Peri-Urban Rural Areas in Greece: The Case of Attica

Antonis Moissidis and Marie-Noelle Duquenne'

HE ISSUE OF peri-urban areas and their future is of growing concern. T Among the various developments that influence the future of rural areas, the pressure of modern evolution and the urban way of life are of paramount importance, especially to the regions near urban centres. The consequences can be observed at socio-economic, cultural and political levels, as well as at individ- ual farm level in terms of its organization and management. This pressure expresses itself in various ways: (i) land is subject to antagonistic interests and forces, (ii) the environment and natural balance in particular are threatened (from an ecological perspective), (iii) in the social and cultural sphere new lifestyles and consumption patterns are introduced and, last but not least, (iv) the particular economic organization of the society undergoes rapid change.

The continuous expansion of most urban centres results in the gradual shrinkage of the surrounding rural area, which in turn entails significant socio- cultural and economic restructuring. In other words, the peri-urban area ap- pears, more than any other geographical region, to be a world in perpetual movement. At individual farm level, this constant restructuring, as well as the adaptation of production and management practices to the ever-changing mar- ket needs are a prerequisite for survival.

The peri-urban world in the context of the relationship between the urban and rural spheres

The relationship between the urban and rural worlds has been the object of research and reflection since the dawn of capitalism. Different models have been presented in order to explain the dissimilarities, as well as the interdependence

'Moissidis: Department of Social Policy and Social Anthropology, Panteion University of Athens, Athens, Greece; Duquenne: Freelance researcher in rural development, Agnoston Martyron 92, 171 23 Nea Smyrni, Greece.

Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 lJF, UK

0 1997 European Society for Rural Sociology. Sociologia Ruralzs Volume 37, No. 2, 1997

and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. ISSN 0038-0199

Peri-urban rural areas in Greece 229

and interaction between these two worlds. Generally speaking, one may draw on three types of models: the first perceives the urban-rural relationship as a dichotomy Plotevogel 1975; Gerndt 1975; Griiner 1977; Greverus 1989), while the second model insists on the parallel, yet complementary evolution of the two worlds within a global historical process (Sorokin and Zimmerman 1929). The third approach suggests a functional model (Christaller 1933; Isbary 1965; von Thiinen 1966; DATAR 1988), according to which each world performs specific functions, although their respective roles are greatly interdependent.

Due to its geographical location (in spite of its spatial-temporal proximity to the urban centre, it is not considered an urban region), the peri-urban world is a case in its own right, subject to a dual influence. The co-existence of urban and rural elements manifests itself through instances of both positive and nega- tive interaction and interdependence. However, year after year, the role of the urban element seems to become increasingly dominant.

Peri-urban areas serve the urban centre in various ways. Firstly, agricultural production units ensure the regular supply of the urban market with fresh products and high-value goods (flowers and ornamental plants, for instance), at a minimum transportation cost, which is vital in the case of perishable goods. Secondly, small food-processing units can be set up in this area providing dairy and meat products in particular, for the urban market. Likewise, the peri-urban zones attract big manufacturing and services enterprises due to the existence of unemployed or part-time farmers who would be willing to leave the agricultur- al sector. Furthermore, the peri-urban area offers a residential alternative and an opportunity for relaxation to those town dwellers who decide to flee from the nuisances associated with life in the town. This explains the endless growth of the suburbs to the detriment of the green belt. Finally, the perception of the peri-urban region as the ‘lungs of the city,’ i.e., a green belt zone, has become increasingly prevalent. For this reason, a new role is entrusted to the rural population, namely the upkeep of the environment and the preservation of the ecological equilibrium.

The role of the centre in relation to the peri-urban area is, however, also important. It constitutes an important market and a regular sales outlet. It makes a significant demand for land, hence increasing the value of capital owned by rural people. As a model of modern life and consumption, as well as a different socio-economic organization it stimulates farmers to adopt other management practices. The antagonistic and complementary relationship be- tween urban and rural elements applies to an area around the urban centre which is difficult, if not impossible, to demarcate with precision.

The criteria involved in the definition of a peri-urban region

One of the simplest ways of defining the peri-urban world is to regard it as the socio-economic and cultural area which is, from a geographical point of view, in proximity to an urban centre.

230 Moissdis and Duquenne

According to von Thunen’s theory of agricultural location, distance from the urban market is the main factor when attempting to explain the evolution of agriculture and farm organization in a region where the commercial centre lies in the heart of the agricultural zone (Hay 1984). In other words, it should be possible to define zones with respect to their distance from the urban centre by designing almost concentric circles around the urban centre, each one corre- sponding to a more or less urban agriculture. Systems of production vary depending on the distance and one can draw the following conclusion: the nearer the farm or the production unit is to the urban centre, the more inten- sive its production is ceteris paribus (i.e., the added value per unit is higher). Conversely, the longer the distance from the centre, the more extensive the production and farm management are.

As explained above, it is quite difficult to delimit the urban, peri-urban and rural areas. A considerable number of factors has to be taken into consider- ation, such as the geo-climatic conditions, the size of the urban centre, the historical evolution of the region and the country, the density of the popula- tion, as well as the current development and infrastructure of the country, especially in connection with the means of communication and transport. An overview of the international literature related to the analysis of peri-urban areas suggests three main groups of criteria.

The first and foremost set of criteria refers to proximity in terms of kilometres and/or travelling time. Time is very often the most appropriate criterion, because it takes into account the natural environment (highland, plain) and the existing transport network. The second set of criteria concerns the agricultural charucter- istics of the region, for example the relative importance of agricultural areas, or the percentage of active population employed in agriculture. Density is also a significant factor because it has been observed in many cases that the peri-urban area constitutes an attractive option for two sections of the population: for city dwellers who strive to improve their living conditions and for the rural popula- tion whose prospects are rather uncertain in the less favoured regions. The third set of criteria stems, to a great extent, from the aforementioned ones and involve specific aspects of the farm and the household, such as the size of farms, the production systems applied, the economic activity of household members, the degree of commercialization of production and overall farm management practices.

While peri-urban agriculture and the interaction between rural and urban cultures have been analysed in detail in many countries, in Greece this field has not been fully explored.

The field study

The present study is based on the analysis of farms in the peri-urban region of Attica (area of Athens). Attica covers 381 km2 (2.9 per cent of the country),

Peri-urban rural areas in Greece 23 1

with a population of more than 3.5 million (34.3 per cent of the total population). It is well known that Attica is the region with the highest urban pressure in Greece, combined with a continuous, mostly haphazard expansion of the suburbs.

Because of Attica’s geomorphological characteristics (its littoral and the mountains surrounding the city of Athens), agricultural land is relatively scarce. Moreover, urban pressure induces an increasing demand for land intended for non-agricultural uses. Under these circumstances, one is led to believe that there is no more room for agricultural activities around Athens. In fact, it would be more appropriate to assume that it is modern and intensive farms that stand a chance of survival and long-term viability, because their production patterns are strictly oriented towards the urban market.

The above-mentioned hypothesis is to be tested through the analysis of the current situation in Greece. Moreover, the existing farms are to be classified in terms of their chance of survival. However, in the case of Attica, it was impos- sible to obtain a figure mainly based on the parameter of ‘distance.’ This is due to the following three factors.

First, the presence of mountains around Athens explains why intensive agriculture is more widespread than in other places and there are modern farms in areas like the plain of Marathon which is relatively near Athens.

Second, the role of the littoral is important, especially in east Attica with its seaside resorts and intensive agriculture, catering for the needs of a dynamic local market which operates at least five to six months annually. So, in the southern and eastern parts of Attica, intensive agriculture is not practised near the centre.

Lastly, one must not overlook the significance of social and cultural parame- ters, such as the possession of vineyards in Spata (one of the nearest districts to the centre). Traditionally, owning vines in this part of Attica was a manifes- tation of wealth and this is still the case. As explained by Gefou-Madianou (1992), “until recently, vineyards constituted not only the source of subsistence for the Messogites, but also a way in which social stratification occurred and social identity was constructed. The latter is true even nowadays. A true Mes- sogite is a man who owns vineyards, a landowner as opposed to a land labourer and, more to the point, a house wine producer as opposed to a non-producer in the community.”

Having taken into account these specifications, it was possible to set up a typology of peri-urban farms, where the ‘distance’ factor was certainly a funda- mental criterion, but not the only one. Seven micro-zones (I to 7) have been delimited by degree of rurality: zone 1 is considered the most urban area, while zone 7 is the most rural one. Taking these different zones into consideration, a sample survey has been conducted on eighty-six farms, in order to analyse the different types of peri-urban farms in Attica, as well as consider their chances of survival. Although the size of the sample is small in absolute terms, it is statistically significant, owing to the fact that the target population has been limited to the mainland part of the county of Attica. The islands, normally

232 Moissldis and Duquenne

included in this administrative unit, have been excluded from this survey by virtue of their particular features (insularity).

The main characteristics of the sample

Profile of household and farmer: The sample comprised eighty-six farms and 352 individuals. The size of the family, four members on average, is quite impor- tant. When compared to the rural zones of Greece, the peri-urban area of Attica has a younger and more dynamic population: more than 47 per cent are under 35 and people who have not reached retirement age represent more than 61 per cent.

The overwhelming majority of farm operators are male (89.5 per cent), with a significant level of education (eight years of schooling on average). As in the rest of the country, the percentage of farmers over the age of 65 is quite sub- stantial (26.7 per cent in our sample against 28.9 per cent on a national level).

It is worth noting a considerable difference between males and females in this survey. On the whole, female operators are younger (only 41 years old on average) with a significantly higher level of schooling (eleven years against seven for males). From various interviews within the scope of the sample survey, it can be inferred that female operators own land which they have inherited from their family, while their husbands are usually high-ranking civil servants.

Several differences can be observed amongst the districts. Age, for instance, is inversely proportional to the degree of rurality: in the most agricultural area (zone 7), in the border zone of Attica, the average age of farmers is 59 while it is only 47 in the most dynamic district,

Size of farms: in a peri-urban region, land represents one of the most consid- erable assets. Its proximity to the urban centre generates intensive land specula- tion, especially for alternative uses (housing, industry). The farmers of Attica are predominantly owners of their cultivated land. The lease of land is rare, therefore, it does not play a significant role, except in the case of more tradi- tional farms in the North of Attica, where cereals are the predominant crop.

The overall area of farms differs significantly from one zone to the other. In the furthest districts, this area is approximately 10 ha, while it does not exceed 1 ha in the nearest district and 2.5 ha in the dynamic zone 3. In these last two zones, greenhouse cultivation is highly developed representing 42 per cent and 25 per cent respectively of their overall cultivated area, against 1 per cent of the total sample.

Moreover, it is not surprising that in these two districts, more than 70 per cent of the land is irrigated, as opposed to less than 20 per cent in the furthest districts. As for the overall irrigated land, it is the equivalent of 23.5 per cent of the total sample area. With the exception of the second zone, in east Attica close to the urban centre, there is a clear link between distance and size of

Peri-urban rural areas in Greece 233

land, without ignoring the specific geomorphological aspects, especially in the case of Marathon (zone 3), which is easily accessible.

Productionpatterns: Out of the eighty-six farms in the sample, eighty are mainly involved in crop production and six are exclusively livestock farms. In fact, eight farms combine the two activities, with the emphasis placed on livestock production. These fourteen livestock farms are all located in the same zone (zone 4), in the western part of Attica. Ten of them are poultry farms with intensive production, providing the Athens and Piraeus markets with eggs.

Table 1: Cultivation by type of peri-urban zone (% of cultivated area)

Degree of rurality

Cereals, forage Vegetables and and industrial market garden

crous uroduce

Flowers and ornamental

UlantS

Vineyards and almond

Trees (olive)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total

- 33.3

- 77.9 42.4 21.9 36.8 3.5 70.8 15.3 90.7 2.1 49.0 8.2

- - 66.7

15.3 0.6

-

-

- 0.6

- 51.7

9.0 17.1 2.1 3.8

18.4

-

- 48.3 6.8

26.0 42.6 11.8 3.4

23.9

Source: Sample data

As regards crop production, the distribution (percentage) of cultivated area by crop is illustrated in Table 1. In the furthest districts of Attica (6 and 7), the cultivated area is mainly used for cereals and industrial crops (cotton), both of which are products not especially intended for the urban market. The nearest districts and the plain of Marathon (zone 3) specialize in vegetables, garden produce and flowers, supplying the urban market with fresh products. In one of the furthest districts, namely zone 6 , vegetables are fairly important. This, however, is a direct consequence of the existence of a dynamic local fresh produce market during the summer, due to the fact that this district is a seaside resort well-frequented by Athenians.

As can be inferred from the above, each micro peri-urban region has its own pattern of production determined by mainly three factors: distance, geomor- phological parameters and socio-cultural aspects.

With reference to the gross value of production per farm, the geographical differences are far from marginal (Table 2). This is an anticipated result by virtue of the pattern of production mentioned previously (cropAivestock, land intended for various crops), and the value of output per ha for each type of activity.

The average gross value of production is negatively correlated with the distance from the urban market (Table 3). Farms providing the market with

234 Moisszdis and Dtrquenne

fresh products (vegetables, flowers and eggs) are clearly the most profitable ones. These farms have generally developed modern management systems and are able to control the commercialization of their products. Some of them can be characterized as commercial farms.

Investment: The particular type and process of production largely affect the size and kind of on-farm investment. Despite the difficulty in obtaining reliable data, it is possible to conclude, on the basis of discussions with farmers, that investment has been decreasing in the last decade, especially in the last five years.

More than 70 per cent of farm buildings were constructed before 1984, and they are often over twenty years old, the only exception being greenhouses, two-thirds of which were built in the last decade. Thus, it can be deduced that the total amount of farm building investment during the last five years has been very limited for a dynamic agricultural region such as Attica.

Table 2: Labour and Gross Value of output perfarm by type of cultivation

Average size Labour: units of Gross value of output of farm (ha) 8 hours per year (average by farm)

Type of Household cultivation Total members 1,000 drs E C U

Annual crops 14.3 482 397 82.4% 1,990 6,864 Vegetables 2.8 1,368 906 66.2% 9,898 34,143 Flowers and orna- mental plants 0.8 2,400 901 37.5% 36,792 126,913 Vineyards 2.4 430 333 77.4% 1,651 5,695 Trees 3.0 613 444 72.4% 1,197 4,129 Total 8.0 745 499 67.0% 7.110 24.526

Table 3: Mean farm size and Gross value of production per farm (in 1,000 drs) by zone

Zones and patterns of Cultivated Total produc- Crops Livestock production area per tion

farm (ha)

1 - Vegetables and flowers 2 - Vineyards and trees 3 - Vegetables and flowers 4 - Crop farms: vegetables - Livestock farms: eggs

5 6 - Annual crops and vegetables 7 - Annual crops and vegetables Total

0.8 6.1 1.7 5.3

9.2 12.1 18.6 8.0

20,187 3,290

18,387 26,712 20,458 41,370

2,149 8,253 4,061

11,843

20,187 3,290

18,387 7,986

16,727 1,256 2,149 8,253 4,061 6,614

- 18,726 3,73 1

40,114

- 5,229

Source: Sample data

Peri-urban rural areas in Greece 235

Labour and pluriactivity: in a peri-urban region, the issue of work and other activities performed by the household members is complicated. Proximity to the urban centre offers many opportunities for alternative jobs, to the detri- ment of peri-urban agriculture and family farms, given that the intensive agri- cultural units, the commercialization of the produce in urban street markets and on-farm sales require considerable labour force in order to ensure the smooth running of the farm.

Amongst those older than 14 years, around 75 per cent have a full or part- time employment on the farm or somewhere else. More than 90 per cent of them work on the farm but only 60 per cent are employed on a full-time basis. In other words, pluriactivity applies to 40 per cent of the household members who are old enough to work.

In the dynamic farms, generally founded in the less rural areas and character- ized by intensive production systems and modern equipment (greenhouses and poultry farms), household members mainly work on the farm (production and sale). On the other hand, the level of pluriactivity is much more important in the furthest districts where traditional farms prevail.

Considering all activities related to cultivation and commercialization, it is clear that modern peri-urban farms require a significant labour input. In many cases, the household members are not able to meet this demand and it is neces- sary to resort to outside labour. Seventy-one per cent of the eighty-six farms of our sample employ farm workers. As far as the total labour involved in the farm is concerned (household members and supplementary workforce), paid labour represents 32 per cent, while significant differences occur amongst the districts: 45 per cent for the plain of Marathon against 29 per cent in the most agricultural districts. It is also worth noting that the peri-urban farms of Attica often employ foreign workers, especially Asians (Pakistanis and Indians).

A typology of farms

As can be assumed from the above, farm profitability in a peri-urban zone is closely related to farm size (negative correlation) and production pattern. In the nearest districts and in those favoured by geomorphological factors, farming activities chiefly consist of intensive greenhouse cultivation and livestock pro- duction (poultry in particular). In both cases, farm sizes, in terms of land, are relatively small.

Analysis of the distribution of the average farm output per hectare allows the definition of three distinct groups of farms according to the Bertin method- ology @onin 1975): 50 per cent of the farms have an average value of output per hectare of less than 100,000 drachmas; 35 per cent of the farms have an average value of less than I,OOO,OOO drachmas, and 15 per cent of the farms, the most profitable ones, with avalue of output/haof more than 1,000,000 drachmas.

To test the hypothesis that these three groups correspond to three different conditions, the mean value of the different variables was calculated and verified.

236 Moissdis and Duquenne

The geographical distribution of the three groups of farms is presented in Table 4. Altogether, differences between mean values are statistically significant (see Table 5). Thus, the hypothesis is in fact verified: each group of farms corre- sponds to a specific situation.

Table 4: Geographical distribution offarms by group and district

District Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Total Low value/ha Intermediate High value/ha number

value/ha

Number YO Number YO Number YO ~

Acharnes Megara Marathonas Skala Oropou Markopoulo Grammatiko Kapandriti Keratea Sikamino Spata Erithres Mandra Total

2

3 6 2 2 8 3 6 8 3

43

9.5

50.0 54.5 66.7 66.7 80.0 75.0 75.0

100.0 100.0 50.0

-

~

0 11 4 3 5 1 1 2 1 2 - -

30

0.0 3 52.4 8 66.7 2 50.0 - 45.5 - 33.3 - 33.3 - 20.0 - 25.0 - 25.0 -

34.9 13

100.0 38.1 33.3

-

15.1

3 21 6 6

11 3 3

10 4 8 8 3

86

Source: Sample data

In the first group, 50 per cent of the farms adopt an extensive traditional system of production. Farm size is relatively important in comparison with the other groups (12 ha against 4.6 and 1.1 respectively). Pluriactivity of household mem- bers is more developed. The average number of working days (eight hours) spent by household members outside the farm is 202 approximately, while the number of days worked on the farm is around 350. In other words, the level of pluriactivity is of the order of 37 per cent. For the other groups, the per- centages are 22.5 and 18.8 respectively. Clearly, for the first group, the profit- ability of the farm in terms of value of output per working day is the smallest, so it is not surprising to find that in this group all the farms focus on annual crops (cereals, forage etc.).

The second group corresponds to an intermediate situation, with some poten- tial for dynamic development. Here, one can distinguish between two types of farms: the first corresponds to farms providing the market with fresh products (vegetables) without relying on greenhouses, while the second category refers to farms with permanent crops, mainly vineyards and almond trees.

The third group represents the most dynamic furms, with intensive labour production, high value of output per working day (more than 41,000 drachmas earned from the farm against only 17,000 in the first group). These farms could

Peri-urban rural areas in Greece 237

be considered commercial enterprises, the organization of which is strictly related to the urban market. As a matter of fact, this group includes all the farms producing flowers and ornamental plants, as well as the most important poultry units.

Table 5: Average value of main variables group offarms

Value of output/ha

Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Low Intermediate High

value/ha value /ha value/ha

Number of farms Age of the farmer Education of the farmer (years) Working days in the farm by: - farmer - other members - all family members - salaried workers paid labour (%) Days of work outside the farm by: - farmer - other members - all family members Value of buildings (1,000 drs) Greenhouse area Area cultivated Value of output per working day (drs) Succession from the point of view of: - father (%) - children

43 57.5 7.7

184 166 350 70 17

57 146 203

1,375 0.0 12.0

17,128

25.6 18.6

30 54.5 7.2

303 333 656 305 32

81 104 185

11,359 0.08 4.6

22,736

40.0 33.3

13 47.2 8.9

518 289 807 670 45

35 117 152

57,607 0.51"

1.1 41,321

69.2 46.2

'' This average is based on the farms with crop production, without taking into account the poultry units. Source: Sample data

The future of peri-urban farms

Although our data has indicated that around 50 per cent of the farms in Attica are financially viable, the future of numerous peri-urban farms is still uncertain and depends on various structural factors as well as economic conjunctures. Succession seems to be clearly related with the present economic situation of the farm. As is shown in Table 5, succession is directly correlated with the type of farm. In traditional households, most farmers affirm that none of the children will continue this activity, while in the most dynamic group, the majority of farmers declare that at least one of the children is going to take over the farm.

23 8 Moissldis and Duquenne

State of the economy

It is certain that in the case of Greece, the economic crisis of the last decade has caused many problems in rural areas as, for example, a strong downward trend in agricultural incomes. Difficulties are also encountered in peri-urban regions, especially in the case of farms specializing in flowers and ornamental plants. It is well known that in periods of recession, demand for such products slumps resulting in falling sales. Consequently, the repercussion for peri-urban farms is a drop in their agricultural income. In this economic climate, it be- comes increasingly difficult to proceed with new investments, therefore, the process of modernization slows down or even stops.

Structural aspects

If the economic conjuncture is important in the short-term, structural aspects determine the long-term viability of agricultural households. At least four aspects can be mentioned: - The pressure on land: the high demand for land undoubtedly threatens the

future of peri-urban agriculture. In the past, land was considered the main factor of production, while now land is increasingly subject to speculation. In the event of economic difficulties, the farmer does not hesitate to sell a parcel of land. This is one of the main reasons why the size of farms in peri- urban areas steadily decreases.

- Farmers’ inadequate schooling and managerial competence limit their ability to introduce new farm management systems, in order to respond successfully to changing urban consumption patterns.

- The impact of urban lifestyle on farm succession is dramatic. Young people’s attitudes are determined by the opportunities that the urban centre has to offer in terms of work and entertainment. This explains why young people are no longer interested in the family farm. The low social status of farming as an occupation adds further to the succession problem.

- The effect of the transfer of political responsibilities to the local authorities in peri-urban areas causes a conflict between urban and rural worlds. An increasing number of local associations (political, cultural etc.) are controlled by newcomers who settle in the area but work in the city, thus superseding the local rural population.

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