisqñia kashan. Hinaspa nisqa: ―¿Imatataq kay waqaqsallalla sapa p'unchay chaypi tiyan ma-skhaspa hamuqtiy, manataq kantaqchu munasqayqa? nispa.

Chanqarqosqa rumiwan hap'irqochisqa waqaqsallataqa,mana tarispa kutipullantaq. Hinaspataq chaymantaqa tardeqachayallantaq waynaqa: ―iAayy! iAayy! Onqosqa hamushani, nispa. Runa chanqarqowan runa ch'aqerqowan, nispa. Hinaqa mana mikhunatapas apamuwankichu, nispa.

Hinaqa: ―Apamuykitaq manan kanchu, manataq kankichuqa.

―Chaypitaq kakushaniqa, nispa ya nin sipastaqa.

Hinaqa sipasqa hanpin qhaqon sumaqta chukunwan p'istun hina, hinaspa hanpikuspa puñuchin hina puñunku hinaqa sumaqta payqa puñuchin.

This is how they were. The following day he went out, "Now remember to bring me food, I will be in the river fishing quite plain to see, souse your eyes when you come," he said, and went off to fish.

So the young woman prepared the best of food and took it to him, and she was looking for him on the river bank, butagain she didn't find him. Once again just the heron was there, but the young man was not to be seen and so she was annoyed, "Just what is this? Every day when I come looking the heron is there, but there

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is no sign of my beloved," shesaid.

She threw a stone at the heronand hit it, but when she didn't find him she went home.Later that day the young man arrived back again, "Oww! Oww!Here I am, injured," he cried,"somebody hit me with a stone,somebody stoned me. You didn'tbring me food either."

"But I did bring it for you, and you weren't there, nowhereat all," she replied.

"I was quite definitely there," he told the young woman.

Then the young woman gave him a massage, and wrapped him up carefully in a blanket, and put him to bed. So they slept with care that night.

Hinaqa puñunku chay tuta, hinaqa tutamantaqa waqaqsalla aliin chukunwan ch'uwirqosqa waltarqosqa kapushasqa wañusqa

mana waynachu kasqa chayqa waqaqsalla kasqa, anchay waqaqsalla oqllaykusqa sipasqatutamanta paqaripusqa.

Anchay hinatas ñaupa waynaman tukurqan waqaqsallapas hina kausarqan sipaswan. Kaypi tukukun chay cuento.

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Then in the morning the heron was dead, well wrapped in blankets and napkins. He hadn't been a young man but a heron, the young woman had awakened with him in her arms.

So it was said in olden times that the heron became a young man and lived with a young woman. The story ends here.

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The young woman and the plant worm (1)

Silvestre kuru q'omerikama wayna t'ukurusqa, Hinaspas hujsipas runa sipasi kallasqataq,hinaspas chay runa sipaswan parlarusqa (2) silvestre kuruqa. Hinaspas silvestre kuruqa rin: ―Qoqawata apamuwanki malki wi t'oqmirisaq, nispa.

Hinaspas chay sipasqa rin qoqawantin, hinaspa chay sipasqa manas tarinchu, waynayaqa sillwi kurullas kakushan. Hinaspas sillwi kurulla kashaqtintaqsi kutinpun. Hinaspas tardenqa chayan silvestre kuru: ―¿Imanasqan mana apamuwankichuqoqawata?

―Apamuykitaq. ¿Maypitaq kankiri? Mana rikuykichu maskhaykuykin, nispa.

Hinaspas silvestre kuruqa nin:―Chaypi riki kashani, silves-tre kurullan chaypi kasharqan,chaymi riki kashani, nispas qhansun.

Hinaspas sipasqa muspharparillantaq runa sipas chay kallantaq muspharparin: ―¿Imataq kayri chaytaq ñoqari ima silvestre kuru chaytaq ka-shani? niwan chayri nispas nin.

Hinaspas: ―Paqarintaq mana apamuwankimanchu rillasaqtaqmimallki wit'oq, nispa, hinaspa paqarinqa apamuwankipunin, nispa.

Hinaspa paqarinqa rillantaq, hinaspas hawastas wit'oyushan.Hinaspas hanp'atutaqsi nin: ―¡Silvestre! Ñoqapaqwan mallkita wit'urimanki, nispas hanp'atuqa wajan.

There was a plant-worm who hadbecome a young man all dressedin green. Also there was a young woman (a real human) andthe man asked for her hand in marriage, he was really a plant worm. The worm went to her and said, "You have to bring me food, I'm going to cut a tree down". So the young woman went with food for him but she could not

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find the young man anywhere, there was just a plant worm tobe seen. Since that's all there was, she went home. Whenthe worm arrived in the evening, he asked her, "What'syour reason for not bringing food for me?"

"I brought it to you. Where were you? I didn't see you andI looked all over".

At this the worm said, in rebuke, "But I was there, there was only a worm there, Iwas that worm!"

With these words fear and shock came over the young woman, and she was very upset.She asked herself, "What, oh what can this mean? He said, 'I was that worm."

"You take care that you bring it to me tomorrow, for I'm going to cut trees again - tomorrow, without fail, bring it to me", he told her.

The next day he went off and was eating away at bean

plants. Then the toad called to him, "Silvestre! You've to cut down trees for me too!"¿Imanan qhasqapaya? ¿Imanan qhasqapaya? Ñoqapas imaynas kunkaymanta p'itinapaq kakushani, nispas nin, hinaspaajnata nirparin hanp'atutaqa silvestreqa.

Hinaspas silvestreqa rin rillantaq; hinaspas huj chay runa sipasqa rillantaqchá qoqawata apan. Qoqawata apaspataqsi manapunis tarinchu, sillwi kurullapunis kakushan. Hinaspa sillwi kurullapunin kakushan wit'ushan hawaskunata, hinas kutipullantaq. Hinaspas kutipun hinaspas hujta chayallantaq silvestreqa: ―¿Imanasqa mana apamuwankichu?¿Maymi qoqawa?

―Silvestre kurullan chayqa kashan, mana noqaqa tarimuykichu, nispas nin. Hinaspas, mananña riki kanñachu, yasta chirillaña naqa runa sipasqa, chirillañasruna sipasqa kashan: ―¿Imawanpunin kaytaqa parlani

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hayqawanpunin ñoqaqa parlaykuni, nispa. Hinaspa chay runa sipasqa: ―Ripusaqchu kanpis, nispa, ahina kashan. Hinaspas niqtintaqsi nin, hujta ripullan rillantaq.

Hinaspas silvestre kurutaqa hujta runa wit'urapusqa sipirapusqa runa, runa hawaskunapi hawasta wit'ushaqtin.

"What do you want, old boy? What's up with you, old man? I'm about to have my neck broken too," the worm replied harshly to the toad.

So the worm had gone, and the young woman (who was a real human) also went carrying food; but yet again she couldn't find him, there was just the worm there as before.The worm was eating away at

the bean plants, she went home. She got back, and then the worm arrived as well, "Whyhaven't you brought me any-thing? Where's the food?" he asked.

"There was just a plant worm there, I couldn't find you," she replied. But now the girl was almost delirious, not herself at all, shivers of fear running through her, she was in despair (she was a realhuman). "What sort of person is this I have committed myself to? Just who is it I'vegot myself involved with?", she asked herself, "it would be better if I got out of here". So her thoughts ran as he came and went.

One day a man cut the worm in two while it was eating away at his bean plants in the chacra, and killed it. He was harvesting the beans.

Notes:

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1. The term sylvestre kuru appears interchangeable with sillwi kuru, andis a small green worm or grub that attacks the stems of plants such as potatoes and habas.

2. The use of the term parlay in these stories indicates more thana casual conversation, it refers to two young people talking about marriage, and agreeing to marry.

The engaged couple and theeagle

Kunan willasqaykichis huj munankuqmanta hinallataq Iras Flores llaqtamantawan.

Huj waynas kasqa chay waynas huj sipasta munakusqa casarakunanpaq warminpaq. Hinas munanasqa paykuna maypichus reqsinakusqanku tarinakusqanku llaqtapi sumaqta kausashasqanku, ichaqamana kuska tiyasqakuraqchu. Hinas chay sipaspa mamataytanqa yuyaykapusqa karullaqtaman ususinkuta pusarikuspa ripuyta, chay karullaqtapis Iras Flores nisqa llaqtapi wasinku kallasqataq.

Hinas chay mamataytaqa nisqa ususinta: ―Huj p'unchaypin ripusunchis chay llaqtaqa, nispa.

Chayta uyarispa yachaspas ima p'unchaychus ripunankuta yachaspa, chay sipasqa chay munasqan waynataqa nisqa: ―Kaychay p'unchaypin tupasunchis, hinaspa ripusunchis chaypaq llaqan lliuta imaymanaykita q'epicharakamunki.

Hinaspa: ―Ripusunchis, nispa.

Chayqa paykuna rimanakusqayku maypichus tupanankuta, ima hora ima p'unchaychus ripunankutawan mamataytakunawan kuska. Hina riki chay waynaqa: ―Ari, allinmi ripusunchis chaynaqa maytachus qan riki chayman, nispa, manan kacharinakuswanchu t'akanakuswanchu karunchanakuswanchu, kuskalla maypipas kasunchis, nispa.

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I am now going to tell you about an engaged couple, and about the town called Iras Flores.There was a young man who fellin love with a girl and wantedto marry her. So with this desire they met and got to know one another in the town and lived happily, but they hadn't lived together. One daythe parents of the girl decided that she would go awaywith them to a distant town, in that distant town (called Iras Flores) they had a house.

So the parents said to their daughter, "On such-and-such a day we are going to that town."

Knowing and bearing in mind when they were to leave, the young woman said to the young man, her fiancée, "We'll meet together on that day for we have to go then, and you will have to carry almost all your belongings with you."

"Let's go then," he said.

So they agreed on when they were to meet one another, and the day and the hour of departure with her parents. The young man said, "Good, we'll go wherever you go we won't allow any particular separation or any distance to come between us, in whatever place we will be together."

Hinañataq chay waynaqa chay ripunanku hora p'unchaypiqa mana rikurinpusqachu. Sipastaqsi suyashan, suyashan,suyashan, manapuni rikurinpunchu chay waynaqa. Hinas chay sipasqa mamataytanwan kuska mañana astawan suyaspan pasapusqa chay karu llaqtaman Iras Flores nisqa llaqtaman.

Hinaspa paykuna chayapusqanku chay llaqtaman, chayqa mataqsichay waynaqa qotiramusqa sipaswan tupaykuy yuyayllana, ichaqa mana taripusqachu chay sipasta, manataq yachasqapastaqchu maypipunis chay llaqtaqa kasqanta. Hina

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riki payqa waqaykusqa khuyaytallakikusqa hujta, hujta, astapuykachakun mana pipas willanchu chay llaqtaqa maypichus kasqanta. Hinas chaywaynaqa nisqa: ―Kunanqa p'achata allinta ruwayukusaq, firo bastunta ruwarachikusaq allinta zapatotapas ruwarachikusaq, kaqllataq qoqawatapas allinta ruwarachikusaq. Hinaspa kay p'achantintaq maskhaspa purimusaq tarinaykama, nispa.

Hina riki chay yuyaykusqaman hina chay waynaqa lliu, chaysiwillasqayku purishaqtin mana chay llaqtataqa pipas rikusqanta. Hinaspa huj kutin tupasqa huj runawan hinas chaywillakusqa: ―Kanmi huj runa llapa animalkuna llapa uywakuna wajaq pitullanwan wajaq chayman riwaq, hinaspa chaywan wajachiwaq llapa animalkunata, kay pachantin k’uchumanta hamunankupaq, chayqa chay llaqtamantapas hamullanmanta haya riki, chay animalqa mayqallanpas, nispa.

Hinas chay waynaqa: ―Arí, allinmi, nispa nisqa.

But on the day and hour when they were to go, the young mandidn't appear. The young womanwaited and waited and waited, but he just did not turn up. So she did not wait any longer, but went off with her parents to the faraway town ofIras Flores.

So they arrived at the town, and in the meantime the young man had turned up expecting tomeet the young woman, but he didn't find her and he had no idea at all where the town might be. He began to weep andweep, he was so sad, and askedthis one and that one, but nobody could tell him where hewould locate the town. So the young fellow said, "Well now... I'm going to make some fine clothes, I'll have an iron walking staff made, good shoes as well, and I'll get tasty food prepared, and in these clothes I'll search until I find her."

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Then, just as he had decided, he got everything ready and set out on his journey, but ashe journeyed on no one could tell him where the time was that he was looking for. Then he met a man who said to him, "There's a person who can calltogether every single animal just with a blast of his whistle, and you'd be able to call all the animals to come from the ends of the earth, and they would come from this town you are talking about, one of them at least."

The young man said, "Yes, that's a good idea."

Hinaspas chay waynaqa runaman risqa valeykuq, hinaspas rimapayan imaynapis pay kashasqanta maypichusri munasqanqa. Hinaspa chay runaqa nisqa: ―Paqarin llapa animalkunata torre patamanta wajasaq pitullaywan hinaspa llapa hamunkaku. Hinas tapusaqmaypichus chay llaqta kasqanqa, chay animalkunaqa rikunkupunin mans manachu paykunaqa chaymanpis

chayankupunin chay willawasunchis, nispa.

Hina chay waynaqa kusikusqa: ―Ari, allinmi kanqa, niepa.

Hinañataq tutamantanqa chay waynaqa chay runaqman rin chayrunataq pituntin wicharusqa hatun alto torre pataman, chaymanta sayakuspa pitunta tukaykusqa. Hina riki llapa animalkuna chayarqarimusqanku laqha- laqharaq phawaylla llapa tawachaykiyoq uywakuna llapapis hujkuna lliu imay mana qaraywakuna, lliutaq animalkunamanta pacha chayamusqaku phawaylla waqariqtin. Hinas chay torre panpapiqa huñunayakusqaku lla-pa animalkuna, chaysi chay runaqa tapusqa: ―¿Maypin chay Iras Flores nisqa llaqta? nispa. ¿Rikunkichischu? nispa.

Hina hinataqsi chay animalkunaqa kutichisqaku: ―Manan rikuykuchu, manataqmi yachaykupastaqchu maypichis kasqanta, nispa.

Hina riki chay waynaqa llakisqa chayta uyarishan,

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hinaspa willan chay runapas chay waynaman: ―Manan pipas mayqen animalpas rikunchu; chaynaqa ¿maypiraqchá

So he went off to this man to make his request, and told himjust what sort of situation's girlfriend was in. The man replied, "Tomorrow I'll call all the animals from the towerwith a blast of my whistle so that they'll come. I'll ask them where this town is, they always know and some will havebeen in this place and will give us the answer."

Then the young man brightened up, "That's just fine," he said.

In the early morning the youngman went to the house of the man, and he had gone up a veryhigh tower taking his whistle within, and standing up there he give a long blast on the whistle. As a result of this the animals began to arrive, stumbling and getting up againas they ran – all the four-footed beasts, all the birds, all that crap, every

conceivable animal had come running when he called. Thus all the animals were gathered on the plain around the tower.So the man asked them, "Where is the town called Iras Flores, do you know of it?"

At this the animals replied, "We haven't seen it, we just don't know where you would find it."

The young man was listening sadly to this, and the man also said to him, "Not one of the animals has seen it. Wherethen

chay llaqtata mana animalkunaqchayasqa? Llaqtapaschá kakun riki, nispa.

Hina chay hinata rimashaqtillan unaymantaña unay qhepamanña chay animalkunapas ripuqtinkuña chayaramusqa huj anka, aguila anka nisqa. Hinaspa chay ankataqa tapusqa chay waqaq

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runaqa: Imanaqtintaq chayraq chayamushanki? ¿Maypi kamuranki? nispa.

Hinas chay ankaqa willasqa: ―Ñoqaqa rirani Iras Flores llaqtata sinchi karullapiñan chay llaqta kashan, chaymi kunan ñoqa chayraq chayamushani, nispa.

Chayta uyuraqtinsi chay waynaqsonqonqa mayta kusikusqa, mayta kusikun chay wayna. Hinaspa riki chay runaqa kamachisqa animalkuna wajaqqa kamachlsqa: ―Q'epirunki aparunki pusarunki chay Iras Flores llaqtaman, nispa, chaytan maskhashan chaytan rishan, nispa.

Hinas ankaqa: ―Arí, risaqmi pusasaqmi, nispa nisqa.

Hinas chay waynaqa unuta allinta apariykun askhata, hinallataq lliu imay mana mikhunakunatapas q'epichaykun,hinaspan ankawan kuska puririyta qallarirqan. Hinanñataqsi chay ankaqa nisqa: ―Kunanqa q'epiraypaq ñawiykita watarukunki, aman

qhawankichu ñawi watarusqallanwasay patapi kashanki ñoqaq q'episqayki altonta, nispa. Hawillaykiwan qhawawaq chayqa urmaykutaqmi umayki muyuriqtin, nispa.

Hinas chay nisqaman hina chay waynaqa umanta watarukun ñawinta taparukun.

can there be a town that none of the animals has visited? Still, perhaps it exists."

As he was going on saying thisafter a good long while, when the animals were on their way,an eagle arrived. The man who called the animals as the eagle, "Why have you arrived so late? Where were you?"

So the eagle told him, "I havebeen to the Iras Flores, and it is so far away that I am arriving late like this only now."

Hearing this the young man's heart leapt within him for

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joy, he was so happy. So the caller ordered the animals, "Lead, guide, and bear him to Iras Flores, for he is lookingfor it, and is going there."

It was eagle who said, "All right, I'll go, I'll take him."

So the young man took plenty of water and was carrying all kinds of food and with the eagle set off on the way. Justthen the eagle said to them, "For me to carry you you'll have to blindfold yourself, you won't see anything blindfolded, you'll just be onmy back as we go up. If you were to look you would get dizzy and fall off. "

So the young man did as he hadbeen told and put a blindfold round his head so that his eyes were covered. Hinaspa puririn puririnku chayankataqsi chay waynata q'epiriyku, altonta phawachishan - phalashan.. phalashan.. phalashan.. man

chaynatapuni phawachishan. Hinas huj chiqasman chayaspa nin ankaqa: ―Ch'akirushawsmmi unutan munarushanni, nispa.

Hinas chay apakusqan unuta ch-ay waynaqa haywarin, chayta ujyaykun, chaymantaqa huj samariymantaqa pasallantaq ankaqa q‘epiykusqa; chaymantataqsi huj cheqasman chayaspaqa nin: ―Kunanqa yaraqaruwashanmi, nispa.

Chayta niqtis chay waynaqa t'antata haywayku mikhuykunanpaq, mikhuykuspaqqapasallantaq. Hinas huj partepiqa nin: ―Ch'akinrushawanmi, nispa.

Unutaq haywarillantaq. Huj parteman chayaruspataqsi, nin:―Yaraqarushawanmi.

Hinas t'anta takuykullantaq; huj ñeqman chayan chaypiqa: ―Yaraqarushawanai, nln.

Mikhunata qoykun; anchaynatas p'unchay-p'unchay phawashanku,manañas unu kapuñachu apakusqan, ni ima t'antapas kapunchu, ni ima mikhunapas.

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Chay ankataqsi yaraqachikushanch'akichlkushan sapa p'unchay.―Kutirikapusaq qotiripusaq manataq mikhunapas unupas kanchu chayqa, nispa nisqa.

Hinas chay waynaqa nin: ―Ama kutiychu, ñoqa aycha ta qarasqayki, ñoqa unuta maymantapas apamusqa, nispa. Chayaqachillaway chay llaqtaman, nispa, Iras Flores llaqtaman, nispa.The eagle went off, on they went the young man carried upwards quickly. The eagle flew on and on and was traveling very fast. Arriving at a certain spot, the eagle said, "I'm very thirsty, I want a drink of water."

The young man held some of thewater he was carrying out to him and it took it. After a rest the eagle went on carrying him. Then coming to another place, the eagle said,"Now I feel hungry."

When he said this the young man presented him with some bread to eat, and having eaten, he went on. But at another part he said, "I'm feeling thirsty again."

So he was given water as well,then at another point he said "I'm feeling hungry."

So he gave him bread as well, then, a bit further on he said, "I'm hungry once more."

He gave him food. So it was they flew on day after day, but now the water he was carrying was finished, there was no bread left, in fact, nofood at all. Every day the eagle felt hungry, and he said, "I'll turn and go back if there is no food or water."

So the young man said, "Don't go back, I'll give you my own flesh to eat, and wherever we are I'll bring water. As long as you get me to Iras Flores,"he added.

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Hina riki qhepallapiñaqa ma-napuniña ima mikhunanpas kapuqtin aychanta kuchurusqa chaykay aychanta chayta haywasqa ankamanqa. Chayta mikhuykun.chayta mikhuykuspas qallpa chayakuspa kaypi q'epirikuspa pasallantaq altonta phalashan. Chayatas p'unchay-p'unchay phawashanku waynataqsi aychallantaq mikhuchishan anchay ankamanqa.

―¿Maypiñataq kashanchis? ¿Qayllakushanchisña? nispas chay waynaqa tapuykun ankata.

―Hinas chawpipiñan kashanchis nispa nin, karuraqmi kashan, nispa.

Hujtawanqa tapuykullantaq: ―¿Maypiñan kashansi? nispa, ¿Qayllashanchisñachu? nispa.

―Manaraqmi, nin.

Huj cheqaspiqa tapuykullantaq:―¿Ñachu chayashanchisña? nis-pa.

―Kashanraqmi, nin; chaymantaqahuj kutinpiqa tapuykullantaq,

chaysi nillantaq ―Yaqaña chayasunchis, nispa.

Ña semanan.. semanan.. killan.. killan ya purishanku phawashanku, mana chay tatinkachu. Huj p'unchayqa tapuykun: ―¿Maypinñan kashanchis? ¿Qayllakushanchisñachu? nispa.

―Ari, pisillaña kashan, qayllakushanchis, nispa.Thus, after the last food had been consumed, he served up his own flesh to the eagle. When he began to eat this it gave him new strength to carryhim further, upwards he flew. So it went on day after day they flew together and the young man was feeding the eagle with nothing but his ownflesh.

"Where are we? Are we getting near now?" the young man askedthe eagle.

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"We are about halfway there now, but there's still a long way to go," was the reply.

Later again he asked, "Where is this? Are we getting near now?"

"Not yet," he replied.

And in another place he asked once more, "Are we about to get there?"

"There's a bit to go yet," he said.

Shortly afterwards he asked again, so he replied to that, "We're almost there."

So week after week, month after month they kept on flying, not as much as stopping. One day the young man asked, "Now where are we? Are we getting near this time?"

"Yes, it's not far now, we areapproaching it," he replied.

'Pisillaña kashan' nispa kusirichin chay waynataqa. Hinas karumanta chay llaqtata qhawarisqaku, karumantapuni Iras Flores llaqta rikuramusqa: ―Haqaymi chay llaqta, nispa willaykun.

Chayta nispa uraykusqaku huj wayq'oman unu pujyu kasqanman,chaypi p'achankuta t'aqsarakusqaku, chaypi sumaqta maqschikusqaku lliuta riki chaypi limpiakusqaku.

Hinaspa chay llaqtaman haykusqaku, hinas chay wasimanchayanku, chaypi waynaqa tuparusqa chay munasqan sipaswan novianwan. Chaypi mayta sumaqta abrazaykunakusqaku mamataytakunawanpas tupayasqakutaq. Hinaqa huj wasipi chay waynataqa tiyaykuchisqaku chay ankataqa.

Hinas chay ankaqa mikhun, ujyan, p'unchaykama puñu kikillampiñis hisp'ayukunpas

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yuraq yatañas wasita asnayakachin hisp'ayakusqanwanmillayta qhellichaykun. Chaytas pichashankus, pichashankus sapa p'unchay.

Hinaspa wasiyoqqa ya está aburirakapusqaña manaña munanña chay wayna tiyachiyta.Hinaspa huj p'unchayqa kamachisqa kamachinkunata: ― ¡Phawaychis chay waynata! Mayuman apaychis chaypi lliutaarmamuychis maqschimuychis limpiamuychis, millay asnashan, nispa.

When he said 'not far now' theyoung man really cheered up. Away in the distance they saw the town, Iras Flores appearedas a were on the horizon. "That's the town," the eagle told him.

This said they went down into a valley where there was a spring, they washed their clothes, they cleaned themselves up so they were

quite smart. They went into the town and found the house, the young man met his fiancée whom he loved and there they embraced lovingly, and he alsomet her parents. So they made the young man stay in the house, that is, the eagle.

There the eagle ate, drank, slept very late, he just relieved himself there in the house and the place became white with his droppings, and the house was filthy and stinking. They cleaned up the droppings every day.

Finally the owner of the housewas offended and disgusted anddid not want the young man to remain there. So one day he gave his servants their orders, "Get rid of this youngfellow! Take him to the river and give him a thorough wash, he smells terrible."

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Hinas apasqaku apaq apaspanku chaypi maqschirishaqtinku unumanta ayqerisqa. Hinas phalarikapusqa pasapusqachay ankaqa kutirikapun riki. Chay waynataqsi chay munasqan sipaswan qheparapusqa.

Anchayllapi chay cuento tukukapun.

So they got hold of him and carried him, but as they beganto wash him he escaped from the water. The eagle flew off,away back home, but the (other) young man stayed behind with his fiancée.

That's where this story ends.

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The Mailman

Ñaupaq tiempos mana carropas kasqachu ni carta apaq, runallas apaq cartata q'epiyusqas puriq kasqa chay runaqa, karutas puriykushan runaqa. Hinaspa runaqa karutañas purishan, tutayachikun manas maypi puñuyunanpaq wasipas kanchu, puriyushan runaqa karutaña tutayayapun. Hinaspa: ―¿Maypitaq kunanqa puñuyusaq manataq wasikunapas kanchu? nispa,llakisqa runaqa rishan.

Huj moq'ota muyuykun, chaymanta k'anchamushasqa kusirukun runaqa, ―Wasiman qayllayushasqaniña, kunanqa chaypichá puñuykusaq, nispa.

Sayk'usqa runaqa chayman chayaykun hinannataq: ―Hamushayki, mamáy, nispa. Haykuykun.

―Pasaykuy, nispa. Pasaykuchin.

―Alojaykuway, tutayachikamunin, nispa.

―Pasaykamuy, almayoqmi kashayku turaymi wañun, nispa willayukusqa chay wasiyoqqa.

Hinanñataq mikhunatapas haywarillasqataq: ―Yarqasqacháhamushanki kay mikhunata mikhuykuy, nispa.

Mikhuykusqa runaqa, hinas sajsarapusqa hinas wakinta waqaychayukusqa, 'paqarinpaq ñanniypi fiambreyunaypaq,' nispa.

In olden times when there was neither transport nor mail service, all there was was a mail carrier – a man who went from place to place taking letters with him, often considerable distances. Once when this man had gone quite adistance, darkness overtook him and there was nowhere for him to spend the night. At this distance and with nightfall, he said to himself,"Where am I going to spend the

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night? There is not a house insight," and on he went sadly.Rounding a small hill he saw alight shining some distance further on, at this he perked up," I'm actually getting neara house, now I'll have somewhere to sleep tonight."

He was very tired when he got there and going up to the house, he shouted, "Mamá, I'm out here."

"Come in," was the reply, and the mailman was beckoned in."Please put me out for the night," he asked, "the night overtook me.""Come on in, but," the owner of the house advised him, "we have a corpse here, my brotherhas died."

Having said that she brought him some food, "Eat this up, you really must be hungry coming this far."

Having eaten enough, he kept the rest with the thought: 'this will do to eat on the journey tomorrow'.

Hinanñataq puñuykun tiyasqallanpi. Waqaykushansi chay almayoqqa: ―¿Qaqapichu perqapichu...liú, liú, liú, liú, liú...qaqapichu perqapi-chu..liú, liú, liú, liú? nispakhuyayta waqayushanku.

¿Imanaqtintaq chaynatari waqankuri chaypiri? nispa Ñawinpaqqa yuraq p'achayoqkamaseñoraqamas kashanku chaypiq puriykachashanku waqaykushan: ―Sapallanmi turayku karan chaymi wañupun, nispa velashanku.

Chaynataq tiyasqallanpi runaqapuñuykushan, hinas tutaraq ru-naqa rijch'arispaqa pasapun.Hina pasapuspaqa: ―¿Maypitaq kaypiri...?

Tutamantan qhawarirukuqtinqa: ―¿Maypitaq kaypi kashani pasan, nispa.

Qhawayuqtinqa qaqa t'oqollapitaq puñusqa, qocha kanto, qaqa siki kasqa chaypi puñusqa. Tutamanta qhawarinanpaqqa qellwaytukunaña purishasqa

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chaypi: ―Leq, leq, leq, leq, leq,... nispa waqaspa.

―¿Maypitaq... qhapaq sumaq señorakunataq alojawaranqa? ¿Maytaqri? nispa.

Chaysi chay pampanpi leqechu wañusqalla wijch'urayashasqa,

―¡Kayma kasqa! nispa nisqa.

Karuta pasapun, hinaspa: ―Qoqawayta mikhuyusaq, nispa, qhawayurusqa chay convidayusqan mikhunataqa. Meanwhile the person watching over the body was weeping, "Ina rock... in a wall...oooh, oooh, where..?" she repeated, weeping bitterly.

"Why on earth is there so muchweeping?" he asked himself. Asfar as he could see it was allwomen, all dressed in white, walking to and fro weeping, "He was our only brother, now he's dead," they said as the wake went on.

Now at this the man, who had been lying there sleeping,

really woke up. It was still dark but he got out of the place. Once outside, thinking the matter over in the early morning, "Where on earth..? Just what kind of a place is this that I'm in?" he asked himself.

Taking a good look he realizedhe had slept in a cave at the foot of the cliff at the side of the lake, he had spent the night there! In the morning light all he could see were plovers walking about squawking, "Leq, leq, leq, leq, leq...""Where... are those lovely rich women who put me up? Where can they be?" he wondered.

There on the grass nothing more than a dead plover was left lying.

"Aahh....this!!" he exclaimed.

He got away a good distance when it occurred to him, "I'lleat my food." He looked at what he had from the previous night's meal,

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Hinanñataq mana mikhunachu kasqa, aswanpas kurukuna kasqa, llauq'akuna paya-paya kurukuna hina kasqa. Tardenpaqqa sumaqtasiya haywariykun papayoqta sumaq fideosyoqta, sopatasiya ñawinpaqqa qhawarin chayqa mana chaypunichu kasqa, sino queqa kurukunalla kasqa: ―¡Aayy! ¿Kaytachu mikhuyurani riki? nispas, wijch'upun chaytaqa.

Pasapullantaq, karuta viajetaqa pasapullantaq tutayachikullantaq chaypiqa chayasqa chijchiq wasinmannataq tutayachikuspa. Hinas k'anchmushallasqataq hinas chav wasimanqa haykullasqataq: ―Mamáy, alojaykuway, nispa.

―Pasaykamuy, nispa.

―Tutayachikamun khayna correo apaqmi kani, nispa nisqa.

Hina: ―Pasaykamuy, kimsan churiykuna, chay churiykunan ichaqa millay chay wañurachisunkiman chayllachá riki, allintachu ichaqa

pakarusqayki riki, nispa nisqa.

―Hina alojayuwaypuni, nispa niqtin.

―Pasaykamuyá yaqañan churiyku-na chayaramunqa, nispa.

Chay chijchiq mamanqa waka qarakunawan, wapos qarankuna kasqa, chaywansi p'anparqon chay runataqa. Hinaspas churinkunaqa chayamun: ―Millaymi chay churiykunaqa warak'arusunkimanchá millayta warak'un phinallañan churiykunaqa, nispa nisqa.but it was far from being food, it was maggots, worms, and grubs – nothing else. He had thought that he had a finemeal the previous night – soupwith potato and spaghetti – but not so! It had been maggots. "Aayy! I have actually eaten this stuff!" he cried, and threw it away.

He continued on his journey still further, and once again

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darkness overtook him, but as the night came on he arrived at the house of the hill a light was shining from the house and he went up to it. "Mamá, could you put me up forthe night?" he shouted.

"Come right in," was the reply.

"I am the mailman, the darkness has come down on me,"he said.

"Come on in. I have three sons, three terrible sons, let's hope that they don't suddenly kill you... that's the only thing. However I'll make sure you are well hidden."

"Even so, please put me out for the night," he replied."Well come right inside, my three sons will be arriving soon," she said.

The mother of the hail had lots of cow hides and she covered him with these. At this her sons arrived, "My

sons are terrible, and should they perhaps hurl you away it would be ferocious, they are quite savage," she said.

Manchasqas runaqa qara ukhupi p'anpasqa kashan. Hinas chijchiqa hamun: ―¡Lliuq-lliuqq'aqriq! ¡Lliuq- lliuq q'aqriq! ¡Bom-bom! ¡Bom- bom! , nispas sueñayamushan.

Hinas: ―Chayna chayna churiykunaqa hamushanña, chayna ama samarqamunkichu, ch'inllan kanki hasta pasarqapunankama, nispa, yachaykachin chay runaqa. Hinas: ―¡Lliuq-lliuq q'aqriq! ¡Lliuq- lliuq q'aqriq! nispa chaymantas haykuramunku mamanmanqa: — Chayaramushaykuñan. ¿Ya estañachu cenay? nispa.

―Pasaykumuchis, nispa. Ya estañan, nispa. Cenaykachin, mikhunakunatas chayayachimun hunt'asqata.

Hinas: ―¿Imataq chay, mamáy, asnansuná kiyu-kiyusuná, ch'eqo-ch'eqosuná asnan? ¿Imataq chayri?

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―Manan imapas asnanchu, manan imapas kanchu, manan reparanichu manan, nispa.

Chaymanta cenaykuspaqa pasapullankutaq. Hina: ―Pasapun, nispa. Kunanqa tutayoq- tutayoqpiraq pasapunki, mana hinaqa churiy hap'irusunkiman chayqa wañurachillasunkimanñachá, nispa.

Tutaraq chay correista runataqa kacharparipusqa.

Hidden under the hides, the man was very frightened indeed. Then the hail came, noisily rumbling, "Lliuq-lliuqq'aqriq! Lliuq-q'aqriq! Boom-Boom! Boom-Boom!"

"Now don't as much as breathe,be as quiet as a mouse until they have gone well away," sheadvised the mailman.

"Lliuq-lliuq q'aqriq! Lliuq-q'aqriq!" as they came into their mother. "Here we are again, is our supper ready?" they said.

"Come right in," she replied, "the meal is ready." She sat them down to eat at the table of all kinds of food.

"Mamá, there seems to be a funny smell about here, is there not? Like that of the kiyu-kiyu or ch'eqo-ch'eqo. What isit?"

"There's nothing smelly about here, and I don't notice anything," she replied.

After eating they went out andon their way. So she said to the mailman, "They've gone now, and now though it is still well before dawn, you go, if not my sons may catch you, and without a doubt they will smash her to death in a moment."

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While it was still dark the mailman bade farewell.

Ch’acha, son of the wind

Hujsi Ch’acha kasqa sutiyoq, chay Ch’achaq maman karqan hujreypa ususin, chay reypa ususin karqan huj kimsa pata balconpi tiyaq. Entonces mana qhariwan tuparqanchu huj ratollapas, ahinalla tiyakurqan hiaaspataq rikurin wijsayoq wijsayoq rikunin wijsan wiñanña winanña.

Hinataq taytamaman tapun rey: ―¿Imanaqtintaq, waway, wijsaykiri wiñan? nispa.

―Manan, papá, manan, papá, nin.

Hinataq bueno yasta hatunpuninña wijsan wiñan ahinataq onqoq kapusqa. Hinaspan onqoq kapun ahinataq

reyqa señoranta nin: ―Chay wawanchis ¿pipaqmi onqoq? Avertapuy imanapi onqoq manataq kay kimsa pata balconmanqa ni ima qharillapas chinpanchu. ¿Pipaqataq onqoqri? Aver tapuy, nispa, tapuchin reyqa señoranta.

Hinaqa: ―Manan, mamáy, yanqallapunin wijsay wiñan, nispa nin.

Hinañataq yasta onqoy hap'in wachakun, hinaspaqa taytanñataq tapun: ―¿Pipaqmi onqonki? ¿Pipaqmi kay wawa? nispa.

―Manapunin, papá, ni pipas hamuwanchu qhariqa, nispa nin.

Hinanñataq reyqa partita pasachin algo autoridadsman o alcaldeman o curaman.

There was once a person calledthe Ch'acha whose mother was aprincess who lived on the

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third floor of the palace. So it was that she lived without ever meeting a man, even for amoment. One day she saw she was pregnant, and it began to be obvious that she was expecting a baby.

So her parents asked her aboutit, the king said, "How is it that you seem to be pregnant, my child?"

"No, father, I am not," she said.

But the fact became more and more obvious, she really was pregnant, so the king said to the Queen, "How has our child become pregnant? You go and ask her how it has happened, living up there on the third floor where no man ever set foot, how can she be pregnant?Go and ask her." The king madeher ask.

"No, mother, there's no reasonfor it, it just happened?" Shesaid.

Then the birth pains came on and she gave birth, and at

once her father asked her, "Who made you pregnant? Whose child is this?"

"No one at all," she replied to her father, "there's never been a man with me."

So the king hand the matter over to the authorities, the mayor or the priest.

Hinanñataq mana ni pipas chay balcon pataman qhariqa lloqsinpunichu ni pipas. Hinanñataq curaqa nin: ―Bueno,manataq pipas kay señorawan niqharimi ima qharillapas tupanchu, chayqa ¿pipaqtaq kanman? Wayrapaq kachu, sutin Ch’acha kapun, ya sutin Ch'acha.

Hinanñataq chay ch'achaqa wiñan wiñan rato wiñarqon, yasta rato altoyarqon. Hinanñataq Ch'acha kapun hinaqa kashan escuelaman churan colegioman y colegiopiqa kashan alumno masinkunata phukurparin pujllaspalla ch'uchu hawalla

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llipinta phukurparin sipirqaripun.

Hinanñataq taytan rin: ―Wawayta kaynata sipin, nispa maestroman y maestroñataq huchachallantaq naman este abuelon, abueliton reyman y reyqa nillantaq ususintañataq:―¿Pipaqmi kayta wachanki chaymi kaynata runa manuman churawan? nispañataq nin.

Hinanñataq mamanqa waqakun hinaqa waqakun, hinaspaqa k'aminchan: ―¿Pipaqmi wachanki? nin.

Hinaspaqa mamañataq chay Ch'achataqa nin: ―Kaynata papagrandeyki imaynatan niwan. ¿Imapaqmi kaynakunata wawakunata sipimunki? nin.

―Ama mama waqaychu, nispa nin.Hinanñataq huj kutinpiñata abuelitonpaq reypa qolqe baulin kutañataq kicharqarispaqolqekunata huj chikikunata horqorqarispa phukurparin manapinsanchu chay Ch'achaqa.

No man whatsoever had gone up to the third floor, nobody.

Thus the priest said, "Well, if she has never had relationswith any man, whose can the child be? It must have been the wind, so we'll call him 'Ch'acha', that's what his name will be."

Then in no time at all the Ch'acha was growing and growing and getting big, and soon he was tall. So he was sent to primary school and then secondary school, and while pretending to play bowling with his school friends he made them all disappear, he blew on them suddenly and killed them.

So their parents went to the teacher, "See how he killed mychild," they said. The teacherthen put the blame on his grandfather, and the king thenturned to his daughter, "Why have you brought this into theworld? Here he is making me into a criminal."

At this his mother wept sorely, no doubt because he

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rebuked her, "By whom did you have the child?"

Then the mother told the Ch'acha, "See what your grandfather is saying to me, why have you killed all the children?"

"Don't cry, mother," he said.So then he went to his grandfather's money chest, theking's, he took out the money and scattered it all over, he also took the cheques and without thinking blew them away.

Chaymanta sufrichlllantaq ususintaqa reyqa, hinanñataq huj kutinqa colegiomanta hamushaqta mamanta waqasaqti tarirqorqan, hinaqa: ―Mama, ¿imamantataq waqashankiri? nispa nin.

Hinanñataq: ―Kayna papa grandeyki niwanña ¿imapaqmi kay wawaykita? Wachanki kaynata, fracachiwan kaynata qolqe y kayna kijaman churawancolegialkunataq sipin, nispa, chaykunamanta kijaman.

¿Imapaqmi wachanki? nispa niwan hinas waqasharqan.

Hinanñataq: ―Mama, ama waqaychu, kunan almorzaykuspa ripusaq, nispa nin. Hinanñataqkunan almorzay este kutimunaypaq almuerzo listo. Hinataq alistaykapuway huj cabrachata rantiykapuway, nin.

Hinataq reynaqa willan taytamamanman: ―Kaynatan wawayripusaq nin. Hinanñataq piensaykun: ―Awer kunan cabrachata rantiyapusaq, Ch'achapaqpas tirnota rantiykapullasaqtaq.

Hinanñataq ajnatan piensan hinataq immediatemente almorzaq kutimunanpaq yasta proporcionarqapun y hinataq qoqawata ruwaykapun qara alforjata rantiykapun todota.

Hinanñataq almorzaq kutimun hina almorzaykun. Hinaqa: ―Ya kayqa listo, nispa wawanman suyachin.

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For this the king made his daughter suffer too, and when he came home then from school he found his mother weeping, so he asked her, "Mother, why are you crying like this?"

"Because your grandfather asked me how I had you and whyI gave birth to the likes of you, because you are making him a failure, exposing him toall these complaints by killing those at the school, 'why did you bring this into the world?' he asks," she replied crying.

So he said, "Don't cry, mother. Straight after lunch I'll go way. So have the lunchready for me coming back. Alsoprepare things for me, could you also please get a horse ready for me?"

The princess at once went to tell her parents, "My boy has told me he's going away."So the king began to think, "Let's see, I'll buy the Ch'acha the horse, and I will

also buy him a good suit of clothes."

So that is what he thought, immediately lunch was preparedfor when he returned, food wasprepared for him to take and aleather shoulder bag was bought for him.

And then he returned for lunchand had lunch. "It's all readynow," she said to her son to make him wait a bit.

Hinanñataq ya pasapun Ch'achaqa purin purin pnrin hinaqa huj ciudadman chayan. Huj ciudadman chayaspaqa huj señoralla chaypi kasqa, chaypiñataq chay ciudadpi Elías encantokusqa chay Elías llaqtantin runata liiuta tukuykapusqa mukhuspakama. Hinanñataq huj payachallanña chaypi kedaqqa, chay payachaman chayan: ―Bueno, hijo, ¿imamanmi hamushanki? nispa nin.

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―Chayna pobrella waqchan kani señora, alojaway, nispa nin. ¿Imallan kaypi trabajo kashan?nispa nin.

―Mana imapas kaypiqa trabajo kanchu, aswanmi huj Elías encantekun chay Eliasmi llaqtantin runata tukun. Hijo,ripullay, mikhuchikuytachu munanki, nispa nin.

―Mana mikhuwanqachu, aver ¿Maypin chay Elías kashan? nispa nin. Hinanñataq: ―Rikuykachimullaway, nispa ninpayachataqa yuyaqchataqa.

―Mana, hijo, rikuchimuykimanchu porque mikhuwaswanchis, nin.

―Mana ñoqata qanqa mikhuwasunchu, awer qhawaychimuway karullamanta, nispa nin.

Hinanñataq yuyaqqa pusan chay Eliaspaq wasinta, hinaqa chayan haykuykun.

Hinaspaqa: ―Awer, Elías, nispanin.

So he came back for lunch and had lunch and then went off. On and on he traveled until finally he came to the city. When he got there, there was only one woman, for there in that city Elías had bewitched the whole place and got rid ofthe people by eating them. Only this old lady was left, and he arrived where she was, "Why are you coming here, young man?"

"I'm just a poor orphan, señora, please give me lodgings," he replied, "is there any work here?".

"There is no work here, only the sorcerer Elías, he's finished off the townspeople. Go away, son, surely you don'twant him to eat you," she said.

"No, he won't eat me, tell me,where does this Elías live? Could you please show me?" he asked the very old lady.

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"No, son, I won't show you forthen he will be able to eat usas well," she said.

"No, he won't eat us if you gowith me, show me it from a distance then."

So the old lady guided him to the house of Elías,

he got there and went in, and said, "Hey, Elías!"

Elias puñuyushan p' unchayqa, chay huj llaqtamantataq chay reypa ususinta suwamusqa chay diabloqa, hinanñataq suwamusqahinaqa p'unchay chay diabloqa puñuyushan y tutataqsi rijch'an, hinaqa: ―Awer señora, ¿imamantaq kaypin kashanki? nispa, chay reypa ususinmanqa haykun.

Hinaqa: ―Kaynan kashani, joven, huj lado nacionmantan suwamuwan kay Elías, nispa nin.

―¿Imamantataq suwamusunkiri? nispa nin.

Entonces puñuyushan Eliasqa, hinaqa ch'uspiman tukuspa Ch'achqa siminta haykun sikinta lloqsin, sinqanta haykun ninrinkunata lloqsin, entonces Eliasqa puñuykushallan.

Hinaspaqa: ―Ñoqa librasqayki, señora, ama waqychu, nin.

―Manan qanqa librayta atiwankimanchu, nin.

Hinaspataq: ―Awer nay kunan tapuy ¿maypipunitaq qanpaq kallpayki Elías kaynikiri encanto kaynikiri? ¿Maypipunitaq¿ Willaway, nispanin.

Entonces tardeyaykun entonces tardeqa rijch’arimun tutaqa Eliasqa hinaspa: ―Aver, ¿pin haykumurqan? Kunan p'unchay chaymi kunan simiyta haykun sikiyta lloqsin, ch'uspiman tukuspa sinqayta haykun ninriyta lloqsin, nispa maqayapushan.

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But he was asleep during the day. Now this demon had stolena princess from another town and having stolen her, he was sleeping during the day – at night he woke up.So, "Tell me, lady, what are you doing here?" he asked the Princess when he went in.

"I'm as you see me, young man,I'm from another people, this Elías stole me away," she replied.

"But why on earth did he stealyou?" he asked.Elías was in a deep sleep, andso changing into a fly, the Ch'acha flew into his mouth, through his body and out the other end, and went in his nose and came out through his ears. Elías was really fast asleep.

"I'm going to set you free, lady, don't weep," he told her.

"You can't set me free," she said.

"Well, we'll see, now I want you to ask them where his strength lies, his true being and his power of sorcery. Ask him to tell you where it is," he said to her.

It was very late, that night Elías woke up, "Well now... who has been here? Today someone has gone in my mouth and out the other end of my body, turning into a fly he's gone in my nose and out my ears," he said, and began to beat her.

Hinaqa tapun waqayninwan: ―¿Maypipunitaq encanto kayniykiri? ¿Maypipunitaq? ¿Willaway? nispa nin.

Mana ñoqaq encanto kaynitaqa pipas taripawanmanchu, encantokaynipa may karupin, ñoqaqa mana ni pi kaspa taripawanmanchu nispa nin.

Bueno yasta illaripun, hinaña sufriykachishan chay reypa ususintaqa. Hinaspaqa otro p'unchayamullantaq p'unchayqa

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puñurapullantaq ch'isiyaq naqaEliasqa hinanñataq puñuykushanvuelta haykullantaq chay Ch'achaqa: ―Awer, ¿ima ninmi, señora? nispa nin.

―Manan taripawaqchu paypaq kallpanta qhari kaynintaqa maykarupis, nispa nin.

―¿Imayna karupi kanman? Awer allintapuni kunan tapuy, nispas nin riki. Hinas violaykushan Ch'achaqa chay reynataqa riki: ―Librasqaykin, nispa riki nin,sis librasqayki chayqa, ñoqawanmi kasaranki, nin.

―Manan kitaltan librawankiman nispa nin.

Entonces: ―Kunanqa waqayniykiwan tapuy kunan tutamaypipunitaq encanto kaynikiriwillaywaypuni nataq kasadoña kanchis, esposaykiña kani ñoqapas y qanpas esposoyñataq kanki willakullaway, maypipunin encanto kayniyki qhari kayniyki, nin.

Then she asked tearfully, "Where does the secret of yoursorcery lie? Where do you haveit? Tell me."

"Nobody can know where to findwhat I have, my sorcery lies far away, and I am the one that no one can overcome," he replied.

Day broke, and he was causing the princess much pain, when day came once again he went tosleep. All day he was sound asleep, once again the Ch'achaarrived, "Well, what have you to say, lady?" he asked.

"You can't know where his strength lies, secret of his being is far away," she said.

"How can it be far away? Ask him carefully about these things now," he said, and wenton abusing the princess."I'm going to set you free, but if I set you free you mustmarry me," he said.

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"No. How can you set me free?"she replied.

"Tonight ask him tearfully where his secret of enchantment lies, since you are married. Tell him that youare his wife, and since he is your husband he ought to tell you where his sorcery and his power come from," he told her.

Hinanñataq: ―Noqaq qhari kayniyki encanto kayniyqa haqay yana orqo kashan. Chay yana orqo puntanpi huj yana qocha kashan. Chay yana qocha chaypinpi puka toro kashan. Chay puka toroq wijsanpipas kashan puka khuchi. Chay puka khuchi wijsanpipas yuraq paloma. Chay yuraq palomaq wijsanpipas runtu kashan, anchayta horqorqamuspa mat'iypi ch'aqeruwankuman chayllañan ñoqataqa librawankuman, nin.

—¡Ayy! Entonces chaynataq kanpis chaychu kunan chay joven librawanman, mana atinmanchu, nispa kashan.

Illarimullantaq p'unchayamun, hinaspaqa tapun: ―Ñataq esposeykiña, este ahinatan, nin nispa, ahinatan nin entonces manan atiwaqchu ahinatan tapuni chayqa ahinasakashan nispa. Ahina iman kaq willasqanta nin.

―Bueno, señora, librasqayki, nispa nin.

Entoncesitaq lloqsirqamun, hinaqa chay alojakusqan wasiman chayan, hinaspa nin: ―Señora, kunallanmi chay señ-orata libramusaq, nispa.

Cabrachaman sillayurukuspa seqykun: ―¿Kitaltaq joven librawaq? Manan librawaqta atiwaqchu, porque kay llaqtantin runatañatan q'alatatukun. ¿Chaychu librawaq? nin.

―Suyaykuy, señora, kunallanmi,nispa nin.

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Entonces chinkiriyapun Ch'achaqa cabrachallanpi sillaykusqa seqaykun seqaykun huj orqo puntata. "My power and my sorcery is that black mountain. On the top of the mountain there is ablack lake, in the middle of that black lake there's a red bull, and in the stomach of the red bull there's a red pig, and in the stomach of thered pig there's a white dove, and in the stomach of the white dove there's an egg. If someone takes that egg out andsmashes it on my forehead, in this way they will be set freefrom me," he said.

"Oh! If that's where his strength lies how can this young man free me? If it's there, he can't," she said to herself.

The day dawned, and he asked her, and she replied telling what had been said to her, "Ashe was my husband, so he said,nobody can in any way get it, and when I asked him such-and-such a way, he told me."

"Good, lady, I'm going to freeyou," he replied.So he went off to the house where he was lodging, on arrival he said to the woman, "Señora, now I'm going to set that lady free."

Getting on his horse he went off in a hurry, "But young fellow, how can you free her? You won't be able to, that manhas already put an end to the population of this town, so how will you be able to liberate?" said the old woman"We can see, señora, now it will be done," he replied.So the Ch'acha disappeared riding on his horse, up and uphe went to the top of the mountain.Hinaspa chay orqo puntapi kuskan orqopi cabrachanqa sayk'urusqa aysariyukuspa lomaman seqayku. Hinaspa chayarun hinaqa de veras chay orqo puntapi yana qocha kasqa,hinaspaqa: ―¿Kay qochapichu kunan kashanman? Aun chay qocha patata chayan. ¿Awer entonces kaypichu kunan kashanman puka toro? nispa.

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Ahinata qaqa pataman k'iraykuspalla samararqosunraq, hina chaypi puñurusqa y puñurushanankama huj qocha soñamushasqa soñamushasqa, hinaspa ayqomushasqa toro, hinaspaqa ayqomushasqa sunidunwan rijch’arirqon Ch'achaqa. Hinanñataq: ―Kaytaq kay toroqa, nispa riki rijch'atapispaqa cabraq sinchanta mat'iyrusharqan ankas lazota horqoruspa ankas lazota yasta alistarukusharqan. Hujta toro yasta montayurqon Ch'achaqa cabranman, hinaspañataq toroq lloqsirqamun, hujtan lloqsiramuspa panpataraq wajraspa wijch'umusqa, ñak'aymanta Ch'achaqa sayariramusqa, hinanñataq bolsillonpi karqan huj phurucha huj sunkhachawan. Chay sunkhachata chay phuruchatawan horqoruspa phukurirukurqan, phukurirukuspataq phukurirukuqtintaq huj animalkuna llipin animal hastamontañamanta lliu todo ani-malkuna huñuta hap'irakamuspa

chay torotaqa hap'irqon. Entonces hap'irqon hinanñataq chay Ch'achaqa kallarqantaq huj espadan chay espadanwan nan chay animalkunataqa nin: ―Awer kaypin huj khuchi kashan, chay khuchitanñataq allinta cuidankichis chay khuchitan kunan horqosaq nispa.

As he got near the top his horse tired, and pulling it upthe side of the mountain, he came to the top and there really was a black lake there."Now then, with it be in here?" He thought as he came to the side of the lake, "Well, let's see if there willbe a red bull."

Saying this he stretched out to rest on a rock, and then hewent to sleep, and while he was sleeping the bull began roaring, and he slept until the roaring the bull woke him up. It was coming from the lake, and he said, "This is the bull," he said waking up. He was tightening the saddle straps of his horse and taking

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ropes from his mount and got them ready. He got on his horse and the bull came out ofthe water. Once it was out he caught it by the horns and threw it to the ground, but hecould only get hold of it withdifficulty, it was getting up again. In his pocket he had a feather and some here, and he took these out together and blew on them. When he blew like this, as soon as he had done it, all the animals, evenfrom as far as the montaña gathered together and grabbed the bull. When they had caughtthe bull, the Ch'acha, who hada sword as well, took it out and said to the animals, "There's a pig in here, and you must pay attention, I'm going to get it out now," and he cut the bull open with his sword.

Khallan espadanwan, hinanñataqanimalkunaqa cuidamushan hina-spaqa khallarqospa khuchi

lloqsirqamun 'oqh, oqh, oqh, oqh' phawarin yaqa pasayurun. Hinanñataq chay animalkuna llipinku hap'imun, chay khuchitaq hinanñataq chay khuchitañataq khallallantaq chay espadanwan.

Hinaqa: ―Chaypi kashan palomanchayta kunan maki cuidankichis, nin.

Hinaspaqa khallarqoqtinqa paloma wichayta halarikapun wichayta halarikapuntitaq chayanimalkuna llipin chinkarikun chay palomawan kuska chinkarikun mananña rikupunkuñachu. Hina unaymantaphurulla t'akayakamun yuraq phuru, hinaqa entonces qhawashanku qhawashanku, hinaqa manapuni rikurinchu unaymantaña waman chawan este k’illinchawan tiyaykamushasqaku kimsantinku paloma q'ala chichikullaña. Entonces apaykamun, hinaqa chay khallarqapullantaq chay palomata, hinanñataq runtuta horqoramun. Hinaqa chay bolsillo rikamun chay runtuta,hinas tira pasayanpun. Chay animalkunataq chay khuchiwan

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vaca wañusqawan paloma wañusqawan chaykunawan kidaykapunku chayta mikhuspanku.

Hinanñataq haykumun hinaqa armantin Eliasman haykun, hinaspa: ―Armando Eliastaqa, Armando Elias, nispa nin.

Hinanñataq rijch'arimun: ―Awer, Armando Elías, awer sayarimuy, ñoqawan maqanakusun, nin nispa.

The animals were all around watching, and when he cut openthe bull that the pig came outgrunting away and running, it almost got away. But all the animals caught the pig and so he went to cut it open with a sword,

"There's a dove in here," he said "so be at the ready."

When he opened up the pig the dove flew out and away high into the sky and all the animals were off away with it

when it went up. They disappeared from sight and there was nothing to be seen. After a time some white feathers fell to the ground. They were looking and looking,there was nothing in view, andafter a time there was a falcon and the sparrow hawk and the dove, the three comingdown together - the dove now featherless. They came in and at once he opened up the dove and took out the egg. He put the egg in his pocket and hurried away on his journey, meanwhile the animals remainedbehind eating the dead bull, the dead pig, and the dead dove.

So, armed, he went into Elías."Armando Elías, Armando Elías," he called.

He woke up with a start, "Now then, Armando Elías get up on your feet, you're going to fight me," he said.

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Niqtin Armando Eliasqa sayarirqamun, hujta saqmamun Ch'achataqa panpapata wikapamun. Hinanñataq yaqa runtuta qechurqosqa, hinaspataq hujta usqhaylla bolsillonmanta runtuta horqorukuspa mat'ipi ch'akirqapun Eliastaqa, hinaspa wañurqapun. Hinaspaqa wañurqapuqtinqa enteramunku chay Armando Eliastaqa y chay Ch'achataqa chay suwamusqan señorawan kasarayakapun.

Hinaspa chay llaqtapi tiyakapun chay ciudadpi, hinanñataq chay runakunata wajatapikapun: ―Awer hamuychis, ñoqan kunanqa patroniykichis kani, kay Armando Elías ñan sipipuniña, nispa. Ñan p'anpapunina, nispa.

Hinaspataq yasta anchaypi tukukapun.

When he said this Armando Elías got up and punched him, knocking him roughly to the floor and almost got the egg from him. Suddenly, with greatspeed, the Ch'acha got the eggout of his pocket and smashed it on the brow of Elías, and he died. After he died they buried Armando Elías, and the Ch'acha married the woman whomElías had stolen.

Then they made their home in that city, and he called to all the inhabitants, "Now thenyou can come out, I am your protector, I've killed ArmandoElías. He's buried now," he said.

So that's it, it ends here.

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An account of a journey

Huj p'unchaymi Sicuanimanta hamusharqayku asnota apamuspa,hinan puriyamusharayku, tutallamanta lloqsimurayku, hina purimuyku iskayta samaspalla chayamuyku. Purimuyku purimuyku San Pabloquranpiña samayku, chaymantaqa samayku Chijmu patapi, chaypi samayuspaqa Combapata samayoqllana purimuyku, hina ñanta hamusharayku hamusharayku Tinta chaymanña chayamusharayku.

Chayman huj runa taripamuwanku: ―?Compañasunchu? nispa.

―¿Maymantataq hamushankiri? nispa.

―Manan carro kanchu ñoqapaq, unayñan tiyayunipas, nispa niwan.

―Qanri, ¿maymantaq rishanki? nispa niwan.

―Combapatamanmi ñoqapas rish-anki, nini. ¿Maymantaq rishanki?

―Ñoqaqa Taqtabambamanmi ripushani, nispa.

―¿Imantaq hamurankiri?

―Kay Chijmupin allin hanpeq kasqa, chaymanmi hamurani hanpichikuq, allinpunin kasqa chaymi hamurani, nispa.

―Manan carro kanchu, hakuyá compañasun, nispa.

One day we were coming from Sicuani leading a burro with us, and we left very early in the morning, taking two rests on the way before we arrived. One of our stops on the way was a bit beyond San Pablo, and later we rested above Chijmu, after resting there wecame on and finally to Combapata. While we were travelling on our way, as we were coming to Tinta

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there a man met up with us, "Do you mind if we travel together?" he said.

"Where are you coming from?" Iasked.

"There's no transport for me to catch, and I've been here awhile," he replied.

"And you, where are you bound for?" he asked.

"I'm on my way to Combapata," I said.

"I'm on my way to Taqtabamba,"he answered.

"What have you come for?"

"Here in Chijmu there's a goodcurandero, and I've come to be healed, he's been good and so here I am," he said.

"There's no transport, let's go on together," I said.Hamuyku hamuyku hina Tintata pasaramuyku, Tintata pasaramuqtiyku - wallpata apamurani kimsata

chiuchichakunata. Hinan makiyta utirachiwaqtin asnoq carganman wataramurani, hinan hamushaqtiyku Tintaq uran anchaypi curva puyuriyushan anchayta hamusharayku hamusharayku parlan parlan.

Hinallan wallpay urmarapusqa, hinan imaynapiñachá karutaña hamuni hina qhawarirukusqani qhepayta, hina carreterapi puriykachashasqa hina kutirinikutirispaqa hap'iramuni, hina qhawaqtiy iskayllana kapushasqa. Asiyukuyku, ―¿Imaynataq wijch'umuranchisri,mana ripararanchischuri? Hinacha pipas tarikunman karan. ¿Imaninkumantaq karan?

―Ima layqasqachá kay wallpaqa ninkumancha karan riki, nispa asiyuspa.

Hamuyku hamuyku hinaqa Combapataman qayllamushaspaña chay curvata wayra hatarimun, hina wayrapi hamuyku, hina hamushaqtiyku mana uyarisqaykuchu San Cristobalpahamusqanta, hinañataq

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ladollaykumantaña: ―¡Tiiii! nispa.Niqtin manchariykuyku, hina cuneta ukhuman pasayuni asno aysarisqa, hina asnopas mancharikun, hina kacharini ñoqapas mancharisqa hina asnoqa tira San Cristobal ña pasaruqtinña qhepantanchu asnotiran. Hina chaymanta asisparaq qhawani, hina qhepanta huj taxi hamushallasqataq, chayña phawaylla phawarini, chayqa chaupinarapun asnoyta.

Chaylla.On and on we went, we came past Tinta, and as we went past - I had brought three hens, they were just chickens - I was getting tired carryingthem and so I tied them in with the burro's pack. Anyway we came to Tinta, we rounded the curve just beyond Tinta all the time talking as we were travelling on.

During this time one of the chickens had dropped out, I don't know how, I had come quite far when I happened to

look behind, and there was thechicken, wandering away down the road. So I went away back and picked it up, and when I looked sure enough there had only been two left. We laughedtogether, "How did we manage to get separated from that without noticing it? And if someone had found it, what would they have thought?""Without a doubt they would have said that this chicken has been bewitched," he said, and we laughed together.

So we continued on our way, and as we were coming near to Combapata a wind got up at that bend in the road and we were going into the wind. Thatis why we hadn't heard the SanCristobal bus coming. It was almost upon us when its horn blast made us jump with fright, I went into the ditch pulling the burro with me. Butthe burro got a fright too, and it jumped away and I let it go in my fright. It ran away when the San Cristobal had passed, it ran following behind it! And laughing there I watched it go, a taxi

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followed just then, and the burro ran on - now between thebus and the taxi.

That's all.Visit to a paqo

Onqoq yachispa purirqani paqokunaman chay paqotaqmi ichaqa kunan napi paqoman soqtaman rirqani, soqtamanta ch'ullallaman cheqaqman verdadman p'aqmarqani. Anchaypiqa mana ichaqa creerqaniñachu porque askha paqomantaq askha paqowanpuniñataq tuparqani, anchay raykupiñataq mana chay ultimamentepiqa mana creerqaniñachu. Hinaspataq qonqay de repente wajariwan: ―María suti Nena, ¿iman mutivuyki? nispa wajariwan.

Wajariwaqtintaq noqaqa anchay-piqa ras hinaspa ñoqaqa mancharikuni, mancharirukukuspataq riki: ―Ankaymi sucediwan qosayni kaytukuy tiempo onqoqyan, nispa nini.

Anchay niqtitaqmi niwan ichaqa―Arí verdad tukuy hunt'asqata apamuy.

Nata misata churachichiwan kukata, tragota, chaymanta kukata, tragota churachiwan chayta churani, vinochata churani. Anchaypiqa yasta vidaytaqa yasta imamanta onqoqyasqayta imaynas viday karqan chaytaqa kavalmintita willapuwan riki chayqa.

Entonces: ―Runaq laykasqanmi kanki chay laykasqanmi qosaykiqa kay tukuy tiempo onqoqyan. Chayqa runaq laykasqanmi chay naykipi punkulloqsirqo naykipi kashan puñuna saunaykipiwan kashan anchayta horqomuy, nispa, waynilluta nin:

When my husband was ill I consulted the paqos, and came to one in particular - we wentto six paqos but were surprised to find one who toldthe truth. At this point I was

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unbelieving about them becauseearlier I had gone to lots or paqos and it was only with thelast one that I got the truth,that's why I had no faith in them. Suddenly he called me bymy name, "María Nena, what's your reason for coming?" he called to me.

When he called me I was just transfixed for the moment, andout of my shock and fear I replied, "It's that this has happened to me - my husband's been ill for some time".

When I had said this he said to me, "Well, bring me everything just as I say".

He made me lay a table - coca,alcohol, and I put them out, then I put wine as well. Afterthis he told me all about my life, what was wrong with me, how my life had been - exactlyas it had been.

Then he said, "You have been bewitched by some person, it is as a result of sorcery thatyour husband has been ill thistime. This sorcery is in the doorway of your house as you go out, and it is where you lay your head down to sleep, get rid of it", and to his assistant he said it.

Waynillu mana munanchu mana munaqtinqa, entonces kunitanmi: ―Naykita mesaykita qechusqayki chay warminta wawanta salvamuy, nispa.

Chayqa por la fuerza waynillu hamun chayqa waynilluta wasiman chayachimuni chayqa kaqta riki, wajallantaq wajaqtinqa willallawankutaq. Chayqa anchaypiraq qosay kay wañusqammanta hina kausatata alliyan hanpipuni, chay paqo hanpinpuni, chay paqo chayqa hanpispanqa riki yasta alliyapun.

Chaypi niwarqan: ―Kimsa semanallaña qosayki kausanqa, chaykama alistakuy por que manan qanñachu vidan saludmin chay qosaykiq.

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Chayqa kavalmente kimsa semanallapuniña kausarqan. Hinaspataq qosay rijch'arirqanpun puñusqanmanta, hina hinaspataqchayraq lliu imatapas cuentataqorqokun, hinaspataq qosayaqa kamachiwan: ―Pasay, rikujimuy,wasikita arreglamuy, rikujimuychay cebadachaykita, pero ichaqa apuraychalla, nispa.

Chayqa kavalmente hinaspa apurayta chayqa kaq kimsa semanaman chayaspaqa wañukapun. Anchaypi chay paqoqvidanta yachani qosay onqoqyarqan anchay raykupi askha paqoman rirqani ,pero ichaqa ch'ullallaman p'aqmarqani.

Chay parajiqa riki chayamun anchaypiya: ―¿Iman mutivu haykan mutivu?

But the paqo did not want to obey the orders of the apu, sohe threatened him, "I will sweep away your table from you

if you do not help the woman and her children".

The force of this made the paqo come to the house, and I arrived to do what he had said. He called the apus and gave us information about it. Meanwhile my husband, who had been like somebody dead, came alive and was completely better, the paqo cured him andwith this he was well again.

Then he said, "Your husband will live for three weeks, no more, meanwhile get things in order for you have the life orhealth of your husband no longer”.

Just as he had said to me my husband was alive for three weeks like someone who had suddenly woken up from sleep, and while he was in his right mind he arranged things and gave orders, "Run, collect things, get the house straight, hurry, get the barley gathered as well."

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So it was done as he said, andwhen three weeks were up, he died. Thus it was that I came to know about the life of the paqo, with my husband's illness I was going to lots ofpaqos, but only found one who told the truth.

This apu came and asked me, "What's your reason for being her why have you come?

―Ñoqan hamushani..noqaqa kani apu cunurani...apu vilacota...apu laramani..., nispa ya chayamushan sapanqa sutiyoq-sutiyoq ...arí...kani apu laramani... kani apu ausangate... chayamun.

Chay waynilluqa ch'inlla tiyashan mana imatapas rimarinchu, chay paqollalla parajillaya rimaykushanqa, naqa mana imatapas rimarinchu paqoqa. Pero chay yanqa zonzeras paqoqakunaqa wajashanseparadotataqya chay paqoqa chay ratoqa ch'inlla tiyan, parajikunalla rimashanqa huj ñataq chayamushan riki.

Chayqa willawanmi nishaykitaq:―Ari, chayqa runaq laykasqanmikay tal persona chayta laykachin, nispa, chayqa horqopuy chayqa chay wasi qhepapi wasi punkupi kashan; huj hujtaq wasi qhepapi kashan, nispa, chayqa waynillutaya kamachi.

Chayqa: ―Bueno ñoqa horqosaqmi, nintaq, chayqa anchaypiqa, nipun nispa.

―Kimsa semanallanña kausanqa kay qosayki, nispa, manan kanñachu salud, nin nispa.

Aukiqa chayamun huj auki primero aukiqa: ―Ñoqan apu laramani kani munaqniyki waylluqniyki, wawalláy, uñalláy, nispa, chayamun.

Chayqa anchaymanqa yasta willakuni: ―Kay natan qosay onqo, nispa. ¿Imayna qosaypaq vidan kanñachu mananñachu? nispa niqti.

I have come. I am Apu Cunurani...I am Apu Vila- cota

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(Vilcanota?)..Apu Laramani.. so they arrived, each one witha different name, ..yes,...I am Apu Laramani...I am Apu Ausangate ...," they arrived.

The paqo remained silent and never said a word, the apu andno one else was doing the talking, the paqo was saying nothing, but now those other stupid paqos (they talked; every one of them calling separately, this paqo on the other hand at this moment was silent, just the apus were talking to one another and they kept coming.

Well I'm telling you what he said, "Well, he's been bewitched by someone," he said, "you can get it out frombehind the door of the house, such and such a person has putthis spell on. It's behind thehouse, so he ordered his assistant.

So, "Good, I'll go and get ridof the sorcery, if that's where it is," he replied.

"Your husband will live for three weeks, that's all, now he doesn't have health," he said.

The auki arrived, and the first one said, "I am Apu Laramani who loves you and cares for you, my dear little child".

So I told him all that had happened, "It's my husband, he's ill. What are his chances, will he live or not?"I asked.

―Manañan, niwan, chayqa entonces chay qosaykiqa wañukapunqa amaña molestakuñachu.

Hujqa chayamun: ―Apu kunurani kani.

Anchay chayamun chayqa: ―Ñoqankani munaqnin kay qosaykiq munaqnin, chayqa pusaqapusaq.

Hinaspa chayamullantaq, chayqa: ―Manan...nispa. Ñoqaqakapariyta waqayta kachaykuni;

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waqayta kachaykuqtitaq: ―Ichaqa manan kausallanqa kausallanqa, nispa q'otoykullawantaq.

Chaytaqa chayqa kavalmente kimsa semanallamantapuni wañukapun chay parajikunaq willawasqamanta.

"No," he replied, "the fact isthat your husband is going to die, but don't you upset yourself about it".

Another one arrived, "I'm Apu Cunurani".

Yet another arrived, and this one said, "I'm the one who loves both you and your husband, so I will take him".

Another one arrived, then "No..,." I said, and I began to weep and cry, and when I began to cry, he said to me, "No, no, he's going to live, he's going to live", and so deceived me.

So, there it was, within exactly three weeks my husbanddied just as the apu said he would.

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Songs - examples

Vicuña of seven springs

Hatun punay wik'uñita Vicuña of the high punaQanchis pujllu unu ujyaq Who drinks water of seven springsMayqen pujllumanta ujyaspataq From what spring have you drunkWarma yanaykita qonqarqanki that you forget your young sweetheart?Sut'illanta willaykuway Tell me sincerelyÑoqapas warma yanaytan I, too, my young sweetheart,Qonqapuyta munani Want to forget.

My father is the taruka

Qanri ñoqa hinachu kanki Are you like me too?Qanri ñoqa hinachu kanki Are you like me too?Mana taytayoq mana mamayoq Without father, without mother,Mana taytayoq mana mamayoq Without father, without mother.Mamayri wik'uñachus karqan My mother was the vicuñaTaytayri tarukachus karqan My father was the deerOrqon q'asan purinaypaq To wander over mountain and valley

Tutap'unchay waqanaypaq. To weep day and night.

I will tell my parents

Taytaymansi willakusaq I will tell my fatherMamaymansi willakusaq I will tell my mother

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Pukuy-pukuq qesachampi How in the nest of the puku-pukuWaqachikuwasqaykita You make me weepPukuy-pukuq qesachampi How in the nest of the puku-pukuSuyuchikuwasqaykita You make me suffer so.

Taytamansi willakusaq I will tell my fatherMamamansi willakusaq I will tell my motherSoray-sora panpachapi How in the pampa of sora-sora grassWaqachikuwasqaykita You make me weepSoray-soray panpachapi How in the pampa of sora-sora grassSuyuchikuwasqaykita You make me suffer so.

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PART VI : CONCLUSIONS

In the process of our study we have been drawing conclusions throughout, and here we shall confine ourselves to a summation ofsalient points arising from the study.

We see from this appraisal of Quechua folklore and its antecedents and overall setting that:

there is cultural continuity between the present and past history, which has links also with the people's pre-history;

the Quechua have a religio-spiritual orientation, and move an environment which for them have embracing sacrality;

myth, folklore and ritual are bound up together in a complexbelief system and thought world;

the function and content of folklore indicate the uncertain,insecure world in which the Quechua live, and shows their response to it;

the Quechua are characterised by the pessimism and uncertainty that their understanding of their world and thatworld itself lays upon them, yet with this they retain an innate belief in themselves and their worth and value as persons and communities.

Earlier we noted that the forces of change are beginning to make themselves felt amongst the Quechua, and though there is now a renewed interest at academic and political level in the people and their culture, the question must be asked as to whether certain aspects of the culture such as folklore can survive the

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change that education and development will bring. Or will Yeats words apply - "Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold.." ...?

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162

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Key to Appendix II:

Mountains

1. Yana Orqo 4910 m.

2. Paucca 4900 m.

3. Taqllo 5017 m.

4. Chunchus 4806 m.

5. Nudo de Vilcanota 5424 m./ 5486 m.

6. Yawarcota 5159 m.

7. Laramani 4937 m.

8. Qhaqya 4589 m.

9. Chiaraje 4362 m. (not to be confused with Chiaraje of pp. 42-43, though there were also battles fought at this point in years gone by).

10. Mamajane 4650 m. (linked with the legend of the lake)

11. Cusibamba

Both (5) and (6) are known locally as ‘La Raya', in the Layo areathe name Yawarcota is not used by the people, the mountain is referred to as 'La Raya'.

i. Yana Apacheta

ii. Taqllo Apacheta

iii. Aguas Calientes Apacheta

iv. Qaqa Horqo Apacheta

v. Quellabamba Apacheta

** The point where despachos are offered

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Appendix III - List of informants

Chanpi, Andrés Age 44, speaks some Spanish but it is poor. Calcapampa, near Layo, Canas.

Consuegro, Benigno. Age 25, bilingual. Ch'eqa, Canas.

Flores, Aurelio Age 43, bilingual. Huantura, Canchis.

Flores, Máxima. Age 34, monolingual. Huantura, Canchis.

López, Anastacio Age 36, bilingual. Native of Santa Rosa, Melgar, Ayaviri, for the last six years he has lived in Hanocca, Layo, Canas.

Mamani, Alejandro Age 61, bilingual. Native of Ayaviri.

Mamani, Pascual Age 44, bilingual. Hanocca.

Mamani, Simona Age 50, monolingual. Qejra, Layo, Canas.

Mamani, Tomás Age 80, monolingual. Hanocca.

Quispe, David Age 36, bilingual. Calcapampa.

Mena, María Age 80, monolingual. Calcapampa.

Sumiri, Felicitas. Age 40, monolingual. Qejra.

Sumiri, Hilario. Age 43, can make himself understood in Spanish. Qejra.

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