Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)

Participation, (Dis-)Identification, and Japanese University Entrance ExamsAuthor(s): Tim MurpheySource: TESOL Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Winter, 2004), pp. 700-710Published by: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3588286 .

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Participation, (Dis-) Identification, and Japanese University Entrance Exams

TIM MURPHEY Dokkyo University Soka, Japan

0 Researchers have pointed out that "showing concrete details of a specific life can convey a general way of life" (Ellis, 1998, p.1), and that "it is valid and effective to draw on personal experiences as an aid to explore a topic, as well as a prime source of data" (Gait~in, 2000, 19). As Bruner (1996), citing Kierkegaard, so aptly states, "telling stories in order to understand is not mere enrichment of the mind: without them we are, to use [Kierkegaard's] words, reduced to fear and trembling" (p. 90). Pavlenko and Lantolf (2000) add, "Most importantly, narrative- based theory and research also has ecological validity as that which 'has something to say about what people do in real, culturally significant situations' (Neisser, 1976, p. 2)" (p. 161). As such, "it explores the messiness of what it means to become a teacher. It situates the writer and the researcher as text" (Renner, 2001, ?1).

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In real, culturally significant language classrooms, teachers' stories demonstrate that teachers can be learners who change throughout their careers (Johnson & Golombek, 2002). In fact, "change efforts have found that the fate of new programs and ideas rests on teachers' and administrators' opportunities to learn, experiment, and adapt ideas to their local context" (Darling-Hammond, 1997, p. 214). Gandhi report- edly said, "Be the change you want to see in the world" (Yates, 2004). TESOL professionals desperately need the courage to be that change, to see their decisions as moral decisions that have an impact far beyond their doors (Johnston, 2003). Change begins with me, with each of us (Clark, 2003). That's the story-writ big.

At the age of 12, I went to visit my divorced father and could contrast my mother's alcoholic lifestyle with a more stable environment. Living without the alcoholism seemed to open my eyes to what could be and I felt "in control." I decided to remain with my father and in making this choice I realized I was able to make choices and change how things were.

As a freshman in high school on the varsity football team, I chose to skip a bus trip to a lake during our spring training because I did not want to be hazed. My coaches reprimanded me for not 'Joining the community" and I had certain punishments but I was unrepentant. Hazing has always been in my mind an inane injustice that I cannot tolerate. In my mind, the right of passage, when it is not aligned with higher moral values, is to be disdained. (Murphey's notes to himself, February 1999)

In this article I examine my own shifting participation, identification, and dis-identification as I attempt to provide contrasting views concern- ing entrance exam practices at a university where I used to work. To do so, I use Lave and Wenger's (1991) perspective on participating in communities of practice and draw on Hodges' (1998) revision of Lave and Wenger's thesis. From my examination emerges a new understand- ing of "learning as participation and identification" (Hodges, p. 272) that allows me to account for my own move from peripheral to central participation in the Japanese educational system and inner dis-identifica- tion with the exam system while involved in the practice. My confused marginal position is reflected in my refusing to chair the exam commit- tee and in my resigning from my tenured full professor position while attempting to identify with all that I saw as good and honorable at my university and among the professoriat.

I examine how autobiographical narrative helps to clarify the ideologi- cal basis of this complex situation. First, I describe my developmental history of identities leading to desires for choice and self-determination. Second, I look at my history with the communities of practice at my former university and the entrance exam system. Third, I use Bakhtin's

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(1981) notion of ideological becoming as a helpful frame to understand positioning and identifying in multiplicities within different communities.

DEVELOPMENTAL HISTORY OF IDENTITY FORMATION

Haug suggests that individuals use memory work to locate themselves within the relational networks of socialization to

[identify] the ways in which individuals construct themselves into existing structures, and thereby themselves are formed; the way in which they reconstruct social structures; the points at which change is possible, the points where our chains chafe the most, the points where accommodations have been made. (Haug cited in Hodges, 1988, p. 274)

As with my first two narratives, I can identify several other moments that seemed to have shaped my beliefs and identities. I first recalled and wrote down these moments in February 1999, significantly enough, while on sabbatical in the United States. I had just read Hodges' 1998 article citing Haug, and I had also just sent an e-mail message declining the offer to chair the entrance exam committee the following year at my Japanese university.

Just before graduation in high school, the graduating seniors played the underclassmen in a traditional spring football game. Without coaches, I was able to act freely, faking a punt, blitzing, etc. without even telling my teammates. After the game my ex-head coach came over to me and said, "I'm sorry. I wasted you. Why didn't you tell me you could do all that?" Honestly, I hadn't known. I had never been given the freedom in that sphere of action. But more importantly his words echoed in my ears and made me promise to myself not to wait for someone to give me the freedom, but to innovate and risk trying things.

Afterjunior college I went abroad the last two years to study in Switzerland for my BA and suddenly experienced a more complete sense of liberation. I was free mostly in my own perspective, i.e., the American rules didn't apply and I didn't know the Swiss culture well enough to follow any rules. Being a foreigner, an outsider, I was excused very often for my transgressions. Later as a PhD student and teacher in Switzerland and then in Japan, I found that I could do almost anything as a teacher and that students would comply because they thought, "This must be how it is done in America." Being a foreigner gave me a certain license. When I was about to graduate with my PhD from the Swiss university, there was much turmoil prompted by the bibliophiles who refused to accept my dissertation on recycled paper.

Though space does not permit an in-depth analysis here, I think one can see that my own desire for choice, self-control, and action has a history

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within the communities that I have experienced. Though perhaps positive in some ways, these desires may also be negative and constrain- ing when changes require more subtlety, time, and negotiation.

The moments I have described, accidental as they may have been at the time, seemed to have presented a panorama of behavioral options: nonparticipation (refusing to be hazed); choice and change (changing households); invention, creativity, and nonconformity (playing with new football rules, novel teaching without knowing the rules); and the importance of action, making a stand, and doing what I could do (changing households, refusing to be hazed). These choices both formed my beliefs and were mediated by my beliefs. They became a firm foundation for questioning the extent to which I would feel obligated to join, participate, and identify with future groups.

COMMUNITIES OF PRACTICE: IDENTIFICATION AND DIS-IDENTIFICATION

The problems and conflicts in the entrance exam system at Japanese universities have been described in many publications (Brown, 1996a, 1998; Gorsuch, 2001; "University entrance exams," 1996; Yoneyama, 1999; Zeng, 1999). In a review ofJapanese education, Doyon (2001) says,

Of all the problems inherent in the Japanese education system, probably the most unwieldy and most often criticized have been the "entrance examina- tion system" and "educational credentialism." Despite numerous delibera- tions and efforts to reform the entrance examination system, little has changed in the negative effects that it levels at society and education. (p. 462)

Buell (1996) reports that a new group of naive test makers at each university usually "redesign the tests from scratch each time; it's a classic case of having, not thirty years experience, but one year's experience thirty times" (p. 24). Brown (1998) has asked,

Why is it thatJapan has 300 exams or more? These exams are being made by people who don't know what they're doing, who say they don't know what they're doing. They are doing the best they can, but ultimately, they don't know what they are doing. They are preparing tests that are haphazard and of unknown reliability and validity. The sad thing is that these tests are then used to make very, very important decisions about peoples' lives. All of this wouldn't bother me so much if the people making the tests were looking at them in an effort to improve. (p. 26)

Here I focus on how I constructed my own personal identities within such communities and how they mediated my actions, that is, how I used them to chose, decide, and act.

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I held a position at a Japanese university for 11 years, and in the 7th year, I was promoted to full professor and tenured status. Early on, I had been on the curriculum committee and was the creator-coordinator of a new content-based instruction (CBI) workshop program. Within a few years, I had my own SLA special lecture and seminar class in communi- cation psychology and had begun teaching in the graduate school. The ministry of education and prefectural and city education centers regu- larly invited me to present. I felt very comfortable and involved in educational change and improvement with many practicing groups- except with regard to the entrance exams (Murphey, 1999, 2000a, 2000c, 2000d, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c, 2001d; Murphey & Sato, 2003).

In-service and preservice teachers liked my interactive classes and presentations, but most said they could not use these methods because they needed to train students to pass the entrance exams. Although there are certainly outmoded methods that do not even address the exams appropriately (see Guest, 2000; Mulvey, 1999, 2001), teachers' attention is greatly directed by what is on the exams. Each spring I would go and visit a few high schools and watch student teachers do traditional exam-oriented teaching, inspiring half the class to sleep. They were not teaching for actual language use.

Each of the four times I was on the entrance committee, I would suggest changes and alternatives regularly for 6 months. Still nothing changed. When I was promoted to full professor, they said in passing that some day I would have to be chair of the entrance exam committee. I laughed and said, "That is when I will leave!" They were shocked and told me not to say such things. Perhaps it could be arranged that I would not have to be chair.

In the 9th year (1998-99) I was granted a half-year sabbatical and studied in Canada and the United States. In February 1999, I received an e-mail communication requesting that I chair the English entrance exam committee. I declined the offer and replied that I would not be chair until the system started testing its tests. When I returned to Japan in April 1999, I was given the data for the previous year's exams on the condition that I agree to be assistant chair of the English entrance exam committee that year and chair in 2000. I agreed and eventually got data for the preceding 5 years.

These data came with the index of facility (IF) and index of discrimi- nation (ID) already figured for each question, common statistics for evaluating exam questions' empirical quality (Brown, 1996b, pp. 69-70). Cumulatively, only 36% of the discrete point vocabulary and grammar questions fit the criteria for good questions (an IF between .30 and .70 and an ID above .30), as did 66% of the reading questions, and 75% of the listening questions (on the one exam in five that had listening each year). And yet the listening received scant weighting compared to the

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other sections. I reported this information to those immediately above me in the exam administration and asked that the information be distributed to all department heads so that they would have the informa- tion needed to change the weighting of their exams if they wanted to (i.e., to give the better performing reading sections more weight than the discrete point questions that only worked half as well). Those in charge refused. I also began a database collecting the effective questions for future use and suggested that more listening be included on the exams because it was the highest performing section. I was told that changes needed to be agreed upon 2 years in advance so that high school teachers could be notified in time to prepare their students. Because the committee members change every year, major changes from year to year are virtually impossible. I was also told that I would not be allowed to make changes the following year as chair. I decided that I would not feel healthy, happy, or sane working under those conditions, and I did not want a long disagreeable fight. So I sent a letter of resignation in September 1999. They asked me to stay one more year to give them time to find a replacement, and I did.

Later, I was finally allowed to present some of my research to the English department to show how the listening questions (on only one of the five exams) were distinguishing twice as well as the discrete point vocabulary and grammar questions and somewhat better than the reading section. They agreed to give the listening more weight than before on the only exam that had listening, which was their own. The four other English exams the committee made each year for other departments did not include listening, and they still refused to inform other department heads of the data. They also had heavy discussions for several months and decided that foreigners did not necessarily have to become chair of the entrance exams committee. Then, in February 2000, I was asked to chair the graduate school of English language education. The administration made all three of these moves after I had sent my letter of resignation and probably intended them to appease me, although I did not realize that at the time. They finally accepted my resignation officially in fall 2000.

I feel Hodges' (1998) description of "nonparticipation" aptly reveals many of the processes I have just described:

Nonparticipation constitutes an identificatory moment where a person is accommodating in participation and yet is experiencing an exclusion from any "normative" or unproblematic identification with practice . ... This shift can be characterized as dis-identification, in that a person may be rejecting the identity connected with the practice and yet is reconstructing an identification within the context of conflict and exclusion. (p. 273)

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I feel that I was indeed dis-identifying with the entrance exam practice and, through identifying with students, I was excluding myself from (taking myself out of) the community of professors.

IDEOLOGICAL BECOMING

Tappan (2000) describes Bakhtin's notion of ideological becoming thus:

In Bakhtin's view, to understand the formation of a self (and hence the development of identity), we must consider the process by which one appropriates and uses others' words, language, and forms of discourse-how one makes the words and language of others "one's own." This process occurs, argues Bakhtin, as one selectively "appropriates" and "assimilates" the words of others-allowing and enabling, that is, the voices of others to enter into an ongoing inner dialogue with one's own voice. This is what Bakhtin calls, interestingly enough, the process of "ideological becoming," and it is key to understanding identity development as it occurs in the dialogical self. (p. 101)

These contrasting experiential frames (varieties of ways of looking and speaking) are crucial in making informed choices and taking stands. Those who rarely experience otherness and difference have nothing to contrast their present experience with and tend to believe that their experience is the dnly right one, the only voice available. Individuals in many communities of practice around the world claim membership in groups perhaps because those are the only groups they know of and can participate in; that is, they have few or no choices, they have few other voices to contrast with their own. This monological kind of ideological becoming seems impoverished and needs a contrasting frame of refer- ence to enable individuals to dis-identify or possibly more deeply identify with it.

Because I interacted intensively with Japanese students and high school teachers through class discussions, action logs (Murphey, 1993), and language learner and teacher histories (Murphey, 1998, 2000b), I learned more intimately the exams' ill effects. Typical comments from students' language learning histories about high school were, "Every day was repetition. We only studied for the entrance exams" (Murphey, 1988, p. 10) and, "I was very disappointed that teachers thought English was just a tool for entrance exams" (Murphey, 1998, p. 23). A typical comment from a high school teacher acknowledging the wash back was, "It is necessary and is an ideal to be able to speak and listen. But, we cannot ignore university entrance examinations. That's another prob- lem. If entrance exams were removed, it would be time that we started to think about alternatives" (Sato, 2000, p. 102).

Thus, I began, in Bahktinian terms, to appropriate and assimilate my

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students' voices and experiences as my own. Although at first I saw my work on the entrance exams simply as ridiculous and inefficient bureau- cratic ritual, which I could overlook if I had to, hearing student and teacher voices revealed a process that I perceived as grossly unjust to Japanese youth, anti-educational, and damaging to Japanese society, a process that I could not participate in unless I were allowed to attempt to change it. Along with these perceptions, the persistent outcries from the public and press validated my students' views. "Postwar education which has focused on entrance examinations has ruined society," says Nobel laureate Takamitsu Sawa ("Nobel forum special," 1999, December 14, p. 12).

For most of the Japanese professoriat, the exams were just a lucrative procedure to select a certain number of students (Grove, 1996). The fact that an above-average university like mine made approximately seven million U.S. dollars in 5 days of exams would not have bothered me if the university had been working toward improving the exams. This led me to promote the "TESOL Resolution on English Entrance Exams at Schools and Universities" (TESOL, 2000). Coming from one of the major international teachers' organizations, it states that writers of high stakes entrance exams should "make available to examinees and independent researchers evidence that measures are being taken to evaluate and improve the reliability and validity of their exams." No exams are perfect. But researchers can study them and improve their impact on the education system and learners. Although at the same time I wished to serve my institution and have it thrive, seeing teachers repeatedly refuse to do what they could do to improve education beyond their present institutional boundaries made me ashamed to call myself a member of their group, and I began dis-identifying. And I, finally, voluntarily stepped out.

CONCLUSION As I moved toward the center of professional practice, I was dis-

identifying with the practice of the entrance exams. Though I was ideologically becoming one with students and high school teachers, I had not appropriated their reservation to openly criticize the system and say no. This dis-identification came partly from a personally developed sense of freedom not to align myself with existing structures contrary to my beliefs and values. That this process took so long may show that another part of myself has developed a greater appreciation for the harmony and respect displayed in my Japanese environment.

Hodges (1998) refers to "moments when participation is organized by structures of privilege that deny difference and diversity" (p. 278). In this instance, to participate as a full professor was a privilege that came with

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the expectation that one also do the dirty work unquestionably as part of the role, a restrictive mandate that denied difference, diversity, and innovation. It was an honor I dreamed not of.

POSTSCRIPT

One of the readers of this article asked, "What was gained by leaving?" At a first-person ecological level, my health and mood improved greatly (see Murphey 2001b). However, one could also argue that I was unhealthy because of my own inflexible values. Systemically, perhaps nothing much changed at the school I left. However, in Japan, the ministry of education is reportedly putting listening on their national English exams in 2006. While the ministry probably does not know that I exist, one never knows where or if one's teaching or writing has an impact. Individuals can only be the change they want to see in the world and change themselves.

After leaving the university, I enjoyed teaching in Taiwan for a year and a half. Then my presentJapanese university became interested in me partially for the reasons I left the previous one. The department I am now in has committed to looking professionally and ethically at how their entrance exams are made.

I still love and miss my previous Japanese university and return occasionally to see many fine people who want to improve things and who are surely doing so within the system there. Perhaps while I was there I did not have the right skills to create more movement in the directions that I saw as essential. Along with the system, I, too, am learning and evolving.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thanks to the anonymous reviewers and Carol Chapelle for valuable suggestions. Many people discussed these issues with me and provided resources (without necessarily agreeing with me): Andy Barfield, J. D. Brown, Eton Churchill, Mark Clark, Steve Cornwell, James Heisig, Diane Hodges, John McLaughlin, Keiko Murasugi, Takeo Niwa, Bonny Norton, Aneta Pavlenko, Steven Ross, Kazuyoshi Sato, and Linda Woo.

THE AUTHOR

Tim Murphey, a professor at Dokkyo University, edits the series, TESOL Professional Development in Language Education. He cowrote his most recent book, Group Dynamics in the Language Classroom, with ZoltOin D6mrnyei. He is teacher development coordinator for the China EFL Standards project and juggles Vygotskian sociocul- tural and systems theories.

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