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Alternative Patadigms Of Educationai Development: Indigenous Models Of Schooling

For Developing Corntries

Daphne Heywood

A Thesis submitted m confity with the requirements for the degree of PhD.

Department of SocioIogy and Equity Studies Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the

University of Toronto

0 Copyright by Daphne Heywood, 2001

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AIternative Pmdigms Of Educational Development: Indigenou Modeis Of SchooIing For Developmg Countries

A thesis submitted in 2001 by Daphne Heywood

m c o n f i t y with the requirenients for the degree of PhD.

Department of Sociology and Equity Studies Ontano institute for Studies m Education of the

University of Toronto

Abstract

Recent trends in qualitative re--ch emphasize the importance of local and contextual factors.

Crossley & Vulliamy (1996) and Watson (1994) for example, imply that educational systems of

developing counuies ought to be evaluated using appropriate anaIyticaI and methodological criteria,

deterrnined within a local context. This study attempts to challenge the dominant paradigm that links

education to "Western" ideas of development. in doing so it analyses the relationship between

endogenous development and indigenous models of schooling. It attempts a comparative case-study

analysis of two indigenous models of schooling in former colonies: Fe y Alegria of Venezuela and

Servol of Trinidad and Tobago. These models are studied because they reflect local, cultural, social,

and economic conditions. Attention is paid to community involvement, indigenous ideas about

curriculum and programming, the iink between education and work, and the Iink between local

epistemologies and education outcornes. The study involves qualitative methods of analysis with

particular emphasis on ethnographie methods. Documentary analysis is used to complement field

research and participatory observation.

The data reveal that while both communities are conscious of the need to provide gemme

alternatives to traditional models of schooling, these communities are also cognizant of tensions

between the Iocal and the national, and between the local and the global. The need to provide access

to educational opporhmities that satisS( mdividual, communaI, and societal needs often means that

local educational practices constantly seek didation fiom both the national and internationaI

comrntmity. In Ciudad Bolivar, Fey Ale@ has become an alternative mode1 of public schooling,

and m Trinidad, Sm01 has canvassed vigorously to have its programs accredited.

Acknowledgements

The doctoral process has been a difficult journey for me, during which 1 held d o m jobs

concurrentiy, and raised a teenaged son on my own. 1 also commuted h m my home in London, to

work and to study in Toronto, on a daily basis. Therefore, the achievements of the last five years

codd not be possible without the support and encouragement of a network of personal and

professional relations, to whom 1 wish to express my sincere gratitude.

Fintly, 1 am indebted to my thesis cornmittee for their guidance, support, and feedback

tbroughout the entire process. Dr. George Dei, my supervisor, was mady responsible for my choice

of theoretical and methodological perspectives. His own scholarship provided me with a mode1 for

theorizing and critiquing development theory from the perspective of the South. Dr. Budd Hall was

well-informed on the alternative models of schooling 1 chose to investigate, and could provide me

with references and information that made my fieldwork possible. Paul Olson provided me with very

helpful feedback on methodological issues that needed to be addressed given my insider/ outsider

researcher and subject position. I must thank al1 those involved with the Servol and Fe y Ale&

organizations who assisted me with the planning and logistics of conducting intensive field work in a

seven-week period. 1 am particularly grateful to Rofessor Ewart Tarradath for al1 his heIp and

hospitality during my stay in Cuidad Bolivar. I also wish to uiank the entire Sampson family,

relatives of the fnst Prime Minister of Trinidad & Tobago, Dr. Eric Williams. Now resident m

Cuidad Bolivar, they were a great source of mformation and assistance durhg my stay in that city.

Srveral 0 t h faculty members at OISE / UT and elsewhere served as mentors throughout the

entire Ph.D process. Dr. Kari Dehii, for whom 1 was a Teaching Assistant, was especially influential

in showing me haw socid activism cm, and should infom~, both the cesearch process and pedagogy.

In this regard, I also wish to thank my former M I D thesis supervisor at the University of Western

Ontario, Dr. Rebecca Couiter, whose cornmitment to research grounded in sociai activism, i found

worthy of emulation. Dr. Ceciiia Reynolds, -ate Dean, Acadernic Program, OISE / UT was

very mfluential in my decision to fuifil1 d the requirements that may help me to 6nd an academic

position on completion of the program. Her own personal and professional history of achievement

was a mi source of inspiration to me. Finally, 1 wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Tara Goldstein

for her confidence and support for my arnbitious academictareer development project, by providing

me with access to employment opportunities that could enhance my professional career development

path.

My farnily has aIways been a mervoir of rmpport, caring and affection. 1 dedicate my thesis

to my parents who did not live to see me arrive at this level of achievement, but who made al1 my

achievements possible. To my son, André Louis Heywood, whose wellbeing influenced my every

course of action, 1 say thank you for your love, patience, and support throughout the proçess. A

special thank you for possessing the superior computer skills that compensated for my own

inadequacies. To my six sisters, Dianne, Damaris, Dale, Donna, Denise, and EIizabeth, whom 1 must

narne because they are ever so proud of me. Finally, special thanks to my ûiend residing in Trinidad,

Kennetia Lam Pow, without whose support and encouragement 1 would probably not have been able

to complete my PhD.

In closing would like to acknowledge &the various fnends, relatives, acquaintances, and

colleagues who have touched my life, and been instrumental in helping me to mive at this location

on the joumey toward self-fulfillment through personal and professional development.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Titie Page

Certificate of Examination

Abstract

Acknowledgements

Table of Contents

List of Figures

List of Tables

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION: IN SEARCH OF AN ALTERNATIVE PARADIGM

1.1 Airns And Objectives Of Study

1 2 Development As Probletnatic

1 3 Development Theory in Crisis

1.4 Roblematizing Developrnent

Chapter 2

THE LIMlTAnONS OF DEVELOPMENT ECONOMICS AS A THEORY OF

DEVELOPMENT: REViEW OF THE L ï E M T ü R E

2.1 "Development": Meta-Narrative Or Myth?

2 3 Modernization = Progress?

2.3 Dependency Theory And The Development Paradigm

2.4 Globalization And Dependency

2.5 Taking CuIture lnto Account

2.6 Building On The indigenous

2.7 The Literature On "Alternative" Models Of Schooling

Chapter 3

DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

3.1 Rationale For Choice Of Study Site/ Comparative

Case-Study Analysis

3.2 Field Research

3.3 Subjects Of The Study/Interview Rotocol

vii

3.4 ïhe Rwearchcr As Subject

3.5 Conceptuai Framework Outiined

3.6 D a t a M y s i s

3.7 WhyEhography?

3.8 Who Are The Beneficiaries?

Chapter 4

CONCEPTUALiZlNG "PUBLIC EDUCATIOW iN

TRINIDAD & TOBAGO & VENEZUELA

4.1 Overview Of lhe Developrnent Of The Public

Education System In Trinidad & Tobago

4.2 Post-Colonial Education System - Secondary SchooI m o n

4.3 The Political Economy Of Education And/For Development:

Accessing Secondary Education in Trinidad & Tobago

4.4 Egalitarianism As Roblematic/Socio-Economic Factors

Affecting "Readiness" And Outcomes

4.5 Coqamive DeveIopments in Venezuela

4.6 The Cuiture Of Educational Developments in Trinidad & Tobago

And Venezuela: The Link Between The Failure Of Reforms

And The Failure Of Decolonization Efforts

Chapter 5

EMPOWERING LOCAL COhfMlMTES:

CO--BASED EDUCATION MODELS

5.1 introduction

5.2 Socio-Economic Background lnfluencing The

Development Of Both Models

5.3 Participatory Development: Empowering The

Poor Through Aiternative Development Frameworks

5.4 Smol (Service VoIunteered For Ail)

A. A "Grassroots" Phiiosophy Of Education

B. Sustainability And ReplicabiIity

5 5 Fe Y AleMa, "Faith And Joy"

A. A Movement Of "Popdaf Education

B. Replicabiiity And Susiainability

Chapter 6

C O N S T R U r n G KNOWLEDGE IN THE FIELD:

THEORY-BUILDING AT THE LOCAL SITE

6.1

6.2

6.3

6.4

6.5

6.6

6.7

6.8

6.9

Chapter 7

"Listening" As Methodology

Smol's Philosophy As Raxis

Poverty Alleviation, Access & Equity Issues

Sm01 As Alternative Access/Se~ol Versus The Public System

A Holistic Model Of Educational Development

Jobs For The Poor

An "indigenous" Ided Local Model To Solve Local Problerns

"indigenous" In The Context Of Post-Colonial Trinidad

An AItemative "National Model"?

INSiDEWOUTSiDER PERSPECTIVES ON INDIGENOUS

MODELS OF SCHOOLING

"Many Ethnologies"

Articulating The Indigenous in The Venezuelan

Context

Philosophy As Praxis: SociaI Justice Teaching As

A Framework For Action

Job Reparation For The Poor

The School As nie "Engine Of ï h e Commtmity"

Spirituality As Articulated In The Fe Y AIegria Model

Fe Y Alegria As A National Modet Of Schooling?

Chapter 8

CONCLUSIONS: BUILDiNG ON THE "INDIGENOUS"

ARTICULATING THE LOCAL, THE COLONCAL, AND THE GLOBAL

8.1 Introduction

8.2 Theorizing "Indigenous Models " From The Perspective

Of The Local: The Case Of Fe Y Alegria

8.3 The Local 1s indigenous: Servol 's Resistance Agenda

8.4 CuIturai Hybridity in An Anti-Colonial Framework

8.5 Implications For Rethinking Schooling And Education

In A Broader Southern Context: Pedagogic And Institutional

Lessons For Classrmm Ractitioners

APPENDICES

A, Ptobing Questions

B. Education Profile: Trinidad & Tobago (1994-96)

C. Estado Bolivar

D. SEMP

E. Congrandatory Letter From Prime Minister

F, Permission to reproduce copyright materials

BIBLlOGRAPHY

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 3.1 Formative Research Model: Schooling as a domain o f Culture 56

Figure 3.2 interpretivist Theoretical Research Mode1 57

Figure 5-1 Educational Development: The Smol Mode1 96

Figure 5-2 Early Childhood Education Community Rogram:

Responsiility of the Community 99

Figure 5-3 Model Servol Adolescent Development Rogram Weekly Scheduk 10 1

Figure 5-4 Components of Fe y Alegria Mode1 112

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4- 1 Secondary Schools in Trinidad & Tobago by Type 68

Table 4-2 Educational Attainment: VenezuelalTrinidad & Tobago (1993-4) 78

Table 4-3 School Age Population: Participation 1993-1994 78

Table 4-4 School Population in Cuidad Bolivar by Levels and Types of Education 80

Table 4-5 Percentage of Pmons Unemployed by Educational Sratus 8 1

Chapter 1

Introduction: In Search of an Alternative Paradigm

When scholars do try to examine non-Western educational thought and practice, ai1 too often they do so through a lem that not only colours what they see, but also reifies the object of study - making it in essence, part of "the other" and hence diai. Reification not only results in the distortion of what one is trying to understand, but also in its subjugation to one's own pre-existing values and n o m . (Reagan, Tirnothy, 1996, p. 1)

. .. We may presume we know the problem and begin to deaI with it fiom our own point of view. In this we nm the risk of totally-misreadiig the situation and we end up probably domg more h m than good. (Sr. Ruth Montrichard, Servol, May, 1998)

1 am a scholar fiom the South, writing in and for an academic institution located in the North.

On the one han& 1 am writing as a critical voice within the academy, On the other, 1 am writing as a

subject of the discourse with which 1 engage throughout this study. Born in Trinidad near the end of

the colonial period, I am a product of the coloniaI education systern that was designed to favour the

ruling classes, and to prepare a local middIe-class to assume leadershtp roIes folIowing the island's

independence From Britain. My culturd and ethnic hybridity also makes me a subject of this study.

My mother was bom to a Venentelan woman of Amerindian descent, and a Trinidadian male of

Afncanl East utdian descent. Both my parents were educated at colonial-type Institutions. By Wrue

of the privileges I enjoyed as a consequence of this, 1 am also an "outsider" to the socia1 groups

belonging to the communities where my research was Iocated

1 began my study by quoting Reagan and Sr. Ruth Montrichard because what they had to say

was very relevant to me as a resmher, bringmg to the task an insider's knowledge, but also an

outsider's perspective. As a scholar fiom the South, wrïting fiom my own location on the mrgins of

the Western academy, 1 am aware of how rdication of the "other" often occurs in an analysis of

Non-Western modeIs and practices. This phenrimenon is even apparent when the models or imits of

analysis are either identical or sirmlar to those in the West. For example, schools in developing

nations are in the majoriiy modeiled on Western institutions. However, when evaiuated kougb the

lens of Western institutions, the redting Mage is offen distorted, for as Tirnothy Reagan (1996)

argues, the analysis is usually subject to the outsider's own noms and values. Therefore, 1 argue for

contesting the knowledge that has been produced by those of outsider status, and for making

comparisons not with the West, but with other Southeni nations facing similar "development'*

challenges, and sharing a sirnilar history and culture.

In the prevailing paradigm of Western educationai thought and practice, there is a Iink

between educationd development and economic prosperity. This Imk is assurned and neither

problematized or theorized, even within the context of Western standards of economic prosperity.

For example, differences in respect to access and equity issues are subsumed by the promise of

prosperity. Moreover, by implying that there is a universal standard of prosperi@, the paradigm does

what Douglas Lummis describes as, "dispossesses the world's peoples of theu own indigenous

notions of prosperity" (Sachs, 1992, p. 48). Since the "West" is the ideal type implied, the paradigm

also provides a centrist definition and interpretation of education (used here to mean schooling), and

subsequently, devalues alternative ways of Uitoducing new mabers to the knowledge and practices

which local comrnunities consider necessary to their own notions of development.

The present study, therefore, aims to rupture the existing paradigrn which links educational

development with Western ideas of development by cornparhg two alternative, indigenous models of

schoolmg Fe y Alegria (Venezuela) and Servol (TrnUdad &Tobago). These are to be evaluated along

the lines of what the local, indigenous populations perceive to be desirable educational goals and

outcomes, given the cultural expectations of the people, and the economic and other resources

available to these Iocai communities. Such howIedge will be refmed to in this study as indigenous

knowledge because it is an insider's knowledge of the values, beliefs, and world-view of the

respective communities that would inevitably determine the choices made in regard to development

issues.

I .I AlMS AND OBJECIlVES OF STUI)Y

As already indicated, the mdy aims to mterrogate and chaiienge the exiçting paradigm which

links educationai deveiopment with \Vestem ideas of development by comparing two alternative,

indigenou models of schooling Fe y Alegria (Venezuela) and Setvol (Trinidad &Tobago). The

mvestigation will focus, therefore, on each model's:

guiding prgiciples and educationd philosophy;

phiIosophica1 differences;

political and economic objectives;

local community participation;

use of local epistemoiogies.

Seml and Fe y Ale& boîh share a vision that education ought to contribute to the overai1

development of individuds as weil as their communities; that the nature of the deveIopment process

is mvironmentally and culturally-specific, and that the knowledge produced and disseminated ought

to empower individuals to engage in the process of bringing about change which should alter their

Iives in significant ways. Thercfore, a major objective of the study will be to evaluate the extent to

which this empowerment idea determines each model's policies and practices, and to Iink these

policies to a IocaI deveiopment paradip.

Both models also attempt to deliver educationai services to so-calIed "at-risK' groups in

response CO the failures of the conventional school system. Tbe target groups niclude those

educationally and socially disadmtaged owhg to such factors as poverty, poor access to schooling,

inappropriateness or irrelevance of existing cUmcuia, and those for whom participation has resulted

in previous f ahes . Documentary evidence reveds that graduates of both programmes possess the

skills and attitudes necessary to make the transition fiom school to work, more so than graduates in

the conventiond school system. This achievernent is said to be amibuted to a curriculum designed to

accommodate both individual, and cuIturaiiy-specifïc deveIopment gais. The aim here is ta attempt

to discover whether there is a Link between indigenous ideas about schooIing, community and national

development, and actual econornic prosperity. in doing so, the study hopes to contest the

assumptions embedded in the dominant Western paradigm which suggests that there is one path to

economic prosperity, and this is to pursue the development measures undertaken by Western

industriaiized nations.

Three research questions emerge that wodd govem the methods of inquiry subsequently used

in this study. The £ksi has to do with characteristics of each model that would support a claim to

"indigenousness." To what extent does the use of local resources and epistemologies govern the

guiding principles, the administrative practices, and the pedagogy? Secondly, to what extent the clairn

of cornmunity invotvement and empowermenf is demonsûated m the administrative practices,

organizational stnictures, political and academic objectives? FinaIly, how does each model differ

from the national (public) model, and what is its relationship with the state or larger national

comrnunity?

1.2 DEVELOPMENT AS PROBLEMATIC

All conventional definitions of development imply change in a positive direction. 1 am gomg

to be working with a conter meaning of deveiopment as theorized in Western discourse. The word

"development" itself is used to suggest both linear and upward progression "Education" has become

embedded in the paradigm of development because of its a s m e d contribution to capitalisait growth

and overalI economic development. As a consequence of historicaI processes including impwialism

and coloniaIism, the fhctions of schooling in many new nations of the South have been articdated

from within the dominant Western paradigm.' Sirnsek (1994), wriiing h m the perspective of

organizational theory, provides a definition of a paradigm which is usefiil to out purpose of

attempting CO explain how the Iink between education and development came to be accepted as a

given.

According to Sinisek, a paradigm is "A world view, a h e of teference, a cognitive map

that shapes our perceptions and guides our behaviouf' (p. 22). He goes on to suggest that there are

four stages in a paradigm's develapment: emerging, nonnalcy, crisis, and replacement. Each of these

stages is evident in the process of education king linked to development. As the development

paradigm emerged the focus was on the reiationshrp betwem schooling and productivity, and

between schooling and the transmission of values which Rostow (1961) had said, would "predispose

a population to the possibility of change," hplying progression toward modemity (Fiigerlind & Saha,

1969, p. 69). Development has k n linked to, and sornetimes been equated with "Modernity." The

progression or development of traditional societies mto modern ones is said to involve the acquisition

of scientific, and hence "rationai" howledge and the adoption of advanced technology. The

importance attached to these developments has for decades determined the goals of schooling, and the

content of the curriculum in many developing nations of the South. The goals of education as defined

by the West, would allow the West to retain the vestiges of power, even as Western nations

relinquished political control of their former colonies, Tucker (1999) reminds us that the production

of knowledge is one of the ways in which the West, "mates the 'Third World', politically,

economically, sociologically, and actualIyW (p. 7).

Hobsbawm, the British historian, made the pomt in 1969 that education in the developing

countries can assist with the inculcation of skUs and habits necessary for the transition from

traditional to industrial society. He identified these as "literacy," "a sense of productivity,"

"regularity," and "the conduct of routines" (ctted in Fagerlind and Saha, 1993). These are values

needed to successtùlly enter the world of work as the British industrialists had deterniined. They aIso

endorsed the existing class structures in that society. Why was it important to the former colonies

that the new nations tram theu popuIations to arimic the British in regard to what constitutes

productivity, and the desirable vaIues of"civii" society? The answer, of course, lies in the

relationship between maintaidg power, and controIlmg those ideas and structures that determine the

balance of power. A local elite, tcanied to value colorrial practices and institutions, facilitates what

Beckford (1967), Ngugi (1986) and others label, the "colonization of the muid" - that characteristic of

former colonized peoples which makes them dependent on the Westem evaluations of th& worth and

abilities.

Documentary evidence also reveals that the promotion of education as a means of

acceleratmg national development was a major focus in the emerging stage of the paradigin. The

national education plans for many of these new nation States tended to reflect the concems and

ideologies of international organizations at the expense of local indigenou interests. Citing a study

done by Levin, Littie, and Colclough in 1982, Mc Neely (1995) demonstrates the extent to which

educational ideals and practices which originate in Western developed nations are transfened to

developing nations through national education plans. The study which analysed twenty-nine national

educational plans fiom 1966 to 1985 for Afncan, Asian and Latin Amencan countries, revealed that

these plans unifody indicated that the major role of education was its contribution to labour force

development, socid equaiity, and nation-building. Howevw, the study also revealed that these

government plans were consistent with what such organizations as UNESCO and the World Bank

typically recommended, indicating a causal link between the internationai organizations and the

development of national education plans based on international principles and themes.

Variations of this worldview include such concepts as "global education" and "mternational

education." What matters is that al1 of these definitions have k e n fiamed within Western concepts

and traditions. The knowledges of the peoples supposedly king "devetopi" have been either

ignored completely, or else dismissed as obstacles to progress. is there a role for non-western

educational traditions m the new global education paradigm, or does this new mode1 further

disadvantage local ducationai deveiopment efforts m the dependent nations of the South? UItimately,

who decides what knowledge is necessary for successful local development? ï'hese are three of the

many questions posed in a prehkary andysis of the data gathered for the purpose of this study.

Recent trends in qualitative research emphasize the importance of local and contextual

factors. Crossley & Vdiamy (1996) and Watson (1994) for exampIe, imply that educationd systems

of deveIoping countries ought to be evaluated using appropriate analytical and methodologicai

criteria, determineci within a local context. Yet both the content and the structures of educatioa, as

pvided by the state m the emerging developing nations of the South, indicab tiiat the goals of

endogenous development have ken subsumeci in each nation's thrust towards Modernizatim and

Westemization. Kindo and coiieagues (1 MT), writing îiom the perspective of the goaIs of indigenou

development, btame forma1 education for "detribalking" the educated. As a hc t ion of development

processes, forma1 education m the newly-developing nations was considered to be a primary medium

for nansmitting modem values. Westermducated eiites in mny of these nations were often

appointed the task of leading their people away fiom tradition, and by implication away fiom the

values that stood in the way of their being able to "catch-up" with the indusirialized nations.

Katz (1992) describes dewlopment as an amoeba-tike concept; the initial economic

connotation having spread to various aspects of human developrnent. For example, the theoretka1

Framework for adoption of education and development policies dso derives fiorn "Human Capital"

theory, made popuiar by economists such as Schultz (1961). Human Capital theory posits that the

most efficient path to a nation's deveiopment rem in the improvement of its population or human

capital. This argument is simihr to that of Hobsbawm's cited earlier. Irnprovements m the

developing country are constituted as economic mainly, but tied in with the ability to improve the

''wealth" o f individuals and entire comrnunities, "development" dso impIies progression towards the

Western madel of what consitutes a civil saciety. As with modemization theory, human capital

provided the justification for spending large sums ofmoney on the expansion of the education

systems of many developing countries.

The theoretical Iink between education that facilitated the goals of economic growtb, and the

actuaI practices of schooling in the Western model, is best explained by delineating the focal points of

development theory. Baeck (1988) enurnerates the focd pomts of rnamstream deveiopment theory,

acknowledging the conflation of the various theoretical positions:

secuIarizatiun of the value çystem by importjng "A rationai socio-poIiticd culture with a pragmatic retimce toward ideologicd inspirations and movements" (p. 44);

nwdernizution of society h u g h : devaluation of the past or hisioncal traditions; education being used as a lever in the ûansmission of values h m the West to the developmg world; urbanization as the global path toward modeniization; adoption of cosmopolitan attitudes suppotted by the cuiture industry (press, television and other media);

economic growth by promoting hdustrialization;

nation-building at the political level, the state being the prime mover of development.

Each of these focal points m development theory is inimical to local development efforts, and

even to nation-building as detemiined by the values of indigenous commlmities. In the economic

growth model a developed society would be distinguished by the distribution of its labour force which

wodd be concentrated on the manufacturing and service sector with a relative neglect of agricutture.

There would be relatively high per-capita incomes, high consumption of energy and greater use of

sophisticated technology. There would be high levels of pmductivity and accumulation of capital

with a s q l u s a h consumption needs have been met allowing for saving and reinvement.

Secularization of the value system, on the other han4 has resulted in the abandonment of

traditions that individual communities have deemed to be important aspects of membenhip. Findings

in this study suggest that some local communities have opted to revive the praçtice of infushg

education with spiritual values, deemed essential to individud and coilective well-being, The

evidence suggests that movement toward a more holistic model of personal growth and well-being, is

being put forward as a remedy for the many ills of education as delivered m schools to the socially

and economically-disadvantaged. The "values" implicit in this mode1 are diametncaily opposed to

those of the economic model, In place of nation-building through economic prosperity, the

alternative model recommends individual well-bemg and community participation as its vision of

prosperity. There is even evidence of this perspective influencmg those m the North, Mohamad

Sahnoun writes: "ln the eyes of many people m the South and gradually m the North, the Western

economic growth model is perceived as a threat to farnily cohesion and to a sense of community

belonging (especially in rural areas), and to socid solidarity in generai" (1996, Cited in Ryan

[onhe]).

In regard to nation-buüding, the models used fm the purpose of comparative analysis in the

present study have a complex mlationship with the state. Until 1986 Sm01 fimctioned m apposition

to the official public system in Trinidad & Tobago. At the present tirne, Servol is king used by the

state to deliver several education programs, while Fe y Alegria hctions as a d e 1 of private

delivery of public education in Venezuela. ln both cases, failure of the public mode1 to ùnprove the

quality of life for the socially and economicaIly advantaged in their respective communities, was the

primary motivation for miroduchg these grassroots organizations. The failure of the public model

adopted by Trinidad in the post-colonial period, is mostly blamed on those cbcteristics that too

closely resembled the old colonial model. As a consequence, it reproduced ail the oId inequities,

while serving a local elite that became the first national leaders. However, the small island-state also

faced a reai k a t of isolation from the industrialized countries of the West, by chwsing a path that

could finther peripherize its location in the world economy. Even as sovereign nations, the

economies of the South remained heavily reliant on the West for their economic prosperity.

1.3 DEVELOPMENT THEORY iN CRISIS

By the end of the 1950's the limitations of development economics as a theory of

development were a M y beginning to be felt (Leys, 1996). Critics on the Ieft, such as Gunmar

Myrdal, were beginning to question why its positivist orthodoxy failed to produce the changes

anticipated m the developing countries Predictably, by the end of the 1960's, devdopment theorists

were talking about a "World Crisis m Education" (Coombs, 1968). The so-called T h i d World"

nations that occupied the periphery in terms of economic growth, became the "centre" of the

discourse. These had proven their inability to manage theü resources in order to experience

economic growth. Therefore, the large sums of money spent on expansion of education provisions

had not resulted in the progress anticipated by their advisors from industnaiized countries. According

to Yulat (I988), "WhiIe the education sector (relative to other sectors) continued to receive a

disproportionately Iarge share of national budgets. the vast majority of the populations m these

nations were siill living at de~perate levels of poverty" (p. 3 15). There were large numbers of highly-

qualified and highiy-skilled schwl graduates, but the education they had received did not quafifi

them for employrnent in m l areas. They were already weaned away fiom the traditional values, and

fiom agriculture. Consequently, there was mass migration to the towns and cities in search of white-

collar jobs.

Revisiting the debate in the 1980's, Cwmbs conchded that far fiom king the panacea for

underdevelopment, inmashg emolment m formai education had served to exacerbate the crisis in the

poorer nations of both Afiica and Latin America (Coombs, 1985). Yulat (1988) noted that given the

economic realities facing these nations, "Ail education, even the technical variety ... must be

considered a consumption item, and not an investment item" (p. 325). The problem, said Yulat, was

not in the relationship between education and the economy, but rather the nature of the economy itself

(p. 3 19). Documentary evidence tends to support this perception. Many Southern nations have

unequal t e m of with Western industrialized nations. There is low demand for their export

products. Their economies are crippled by the loan agreements made with international financial

institutions, and by the adjustrnent policies dictated by donor agencies. When multinationals locate in

these countries, they aim to get maximum r e m s on their mvesmient in the shortest period of time.

They oflen empioy expatriates in the better-salaried positions, and employ locaIs to do the unskilled

jobs for Iower wages that would be paid for similar tasks in the industriahed countries.

The paradigm is now in i r "replacement " stage. NeoIr'betaI policies introduced in the past

two decades have ushered in a new version, broadly defined as nglobaiization." According to this

new paradigm, education is Iinked with economic development when the purpose and content of

schooling help to devetop skilts that are needed ifthe developmg nations of the South hope to

compete in terms of ira&, m an Înternational market. The inequities in the power relationships

between srnaII states and nations, and the larger Western mdustnaiized countries are not kedia te ly

apparent. On the surface, such a paradigm does seern to favour economic deveiopment in formerly

peripheral economies. The reality is, however, that by wtue oftheir havnig arrived Iate to the

development process, the problems endemic to satellite societies are oRen aggravated by competition

in an open global market. The so-called "Third World Nations" rwiain vuinerable to market

fluctuations and other external forces. N e o i i i l policies have so Far proven ineffective in aileviating

the poverty and exclusion that many of their inhabitants face.

1.4 PROBLEMATEING DEVELOPMENT

"Education for whose development? " This is the main question to be addressed in contesting

the Westem madel. It may well be that formal education, modelied on western prototypes, has

actually been dysfùnctional to deveIopment in the South, By d e h g the goals of education in terms

of economic benefits to be derived, the ~ 0 d d of Westetn education virtually eliminated the

knowledge traditions of these dependent societies. In this way the West was able to maintain irs

hegernony of knowledge production. In order to develop, individuais as well as nations needed to

absorb Western knowledge, or remain backward and excluded. Gramsci's explanation of hegemony

is usefuI in evaluating the relationship between the failure of development efforts m the South, and

the adoption of Western values. The appropriation of Western knowledge and traditions meant that

the South was being unwittingly complicit m shaping its own relations of subordination to the West.

The "subaiteni group" (the South), rnay indeed have had its own conception of the world, but "for

reasons of subrnission and mtellectual subordination, adopted a conception which is not its own, but

is borrowed h m another group" (1971, p. 327). By adopting the education for development

paradigm, the nations of the South have r d k m e d their dependency on external aid for development

projects.

According to Gitlin (1999):The globalization of knowIedge and Western dture constantly

rea&rrnç the West's views of itself as the centre of legitimate knowledge, the arbiter of what counts

as kmwledgei' (p. 63). The paradigrnatic chaüenge for the Wesî has become how to acknowledge

diversity while retaining what Edward Said calis its ''positional superioritc The West has chom to

do so by presenthg Western knowledge as a standard of universal knowledge. Hence the

giobalization paradigm shiR This uuiversai knowledge is said to empower individuals and

communities with IittIe regard to political and geographical boundaries. The globalization paradigm

has removed decision-making power from the nation state. Yet, the nations of the Latin American

region have been generalIy receptive to neo-liberal policies, supporiing the gIobaIization agenda in

much the same way as they did the earlier version of the economic developrnent agenda. The new

social order appears to encourage the rise of a privileged group across national boundaries, that

manage the bureaucraties and control the transnationd ofganizations, and a larger group of

downwardly-mobile, rniddle to underclass. Hugo Chavez, the new socialist president of Venezuela,

associates this watering dom of class elements with the rise of an oligarchy.

Neo-liberal policies have raised expectations in regard to educational development in the

region. For example, the characteristics of this new economic world order force educators to acquire

a new paradigm of pedagogy. Technological, and "higher order" skills have been called for by the

üNDP and the World Bank, and these are expected of those 'hot academically-inclined." Thecefore,

rather than increase possibility and access for disadvantaged groups, the gtobalization parad~gm

tiirther disadvantages these groups by denying them access to a cornpetitive job market. The overall

impact of neoliberal policies on education and development is such that it mcreases the numbers of

the underclass, since the downwardly affected include teachers and public service workers. Several

of the teachers in my Venezuelan sample work in both the public school system, and for the Fe y

Alegria organization. Moreover, teachers' strikes are frequent in Venezuela. According to Hanis

(1999), the now famous stnke of January 14, 1997 which began with Venezuela's 27,000 public

servants, and spread to unïversities and schools, prompted the comment that a "middle-class

rebeIlionn was developing against the government's neoiiiral economic policies. The strikes, and

protests sparked off a series of viotent confrontations between the police and protesters. Mer several

months, the g o v m e n t of Resident Rafael Caldera took steps to queII the protests by increasing the

minimum wage of certain sectors of the workforce, but to no avail. Despite this and other

concessions made by the governrnent, the protests continued (Eïarris, 1999, p. 85). Hugo Chavez's

popuIist support for his social tevolution is a reaction to the VenenieIan people's dissatisfaction to tht

i o m government's IMF-directed, stabilization policies which increased the percentage of

margmalized poor in this nation of 23 million people. Steven Gutkin, journalist for the Associated

Press reporting on Chavez's successes, had this to Say: "The success of Mr. Chavez, 46, is a

testament to the failure of previous governments to provide a decent standard of liWlg in the world's

third-largest oiIexporhg country - and a reminder that not everyone accepts globalization and Free

markets as a mode1 of society" (The Globe & Mail, 3 1 My, 2000). Gutkin's statment provides a

sound basis for contesting the economic mode1 of development as advocated by the West.

In the "Cm'bbean Basin" there has been widespread endorsement of neoliberai traàe policies;

the extent of US aid to the region king detennined by adherence to policy recommendations.

However, ECLAC (The Economic Commission for Latin America) acknowledges that in

devetopment terms, the ltblization prograrns of the 90's have served only the Costa Rican

econorny (Gruge1 & Payne, 2000, p. 201). in Jamaica, for example, where the country's political

etite resisted the new economic reforms in the 19701s, and experimented with democratic socialism,

subsequent economic failures have lefi them courting the iMF as well as the US Caribbean Basin aid

initiative. At the present time, a regional organization, called the ACS (Association of Cariibean

States), has been initiated as a political response to global and regional change. Its airn is, 'To try and

address the problem of the region's insertion into the international economic system" (Gmgel&

Payne, 2000, p. 2 15).

The consequences of adoptmg neo-liaeral policies as evidenced in the education sector of

these comma include an increased reIiance on foreip aid. This has a debilitating effect on

indigenous educational policies and practices. The goals of public education in the region are

incurnbent on the prevailing ideological transfet flom the more developed North. The ideologïcaf

transfer to the South is made possible through the theoreticai Literature pmduced m the academy, and

the recommendatioas of "experts," mvolved with mternational dwelopment projects. Watson (1994)

has identifid the "problem" which now provides the rationale behind the theoreticai and

methodologicai issues to be interrogated in this study

The problem is that so oftenfoutsiders/consuftants spend brief periods in a country, believe they know the m e r s , write their reports on the basis of semi-conceived ideas and then depart. Anaiysis of any education system or subsystem mvolves time, patience, ongoing discussions and uiterpretations, based on both externai perspectives and intemal understanding of the situation. Far too many World Bank, UNESCO, and other aid agencies, lack this interna1 understanding dimension, which can ody come from local personnel trained in the art of criticaI analysis (Watson, 1994, p. 94)

Moreover, local personnel who have been trained at Western academies, often become the agents of

the "uncritical transfer of global research agendasn (Crossley and VuIIiamy, 1996, p. 640) when hey

apply inappropriate criteria or analytical tools in theu own evaluations of local and regional issues. In

a recent report produced by the üNDP (United Nations Development Program), called "Report on

Education: The Agenda for the 21* Century - In search of Human Development," the researchers

observed in the Latin American region, the "relative weakness of the public sphere" and the

"dominance of private and sectorai interests." The authors suggest that each sector has its agenda and

that agenda is indifferent to the collective interest. The upper classes negIect the public schwls. The

middle classes resort to hi& unit cost educationd systems, and the governments mort to popdism.

Teachers tend to belong exclusively to unions that seek to preserve their privileges, while parents tend

to stay on the sidelines, and deinand that schools keep their children occupied for a few hours. The

report also informs its readers, "Despite the rnarked increase in the rate of school enroiment, the

peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are tmder-educated: an average of 4.85 years of

schoolmg as compared with 8.65 for the Asian "tigers," 12.2 for Canada, 10 for France, 1 1.7 for the

üK and 11 for the US.

The report concludes that educational outcomes are so poor in LAC because the schml

environment does not encourage leaming.' Teacher d e s intemrpt the schwl thnetable, several

times a year. The strikes can last more than a month (as happened in Venezuela in 1996). Teachers

are not traÏued to encourage active learriiag, àiscussion, or group work The majority of schools m

the region do not receive adequate support or Ieadershîp for teaching. 'réachers have no incentive to

improve their teaching or to adopt innovative methods because they lack professionai autonomy, and

have limiteci exposure to ideas about teachmg and learning. Current teaching procedures and

curriculum tend to reflect outdated methads and attitudes," and "Educational institutions m LAC do

not seem to provide students with the cognitive tools, socidization, and labour market skills to allow

them to enter productive sectos of either th& own or other nations."

The report, by treating the region as a unit of analfis, immediately gives a distorted view of

internai development withm the region, and ignores the efforts and successes of individual local

econornies. Morrover, there is no critique of the appropriateness of the anaiytical categories within

the context of Non-Western ideas of what constitutes good practice. Once again the goals and

fünctions of schools in the Southern nations are king determined by what pertains in the West. Yet

those credited with having prepared the report are mostiy of Latin her ican background or ongin.

Why then does critical analysis of the region's problems need to be fiamed as an academic exercise in

self-flagellation? One explanation has been provided by Prakash and Gustavo (1998) who write: "A

great achievement of world scholarslup has been the creation of a universal middle class that makes

the intellectual born in Puno think in a manner similar to the one fiom Bnissels, with the difference

that the one fiom Puno will always be a disciple of the une h m Bnrssels" (p. 54). The Imk between

the deveropment of a rmivmai rniddie class and the mode1 of Western schooling, is taken as a given.

Moreover, the global and international education agenda supports the strengthening of these western

models, by insisting that developing nations need to compete in a global economy, despite their being

coerced into entering on the basis of extdlydetermined and cultinally-biased criteria.

institutionai perspectives fiom the West, continue to articulate the need for reforms, and

continue to prescribe poIicy directions, based on "giobal education" miperatives. In the previous

paragraph the UNDP report was cited, which viewed education developments with the lem of

Western Academies, and IntemationaI organizations. How d i d are the accounts, and how feasiile

are the reforms when evaluated h m an internai perspective? For example, the "Summary" statement

of a tecent iADP report on Secondary Education m Latin America and the Cmibean, begins with this

appraisal of the problem:

The c b g i n g characteristics of today's and tomorrow's economies, especially globalization and the increasing intellectual content of production, require a labour force with stronger mathematics, language and communication skius, as well as flexibility, creativity and an increased abiIity to work together cooperatively.

As aiready indicated, critiquing education policy in the South by the same measurement

standards as applied to the North, is certain to produce a distorted image since complementary

economic and social conditions do not exist, Culture is also a signifiant factor in rneasuring the

effectiveness of local education policies. Timothy Reagan (1996) argues that cdtural ethnocentrism

is easier to challenge than epistemological ethnocentrism; the latter bemg more dmgerous because

even those operating within a culturaIly-sensitive paradigm, can be epistemologically-biased, by

evaluating fiom withïn the dominant paradigm. This is preciseIy the argument put forward by

Scheurich and Young (1997). These authors contend îhat one does not have to be overtly racist to

participate in the reproduction and elaboration of institutional racism Endemic institutional racisrn is

perpetrated h u g h social science research when the "material realities" of the dominant are used as a

rneasure of validating theory as well as method. This is epistemoIogica1 racism because it assumes

that the dominant is the yardstick for measuring right and wrong, ''the reai, the tnte, and the good"

b.6). AI1 social graups interpret realities, based on their "structural positions, histories, and cuIturesV

(CoIIins, 1991 cited Scheurich & Young, 1997, p. 6). Therefore, 1 would argue that identifying the

problems of educationaL development in the LAC against the backdrop of the globalization paradigm,

undermines the local efforts at education reform which aim to improve the quality of life for

individuals in local communities, and, therefore, constitutes an epistemological bias. By implication,

Southern nations need to argue for, and to pattem regional as well as Iocai developrnent efforts on

what works for 0 t h Southem nations sharing a sùnilar cuIture and history.

What is needed to cary out social science research fiom an alternative perspective is an

"intemal understanding" which couId only be derived fiom experientiai knowiedge of the locd

situation. The idea of education and the fimctioos of schooiing in local communities are b a t

explainecl by those who share an insider's knowledge of the vaIws, beliefS, and world view of the

respective communities which would inevitably determine the choices made in regard to development

issues. i use the t em "indigenous knowledge" mterchangeably wiîh '?ocal knowledge." Both terms

are used within an anti-colonid perspective, thou& both the terms "Uidigenousn and "anticoIoniaIm

as used m this study with several points of departure h m that of other theorists. Indigenou is used

here to mean origuiating with/fiom an individu& group of Iocal nihabitants of a community spatially-

defined, but who also share any combination of the following attniutes:

- they have lived [or their] families have Iived in that Iocation for a long duration - individuals or farnilies have been of similar economic &tus for several generations - they have an interna1 understanding of the values and knowtedge traditions shared by

long-time residents of b t geographical space - they have not aIways resided in that location, but are acknowIedged as an "insider"

group because their ideas and actions reflect the values of that community

The above Ftitetia atlow for inclusion of knowledge chat is created about local communities by

"outsiders" who share an interna1 understanding of the values and hditions, by Whie of such fictors

as social class, cultural proximity, ideological or political solidarity. This represents a point of

deparne fiom the explanations used by the authon of "indigenous Knowtedges in Global Contexîs"

(Dei, Hall, & Rosenberg, 2000). Here "long term occup;uicy" is a main criterion, but there mut also

be the absence of coloniaI and imperial imposition. This Iast criterion would disquaIm those

outsiders who enjoy priviIege and s t a t u not attainable to residents of the local commtmity. My

criteria would allow for the inclusion of knowledge created about the communities they serw by the

middle-class administrators of ServoI's many programs, because they share a mord, ideologicd, and

politicd cornmitment to the values of the cornmunities they serve, They are actively engaged m

didogue with the commimiiy~ and intervene only when invited by "the long time residents" of the

comrntmities they serve.

However, our perspectives converge m the defmition of an anti-coioniai discursive

framework 1 have aùeady indicated rny intention to contest the epistemological biases of Western

knowkdge. In the next three chapters, 1 will tum my attention to the relationship between the

imposition of Westeni lmowledge and value systems and the failure of local development initiatives.

Writing about the "desire for developmencw among white wornen doing development work, Barbara

Heron noted tiiat, "Development as practised by the North on the South is an imperid project"

(Heron, 1999, p.11). 1 would argue that the practice of invalidating the local educational practices of

the socalled poorer nations is also an imperiai project. Edward Said once said: "ünperialism

Iingers ... where it has always been, in a kind of general cultural sphere as well as specific political,

ideological, economic and social practicesw(Said, 1993, p.3). The UNDP report cited earlier in this

chapter is a good example of how this notion of imperialism is sustained by research conducted in

academies or by academics. 1 chose to apply an anti-coionial discursive h e w o r k , aclmowledging

as Dei & Asdgharzadeh (200 1) have done, "the role of societaYinstitutiona1 strucntres in producing

and reproducing endemic inequalities. ..The anticoloniai discursive framework investigates the

power of the loca1 social practice and action in surviving the colonid and colonized encounters"

(Draft pagination, p.3)

NOTES:

1 According to Kuhn (1971), a paradigm was the fiamework which the scientific community used to define and legitimize problems and their solutio~~~. Paradigin as used here, appIies that usage to any framework of values, techniques etc ... which deîhes a worldview. This is more in keeping with Capra's (1992) interpretation because it suggests that there are hmeworks within which howledge is pumied.

LAC is used throughout this dissertation to mean Latin American Countries. Once again, it is the terrn given to the region which mcludw the islands of the Cari'bbean, by the international research community. Because of its inclusiveness, it often gives inaccurate impressions of educational developxnents in the region. For exampIe, whiie the UNDP report cites the average amount of years spent at school throughout the region as 4.85 years, in the EngIish-speaking Cariibean that figure wouid range h m 9 - 1 1 years.

Chapter 2

The limitations of development economies as a theory of development: Review of the Literature

Ignorance, however, is not the simple antithesis of knowIedge. It is a state which people attn'bute to others and is laden with moral judgement. So being underdeveloped o h implies, if not actuai iniquity, at least stupidity, failure and sloth. (Mark Hobart, 1993)

The ongoing diaIectic mvotved m the discourse of development, recognizes the differing

ideologies of those conceptualizing development theory fiom the perspective of the "West" (or

North), and those critiquing such theory from the perspective of the "South," or so-called developing

Third World couniries. Nederveen Pieterse (199 1, p. 14), defmes "development" as "short for the

Western development modeIli He also suggests that there is a iink between development theory and

theories about race and class. According to Pieterse, development theory is about social change, "that

occurs according to a pre-established pattern, the logic and direction of which are known. Pnvileged

knowledge of the direction of change is claimed by those who deciare themselws frnther advanced on

the course" (p. 6).

In what Stuart HaU (1992) refers to 3s the discourse of 'The West and the Rest," the

language, theoreticat models, and hidden assumptions, tend to support Pieterse's argument. Lowy

(1998), for exampte, writes: 'The discourse in development theory is, in fact, a study of elite

description, expianation, and rationalization of global practices on the one hand, and collective

mggle, mass movement, and ideological organization by rnarginalized r a d , ethnic and class

groups on the o t h d (pp. 6034).

2.1 "DEVELOPMEM? META-NARRATIVE OR MYTH?

The d i e s t theorïes of development emerged h m the wrïtmgs of Hegel and Marx.

However, deveIopment theory as we know it today, has been sîrongly inamceci by the work of

econornists such as Keynes (1883 - 1946), and international poiitics culminating with US President

Truman's "Point Four Programme"'. Acconiing to Colin Leys (1996), theories of development were

derived fiom economic theory. Keynes and others were convinced that economic problems would,

"Yield to the actions of benevotent staîes endowed with sufficient supplies of capital, and m e d with

good economic anaIysisn (p. 8). This is what is referred to as development's theory "positivist

ideology." A basic assurnption of mainStream development theory at this stage was that leveis of

development could be quantitatively measured in a way that tepresents the living conditions of an

entire population of any given Society. Development theory also envisioned progres in terms of

linear stages of economic growth. Rostow (1960) had identifid five stages of economic growth

through which al1 societies must pas: the traditional stage, the stage of precondition for economic

take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, and the stage of high masstonsumption (Fagerlind &

Saha, 1989, p. 69). According to Rostow's theory, industrialization was necessary if economic

growth was to occur.

By the early IWO'S Rostow's stages of growth were WNalIy abandoned and replaced in tum

by the more modest 'tedistribution with growth" argument, and the 'basic needs" approach. in

contrast to the earlier economic model, the basic needs approach was propelled by a moral base, and

placed p a t e r emphasis on socioçulturaI factors. Acknowledging the limitations of applying market

theory to the problem of underdevelopment, ihe basic needs approach concentrates on mobilizing

resources for groups identified as deficient. However, it is not merely a poverty aileviation strategy.

The content of the package definhg basic needs comÎng out of institutions such as UNESCO for

example, identifies the transfer of technology as a need, arguing that the Pace and effectiveness of

change in today's world makes technoIogy a basic ne&

Colin Leys' contribution to the debatt on devefoprnent theory is his assertion that its failure

has resulted fiom its historicity. He begins by tracing how the nrst theories of derelopment, which

emerged fiom the writings of Hegel and Marx, came to be applied to colonial and ex colonial

societies in the 1950's. By this time dewiopment theory was concemed with the best oay for these

new nation States to accelerate economic growth so as to catch-up with the mtemationaI community.

According to this paradigm, the goal of development was growth; the agency of development was the

state; and the means of development were the macro-economic policy instnrments. However, Leys

points out that the majority of these emerging nations lacked the tools at the disposal of the already

industrialized nations that could facilitate capital growth.

By the rnid 1970's. therefore, ctitics debated whether it was t h e to extend the parameters of

the original development theory to mcorporate the sensitive ideological issues, which emerged from

the failure of these nations to "catch-up" with the industrialized world. Leys argues that since these

issues were ideological and without scientific basis, several vacuous theoceticd positions emerged

which were easily chatlenged. Madernization theory, for exanipIe, shifled the focus Bom econornics

by implying that the transmission of modern values cm be facilitated by the education systern.

Dependency theory on the other hand, used the concepts of deperideng and underdaelopment to

explain why capital development offered nothing to the periphery. The use of servile f o m of labour

reduced the economic surplus possible; "fking their relations of production in an archaic mould of

extra-economic cohesion which retarded the process of social di fferentiation and diminished the size

of their interna1 markets" (p. 61). Leys also lists contriiuting factors such as the "predatoryn

management fees attached to conditions of aid, the public debt that could never be repaid. in each

case the indusîrialized nations have been complicit in fostering these conditions.

However, Leys' analysis fails to critique the many transformations of the initial econornic

theory, including the inclusion of the cultural perspective which gave rise to such terms as self-

reliance, and of course the ecologica1 aspects which somehow became entwined with notions of

sustainability. The current critique ofdevelopment theory argues rhat it failed as a mode1 for

economic development because its assurnptions were basically false, uncontested, and ethnoculhtraüy

biased. F d y , there is the view that the 'Thitd WorId" and the "West" are mythcal mations that

m e the hegetnonic purposes of their European inventors. Vincent Tucker's chapter in Munck's

"Critical Development Thmry" (1999) is titied: 'The Myth of Development" Here Tucker defines

development as "A set of practices and beliefs that bas been woven into the fabric of Westeni culture

and is specific to it" (p. 2). He argues that development is not a transcdturai concept and bas no

universal validity. It is a specificdly Westem myth, and "Third World" countries cannot be expected

to replicate the sociwconomic accomplishments of the West. The "developmenf' discourse is,

therefore, an imperid process: 'khereby the lives of some peoples, th& plans, their hopes, their

imaginations are shaped by others who fresuently share neither theu lifestyles, nor their hopes or

vatues" (p. 1)

Development as a Euroceniric discourse is the subject of much contemporary criticism.

Ziauddin Sardar suggests that '7he mechanics of development are the ideal instrument for the

Eurocenttic colonization of time." The West has the power to defme, king the prevailing worldview.

With a single definitional category, the West has 'Mtten off the p s t , present and tùture of the non-

West" (1999, p. 46). According to Tucker, the pr~blern with the economic development mode1 is that

it is presented as both necessary and desirable. As a worldview, it counterposes the "civilized to the

bartiaric other." European civitization is portrayed as a paradigm ofhuman endavon, a benchmark

for al1 other types or mdels of development (p. 198). Tucker's position is supported by Ozay

Mehmet who argues (like Pietene, discussed earlier), that Eufocentncity is a particular forrn of

ethnocentricity, and as such is linked to racist theories (Mehmet, 199 1).

Mark Hobart addresses the problem of dehing development €tom an anthropological

petspective. He claims tbat while sociologists and anthropologists have been criticd of attempts to

articulate development in purely economic or technological terms, their own theories of development

"involve prenrppositions drawn h m the same rationai scientific epistemology" (p. 5). Hence, Colin

Leys labels development critiques as vamous because they are not gmunded in scientific andysis.

Hobart believes that since deveIopment is "effectively a synonym for planned social and economic

c b g e " it argues for systematic knowledge, or Western çcienhFic ImowIedge. For Hobarî, this raises

the question of what coustitutes IniowIedge, Hobart, &fore, guestions the suppositions that infonn

the discussion of development, claimmg that they reIy entirely on Western scientific knowiedge.

Accordmg to Hobart, Wot only are indigenous knowledges ignored or dismissed, but the nature of

the problem of underdevelopment and its solution are defined in reference to world-orde~g

knowledge" (Hobart, 1993, p. 1). This critical position supports that of Tucker, who recornmends

demystifying the development process by placing it in its historic context kough "a critical

examination of the culturai practices involved in the production of knowledge and rneaning" (p. 4).

Similar arguments have been provided by scholars fiom the South since the early 1970's.

The "Radical Caribbean Schwl," which is best exemplified by the works of Walter Rodney, have

argued for an explanation of development failure in the South by anaiysing historical conditions.

Rodney is best known for his thesis on "How Europe Underdeveloped Afnca"(1974), whiIe Beckford

(1972) amibes a dominant role to historical conditions in the Carïïbean for the persistent poverty

that characterizes the region and its peoples. Beckford's main argument is that poverty persists

because Caribbean people continue to have plantation economies, established in colonial cimes and

that served the sole purpose ofkeeping political power and material wealth in the han& of a colonial

e1ite. He argued that a lack of mdigenous growth was a direct consequence of the "colonized mincis"

of the region's peoples. However, Beckford like the rest of the Caribbean group did little to

recommend or to identifL alternative paths of growth or development for the region's people. The

Canibean, and its larger communiîy of Latin America, has been more mclined toward acceptance of

neo-liberal doctrine than the historical analyses of the radical schwl, which may in itsetf validate the

daims made about "colonized mincis."

African scholars, on the other hand, have taken great pains, not only to identG the failures

and reconcile them within the context of historical conditions, but also to recommend and suggest

alternative paths of development by mcorporating mdigenous worId-views. Yansane, for example,

It is possiile that pre-coIoniaI Afnca had certain values, attitudes and qudities that rnaintained the balance in the ruraI cultures. These cultures may have stressed the rationdity of pursuing the cornmrmity's, viIIage's, or group's self-mterest. At the same time there was the possiïility of leaving room to provide for spirituai ftIfi1Iment and for basic needs (material, cultural, and political). These may have been lost in the process of

modernizatioa because they may have appeared self-contradictory when viewed h m the global economy, based on hi@ conipetitiveness and productivity. (p. 5)

This view has also been e x p r d by Dia (1992), who explains, that when the colonial

govemors arrived in Africa, they "felt the need to create new States, institutions, and

management systerns as though none had existed before." Consequently, "some ethnies were

split apart, and "bitterly antagonistic hibes were thrown together" (p. 169). One assumes that

since development projects requise support and cooperation of indigenous peoples, the colonial

practice "underdeveloped" Aûica in the sensc used by Rodney (1974). Dia continues:

. . .with independence most of the Aûican region inhented a hybrid system in which "modern" governance and public adminhmtion systems were superimposed on traditional institutions and indigenous management systems based on ethnicity (Dia, 1992, p.170)

Subsequent independent governments have tended to believe that 'Yollowing the path trodden by the

developed world is the way forward" says Brehany (1997), who is also concemed that NGO's tend to

share their view, "though they are more Iikely to utilize indigenous lcnowledge and other local

sources"(p. 168). Wnting fiom the perspective of someone with insider knowledge of w h t happens

in the Sudan and Uganda, Brehany points out that the problem is denved fiom differing knowiedge

systerns between Afncan peoples, and those h m the developed West:

The reality is that the poorest people depend hast exctusively on nature for their existence. The poor thernselves speak of depending on God. What nature or God provides is food, water, medicine and al1 the other needs ofpeople (Brehany, 1997, p.168)

The tendency for those in the West to view altemative knowledge systems as invalid or at least

unequal, is the main reason why intemat deveiopment projects are not validated by Western- trained

academics, operating in the dominant paradigm Dei (1998~) questions this practice:

Why is conventional devdopment defined in terrns of what some people lack, andfor of what they are expected to become? What is the political project that mfonns current debates over development? (p. 142)

... The A&an development literature is filled with overemphasis on the cases of failures and disaster on the continent. But there are also success cases, for example, at the IocaI levels of communities. No one gets to hear about these successes. Locality studies need to be intensely pursued by modern research m Afiica.@ei, I998c, p. 147). Diasporic Afiican mearchers should combine the search for general solutions to human problems with the search for some specincities (p. 147)

This view reinforces a position taken elsewhere, that EbeIieve is centra1 to a discussion on the need

for anti-colonial indigenous models of schooling. To be "developed" takes on new meaning for the

diasporic Afncan scholar, It is an emancipatory project for both the individual and the collective

identities of fican peoples. Dei recalls:

1 Say that in my schooling years, both in Afnca, and in North America, the education 1 received tended to underemphasize the achievement and contributions of Afiican peoples in their own right. This was a form of education they c m only be characterized as non- indigenized. It was an education irnposed on f i c a by extemal forces. It was an education that for the most part, failed to cultivate any innate self-esteem and pride in peoples of African descent. it was, and still is, a European education, that continues to distort, misappropriate and misinterpret Afncan human condition and reality. (Dei, 1998, p. 5 10)

This acknowledgement is important because it supports the thrust towards endogenous models of

developrnent as proposed by Atiicans now occupying strategic positions within organizations such as

the Worid Bank. Yansane (1996) writes:

Many village-level initiatives and urban grassroots organizations are important to the materialization of susrainable p w t h . The colonid administration aimed to brbg about a stable economic system for development that emphasized the pursuit of material wealth as the highest goal of society by spreading its influence downwards to rural areas. This approach may be seen ruining extsting development by urban practices. It desiroyed rnany indigenous institutions by transforming non-European societies into European replicas. This dualistic characteristic, which made AfrÎcans the différent "other," and Europeans the abjects, established a new order.. .This brought about the decline of cooperatives, undermining the establishment of their soIidarity groups, transforming them from entrepreneurs, food producers, and marketers to wage workers. This put them at a greater disadvantage (Yansane , 1996a, pp. 5 -6).

Mamadou Dia has written extensively on the a c a n cuIturaI traits that detennine indigenous

management practices. Although it would bc a travesty to treat Afica, its cultures, and peoples as a

collective unit for the purpose of analysing indigenous management practices, it helps to explain why

the imposition of Western practices failed ta deveIop such comunities. According to Dia, Afiïcan

thought diverges from the West in such fundamental areas as "attitude toward authority" (p. 1777),

"amtude toward cornmitment," attitude toward decision-making" (p. 178). and "attitude toward

labour" (p. 179). Brehany also argues for alternative approaches. In acknowledging the failure of

"deveIopment" projects throughout h entire developing worid, he suggests:

Another approach mng the traditions and customs of the people may offer a more appropriate starting pomt in planning and implementing deveiopment projects. It is one important e n w pomt mto the community. It helps an organizatim to quickly find out where people are at. It hel' both the organiration and the local people tofind a common language that they can speak It lays a ficm foundation stone on which both the local people to fmd a common language that they can speak. It lays a firm foundation stone on which both the local people and the supporting organization can build a project which meets the needs of the local population, ensures greater communityparticipation and has a greater chance of long tenn sustainability (p. 169) (Italics mine)

in 1980 the Wodd Bank's "Development Report9* abandoned the definition of development,

which implied locally-managed growth, and began using as a mesure of development, "the extent of

participation in and integration with the world market" (Munck, 1999, p. 199). From this t h e

concepts such as "nation" and "nation state" were replaced by the terrn, "global." However, before

articulating the link between globalization and developrnent it is necessary to evaluate the

conûibutions ofother theoretical positions, which uûormed the paradigm.

2.2 MODERMZATION = PROGRESS?

Modemization theory is one of several development theories. Paulo Freire writing in 1972,

emphasized that it was important not to confuse modemization with development for while

individuaIs have a right to defme their own development, modemization is an induced state, and it is

''the metropolitan society which derives true benefits there from." According to Freire, "A society

which is merely modemized without deveIoping will continue - even if it takes over some minima1

delegation of decision-making - to depend on the outside country" (Freire, 1972, p. 160).

Theoretically, modemization is more easiiy defined than development It is an aspect of

Westemization Ïnvolving changes that conuast sharply with the previous traditional stabiiity

(Harrison, 1988. p. 186). One underlying assumption of modemization is that modem values and

attitudes are not compatible with traditionai ones, and that modern values, more than traditional ones,

lead to economic development. The problem is that the discourse of modemization also alIows for

the dominance of Westem thought and practice. It is a Eurocentnc discourse that does not aIlow for

aitemative ways of organizhg the world. Tucker believes that the discourse is constructed on the

f i se polarities of traditional and modem, traditiond society king a myth created by coIonia1 officers

to Iegitimize their actions:

The notion of other smieties as *le and unchanging by conûast with the cornplexity and dyaamism of Westem societies was a convenient fiction, which legitimized the right, and even the duty of 'hiodern" societies to transfm them m their image and Iikeness. By reducing the vast array of cuitures to a single stemtype, modemization theonsts niied out the possibiiities that these societies M anything of value to offer. They were conceived of mainly as obstacles to modeniization and development (Tucker, t 999, p. 9)

Other critical theorists prefér to make the connection between modernization and the adoption of

rational, scientific knowledge as a means of promoting the technologies of the West. According to

Sardar (1999), classical development econornics defmed modernization as the process by which a

society came to be characterized "by a beIief in the rational and scientific control of man's social and

physical environment, and the application of technology to that end" (p. 52). One consequence of this

belief is, despite the fact that the majority of the population of the new developing countries Iived in

rurai areas wvhere agriculture sustained the quality of life, modernization came to be associated with

moment towards urban centres, thus initiating the m a s migration to the toms that vimially "un-

developed" the d areas, and destroyed existmg econornies. Sardar cites Daniel Lerner (1958) who

used urbanization as an "index of deveiopment" to constnict a rnatrix which codd determine the

modernization rates in Middle Eastern countries: "The higher îhe level of urbanization, the more

'modem' the society" (Sardar, 1999, p. 52).

Fagerlind and Saha (1989) suggest that modemization being Western-oriented, its

desirability as a by-product of schooiing must be seriously questioned. What happens to those

nations who chose not to foltow the Western path of development? This was the question raised by

many critiques of modernization b r y . Inkeles and Smith whose modeniity scale many heId to be a

vaIid indicator of the extent to which a country couId and did achieve mademizatim, waç based on

the assumption that onIy one h d of development was vdid, and that was the mode! of westem-

industrïalized comtnes. 'The InkeiedSmith Scale aiso e m p W that exposure to Western

schooiing would resuit in modem behaviour. They believed that the transition h m traditional to

modem could be imitaîed with the same measure of success in developmg societies. lnkeles and his

followers argued that to modernize was to develop, and that a society could not hope to develop until

the majority of its population held modern values. This was said to be dependent on the causal link

between five sets of variables: modem institutions, modem values, modern behaviour, modern

society, and economic development. Although there is enough evidence to validate the link between

modem institutions and modem vaIues, the tinks between the other variables have been called into

question. Why for example, did the Japanese Samurai who held on to ûaditional vaIues sri11 manage

to lead their nation towards economic development in the absence of modem values and attitudes?

On the 0th- hand, there were Kotanic schwls, which successfully resisted modemization, through

the process of education (Fageriind & Saha, 1989).

Much of the criticism directed towards modemkation theory, therefore, airns to challenge its

ideologically-biased, ethnocentric, and racist assumptions, Some writers, however, make the daim

that modemization cannot be avoided. It invotves a purposive linear process.' This assumption can

be understood in part to explain why the plans of development econornists from the industrialized

nations did not work when transfmed to non-Western societies. Patience Elabor-Idemudia, in

discussing the connection ktween mdigenous kriowledge and resistance, offers yet another

expIanation for this failure:

What is not accounted for m modeniization theory are the political, historical, social, cultural, economic, and eco~ogicai factors at play m developing nations ... Development models fashioned d e r Western vaIues are doomed to failure because they mate and do nothing to bridge the gap between theory and practice - that is, between development policy and peopIeis daily experience (Elabor-idemudia, 2000 p. 109).

The apparent dispar@ between theory and practice is very visible in temis of education

developments m the developmg countries. Accocdmg to Fagerlmd and Saha (1989), the simple

transfèrral of school models h m the developed societies to the l e s developed, "Becomes on cIoser

examination Iogicdy mdefensrble." These two authors contend that the Western mode1 may even be

dysfimctional for economic growih and Iocal deveIopment: '"ïhere is nothing sacred about the

number of years of schoolhg required for maiEimum productivity in agriçultrrral or k i n g societies,

nor is it necessary that the levels of education - prixmy, secondary and tertiary, be expanded to the

same extent as they are in industnalized societies" (p. 77).

2.3 DEPWENCY THEORY AMI THE DEVUOPMENT PARADIGM

Underdevelopment, Dependency and Wodd Systems Theories, aU derive from a broad-based

school of Neu-Manrist thinkers who believe that both devetopment and underdevelopment are

products of the worId capitalkt system. These were concerned with explaining why capitalism failed

to devetop the newly emerging nations. The early 1970's can be described as a period of depmdmcy

theory. These ideas had been amund in Latin American historiography since the 1950's. The ideas

of Enrique Cardoso and Rad Rebisch dominated the ECLA (Economic Commission for Latin

Arnerica) during this time. The main argument was that development in one place (the centre) took

place at the expense of the underdevelopment of the other (the periphery). This base theory was

elaborated on by Gunder Frank, the German, who resided in Chile during the 1960s.

Underdevelopment implied that the condition of the peoples of the South was the result of

expioitation. 00th Latin Arnerica and the Caribbean were said to be disadvantaged beuig "satelIite"

societies in the world economy. It was this disadvantage with the correspondmg failure of

development efforts h t led thidcers to examine the ways in whtch these societies were linked

togethet, and to the world economic system. Frank (1967), Waiierstein (1976), and Amin (1976) alt

agreed that the plight of mderdevelqment among Southern nations arose h m their participation in

the world capitaiist stem.^ Wailerstein (1976) divided the world system into three categories. These

were those States that codd enforce equal exchange; the exploited regions characterized by theu

monocuitures, and the semi-periphery -tes or new States, which for reasons of their interna1

structures and resources were better abIe to catch-up with the development process.

Packenham descnies "dependency" as a critique of liberal ideas; m particuiar, h i theories

of economic, sociai and politicai devetopment Dependency Mters reject western mode15 of

economic development, suggesting that they are inappropriate for Latin Atnerica and the Third Wodd

in g e n d . They argue that these models tend to perpetrate inequalities arnong classes, regions and

sectors. They attacked those modernization thecnies put forward by sociologists and political

scientists, since these tended to find the socio-economic conditions of political dernocracy in sucb

factors as industriaIization, an expanding rniddle class, and certain value orientations. They a h

rejected the other variant of modemization theory offered by stnictud functionalism in the context of

national development and underdevelopment, insisting that nich development m one place ofien took

place at the expense of the other's underdevelopment. Dependency theorisr have successfully

analysed the ways in whicb the economic processes of development have produced

underdevelopment (Tucker, 1999).

Blomstr6m and Bjorn*s andysis (1984), is of particular relevance to this study because they

compare the problems of dependence that sinfaced in the Caribbean during the 1970's with those of

Latin-America. They observe many parallels between the concerns expressed by Prebisch in the

Latin-American situation, and WA. Lewis who wrote extensively on the input of indusûialization on

the Caribbean region. Like Prebisch in Latin Arnerica, Lewis found that the production of raw

materials for the world market atone could not raise the material standard of Carhbean countries. He

argued that the economy in the Third World was dual, consisting of two sectors; one modern,

industriai and capitalist, and the other traditional, agricultural and seIf-supporting.

In Lewis' opinion, the West indies (with the exception of the island of Trinidad) lacked

cesources and should follow a model of development that concentrated on exporthg mdustriaI goods

and irnporting food and raw materials. He also did not believe that mdustrialization in the West

indies was possible without a federal Cariibean government. Various West indian governments had

attempted to apply Lewis' recommendations during the IgSO's and I960's, but with limiteci success.

individuaI smallmations states then resisted, and continue to resist, the "federal" model of

govemance. 'The West indies Federation," the failed attempt at regional unification, was put to rest

ni 1962, the sanie year both Trinidad and Jamaica achieved independence. in terms of trade,

however, CAMCOM (the Caribbean Community & Common Market) emerged as each island moved

toward independence h m ri tain.

The o k signrficant contribution to the Canbbean debate came fiom the New World Group

which originated in Guyana and incIuded famous hdigenous historians and economists including

Beckford, Best, Demas and Rodney (identified earlier as the "Radical Can'bbean ~roup).' This group

generally supported the dependency perspective, acknowtedging that the plantation economy is by

defmition a dependat economy because the Cmibean had a certain type of dependence owing to ifs

unique historical condition. Mister McIntyre in 1964 disthguished between: structural dependence,

which arises because of the size and structure of the economy, and cannot be heiped, andfwlctional

dependence that aises as a result of past policies chosen, The region is divided along the lies of two

developrnent courses: those who fotlowed a strategy of international cwperation, and those who

followed a strategy of self-diance based on socialist prïnciples. Pueno Rico, Trinidad and Tobago,

and Barbados would be examples of the first group, white Cuba, Jamaica (during the 1980's) and

Grenada (before the US invasion of 1983) wodd k examples of the latter.

The dependency perspective allowed those representing the interesis of the developing

corntries to respond to the implication that underdevelopment was a prima1 condition (the fault of the

interna1 structures of these societies), with the daim that underdevelopment was a consequence of

historicai processes, in particular, imperialism. Modemization theorists saw Western-style education

as necessary to economic deveIopent, but dependency theoristç cIaimed that Western education

actually helped to underdevelop these societies. Moreover, although modemization focusseci on the

nation state as the unit of analysis, dependency iheory made it ctear that the fdure of these satellites

to develop mse fiom their relationshq in which they contniued to be exploited.

Yansané (1996) evaiuates the Wodd Systwis Theory m dation to Açica's

underdevelopment. In his evaluation, he rejects the assumption that economic factors and the market

on its own can determine development. Social change in any one country camot be isolated h m

what is occurring in the world ecmomy. He lwb towards Lenin's views on imperiahm for the

answer to the &on why developrnent economics failed to develop &a:

Lenin lwked at the khaviour of the major westem indmtrialized puwers and concluded that their longevity was due to the imperdistic relatimhip with the less developed nations in the wrtd ...

Underdevelopment in the Unpenalist concept is guaranteed under capitalism becaw these underdeveloped areas are requkd to remah the slippliers of raw materials, cheap labour and markets for the over production of the modem western industriaiized cotmtries (p. 7)

Citing Samir Amin, Yansané goes on to explain why the system is unfair. The peasants are engaged

in production that does not benefit thern, but rather gws IargeIy to the world market and the tocal

elite. The poverty of the exploited peasant aiiows the merchant class in rich countries and the locaf

elites in deveIoping couniries to have higher levels of mvestment consumption (p. 9).&

While these dependency theorists provide important analyses ofhow the West

mderdeveloped these satellite societics, it is important to reaIize that in the majority they shared some

of the assumptions of modernization theorists. Tucker (1999) wonden why these have not questioned

the desirabiiity of development, accepting the "evolutionary mode1 of progress" with littie concern for

"ecological implications" and "gender-related differences." Hobart's critique of modemization also

rejects the dependency perspective:

in modernization theory the m s s is on the deficiencies of kaditionai institutions which people, treated as passive objects, are mcapable of changhg. Dependency theory likwvise conmes people as the passive victims of forces over which they have no control, hence the capitalkt market economy (1993, p. 12).

AI1 models of deveIopment were based on Western ideas and strategies. What then are the

implications for the education and development paradigin? As stated in the htductory chapter, the

theoretical fÎamework for adoption of education and development policies came h m "human capitai

theory" made popular by economists such as SchuItz (196 1). According to human capital theory,

people are rewarded with good jobs dependent on the skills and knowledge they acquire through

formai üahing, and schooling. The impIication for the education and development paradigm was

that deveIoping countries spent large sums of money on sHls training. Schools and universities

begau producing large numbers of hi@y-trained graduates at a much faster rate tban economic

growth was occurring, thus creatmg the problm of educated unemployment, which continues to

hamper local development efforts at the present time.

By the tirne of Coombs (1985) version of 'The World Crisis in Education" me View fiom

The Eighties), the negative effects of tramferring development theory to development practices in

peripheral economies, were most visible in the education sector. Massive unemployment among

educated youth, large scale migrations to the towns, and the abandonment of agricultural development

had lefi rnany developing nations worse offthan they had been two decades earlier. Yulat (1988)

uses the tenu "WholesaIe systernic decay" to describe what the impact of the crisis was at the levels of

schools in poorer nations. Teachers were not paid, classrooms were overcrowded, and students went

without textbooks and rudimentary tools." Yet Yulat was careful to place the blarne, not on the

indigenous educational development effort, but on the incompatibility of Western models of

development with "Third World" indigenous structures. For example, the uncoupling of education

from the world of work , was a product of labour in modem industrial societies. However, the mode1

was transférred to pre-industrial societies where no such comparable division of Iabour was evident.

2.4 GLOBALIZATION AND DEPENDENCY

Despite the adoption of liberal policies in the em of globaiization, acute forms of dependence

continue to result in the underdevelopment of d I nation States, in sub-Saharan economies, and

throughout the Latin American region. Denis O'h'eam argues that fiom the point of view of the

industriaiized core, "the 'development' project was aIways a 'globaiization' project" (1999, p. 117).

Lowy (1998) was cited earlier m thîs chapter for tabenhg the discourse of deveIopment a didecticai

struggIe between: "Elite description, explanation, and rationalkation of global practices on the one

han& and collective struggle, rnass movement, and ideological organization by marginalized racial,

ethnic and class groups on the other" @p. 603-4). The same can be said of the "Globalization"

discourse. For example, Gwynne and Kay (1999) ask whether neo1iberaI economic policies have

been responsiile for patterns of uneven development. Hugo Chavez, the newly-elected leftist

nationalist President of Venezuela, is well-known for his d i a t r i i aga& b'unbridled neolikai

policies" (The Globe & MaiI, December, 12, 1999).

The critical literature is rife with anecdotal support for Chavez's daims. James Petras

(1999), mites: 'The ascendancy of globalisrn is largely the product of capitalist forces defeating

endogenous working-class, peasant, and small-business political forces, capturing the state,

depressing living standards, and creating state incentives that promote and export strategies of

commoditized capital described as globalisrn" (p. 197). Noam Chomsky blames neoliberal policies

for intensiQmg class stntggles in the West. According to Chomsky, whatever one thinks of hem,

neoliberal doctrines, "Undermine education and health, inmase inequities, and reduce labour's share

in incorne" (Chomsky, 1999, p. 32). Chomsky identifies the real victim nf neoliberal policies as:

"Comrnunity groups, public schools, neighbourhood organizations, cooperatives, public meeting

places, voluntary associations and Trade Unions" (p. 11). A further breakdown of the sub-groups will

reveal that women, children, minorities, teachers, health-are workers, and public-servants are heavily

represented.

Barrat Brown (1999) also calls giobaiization, "the new imperialism," claiming that it

perpetuates colonial trading reIationships by encouraging economic exploitation fiom the large

eratl~nationals. The South, therefore, remains economically dependent on the North for its

development projects. Moreover, neoliberal policies do not give adequate support to Iocal market

endeavours. Nor do they address the mequities in income distribution. Since they devalue the role of

the sute, they also debar the most vulnerable fiom services formerly provided by the welfare state.

Even in the age of "globalization," education is considered to be central to the development

of nation-building. ïherefore, it is indeed surprishg to h d that many national development plans

reflect the concems and ideologies of international organizations at the expense of local, indigenou

interests. McNeely (1995) suggests that part of the problem, is that much of the research avaiIabIe is

fiom an institutionaiin perspective, reflecting and responding to intemational cuiturai and

organizational themes and imperatives. New emphases in educational support and programmes by

organizations such as UNESCO, IL0 and WHO have engendered shifts in the education policies of

many developing countries. Another study by McNeely d e s m i s how responsive nation states

appeared to be to the exogenous infiuence of international organizations. The data revealed that

UNESCO had been involved in 1955 in preparhg educational plans for twenty developing countries

and that the figure in 1965 was even higher; forty-two counûies had relied on consultation and

direction fiom UNESCO. The author argues, therefore, that international organizations define and

prornote principles and ideals that are then used to guide state policy behaviour. Since these policy

prescriptions usually foIlow Western rnodels, concerns are raised in regard to their relevame and

IegilUnacy.

Watson (1994) shares McNeeIy's point of view. He argues that one of the major probtem

facing developing countries is that Western paradigms have shaped and influenced their education

systerns and thinking about issues such as economic growth and development, and the best use of

modern technotogies. Watson notes that developing countries which have made considerable

industrial and technological progress (for example, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore) have developed

th& own indigenous approach, rejecting Western models. Turner (1997) defines "appropriate

technology" as "technoIogies that people can literally appropriate for their local use -as distinct fiom

those which make them dependent on providers over which they have no control" (p. 168). The

muItinational agencies that have littie regard for indigenous cultures and Iocal employrnent

oppomtnities, madvertently encourage a dependency culture which views knowledge and techology

from the West as most desirable. Finally, he claims that comparative methodology is o h

endangered by "ethnocentric biasw that sometimes faiIs to recognize that education syscems are

context specific, and that the underlying philosophy and asstrmptions m one context niight be

substantialIy différent h m another-

Taking culture iato account is a major concem in the dcvelopment literature, invoking

responses fiom a wide range of discourses, involving anthropologists as well as management experts.

Klitgaard (1992) notes that c u l W diversiîy affects what people do and what they want; that the

culturai factors mteract with other variables in the process of dwelopment, and that culture is affected

by the mode1 of development. The Kenyan, Ali M m i (1990) reminds us that both ideology and

technology are moted in culture. Cameroonian, Axelle Kabou (1991) suspects that there is an

intellectual conspiracy against what she claims is the obvious cultural rejection of development in

Africa. Mamadou Dia (1992) explains why culture matters to the success or failure of development

efforts. He suggests that development projects undertaken by international organizations have been

based on the following assumptions:

a Euroceniric view of the colonial heritage which assumes that hornogeneous nation States and appropriate modem public administrators were created during the colonial period;

a technological approach to institutional development and management which assumes chat Western methods and strategies of management are the ody roads to modemkation;

a mechanistic and lmear conception of history and development which assumes that every society rnust go through the same stages before it cm achieve development.

Klitgaard (1992), however, wants the question of how local cuitures should be taken into account

addressed: "We must now go beyond simple caI1s forpartic@ution and ILmening and identify how

various methods for doing so mteract with dturd and other local conditions. We must move from

advocacy to applied sciencen (p. 104).

Like Klitgaard, Vincent Tucker (1 997) argues for incorporating cultural analysis mto the

development discourse. He also observes regretfulIy that UNESCO has "assumed responsibility for

the cuItural dimension of development." Tucker argues for the inclusion of 0 t h voices, 'the

submerged and marginaiized local f o m of knowledge and the counterhegemonic movements" (p.

II). Honor Fagan (1999) cites Tucker's views in her own "Culturd politics and (post) development

paradigm(s)." She agrees that cdtural analysis "presents us with a methodoIogical tool for anaiysing

the cultural production of resistancen (Fagan, 2000, p. 184). Accordhg to Fagan and Tucker, to

approach development h m the perspective of cultural analysis is to interrogate the meaning of

development, to ask questions about the production of knowledge, and the relationship between

knowIedge production and power. Fagan wonders whether the focus on resistance theorics would be

enough. She argues for replacing cuItural analysis with cultural politics. She goes on to explain that

the cultural analysis approach '?oo often celebrates difference, relativism and fiuidity at the expense

of c u l h d critique" (p. 186). Cultural politics on the other hand, can "focus on inequities, or on how

culturai production is implicated in the relations of power" (p. 186). This perspective offers the

theorist a new lens for observing the problems of underdevelopment, and would again be addressed m

the rnethodology chapter of this study.

2.6 BUlLDiNG ON THE INDIGENOUS

McGinn (1994) defines schooling as a "Method to ensure that members of a community have

the knowledge, skills and values necessary to sustain the community physically, socidly, and

spiritually" (p. 289). "Building on the indigenou is the necessary condition for self-reliance," writes

Claudette Ake:

We build on tht indigenous by making it the form and content of deveIopment strategy, by ensuring that developrnent change accommodate itself to these things, be they values, mterests, aspirations, and social institutions which are important to the Iives of people. It is only when development change cornes to terms with that it can becorne susbinable (Claude Ake (FrüIing, 1988, pp. 19 & 21)

The conceptual linkage between development in Africa, and indigenous knowledges,

education, and indigenous institutions, has dso been addressed by Dei (1998) who advises b t an

approsch to development (if it is to be successfui), ought to either reclaim or tap hto local people's

world views, "In order to idenhfy, generate, and articulate new visions of social transfmtion" @.

141). What, therefore, is the roIe of the indigrnous in development theory? According to Dei, "For

local peopIes, uidigenous ways of acting, feeling, knowing, and making sense of the social and

naturai worId have sipificant implications for development ... L o d peoples, experience and interpret

the contcmporary world in ways that are cmtinwus and consistent with their indigenous world

views" (2000a, p. 7 1). Kindo and colieagues support this perspective. In April of 1986, two hundred

ûiiai leaders met at Ktmkuri in the province of Madhya Pradesh (india) to discuss the concept of

"development for the people." The delegates agreed that while development was multi-faceted and

multi-dimensional and takes place at the locd, regional, national and intmaticlnai levels; it begins in

the min& and hearts of people:

The representatives of two hundred tribal comrnunities who gathered at Kunkuri were convinced that the people have within themselves the basis of their own development, and that as long as development efforts do not budd on this basis, developrnent will remain elusive irrespective of the amount of input and sincerity of those who implement the programmes.. .

. . .DeveIopment occurs when the person-in-community makes use of his highest faculty, his Çee will, and his ability to decide for hirnself, to take his fate into his own hands, to assume responsibility for the outcome of his decisions. (Kindo et al, 1987, PP- 67).

Both Kindo and Dei are articulating the problem as scholars h m the South. Yet Ryan

(1995) researching fiom the position of the "West," arrives at a sirnilar point of view: "A growing

body of evidence suggests that development projects, perhaps most particularly in Afica, are seen to

fail because agencies and mearchers are unwilling to engage patiently the deep religious and spirinial

beliefs rooted in the extended family and spirit world." Ryan's comment supports the inclusion of

indigenou worldviews in planning for development at both the micro and rnacro level. Ryan goes on

to say that most of those interviewed for his study expressed the hope to see research on the 'Vole that

values and systems - religious, spirituat, and ethical play in human development" (Ryan, 1995, o n h e

version). in the nitroductory chapter, 1 aiso acknowledged that in regard to the local models that are

the subject of this study, the decision has been made to mtegrate 1ocaI vaiue and knowledge systems

into the alternative modek for delivering education to local popdations considered to be "at-nsP

FmalIy, SerageIdin's perspective needs to be addressed. Serageldin evaluates the importance

of cuitural identity to the building of indigenous institutions. While not focusmg on the role of

education, he d e s the point that cuitural identity d e m e s the capacity for endogenous

development that would suggest the need for &cation systems to refl ect the cultures of Iocal

communities. Accordmg to Serageldin, the essence of deveIopment is to be found in the way the

changing patterns and indicators which are used to measure development are translated mto real

changes in their abdity to Muence people's lives positively, how these changes empower individuals

and groups to express themselves "in the full nchness of their evolving cultural identities" (p. 1 I 1).

Serageldin also d e s out extemai control of indigenous institutions. If institutions are built to meet

the real felt needs of the people they are intended to serve, they rnust also be subject to their control.

"Empowement" and "Self-governauceu are the essential criteria for developmg institutions, which

rettect the local needs of the people.

2.7 THE LiïERATüRE ON "ALTERNATNE" MODUS OF SCHOOLING

Grassroats organizations have spnmg up M many developing nations, responding to faiiure of

national development efforts. Comrnunities are being encouraged to work together on cooperative

ventures, especially in regard to agricultucal projects, and the education of women and other at-risk

groups. In each of the examples cited here, the formai education provided by the state served to

perpetrate inequalities, and failed to accommodate the intasts of the poor, (espedly, the nrral

poor), and otl~er disadvantaged youth. It is in this sense that they are alternative. They represent

IocaI, indigenous ideas that have materïalized h o actual educational ptactices, and have therefore

becorne successful models of community resistance to hegemonic practices around the issue of

schooling and educationd development.

The Kenyan Harmnbee schuols are perhaps the best k n o m of these models. These date

back to the end of the colonial period in Kenya when the newly elected indigenous gomment

attempted to foster a spirit of nationalism by promotmg an ideology of h a d e e , the Kiswahif word

for "working" or ' 'puhg together-" The enthusiasm this generated carried over into many seIf-heip

programmes, hcludmg financing and M y maintainmg an alternative mode1 of schooling. Hmmbee

has been caIIed an example of a "non-directive approach to development" (Rugh, 1997 [drafiD where

goals are determnied by the community itself, planned with its participation, and achieved through a

local autonomous group. Mwiria (1985) undertook a P m . dissertation whiIe at Stanford University

on 'The Kenya Ha~ambee Schwls Movement: A Histoncal Perspective." Mwiria takes up the issues

of the search for alternative means of access to schoolmg in Kenya, but also [ooks at the conflict

between the need to establish a national model of educationai deveIopment, and catering for the needs

of individuai communities. The tension between national and local interests is a relevant theme given

the focus of my sîudy.

Yet the BRAC schools of Bangladesh are more relevant to the issues 1 pursue. Rugh and

Bossert descni this a "partnership model," called for in an environment where there are major

deficiencies in the govenunent's ability to deliver basic education to the poor, especially in rural

areas. BRAC (The Bangladesh Rural Achievement Cornmittee) is involved in delivering several non-

formal basic education programmes. One of the first points to note is that it challenges the

conventionai paradigrn that schooling consists of a "package," which mcludes expensive buildings

and fumishings, qudified teachers, and equipped with lots of resources and support systems. BRAC

schools dernonstrate that chiIdren can learn as well in a temporary building or simple kiosk, and by

helping one another under the guidance of para-professionals (Rugh & Bossert [cirafi pagination]).

BRAC schools normally consist of one rented mm, which is inhabited by 30-33 students for

three hours each day. Rurai children o h work in agriculture, and require Iess thne at school than

they do at home in order to fufill daily duties. Non-fonnal programmes are used to deliver basic

education to the children who qend a total of three years with one teacher. The curriculum involves

teaching about health issues, social values related to cooperation, about maniage, and any skills

deemed relevant to the daily needs of these rurd people, in 1992 BRAC opened ten uban schwls m

a pilot project. New topics relevant to urban environments were added such as "Begging,"

"Kidnapping," "Cleanlmess," and "Skia Diseases." Teachers are contracted fiom withm the

community and seIected on the basis of being articulate, committed, and manid' Parents mariage the

day-to-day activities of the schwls, and monitor both teachers and students. The success of BRAC

schmls can be measured by the fact that whiie the formai system has a high dropout rate, data

collected reveal that more children h m BRAC schools go on to other levels of schooling (Lovell, C.

& Kuniz, E., 1989). The main lesson to be learnc here is that models of schooling codd be modined

to suit the economic resources of a community. To cut costs, schools could be, as in the BRAC

model a ùansportabIe commodity, shedding such HIs as permanent facilities and mneeded support

systerns. Moreover, with the content of education being tailored to meet the needs of the community,

and with al1 stakeholders invotved in the management process, education becomes an agent of local

development.

Other models have been well documented in the Iiterature. Rugh and Bossert (1997) have

conducted an extensive study as part of an ABEL project called: "hvolving Comrnunities:

Participation in the Delivery of Education Prograrns." in this project they lwked at the extent of

community participation m the IMPACT mode1 in the Phillippines, Harambee in Kenya, BRAC in

Bangladesh, The Community Support Project in Baluchistan (Pakistan), Escuela Nueva in Colombia,

and Fe y Alegrh in Bolivia and Venezuela. ûther ment studies include John Swope's (1995), which

looked at alternative models of education delivery in several Latin American countnes.

Fernando Reimers of The World Bank has also cornpleted a study of Latin American models

of alternative schooling. His 'The Rote of NGOs in Promoting Educational Innovation" (1993,

cornrnents on some of the themes identified in bis 1993 smdy, "Education and the Consolidation of

Democracy in Latin America." Reimers looks at the lack of devance of much of what is king

taught in the forma1 school system; the low quality of teachïng and consequent low leveIs of Iearning,

and the inequalities perpetrated on accomt of local dispariàes. He cornmends the Fe y Ale@

movement as an exampIe of an aIternative that has the potentiaI for alleviating the problerns

identified. Reimers believes that the mode1 has the potential for replicability and sustainability that

makes it succeçsfiil as an alternative route to education for the p r . He identifies the characteristics

of the model that he believes have conirïiuted to its success. These characteristics include:

community and parenta1 involvement, indigenous howledge involved in curriculum practices, and

the "sense of mission" of d l those involved Reimers' study investigates the issues of relevant and

appropriate cunicula, and the need for education to eradicate social disparities and inequalities. He

works within the context of democratic ideals and human rights.

NOTES

1 The "Point Four Rogram" (1949) was initiated by Hany Truman, and cdled "Corporate Program for Aid in the development of underdeveloped countries."

Huntington (1971) for example, observes several characteristics of the modemization process which he presents as given: It is both revolutionary and complcr (radical and cannot be reduced to a single factor). It is systematic (changes in one direction are related to changes in a n o k ) . It is global though brought about through the diffusion of modern ideas and techniques kom the European centres. It is a Iengthy process (evolutionary). It is phased; that is, it is possible to distinguish different levels of modernization through which ail societies must pas . It is a homogeneous process. It is an irrtwemible process (which does not account for Iran's demise). It is a progressive process which suggests it is not only inevitable, but also desirable.

3 The summary statements included here are derived from contributions made in Leys (1996) and Harrison's (1988) analysis. However, some primary sources were consulte& including:

Amin, S. (1976). Uneauai Deve~ooment. Hassocks: Hamester Press Cardoso, F. & Fdetto, E. (1967). Deuendencv and Development in Latin America. Berkeley University of California Press. Frank, A. (1967). Caoitalism and Underdevelooment in Latin America. New York Monthiy Review Press Waüerstein, 1. (1976). The Modem World Svstem. New York: Academic Ress

4 CARICOM began with the signing of the treaty of Chaguaramas on August 15, 1973. Four nations: Barbados, Guyana, Iarnaica and Trinidad & Tobago signed the treaty. Eight more Canibean nation -tes signed on Juiy 4, 1974: Antigua, Belize, Dorninica, Grenada, St. Lucia, Montserrat, S t KittsMevisiAnguiUa, and St. Vincent. As Iate as 1975 Suriname becarne a member. The last island- state to claim membership was The Bahamas on JuIy 4&, 1983.

5 Walter Rodney's "How Europe Underdeveloped Afncan(1974) is considered a classic anaIysis of this subject. R h e y wrote fiom a Macxist perspective. It was initially published by BogIe L'Ouverture Press, UK.(1972), and again m 1974 by Howard University Press, Washington D.C.

6 The local "eiitesw in many periphd economies, not only hold economic power, but also are usually the ones with politicaI powcr. It follows that the neoltberal agenda is easily endorsed by this group. Moreover, the Iocal elite (as Ïn Venezuela) has been blamed for the counîry's economic woes. They consume and import expensive goods and items; o f b for their private use. Hugo Chavez, the charismatic new President of Venezuela, was elected with the popular support for his promise to stamp out corruption among the ding cIasses.

7 A11 current reports on Education Refom for Latin America, recommend extensive revarnping of teacher training in the region; keeping tachers knowledgeable about current theories and practices, supposedly working for educators in the West. Here we have an example of a model that suggests that someone is able to teach, once they have the qualities valueci by the community. This wouid suggest that any cornparison of teacher competence made between this model, and that of the dominant paradigm, is bound to discredit the local model. What constitutes good teaching in a local Bangladesh conununity may have fiMe to do with global and Uistitutional irnperatives.

Chapter 3

Design and Met hodology

3.1 RATIONALE FORCHOICE OF STUDY SITE/ COMPARATIVE CASE-STUDY ANALYSIS

1 have chosen to do a comparative case-study analysis of two alternative modets for

delivering education which, if one were to accept the remlts of previous evaluations, have proven to

be effective comunity-focussed, participatory models, developed to meet the needs of at-risk

populations. On the subject of my own location in regard to choosing the study site, 1 acknowledge

that 1 was motivated because of my relationship with Venezuela as well as Trinidad. My materna1

grandmother was boni and lived in the port of La Guaira on the Venezuelan coast. She migrated to

Trinidad in hm adult years, and ail my remaining relatives lived m the city of Caracas before

eventuaily migrating to Trinidad. My grandmother's only siiling was in fact a long time resident of

the bam'os of Caracas, and was a Çequent visitor to our home. 1 am, therefore, sympathetic to the

idea of obtaining an interna1 understanding of the VenemeIan educational development problems.

However, there are more objective Rasons behind my choice of a research site- FirstIy, there

is the advantage of easy access to the research site. Venezuela is Trinidad & Tobago's closest

neighbour. Mofeover, even der 165 years of British d e , Trinidad has retamed vestiges of its

Spanish coloniai history, as reflected m its ethnic composition, its food, and nationat celebrations. At

the present t h e they share more than geographical proximity, and a historicai/culh~ral identity. Both

countries have petroleum-based economies, and, therefore, are experiencing simiIar economic

probiems. Fluctuations m the pnce of oil, debt-se~chg, and chronic unemployment h v e created for

bath a volatile economic cIimate. A public education system has been m place in both countries since

the middle of the t 8th century- Resident Gunian Blanco mtroduced public education to Venezuela

as early as 1870. WMe in Trinidad, the coIonial Govemor, Lord Hanïs ïntroduced a somewhat

ambitious mode1 of compulsory, primary schooling as early as 1851, lmown as Ward Schmls. ln

both corntries educational attainment remains high today by regional standards. Howaw, both

corntries have been plagued with problems m regard to access and quality of secmdary education

provided by the &te. Youth unernployment is a serious problem, despite the level of educational

participation. This factor was a main consideration behind my decision to look toward each country's

attempts to provide alternative models of education delivery. Documentary evidence also provided

me with sound basis for choosing to compare Fey Ale@ with Seniol. From the litemîm 1 was able

to conclude the following:

both focus on comrnunity involvement at al1 levels;

both emphasize the relationship between education and development along culturaIIy specific lines;

both endorse principles of self-governmenf and self-reliance;

both take a grassroots approach to organizational development and structures;

both focus on the relationship between education and employment;

both have developed partnershrps with the state.

By way of contrast, the population of Venezuela is much more homogenous than that of

Trinidad & Tobago. About 60% of Venezuelans are descnied as "mesth" (of mixed race), while in

Trinidad & Tobago the 1990 census revealed that th- was only a slightly larger number of people

definhg themselves as East Indian than Afirican. The remainder of the population easily fi& into

either the VenezueIan category "Mestizo," or else have roots m a number of hybrid cultures, rnaking

any distinction based on either race or ethnicity difficult, if not impossi3le. This difference in the

population composition of both nation states, is a usefid place to begin interrogation of the différing

philosophical and ideological principles involved in both models. For example, both organïzations.

Fe y Alegria (Venezuela) and Servol (Trinidad & Tobago), were started by CathoIic priests, who took

the politicai stance of aligning themselves with the resistance struggles of marginalized groups.

However, whiIe Fe y Alegria (which calIs itself a movement of m a s popuIar education) retains its

Catholicity as evidenced in its value system and its cuitinal activities, Sm01 has had to accommodate

many other beliefi and value systems owing to the diversity of the population. One of Senol's early

projects m an East Indian settlement, used a Hindu temple for meetings, and a building donated by a

Muslim as a Life Centre. Gerry Pantin is quick to point out that such a model is not easily replicated

ekwhere, but is unique to Trinidad given the nature of its popdation (Pantin, 1984).

The comparative case-study method alIows me to intermgate how these differences affect the

scope and the replicability of the madels. Since 1 am seeking insights into how local indigenous ideas

can h m e the concept of national development, the analysis of theu differences is fundamental to my

inquiry. However, "Replicability" is not a necessary or desirable outcome of my study. Writing fiom

an anti-colonial perspective, 1 am prepared to challenge the notion of replicability as a desirable

practice for newly emerging nations. The practice of replicating models is one of the main reasons

cited in this study for the failure of education reforms in developing countries. In Trinidad, the

preference for colonial models has been rnostly responsible for the failure of the post-independence

educational reforms (See Chapter 4, pp. 68-72). Replicability is an issue for those mvolved with Fe

y Alegria, smce the Fey Alegria organization has spread to several Latin Arnerican countries, in

rnany cases providing alternative access to schooling for the poor. One explmation for the

comparative lack of innovative curricuium and rnethodological practices in the Fe y AIegria

organization, may be the emphasis on its replicability. The other is its partnership relation with the

state. In Venezuela, Fe y AIegria operates as a privately-fimded state model of educational delivq.

Much of the hmdmg for Fe y Alegn'a schools corne fiom international development agencies.

Replicability facilitates the international frmding process while compromising some degree of local

autonomy.

As aIready indicated, my analysis of the public modeIs in both countries is done fiom an anti-

colonial perspective. An operating defnlltim of such a perspective wouid take the position that the

imposition of ertenrai ideas and practices is dysfunctional to IocaI and endogenous development

efforts. ''Extemal" is used to infer imposition of colonial modeIs, though not only in the sense of

rooted m the colonial histories of both couutries, but also those standards that are imposed as a

consequence of global research agendas. Models and practices that are valihted by the academy are,

therefore, also complicit in this process, One contentious issue is the subjective position of the

researcher bringing to the discussion of the data, an anticoionial perspective derived h m my own

scholarship. 1 began my investigation with the operathg definition of "anti-coloniai" as expressed

by Dei, (1998a):

The anti-colonial discursive framework is a theorization of issues emerging from colonial and imperial cultures and histories of knowledge production. The anti-colonial approach recognizes the importance of localty-produced knowledge ernanating from cultural history and social mteractions (p. 214)

"Recognizing the importance of IocaLiy-produced knowiedgeii may also involve rethinking my own

applications of terrns such as "anticoloniai" and "indigenous." The anti-colonial perspective,

however, requires an alternative set of analytical criteria. In lieu of facilitating replicability then, the

research design does help to provide ûanderability criteria which according to Lincoin & Guba

(1988) refer to the extent to which the case study facilitates the drawing of inferences by the reader

that may have applicabifity to his or her own situation (p. 202). For example, the process did involve

developing sûategies for rndfymg and refining data in the field which are easiIy transferable, when

one uses the criteria of culîuraily-relevant research protocol.

3.2 FIELD RESEARCH

Field research was planned for the Fa11 of 1998, but an impending election in Venezuela held

back plans to visit at that time, and also forced me to seek an alternative research location to arac cas.'

I had been in contact with the Fe y Alegria organization in Caracas only mdirectly. Mer several

unsuccessfui attempts at contacting the relevant persons located on their website, 1 enlisted the help of

a tacher of Trinidadian descent, who worked in the public school system. 1 had argued that her

proximity to organizational headquarters etc. ..would facilitate better communication. In time she

grew increasingiy hsûated at her lack of progress in establishing contacts, and suggested that the

impending electim were a major obstacle. Then the threat of election violence forced schooIs to

close early for the Christmas vacation. Fearing there would not be an early resolution of the politicd

turmoil, she advised that that would be a bad time for fieldwork situated in Caracas. 1 then consulted

with an acquaintance in Ciudad Bolivar, who was a professor at a local University. He informed me

that there was a large Fe y Alegria presence in Ciudad Bolivar, and offered to mvestigate whether it

was possible for me to situate my fieldwork at that aiternative location.

Consequently, the fieldwork was conducted in Trinidad during the months of November and

December 1998, and Ciudad Bolivar, Venezuela during March 1999. The change of research site was

decided upon &er consultation with my Venezuelan contacts who had better access to the Fe y

Alegria schools located in Ciudad Bolivar, and cauld provide me with a research assistant during my

stay there. Some interviews were conducted in my absence, and before my arriva1 by a research

assistant. This person was a tacher with connections to both the public system and the Fe y Alegna

schools. He was recommended to me by two professors at the local university, since he had spent

some time as a graduate student in the US, and was fluent in English. He was provided with a copy

of my research proposal, and briefed on the interview protocol I had planned to use. The transcripts

reveaied that he had asked the questions in the exact sequence as in my "Interview hotocoi"

questionnaire (Sec Appendix A). 1 treated these responses as a "pilot," leaming fiom them how the

participants responded to the interview protocol. 1 learnt, for example, that participants were

responding negatively to my question about teaching "spiritudity" tiom a Roman Catholic

perspective. However, once 1 arrived 1 had the opportunity to meet and question these Fris

myself.

I engaged in both participant and non-participant observation. These involved interaction

with the local people, mforming them as to why 1 am interested in what they do and how they do it.

Once again, I was hoping that the diaiogical method wouid provide &ta that could estabiish its own

intemal validity without recourse to extemai paradigms and methodologies. This method serves the

purpose of ailowiag those voices that have not been heard in traditional academic discourse to

elabarate upon the existing knowlcdge base, or to legitimate the new howledge that the study hopes

to provide about them. The obsemtions were recordedpost hoc, usually at the end of each day's

visits. Sometimes they were recorded during, or after Iistening to, the interviews recorded on that

day. These interviews helped to provide the context within which the knowledge was produced.'

However, 1 acknowledge the limitations of condensed field research, conducted owr seven

weeks. 1 must emphasize that the field research was mtended to complement the substantid body of

documentary evidence which 1 have access to, and to expand my howledge base about the issues

which are in need of fkther clarification. The process also supports the underlying epistemology of

the research process that acknowledges that mdividuals and groups ought to be consulted and invited

to produce knowledge about themeives if such howledge is to be considered valid.

3.3 SUBECTS OF THE STUDY/INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Those involved with the administration of both organizations, and with whom 1 had

established preliminary contacts, provided key-informant interviews, Where possibie, these included

those who were associated with the organizations h m their inception, and local reviewers and

evaluators. 1 used these initial interviews to provide me with historical data, and the names or groups

of persons that 1 should include in the interview process. The subsequent mterviews took the form of

tape-recorded life histories which encouraged participants to talk about those expcriences which ted

them to become involved with Servol and Fe y Alegria. The actual sample was small; fourteen such

"histones" king conducted at one site, and sixteen at the other. One variation to the procedure which

was not included m the original design, was mterviewing focus groups of two to four persans at the

same time: a dialogical process, whereby participants wer&ncouraged to offer answers to the

questions, but also to comment on what others had contributed. The sample, wbich included teachers,

students, and administrators of both models, was extended in this way to bring the totai nuniber of

mterview participants to forty-hvo.

The interviews were conducted against a backàrop of participant observation in most cases,

and in the case of those conducted in Ciudad Bolivar, Venezuela, were doue m the p e n c e of

a n o t k English-speakuig local inhabitant of the area. She asked the questions in Spanish, and would

repeat w b t was being said to me in English, even with the knowledge that 1 was fairly competent

with the language as spoken, though a reluctant speaker myself. Her identification with the peopk

and with the community encouraged participants to offer information and details that they did not

consider my initial question readily addressed. in fact, many of the details 1 later recorded as field

notes comprised very pertinent information, offered without solicitation by those king "interviewed."

For example, information in regard to how and why several teachers work in both the public system

and with Fey AIegria was offered he ly by several teachers, while 1 awaited an interviewee at the

Teachers' Union building. It was here that information was also offered to expIain why the chiken

of some middie cIass families, including teachers' children, were seeking admittance to Fe y AI&a

schools which were not located in their school zones. Many offered valid rationalizatiom for seeking

private education for their own children once they could afford it.

in both Trinidad & Venezuela the interview process was treated by participants, as an

information sharing session that they were delighted to be part of. The participants were told that

what 1 wanted, was for them to conûi'bute new knowledge about the models that couid complement

what was said in the literature, and that the information they offered was essential to my

understandmg of how they saw the issues being mvestigated. One consequence of this is that they

usualIy treated the interview as an opportunity to tell their story, answering the questions with

anecdotes. This was especially the case with teachers in the system who told about how their

persona! histones Ied them to be part of Sm01 and to seek ernployment there on completion of one of

Seruof's training programmes. However, 1 was careful to solicit answers to specific questions to them

regardirtg such issues as the devance of curricuIum and methodologies use& using the commtmity as

a teaching cesource, and the extent of their empowennent to make deçisions regardhg both curricula

content and teachmg pctices?

The interviews were necessary to my research design, since 1 depended on them to provide

&ta which could either support or contradicî, not ody the claims made in the literatirre, but aIso my

own assumptions about the relationship between indigenous models of schoolmg, and endogenous

development efforts. As mentioned before, they would also support my underlying research

epistemology which acknowledges that the subjects of the study are active participants in the

construction of knowledge about them, and the knowledge constructed must include their own

interpretations as valid.

1 depended on network selection for my sample, despite my original plan to use criteria-

based sampling. Once initial contacts were made with both organizations, it became clear that 1

would have easier access to a random sarnple from a list provided of potential mterviewees, not

disthguished by class, ethnicity or gender. Since both organizations service the poor and

underprivileged, social class did not constitute a category for sample selection. However, at the level

of admlliimtion, more middle-class penons were interviewed than those who were themselves

products of the environment in which the organizations flourished. 1 had intended to attend a local

school board meeting in Trinidad, since Servol insists that these are locally-staffed and managed.

However, 1 arrived in the island near the end of the school term, where the activities rnainly involved

evaluations and celebrations. My Uifomtion about the school boards, therefore, came from a field

officer, who was a Servol graduate and beneficiary of the system. in Ciudad Bolivar, the schods

were administered by a centralized Iocal authority, accountable to the Ministry of Education. Both at

the Ievel of local school administration and centralized governance, middleclass clergy are highly-

A list of probing questions used for the interviews is attached as Appendix A. These

questions were mtended to provide elaboration, clarification, and completion of details on themes

derived h m a preIiminary anaIysis of the documenîary evidence. These inchde:

the guiding principles of each organization, the goals of education, and the politicai and academic objectives;

the administrative stnicture/administrative clirnate and culture of each m&l;

the extent to which their administrative practices, cwiculum guidelines, and achievetnent aiteria differ fiomlsupport the national model;

the extent to which each model facilitates the transition from schoot to wurk within the local community (where applicable);

the extent to which the "values" which govem the prinçipIes and methodotogies reflect those of the participants and their local comrnunities;

the extent to which the "empowerment" claim actuaily determines the design and methodology of each model;

the use of local resources and epistemologies;

the extent to which each modei's components canlcannot be integrated into a national model;

the extent to which data (as collected from these micro-studies) can support a theory of paradigrnatic change in regard to educational policy and practice among the developing nations of the South.

3.4 THE RESEARCHER AS SUBJECT

As a native of Trinidad & Tobago, addressing an issue that has engaged my attention on both

the academic and political levels, 1 approach the research process acknowledging my multiple

locations. On the one hand, 1 am wciting as a critical voice within the academy, and therefore, takùlg

the necessary steps that would estabtish credibility for my research hdmgs. To this end 1 have

designed the study to achieve triangulation. Documentary evidence is analysed in conjunchon with

the data collected Eom my key-informant interviews, and condensed fieldwork which mvolved

observation strategies. However, the exercise also alIows me some self-reflexivity. 1 am a product of

the colonid education system that readily prepared successfùl participants for iife outside their locai

commMities, but failed to address the issues of local development efforts as defmed by the Iocd

commmity. Moreover, it was an elitist system, designed to favour the r u h g classes, and to prepare a

local middleclass to assume leadership roles following independence h m Britam. The many years 1

spent as an educator, and an administrator in that schwl system, quale me to be ail of subject,

mformant, and critic. 1 am approaching the research process h m the point of view that it codd

establish new knowledge pertinent to my questions about the devance of what 1 had been doing in

the school system, as weU as to generate some substantive theory about the relationship between what

we teach, and what we consider sound educationd practice to the future development of our local

communities. Locally-validated intervention models can also serve the purpose of infORRing national

poIicy guidelines.

3.5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OüTIBED

1 began with an emerging theory which linked the failure of education reforms in LAC to the

imposition of exogenous models of schooIing, and education agendas. By applying a bmad-based

political economy perspective to the devetopment discourse, I was able to isolate "culture" as the

independent domain for the purpose of analysis. 1 would argue that "Culture" as a category for

analysis is not constant, but dynamic. Henry Giroux (2000) writes: "Culture is the social field where

power repeatedly mutates, where identities are in transit, and where, agency is often located where it

is least acknowledged"(p. 353). Hence the m o n for establishing it as an independent domam in my

research model.

Moreover, culture as theory and c u i m as an organizational category are both central to my

analysis. Broadlydefined here as ' tays of accomplishing things," Culture becomes the lem through

which to view the relationship between the failure of education reforms in the South, and the

imposition of Westem paradigms and models of deve~o~ment-a Douglas Lummis (1998) wams that

measurïng al1 world cultures against a single standard, "dispossess the world's peoples of their own

indigenous notions of prosperity" (Sachs, 1998, p. 48). The single standard used in the economic

development discourse has been definexi by the "Washington consensus," and reaffirmed by the

" ~ 7 . " ~ Together, these two have served the purpose of Mdating the Western ideai of development,

as king constntcted prixnarïly m economic terms. Consequently, education reforms m the South

have been implemented and evaluated against the d0-t paradigrn. What schools are for has

become a global and not a couutry specific-issue.

On the other hand, the tactors that are dependent on the domain of culture are historically and

spatidly specific. Schooling is a domain of culture when a local community uses the school system

as a medium for transmitting the values and knowledge that group considers necessary to

membership. Therefore, schooling as a cultural domam becomes the focus of my analysis. George

and Louise Spindler (1985) write: "We see education as culturai transmission, and of course cultural

transmission requires cultural learnings.. .Further we see that aspect of cultural transmission in which

we are most interested - education m the broad sense, schoolmg in the narrower sense (incIuding

initiations, rites of passage, apprenticeshrps as well as schools) - as a calculated intervention in the

learning process." It is with the culhuai transmission that takes place as a result of caicuiated

intervention in the iearning process, that this study is concerned. Whose knowledge is most

desirable? Whose culture is being transmitted, and why?

Hence the initial question asked, "Education for whose development?. Bourdieu talks about

how "cultural capital" is generated in the educational system, He focuses on how individuals as well

as classes, come to accumulate this "capital"' through socialization mto the relevant class, and how

this "constirutes a centra1 mechanism in the reproduction of inequality and domination" (Munch &

Srnelser, 1992, p. 15). Munch (1992) shares Bourdieu's perspective:

... social structures of inequality, in terms of income, power, education, and prestige are produced, repmduced, and ûansformed m interaction with the cultural code of society, which entails the values and n o m used in discourses on questions of equality and inequality. This intersection is where culture mets social structure, exerts its influence on it, and is in itseif infiuenced by it. The cultural code sets the ûame within which structures of inequality are produced, reproduced and transformeci into Iegitimation (p. 244).

Moreover, if schooling is a dornain of culture, it follows that theory-building around Iocd

modeIs of schooiing, must reIy on local epistemologiesP Local culture is one of several dependent

domains that influence the content and purpose of schooling. As the research process unfolded, I

became aware of the cornplex intenelationships between the local, national and global domains of

culture as they infiuence educational development, as well as their intersections with the political and

organizational cultures m which education systems flourisk

3.6 DATA ANALYSE

My study uses qditative mehds of analysis. Figures 3.1 & 3 2 @p. 56 & 57) reveal the

domains as components systematically identifiai through data cokction. Schensul & Compte (1999)

refer to James Spradey's definition of "domains" as classes ofobjects, thgs, ideas or events in the

world as people perceive it to be (p. 71). My fieId data Iead me to select the specific domains as

necessary to my analysis. Having estabIished "culture" as an independent domain, it was necessary to

delineate the various factors that determine the culture of schools at any given location. Since the

item for andysis was a local cornmunity, the "local" culture ofthat comunity must have some

impact on how education is delivered in schools. Yet local scfiools are often part of a more

centrdized system of education deiivery. The content of schooling mvariably refIects national

concerns. One of these is the intemal and extemai factors affecting the economy.

The formative research mode! had to be revised (Figure 3.2) to accommodate the new

categories of cuiturai laiowiedgt as acquired in the field. The in level of andysis consists of

descriptions of the factors as they operate within the d i f fmt domains, and within the iiistorical

context of public education in both countries. The 2" Ievel also depends on description. Theory-

building is the focus of this level, and 1 take the position that "Aü description is theory because it

hvdves a selection of o b m t i o n s of reality mto a set of descriptions that seek to produce a future

rdity" (Le Compte & Schensul, [1999j Vol. 1, p. II). Archiva1 and secondary data are used to

d e s m i the idternative models, and to ground the theoretid penpemves. The 3" level of analysis

uses constant comparative methodology to compare hth models with each other, and in relation to

the social and historical senings within which they are located. Emulating Glaser (1978),I applied

the steps in the constant comparative method of dewloping theory: FmaIIy, the field data is used to

fnform or to validate findmgs of the first three lewh. Heavy reiiance is placed on what was actuaily

said and observed In keepmg with my cornmitment to ethnographie methodoIogy, 1 hope to ensure

b t this method produces a picture of the cd- and social groups h m the perspectives of its

members.

Figure 3. i Fornintivc Rcsciircli Mode!: "Schoolinp ns n doninin of Culturc"

I I I I

b c a l Culture I

Local cultural I

I I I

CULTUIRE

DEPENDENT INDEPENDENT DOMAINS DOMAIN

3.7 WHYETIINOGRAPHY?

Schensul and Le Compte (1999) advise îhat ethnography is best çuited to an analysis of the

local; in particular to an analysis of culture8. Le Compte & Schensul write: "Ethnography assumes

that we must first discover what people actually do and the reasons they give for doing it before we

can assign to their actions, meanings and mterpretations drawn fiom our own personal experience or

fiom our professional or academic disciplinew (Vol.1, pp. 1 - 2). This view bas encouraged my choice

of critical ethnography for the research design: Critical Ethnography aIlows me to view power

relations through an anti-colonial prism. Earlier in this chapter, 1 made reference to field notes

written in response to several unsolicitai coments h m teachers 1 had met informally. These were

not part of my research project, but on hearing about it, talked fieely on their own locations in regard

to the issues of "moonlighting" m both the public and private sectors, and why they would favour

private schools for their own children, WhiZe the information cannot be directly quoted in this study,

it does assist the pmcess of asçigning meaning to these issues when raised in both the critical

literature and the field interviews.

Critical Ethnographers, therefore, observe subjects in their own setting and Iisten to what they

say. ïhey are oflen participants B the events they study. Moreover, critical ethnography allows me

to ask the questions, even when the atlswers seem obvious. 1 began with an emerging theory, based

on my experiential knowledge and the evidence gathered h m archival data. According to this

theory, local models of schooling cm initiate and support Iocal development efforts. At both the

individual and collective levels, these models support indigenousi notions of prosperity, reIying

heavily on their acceptance in the Iocal cornmtmities. These models reflect and support the cuIturaI

expectations of individual cornrnunities in regard to the nature and purpose of schooling? They are

defmed as alternatives, because they began by providing alternative access to formal education and

M i n g for those who were either denied access to the public system by failing to meet entrance

requirements, or on account of k i r social and economic status.

In my study 1 taie an interpretivist approacb'* 1 argue for vaiidating howledge within its

historicai and social context, and for negotiating manhg with the subjects of my study at the

r e s m h site. For example, modifications to the interview protoc01 had to be made at the locd site,

local modeIs king more ùiformal and Iess prescriptive. However, by using the local mode1

suggested, 1 was able to soIicit information pertinent to the study, including themes I had not inctuded

in the original design. in the fieId it became clear that I aiso needed to argue for negotiating

methodology. Armed with the tools of the academy, I set out to carry out field research, determined

to follow the conventions of the discipline knowing that I will have to explain and to justify my

methods to colleagues in the academy. The subjects of my study had different ideas about the

hctions of research, and questioned sorne of the protocol. For example, I took gmt care to have

hem read, undetstand, and sign consent forms. Al1 the participants when approached found the

procedure unnecessary, and in regard to the goarantee of anonymity, the parücipants wanted to be

recognized, wanted their voices to be singIed out and what îhey said to be registered as knowledge.

Earlier in the chapter, 1 explained that rny choice of Venezuela as a research site was

determined by my own heritage, by VenezueIa's proximity to Trinidad, and a shared history of

colonization by Spam. In regard to my personal location, my Venemelan-bom grandmother lived in

our home untiI her death in 1968. We had Spanish-sp-g relatives fiequently visiting with us, and

they would use a dialect of Spanish that 1 understood, but was reluctant to imitate. At school 1 was

taught CastilIian Spanish and wamed that this was the form of the language acceptable in academic

chles, and polite society. The language spoken at home had to be discarded. Later, as an

undergraduate, I took courses in Spanish Language and Literature. ïhere was no Latin American

component in any O t these. 1 rernahed a mediocre student of the Spanish Ianguage used for academic

purposes. Before settmg out for Venezuela, I had obtaked several textbooks, aimed at revishg my

Spanish hnguage SUIS. However, on arrivai in Venezuela, E fomd myseifirt the Company of EngIish

speakers, and was ductant to use Spanish despite my having spent much tirne preparing for the task

hnically, the Spanish spoken m Cidad Bolivar was closer to the Ianguage of my chi1dhd Now it

was acceptable to use it, 1 still felt restrained. The effect of this is that, whîle 1 needed a native

speaker to act as a translater during the interviews, 1 would have a very good understandmg of what

was king said, including information not related to the questions posed by the mtm*ewer

However, 1 would admit that m order to label my study an "ethnography," more time had to

be spent with my subjects at the research site. The ethnographie method as used hm, is used an

analytical tool in evaluating the local, Given the small sample population, I wodd use the term

"rnicrwthnography"; a temi Bogdan (1992) uses to descni case studies done on very srna11 unitsi of

an organization (p. 66). Sewol and Fe y Alegria then becorne small units in the organization of

school systems.

3.8 WHO ARE THE BENEFICIARIES?

in the end it is a personal and political project that 1 have chosen to undertake, sharing the

opinion of Gitlin (1994) and 0th- operating outside the positivist paradigm, that there is no

universai epistemologicai court, establishing universal truths. I hope to sensitiz;e readers to the

normative truths that are embedded in specific historical and cultural contexts (Gitlin, 1994, p. 189,

and to generate theory that the participants m my mdy may refer to in planning for future educational

development, However, the organizations that have given their approval for this study will be

pravided with the results, and encouraged to engage in feedback, through for example, review

articles. 1 atso mtend for the study to represent the efforts of yet another minority voice h m within

the academy to chdlenge the dominant methodoIogica1 paradigms by aridressing the topic of

development fiom an anti-colonial perspective.

NOTES

' The threat of pre-election violence forced schoofs in Caracas to dose m early December 1998. 1 was wamed that it would be an inappmpriate t h e to conduct fieIdwork I had chosen the period before the Cltristmas cetebrations, since I kamt h m the literature that this was a tirne of year when the schwl was the cenire of the activities and celebrations.

' Silverrnan (1993) cites GIassner & LoughIin who argue that narrative analysis works through exminhg the nature and sources of the '&me of explmation' used by the interviewte.

3 1 took an interactionkt approach to the interview process. 1 opted for semi-structured indepth mterviews, aIlowing the respondents to do what Denan (1974) and Silverman (1 993) d d b e as use %eir unique ways of dehing the world" (Cited Silverman, 1993, p. 95). This meant that 1 also allowed the respondents to raise issues not contained m the mterview schedule.

1 Ciung Thomas SoweU's definition in Race and Culture: A World Yiav, Klitgaard reveals that cuItue itseIf is a loaded tenn:

Cultures are not merely customs to which people have a sentimental attachment or badges or "identity.".. CuIttres are particdar ways of accomplishing the things h t make life possiile - the perpetuation of the species, the transmission of knowledge, the assumption of the shocks of change and death mong other things. Cuitures difler in the relative significance they attach to the , noise, safety, cleanliness, violence, thrifi, intellect, sex, and art. These dif'férences may in nini imply differences in socio-economic efficiency, and political stability. (p. 100)

' The "G71G8'' - At the first meeting held in Rambouillet, Fmce in 1975 there were six major industrial demomcies: Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States. These agreed to meet annually to deal with the major economic and political issues each country faced as well as to discuss these m the context of the larger international community. Canada jomed the group at the Puerto Rico Summit of 1977, and Russia was invited as a political unit in 1994 . The impact of this sumit on the international trade reIations with developmg countnes is of great concern. Nat only bas it served as an occasion to firrtfier hegemonize the Western view of what constitutes global economic interests, but it has consolidateci the economic power of participating nations, rendering al1 those which fail to be admitted subjects and dependants of these "super-economies." Together with the Bretton Woods organizations which comprise 'The Washington Consensus," this group generates world economic theory and policy.

By Episrernologies hem, I imply those suppositions abut knowIedge that underiie my research, and determine categories for adysis.

7 GIaser (f 978) recounts the steps in the "Constant Comparative Method": - begin collecting data - took for key issues, recirrrnig events or categories of focus - collect data that provided many incidents or examples of the categories of focu - wnte about the categories you are observîng, attempting to account for d l the incidents m

your data - work with the data and emerging mode1 to discover basic social processes & relationships - engage m sampIing, codnlg and writnig as the anaiysis focuses on the caregories.

Cited in Bogdan, R (1992) Qualit& research for edtmîion: An introduction to theory and methodr. Mk. Allyn & Bacon.

Goetz (1984) supports Le Compte. They both write that with etknography9 the sûategies for investigation ought to be conducive to cuItura1 reconstruction: "Ethnography admits the subjective experiences of both Uivestigator and parhcipants hto the research hme, thus providing a depth of undastanding o h Iacking in other approaches to resxch" (p. 9).

"Interpretivists" argue that culturaI beIiefs and m d g s are: - sociaily-constructed - context-specific - not fixeci, but dynaniic and changing - negotiated - multipiy-voiced - participatory.

Chapter 4

Conceptualhg Vublic Education" in Trinidad & Tobago & Venezuela

What was required was a refomed, restructureci education system that would make independence a political, social, cuIhrral, and economic reality and one that would strive continuously towards the creation of an egditarian society.

"Assessment of Draft Education Plan" (1968-1983) Ministry of Education, TMidad & Tobago 1984

This chaptet focuses on the sirnilarities as well as contrasts in the history of educational

developments in both Venezuela and Trinidad & Tobago. The focus is on desmiing the parallel

situations as well as identifling the different factors at work in boîh societies. 1 have chosen to focus

on developments in Trinidad & Tobago with paralleIs to the Venezuelan situation, partly because of

knowledge gained fiom previous research on the subject, but also because in investigating the

Venezuelan situation, 1 discovered that the description of educational developments in Venezuela,

necessitated a description of political &veIopments in that country that did not readily allow for

comparative analysis with Trinidad.

The political history of Trinidad & Tobago has been relativeIy stable. The first indigenous

government remained in power for thtrty years of democratic d e . On the other band. the

Venezuelan political climate has been both dynarnic and volatile. The hisrory of Venezuela has been

a history of revolution and counterrevotution; attempts at democracy crushed by the subsequent

dictatorship. Therefore, the cultures in which these educational developments take place are very

different in the respective countrïes. However, m rnany mstances the developments in one country

nm paralkt to each other. The chapter does not atternpt a comparison with global developments, but 1

achowledge throughout the interdependence of each nation on its relationship with global historical

developments.

4.1 OVERVIEW OF THE DEVUOPMENï OF THE PUBLIC EDUCAï'iûN SYSTEM IN

TRINIDAD & TOBAGO

Officially belonging to a group of islands hown as the British West Indies, Trinidad had

been a Spanish colony for three hundred years before the arriva1 of the British in 1797. During the

Spanish colonial period, sciiools were opened by various rnissionary groups, and historical data point

to severat educationd opporrunities available to even the daughters of the wealthy Iandownm and

coloniai officids (Gordon. S. 1963 & Education 180û-1962). Public policy and intervention in

interna1 affairs of the colony tended to reflect the colonial powers' need to maintain dominance and

controi by developing only those human resources that helped to advance plantation economies.

Efforts were made by the British colonid officiais to develop an education policy for its

colonies based on missionary pruiciples, but it was not und the 1920's that an official colonial policy

was established regarding educationat policy for British subjects. As in 19' Ccntury Britain,

education provisions w m mostty Ieft up to the various missionary efforts and charities. The

influence of these missionary efforts has survived the end of colonial rule, and in Trinidad is reflected

in the relationship between the government and the various denorninationak organizations in regard to

the management of schwls.

However, a s early as 1851, the governor of the island, Lord Harris, envisaged a public system

delivering compuIsory primaryl education for the istand of Trinidad. Compulsory pcimary education

was not introduced into Endand and WaIes until 1870, so Harris' plan was considered to be

somewhat ambitious. According to this pIan, primary education was to be available to alI, to be £iee,

and to be secdar. Decentralized local authorities were to be given the responsibility of establishmg

schools and providing for education in ttiW own wards. Harris' ran into hostility. The

denominationai groups were aIready too powerful m their influence, and th& vehement opposition to

the secular philosophy befiind the system, led to its demise eight years after (Heywoad, I996).

Paûick Keenan (Inspecter of schooIs in Ireland) was sent out to the island to evaluate thé system He

tmed the schook over to denomhtiod boards, and initiated the s p e m of dichatornous conml

mvolving church and state that persists today. The Education Ordiaance of 1870 recognized the two

types of school: state schools wholly supporteci by govemment h d s , and assisteci denominational

schools receiving financial aid from govemment. Other education Ordinances of 1875-1890

rea&rned the partnership (Education 1800-1962 & Heywood, 1996).

4.2 P O S T C O L O W EDUCATION SYSTEM - SECONDARY SCHOOL EXPANSION

As with the prirnary school system, both church and state manage the secondary system.

However, the rnajority of denominational secondary schools date back to the colonial period with

some of the more prestigious opening in the rnid-nineteenth cenhny. in 1960 the fïrst indigenous

governrnent embarked on a plan of secondary school expansion. An agreement, hown as the

"Concordat" was made between the govemment and the various denominational school boards. In

retum for paying teacher salaries and providing maintenance and other grants, the govemment of

Trinidad & Tobago, would through a selective mechanisrn (The Common Entrance Examination)

determine 80% of the population of existing denorninational schools. The practice was initiated in an

attempt to make entry into these schools more accessiïde to those fonnerly excluded on grounds of

factors such as race and class. It was at about this t h e that the govemment also began its planned

expansion of the systwl

The first government schools were modelled on the traditiond schoois. They were called

"Modem, " irnitating the British modern-grammar or "Centra1 Schools." Today they continue to

enjoy a status below the denominational schools, but above that of the contemporary public sector,

Junior /Senior Secandary, Comprehensive, and Composite Schools. These Iast schools were buiIt in

the period of rapid expansion following the "oil boom" years of the seventies. By the time they were

cornpleted, the economic dawntum had meant that funding for the project had to corne frorn several

internahona1 donor agencies, and, therefore, these schools were built under conditions stated in the

Ioan agreements. Moreover, a statu hierarchy has k e n attached to the various types of schools that

the g o v m e n t appears to endorse by its selection ptocess. Candidates attempting the Common

Entrance Examination are encouraged to give a list of four choices; the higher the mark atrained, the

better the chance of gaining access to the hi& profiIe, academic or '*Prestige Schook " Those at the

bottom of the "pas" Iist will be admitted to the 3-year Junior Secondary schools.

4.3 THE POLïïïCAL ECONOMY OF EDUCATION ANDEOR DEVELOPMENT: ACCESSiNG SECONDARY EDUCATION IN TRiNiûAD & TOBAGO

At the time of writing, the "Common Entrance Examination" or "1 1+" continues to be the

officia1 mechanism used to determine access into secondary school in Trinidad & Tobago. This

rnodel is currently being phased out, but has survived for nearly forty years. Currently about 75% of

the 30,000 students writing this examination annuaily, wiIl gain access to secondary school. Rior to

1961 when the examination was initiated, oniy 15.5% of those attending primary schools would

continue ont0 secondary schools, these king few and modetled on the British gramrnar school,

catering for the élite groups in the Society. The examination was expected to provide a more

egalitarian framework than that which existed in the colonial period. increasing access to secondary

school, has been one of the main obstacles to educational development and other commentators have,

fiom its inception, branded the examination a concepniaIly-flawed example of political expediency.

Mackenzie (1 989) summarizes the dilemma for education domers: "Rightly or wrongly many

parents view the examination as an opporttmity, albeit flawed in some ways, to overcorne poverty and

prejudice" (p. 281). However, the statu given this examkation has made it a decisive factor in

determining an individuai's future progress. Mwnsammy (cited in Jules & Kutnick, 1990) lamenteci

the consequences of labellmg children "successes" or "failures" at age eleven:

The present system of education with its "eleven plus" defeats the very purpose of education since it curtails the fkedorn of acquisition, of experknce essential for living, huddles al1 pupils, Irrespective of abitity and incIination mto the mad race of the Common Entrance Examination. T k damage is more fully appreciated when we consider that at the tender age of eleven we label our c h i l h as bbsuccesses" or "failures."

Successive governments have attempted to refonn the system with the promise of aboliçhmg

this examination, but their efforts have met with iittIe success. Part of the problem lies m the

unwillingness of the population at large to reünquish the former colonial mode1 of education,

believing it to be primarily the means to economic and social advancement. Access to one of the so-

cailed "Prestige Schoob " offers the possiiility of contiming on to higher education or fmding

meaninghl employment. For many, it is the crucial m g on the ladder of social mobiIity. Even the

poorest of the pwr compete to gain access to one of these schools.

The most recent Education Policy document, "Education Policy Paper" (1993-2003)

acknowledgts that the Common Entrance Examination has littIe relevance to the realities of students'

lives except for it king used as a medium for gaining entry into a school. The entire final year of the

primary programme is u d 1 y taken-up with preparation for the examination. Even in the better

schools, teachers ignore the regular c ~ c u l u m in favour of examination preparation. Al1 previous

examinations are viewed as practice tests, and the process is repeated as long as tirne allows.

ChilQen are obliged to take extra tuition afler school and on Saturdays. When the results are released

by the Ministry of Education, parents fom Iong queues outside schools hoping to get, either a reverse

decision in favour of the schod of choice, or assistance and counselling in regard to those children

who have failed to get one of the cherished 'VIaces" at a five year secondary school. The majority of

these parents come fiom lower sociosconomic backgrounds, T'herefore, the claim of egalitarianism

is seriousty called into question.

Why then has the govemment continued to endorse a system that makes it more dificult for

the new sector schools to be accepted? Mackenzie (1997) implies that the govemment approaches the

issue fiom the perspective of confiict management. The government views the system of dual control

as a strategy:

which reduces rather than exacerbates the national politid strains: n i e denominationd system has become one of the safety valves of society, a means of granting interest groups a choice and an impression of autonomy without necessarily vesting in them political power. In a mse, therefore, denominational education has been manwwred into the position where it is now a signifïcant part of goverment's politicai strategy. (p- 209)

1 would argue that the denominationai groups are still a competing power, and that the govenunent is

being cautious in chdlenging these powerful groups which often have a monotony on economic

power in the society by virtue of the ruiing classes being dominant in their membership. if the

intention is to appease a parîicular group it would be the underclass, who are given the impression

that entry into one of these schools can result in entry mto another social class. There are a relatively

large number of "traditionai" nondenominational secondary schools (19) as indicated in TabIe 4.1,

but these are not nearly as popuIar with as the "Assisted" denominational school. Sorne exceptions

apply. For example, one ail girls' govenunent school is called, "St Francois GirIs' College." The

descriptors, "Saint" and "College* appear to give it status. Significantly, students attendhg this

school pdorm much better than shidents in other public sector schools on the secondary school exit

examinations, This rnay have a lot to do with intake (those choosing to go thme perform better on the

entrance examination). However, its success may also have to do with the name given, and the

single-sex mode1 that imitates the denominational schools.

Tabte 4.1 Secondary Schools in Trinidad & Tobago by Type

Senior Comprehensive I l6I

Assisted (al1 traditional)

Traditional

Junior Secondary

Senior Secondary

Composite I 9 1

30

19

24

3

The new sector school, on the other hand, continues to survive a barrage of criticïsn, and

several attempts at refom Numerous reports commissioned by the govemment have commented on

the poor status these schooIs enjoy. As &y as 1982 (approximately a decade after their mception), a

Worhg Party on Education was appointed by the govemment to consider converthg al1 Junior

Secondary schooIs to five-year schools. The conunittee identifiecl severai problems, These were to

k found in the areas of school management, curricula and eXammations, availability of qualified

teachers, setection and pIacement of students, and the policy of doubhg the d e n t intake. (Ministry

of Education, 1982, p. 32) The "double-shiff' system, which aimed to provide access to a greater

number of students, was totally rejected by the population. Moreover, it created other social

problem as groups of secondary-age students were left unsupervised for the greater part of the day.

Selecting the students for hese schools, is done on he bais of zoning. A student entering one of

these schools, wodd not have perfonned well enough on the Common Entrance Examination to get

one of the standard t h e choices: a prestige denorninational schooi of f i t choice, another

denominational schwl of lesser status as a second choice, and a ''modern" sector traditionai

secundary schoo1 as third choice. Under normal circumstances, parents and students would not select

a Junior Secondary school as a fmt choice. Even proximity to the school would not act as an

inducement. in fact students h m ml areas are prepared to travel to the city on a daily bais if only

to attend the school of their choice. The Task Force commissioned in 1982 had this to say about this

What we have at the moment is the Iowest lem1 of abilities k ing allocated to the Junior Secondary Schads. The traditional teacher is accustomed to teactmig the top 20% of the abiliv system. The result of ail this is too many students m Senior Secondary Comprehensive S c h b cannot read or w-rite (p. 30)

The Education PIan of 1985-1990 twk this last criticisrn very seriously. Commenting on the

Senior Secondary Schools m the system, the pIan descriid the schools as "handicapped by the

generally Iow preparedness" oftheir intake Crom the Junior Secondary SchooIs. It also commcnted

on the impracticahty of pqaring these students for the same exit examinations as students in the

more academic "Prestige" schools:

It has been the practice up to 1984 to enter al1 studenîs for the relevant e x t e d examination regiudless of their level of coqetence, and in spite of the fact that for

the majority, these examinations were quite beyond their capability of level of preparedness at the time of wrïting. The examination results, therefore, paint an ~~l~lecessady d i d picture of the performance of these schools and obscure the real worth and potential of these institutions.

(Ministry of Education, 1985, p. 33)

Jules and Kumick (1990), m a study determining the personal and systemic variables which

influence academic success concluded, that the bias of traditional schoots and traditional curricula,

"forces one to consider that the stratified results characterize a colonial-based system in which equal

opportunity for development is severely ümited for those stiidents who do not gain eniry to the

traditional schools" (p. 232). This position appears to be supported by the recent Task Force which in

its assessrnent raised concems about "the glaring differentials in outcornes across different types of

schwls" (p. 15).

Access to secondary school in Trinidad & Tobago is best viewed through the lens of political

economy arguments. This perspective will help to explain why several of the recommendations of

the National Task Force, cal1 for the involvement of the Pnvate Sector in widening access to

secondaq school, and improving the quality of schwling for those currently disadvantaged by the

We recommend that new secondary schools be established ... to provide, for those pupils in the lower ability range, a safe, caring environment where they cm develop their hurnanity, grow in self-confidence and acquire the knowledge and skills they need to respond positivety to life. We recommend that suitable private schwls be contracted to provide accommodation for secondary school pupiIs so as to increase the number of schwl places and accelerate the deshifting process. (pp. 56-57)

information provided by a source working with the Secondary Education Modemization

Programme (SEMP), reveaIs that the Ministry of Education has opted io replace the Common

Entrance Examination with another qualifying exam. The Common Entrance Examination consisted

prïmarily of Multiple Choice questions testmg Reading, Science, Mathematics and Social Shidies (but

also an essay component). However, the new examination promises to be much more

comprehensive. The Secondary Entrauce examination (SEA) is to begh m 200 1. The SEA is

envisaged to be a 25 hours test of students' reasoning and verhi skills. The focus is, therefore, on

Language [Gramrnaticat d e s , Vocabuiary, Punctuation, S p e h g , Comprehension & Poetry), Essay-

Writing (descriptive and narrative), and Mathematics (laiowledge and problem-solving), The

argument for eiiminating the MuitipIe Choice format is that students wilI be encouraged to k more

creative, and d l not have the opportimity to "ctarn" for the exanis. In response to a recommendation

of the Task Force, the age of eEgibiIity bas been extended to 14 years. Moreover, students can write

this examination as early as age 9. in a setting where secondary school places have always been

inadequate, once wonders at the earfier entry age into secondary school. However, this poticy change

appears to respond to the recommendation of the Task Force. "Just as there are some pupils who wiIl

not be 'ready' for secondary education before age 13+, so here will be those specialiy gifted pupils

who will be 'ready' to move on to secondary education before they attain the required age of II"

(p.47). Academic preparedness is obviously considered an indication of readiness for high school,

though the Task Force recomrnends psychological testhg before placement of the youngest

candidates.

The format of the exarn has changed, but the criteria fm selection seern to vary little from the

existing model. Placement is to be based on ment, parental choice, and the Concordat. Why then has

the govemment replaced the otd exam with an alternative that is udikely to soIve any of the problems

that suggested the need for change in the fil~t place? One answer may be found in an analysis of local

poIiticaI conditions. The Ministry of Education's SEMP (Secondary Education Modemization

Roject) is king jointly hmced by the Govemment of Trinidad & Tobago, and the IADB.

However, IADB statistics for t 996 demonstrateci h t the iADB waç conmiuthg about 70% of the

total cost of the project. Despite the ment economiç recovery, the Trinidad & Tobago government

remahs dependent on extemal aid for its indigrnous dmlopment projects. The W B has this to Say

about the SEMP Rojectl

The project wrlI mitigate the relative impact of Iimited access and inequitable provision through the targeted expansion of secondary coverage to low-income groups with the grcatest level of unsatisned dernand, the provision of compensatory programs to achieve equity taqets, and the unincation of secondary streams under a five-year singIe-shift core pro- W B , 1996, p.7)

Yet it falls short of descniing the program as targeting poverty alleviation: "AIthough not poverty

targeted, this operation qualifies as a social equity/poverty reduction project" (IADB, 1998, p. 7).

A total of 25 secondary schools are now being built in Triaidad & Tobago as part of the

SEMP (See Appendix D). Of these 20 wiil be public schools. Motmation obtained via persona1

communication, reveals that as many as 5 new denominationri! schools are expected to be built

during the same period. This raises the question of whether or not access for al1 to the secondary

levei wùl solve the problems created by supremacy of denorninationai schools. Over a decade ago,

MacKenzie (1989) expiained that even when universal primary education was acclaimed, the

preference for denominational schools remained apparent: "Despite the overall surplus of primary

school places, almost al1 prestige schools are inundated with applicants for entry, and nm at well over

their official capacities. indeed it is not uncommon to find schools of widely diffcrùig populations

existing side by side - one absurdly populated because it is a prestige schaol, the other grossiy

tmderpopulated because it is not." (p. 296)

4.4 EGALZTAWSM AS PROBLEMAWSOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS AFFECTING "READiNESSW AND OUTCOMES

G d Pantin (1984) bas commented on the unsuitability of the Common Entrance

Examination as an aptitude test for children in the depressed areas of Trinidad & Tobago. He is also

criticai of the teaching methodology in many primary schools which focuses on examination

preparation. This raises the question of the relationship between the conditions of îhe home

environment and equa1it.y of educational opportunity. Many children who live in depressed areas, or

who come from Iow-mcome families, do not have access to the educational support systems that

middle-class families are able to provide - books (even textbooks), extra tuition, a stimulating home

environment. Es equality served by merely granhg access to these disadvantaged youth to the next

levet of schooling? Fernando Reimers (1997) reminds us that, "Educationai oppomrnity is constragied

not only for those ch i l ch who do not have access to school, but also for those whose schools do not

help themn (p. 6). According to Gerard Pantin (1984), 'The type of chiid emerging fkom a school

which has not serveci its mterests, has picked up some srnattering of knowledge but..has littie

confidence and cannot even write a letter, winot count money accurately or measure lines. Mer

sitting out two or three years in primary schooI, the chikiren emerge from school to meet another

failure - inability to obtain a jobw (p. 10). The types of procedures used to determine entry into the

secondary school, as well as the types of schools made available to the children of disadvantaged

backgrounds, both suggest that the egalitarianism which was espoused in the Fifteen Year Education

Plan: 1968-1983 has not been achieved.

Jules and Kutnick (1990) argue tbat the expansion of the education system was m a t to

bring about economic retums, but a h to have an egalitarian impact on education oppommity, and

educational attainment. Whm stratification characterizes the social system, this purpose is

frustrated, as schools tend to reinforce the advantages and disadvanrages caused by the home. The

colonial legacy of education systems in developing countries, can be seen in the systemic

reinforcement of the statu hierarchies created by such factors as types of secondary schools, selection

procedures for entrance, range and content of subject taught, and textbooks on the cuniculum (Jules

& Kutnick, 1990, p. 220). To this f would add the content and the nature of examinations used for

graduation pmposes. What are the options anilable then to the 25% of the secondary school age

population who ''fàil" the Common Entrance Examination? According to Pantin (1984), these

unfortunate childm generally waste another year or two attempting to access the system, but give up

in about two years.

The govemment has recentIy eniisted the help of the Sm01 organization in administering its

Post-Pnmary Education Program. The reasom for doing so are best explained by those involved in

deliverhg the program, and wilI be desrnid in a subsequent chapter. However, it is worth noting

here that Sm01 is impIementing the Muùstry of Education's Post-Primary program by adapting the

content to suit the Servol methodology in what W o f calls, "Junior Life Centres." This is also a

usefui point of departure h m discussing the Trinidad & Tobago system in isolation, since

Venezuelan studenîs do not have to mite examinations to enter secondary schml, but are allowed

graduated entry through a process caneci, "Continuexi EvaIuation." Nevertheless inequities prevail,

with those of low social or economic statu king disadvantaged in terms of access to the quality of

secondary education which remains the prerogative of the upper classes that send their children to

private schools.

The hblic Education system m Venezuela m the estimation of its population has fallen

victim to political instability, rampant bureaucratie comption, the economic downturn and the

subsequent teacher strikes. A recent report prepared for a Dakar conference, meant to showcase the

successes of the "Bolivarian" model schoot project commented that al1 the reports, evaluations and

indicators, suggest that "Education is t d y a disaster'" (WorId Bank, 2000).

4.5 COMPARATIVE DEVELOPMENTS IN VENEZUELA

More than 90 % of Venezuelans describe themselves as Roman Catholic (WorId Bank, 2000).

However, the military and not the Church has been the arbiter of nationai development efforts

throughout the history of this nation. As previously mentioned, the history of Venezuela has been a

history of revolution and counterrevolutions. The devance of these events to our purpose here is

lirnited to the extent to which fiequent and o h radical change of political leadership infiuenced

educatimal developments either negatiwly or poûitively. Venezuela initially declared itself

independent From Spain in 181 1, but did not constinite itseif as an independent republic until 1829.

Yet the concern with education for the masses is as old as the nation itself. Simon Bolivar that

country's national hero was the first to express the desire for tmiversal basic education, but by the

t h e of his death, the ideas and plans were not hily reaiized. Simh Bolivar had mdied in Europe,

and it was his preoccupation with ckssical education based on the French model, that became

embedded in the min& of Venezuelans; a fascination which survives today, despite its irrelevance to

the contemporary situation. The hierarchical srnichues and rigid centrakation wbch still

characterize Venezuelan education are partly Bolivar's le-.

As in Trinidad durir~g the coloniaI period, education by the Ranian Catholic Church served

the minority of wealthy laudowners, who wished their children to be educated in the mannet of

Spanish aristaracy. However, in the independence stmggles, the church often sided with the Spanish

coloniaIs, thus straining relations with the remahder of the population, and in particuIar the rnititary

f?om which national leadership was derived. Nevertheles, the high prestige attached to ûaditional

and philosophical studies made it possible for the education offered by the RC church to remain

desirable.

After dedaring mdependence in 181 1, Bolivar issued a series of decrees concemhg fiee

education. Some of the progranis were actually impternented in his lifetime. However, popdar

education as we know it, was mstituted in la70 during the regime of Antonio G u m h Blanco.

During the Guntiin regime, state financing and administration of the school system was established

and several tmiwrsities opened. Many of these were to subsequent1y cbse and never reiipen.

However, some like the "National University of Zulia" were opened in 1891, closed severai times,

and then reniained closed during the period of 1904 to 1946.

During the 1950's under Juan Vicente Gbmez' mle that the relationship between the

education system and the RC chmch was the strongest. Gomez himself did IittIe for education, but he

patmnized many inteIIectuals who were in favour of church-supponed education. It should be noted

that the church in Venezuela has never been rich Its phiIosophical connection with European

traditions of education allowed it to hoid some influence with certain politicians, but Venauelan

society was much more secdarand materialistic than Hz Trinidad, where the Church held

considerable weaith and consequently decision-making influence. However, when as under Vicente

Gcjrnez' Ieadership, input h m the church was solicited, it usualIy resulted in educational

deveIopments. As part of its evangeiizing mission, the Roman CathoIic Church in Latin America was

committed to conversion by education. Therefore, dirrtng G6mez' regime and even up to a decade

after his death (1935-1945), teacher education institutes were established and pubIic schooIs extended

to rurai areas. It was during this the that Teachers' Unions were esbblished.

These developrnents were short-lived because the Pérez Jim9iez dictatorship followed (1948-

58). The budget for education was drasticaiiy slashed, and universities were sporadically closed on

account of perceived opposition from faculty and students. Et was ody in 1958 with the r e m to

democracy, that improvements in the availability, access, and content of Venezuela. education

became apparent. Rural education was a priority as agricultural extension services reached out to

Farmers, and distance education projects, involving the use of radio wete introduced. Six years of

compdsory prirnary school was established and President Guzmh Blanco's plans came to bition.

In 1980 the "ûrganic Law of Education" was passed, which allowed for pre-schwl education and

guaranteed 9 years ofbasic education.

In 1959 Romulo Betancourt was elected as the leader of the f i demmtic government.

Student groups beIonging to the many universities were among those who helped to form the new

government. However, as it became clear that democracy alone could not solve the many problems

of social injustice, many of these became disillusioned and joined with leftist forces, holding cuba up

as a model. Jaime Lusinchi, Resident from 1984-1989, was more concerned with retaining

Venezuela's creditworthiness than with educational deveiopment. Lusinchi, as well as Raphael

Caldera, under whose leadership the desire for representative democracy was to weaken and virtually

die, laid the foundations for the distrust and unrest which precipitated the masses to react agamst the

current state of bureaucratie corruption. Resident Chavez was elected m December 1998, even after

having lead the abortive coup of 1992. On bemg elected Chavez promised to root out entrenched

cronyism and corruption (Trequesser, 1999). Chavez is reported to have told journalists, "Venezuela

is a tirnebomb, and we have started to di- it." The people have since supported his constitutionaI

re fom in a referendum, and re-elected him to six more years of leadership.

The education challenge for Chavez is one of the fuses in the timebomb that is Venezuela.

EIsewhere in this study, I commented that in 1997, teacher strikes crippled the country. Labour tias

always been the second most formidable power m Venezuela next to the military. On the surface

Venemelans appear to be better off in terms of educational developrnents than elsewhere m the

region. Basic educaîion cousis& of 9 yeats of coqdsory schooling. Secondary education is

avaiIable m the fonn of a choice of academic, technid and vocational studies program at a "Senior

Hi&" and higher education takes the fom of continuation at any one of Junior College, U~versity

or Technical Institute. Access is available to all, but emoiment is Iow for a series of rasons. Schook

in Venezuela have half-day programs. These were initiated throughout the Latin American region in

the 1960's in order to increase enrolment opportunities This pheuornenon has meant that teachers

ofien work a full day in both the public and the private system.

in reaiity, both the q d i t y and the provisions for education are a source of contention with the

popuiation of 23 million, 93% of which Iive in urban areas. The economic d o w n m is only partly

reqonsible because by stashing education budgets, schools have had to thrive without the supporting

uitiastnictlw, but also because labour troubIes have virtualiy paralysed the system In addition,

social distinctions persist between public and private schoois; the latter preparing audents for

academic ventures, and therefore, retaining the prestige and desirability akin to the so-calld

"Prestige"/PubIic schools in Trinidad & Tobago. As a consequence the nationd mode1 tends to

Favour those deshed for the whitecollar and academic positions. htennediate Level and techical

schools are less popdar. In 1969 the government had to faditate the entry of students h m techcal

schooIs into universities by inîroducing a Tecimical Education degree, thus m a h g this type of

education more atüactive. Howwer, as in Trinidad & Tobago, the social statu attached to

educational achievement, has nmeant that those both sociaily and acadeniicaily disadvantaged must

chwse this path. 'Es is again a Iegacy of co1onial times, the sociai values attached to educational

achievements, bemg retamed after independence.

NewrtheIess, the introduction of the degree in Technical Education has helped many

Ven~uelans to be eIevated on the social stratification ladder by gaining employment in Venezuela's

heavily mdusûiaIized sector. Hence the reason Fe y AIe&u schools are sought after for their

tecfmicai programs which foUow the national curricuIum, The attraction se- to be that the learning

talces place in a weU-maintaineci environment, and the teaching is done by those, who m many cases

themselves have a strong academic background (mostly the middle-class clergy). Unlike Servol.

which has its own teacher trainhg program, Fe y Alegriu bas to use teachers tramed and certified as

in the national model. Outside of Venezuela, its educational achievernents rate better than several

other Latin American counhies. However, the high dropsut rates, and the hi& failure rate among

the disadvantaged is a cause of concem intemaiiy, as weii as in the intemational communi~. Tables

4.2 & 4.3 provide some insight into the present state of affairs in both couniries, ment statistics not

being available for several years and categones.

Table 4.2 Educational Altainment: Venentelflrinidad & Tobago (1993-4) Total Population: Venezuela: 22,3 1 1,000; Trinidad & Tobago: 1,262,000

Leveis of Attainment of % of population age 25 MT

Table 4 3 Schwl Age Population: Participation 1993-1994

Secondary

Ages denotes in brackets

Venezuela .,'O of Population

47.2

1 Country 1 Leveis 1 Sehoois 1 Teachers 1 Students 1 ~tudentl~eacher 1

Trinidad & Tobago % of Population

56.4

22.3 32.1

Venezuela

* Data compiled h m statistics located in Encyclopaedia Britannica Yearbook, 1997; iADB Regionai Reports 1992,1996; UNESCO Yearbook in Education, 1996.

Trinidad & Tobago

Primary (7- 12) Secondary (13-17) Post-Sec. Primary (5-1 1) Secondary (1246) Post-Sec.

lS,984 1,621

99 475 101

1

1 184,321 34,183

Ratios 22.9 8.7

48,833 7,21 0 4,882

43 8

550,783 195,013 1 00,609

5,191

12.6 27.0 20.6 11.9

4.6 THE CULTURE OF EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS Bi TRINIDAD & TOBAGO AND VENEZUELA: THE LINK BETWEENTnE FAILüRE OF REFORMS AND THE FAaURE OF DECOLONiZAïïON EFFORTS

In both countries, local cultmal expectations informing the content and goals of schmling is

the main factor that determines how education r e f m are supported by the population. Similarly, in

bath countries, the main factor influencing the c k c t e r of national development plans is the

economy, and each nation's dependence on aid h m the international cornmunit.. However, it is

clear that the curent economic system on its own has not caused the problems in each country. Much

of the resistance to indigenous refom have corne fiom the respective populations of both countries.

Venezuela's situation is critical. Che of Chavez' early decisions was to cut military spending

in favour of education reform. However, it might jwt be that his "cultural revolution" is the panacea

for the ailing system. Chavez has promised to starnp out bureaucracy and corruption. So mucfi of

Venezuela's wealth has been siphoned off by coqr ion that îhere is little Iefi for social prograrns.

"Transparency International," a worid-wide non-govemmental, anti-corruption organization has rated

Venezuela the 10" most compt country h m a Iist of 85 (Milne, 2000). In Venezuela this reptation

has helped to make the traditionai political parties unpopular, and to gam support for Chavez'

sweeping new constitutional powers.

In Trinidad & Tobago, on the other hand, an improved economy has not necessarily

facilitated the improvements in education provisions, despite decentralizing the system and the

irnplementation of expansion plans. The problem appears to lie m the retention of colonial ideas and

practices which have the support of the popdation at large. Yet there are comparable and even

parallel situations m each country that allow for comparative analysis. For example, white access to

secondary is easier in Venezuela than m Trinidad, enrolment and retention rates are actuaily Iower m

Venezuela (See Tables 42 & 43 on p.7 8). Newrtheless, more secondary school students gain entry

mto rmiversity than m Trinidad where matriculation reqUrrements are stdl based on the results of

externa1 examinations prepared by the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Eqwever, as

evidenced in the Ciudad Bolivar's statistics indicated m Table 4.4 below, "Basic Education" is the

main priority for the Venenielan public system.

Table 4.4 School Population in Ciudad Boiivar by Levels and Types of Education for the school yem 1997-1998

Basic Education 1 255,226 1 996 1

Levei ofEduwtàon

Re-school Education

I htennediatelïechnical Education 1

1Yo, Stirdents Enrolled

36,787

Numbw of Scbls

676

Special Education

1 informa1 Educatini 1 4,557 1 20

4,3 52 7 1

Adult Education 37,076

--

* Compiled from data issued by Division de Estadistica e inforrnatica - Zona Educativa Bolivar

1 1

87

Again, in both coutries the prestige attached to academjc pursuit., privileges those from

higher income households and those with the cultural capital. Systemic inequities continue to

determine access to quality education for the economically and socially disadvantaged. As a

consequence, youth unemployment is hi& in both nations, though the problem appears to be worse in

Trinidad & Tobago, than in Ciudad Bolivar, Venezuela where the field work was conducted. 1 am

hoping that an explanation for this coma out of the anaIysis of schodmg practices in Ciudad Bolivar

when compared with those of Trinidad & Tobago.

The factor of educational status, has even been identified as perhaps the most important factor

in detennining the future for youth in Trinidad & Tobago. Dennis Pantin (1996) commenting on the

causes of youth unemployment writes:

In one sense this may be the most important factor in that someone who had achieved the highest level of the f o n d education system is udikely to experience job difficulties whatever their age, weaith/income and social class. However, the iiterature &O shows that the educated cIasses tended to dominate the educatiod pmcess, tfius reproducing themselves. That is, the children of those with more education are Iess likety to have an above average oppommity of themsetves king educated (p. 10)

Therefore, both situations support the perception that there is a link between the failure of education

refonns, and the retention of colonial ideas and models, not merely of education, but of social

stratification. TabIe 4.5 reveaIs that educational status has a great impact on the employment

possiiilities of youth in Trinidad & Tobago.

Table 4. 5 Percentage of Persons Unemployed by Edncationai Stains in Tnnidad and Tobago. 1987-1 997, Both Seres

Level of Education 1987

Secondary education with no subjects 1 13.11 14-31 13.91 12.51 11.91 11.1 I I I I I I

No Education

Pnrnary Education Only

Primary Education and Training

Secondary education with training but no subjects 1 13.91 14.61 15.91 18-71 18.21 20.0

1989 1991 1993

0.9

26.3

24.9

Secondary education with less than five subjects pIus training 1 6.8 1 7-71 10.5 1 10.5 1 10.51 14.1

Secondary education with less than five subjects

- -

Secondary education with five or more subjects / 1.9 1 3.1 1 2.11 / 2.9 / 3.4 1 2.6

0.7

27.1

21.7

6.6

University education with degree, diplorna or certificate 1 0.61 0.81 0.91 O . 0.91 1.1

0.3

233

22.1

Secondary education with five or more subjecîs plus training

University education but no degree

6.9

0.5

20.9

22.8

2j

0.1

Educated in a foreign country

* Source: CSO, Continuou Smple Swvey of Populan'on Cited by Downes, Andrew S. (2000). Human Resomes Development m the Canibean. Journal of Education and Develoment in the Cmibean, 4 (1) 24-25 (Permission granted - Appendnr F)

5.8

Not stated

Total

0.8

20.8

21.6

2.7

O. 1

O. 1

0.6

16.6

21.7

5.2

0.1

3.9

0.1

02

5.6

-

14.9

3.9

O. 1

-

99.9 i 99.9

-

63

O. 1

-

99.6

7.4

O. 1

- -

99.8

- 0.1

100.1 59.9

in 1993 The IADB approved a projeet planned by the VenezueIan Mniistry of Famiiy

Services. The objective of this program was to train those who wouid otherwisc not h d emptoyxnent

for similar reasom as those identified in the Canibean study cited above. As with Sewol, it targeted

those who were outside the mainsiream education syçtem, and who lacked the basic skilIs needed in

the labour market Fe y Alegriu bas several program that perfom the same hction, though its main

focus is in increasing access to basic education. Once again the evidence points to a link between the

coloniai legacy of social stratification, and the model of schmling provided by the state.

ironically, both alternatives to the pubIic system to be discussed in the next chapter have their

mots in the efforts of Roman Catholic clecgy to make educational achievements possible for the poor

and the marginalized. It is the same organization that was primarily responsible for perpetuating the

inequities in colonial times. The roie of indigenous clecgy and the philosophy behind their change of

poiicy will aho be addressed in the next chapter. However, this is a suitable place to begin discussion

of what would constitute a mode1 of schoolirig that c m be labelled "indigenous" in the sense used

koughout this study, that is, originating witIilhm an individuai/ p u p of local inhabitants of a

community spatial!y and cultinallydefined3. The situations as descriid in the chapter wouid alIow

for the following criteria to be included:

A rejection of classification of schools based on criteria such as merit-based quali@ing entrance examinations, denominational or sectarian interests, statu hiwarchies attached to subject disciplines or areas of study.

Theïe rnust be no cornpetition in termç of gaining access iato secondary schoot. These schools wilI have the various abiIities included in their populations, and should have the authority to detemine program development, based on the needs of individds, social and cultural groups, and the dernonds of a 'national" public mode[.

A model that takes into account the hoIistic development of individuais, and prepares them for worlcmg in, and with their respective communities. in both Trinidad & Venezuela, some component of spirituality that transcends the teaching of dogma, is deemed to be necessary to the education pmcess?

A mode1 which has a "Coq" component, which wouId provide students with apprenticeship trammg.

A rethinking of curriculum guideiines and practices, to reflect indigenous knowledge, ideas, and practices, makirig these censal to the educatiw process, while noting their intersections with Empean cdtures and traditions. The r a t i d e for this approach is twofold. Fifitly, local inhabitants of both countries cm, and do lay claim to European heritage? Secondly, the fear of facnlg isolation fiom the intemational community is best addressed by trating these Empean traditions and practices in Education in much the same way as Western developed countries treat the concept of "international Education."

A model which allows for decision-nmking in regard to the content and structures of education, at the level of local commmities.

In Chapter 6 mterview data will be used to evaluate whether the claim of "indigenousness" as applied

to both models are justified. in both Chapters 5 and 6 attention wilI be paid to the philosophy of

education as stated by Fey AIegria and Serval. Their claims to help aileviate poverty, to improve

access and equity, to facilitate holistic development, and to make schooling relevant to the needs of

the respective communities, will be discussed in tum. Findly, the discussion will focus on how each

model facilitates local development efforts by Iooking at the transition fiom school to work, and the

partnerships created with the state.

NOTES:

--

I "Primary Education" is used interchangeably in this chapter with '*Basicl'(as used in Venezuela). Both tenns correspond to the North Amerïcan use of "Elementury. "

Source: Cordova, Luis (2000) Model School Projecr Ridàled with Problems in Venezuela. Inter Press Service.

According to this report coming out of the World Bank (2000), "Reform in Education," Bolivarian schools are a model for mtegrated education. It aims to provide aii day school, replacing the current half-day model. The model was intruduced with hi& expectations, but according to the report, resources are bemg exhausted on lmproving hfhsmcture and tacher-training. Virgiiio Armas, a researcher at the ESA (Institute for Advauced EducationaI Studies) forecasts that it will take at least I I years to upgrade the systern adequately enough to impIement the model.

' As indicated in Ch. 1, pp2 1-22, who aIso s k any combination of the following atîri'butes: - they have lived (or their) families have iived in that lacation for a long duration - individuais or families have been of simirar economic status for severd generations

- they have an intemal understanding of the values and knowIedge traditions shared by long- time redents of that geograpbical space

- they have not aIways resided in that location, but are acknowledged as an "insider" group because their ideas and actions reflect the va1ues of that cormnunity

4 in September 2000 Chavez introduced legislation to ban the teachnig of religion in Venemelan schook. Apart h m the obvious moral indignation of local cIergy and supporters of religious education, there is little to report on the consequences of this decision at this the. 1 have not gaiaed access to enough data on the subject to bring it up for discussion in this study.

This is especially true in Venezuela where the ancestors of the majority of the population c m be traced to Spain. As in Trinidad, miscegenation has resulted in a racial construction cdled "mestizo."

Chapter 5

Empowering Locai Cornmunities: Community-based Education Models

in giving aid or any type of help to others (whether h m the North or the South) it is important that we Iisien attentively to what people have to say about their own development; their hopes and drearns. We should not presutne that we know the needs of othen. Be sure that in m g to help others we empower them to help themselves. (Sr. Ruth Montrichard, Executive Director, Setvol, May, 1998)

Fe y Alegria encourages "local participation to solve local problems.. .(and provides) an alternative "hidden curriculum to children in schools, emphasizuig local action and participation in development." (Reimers, 1997, p. 41)

5.1 iNTRODUCTION

This chapter aims to evaluate innovative models of schooIing in the Latin Arnerican

region which attempt to detiver educational services to those at risk on account of their being, either

excluded fiom the public system or those for whom participation has resulted in previous failures. In

each case (the Fey Alegria organization of Venezuela, and Smol of Trinidad & Tobago), the mode1

was developed m response to the inability of the public system to meet the needs of at-risk

populations owing to its limited resources.

A study, coaducted in the Latin Amerïcan region by John Swope in 1995, identified seven

strategies that are responses to the problems of school failure. These include:'

preventative program

compensatory programs

prograrns mvolving cornrnunities in the instruction process

economic mcentive program to encourage parents to keep children at school

pre-schooi programs

programmes linkmg education with work

Each component of Swope's typology rizfers to both the Fe y AIegria and the S~rvol

prograrns. The Sm01 progranmes, however, did not begin as educationai programmes but as a

community-mobilization and awareness effoh According to its founder, "The plan was ta establish a

''vvery basic b d of organization with people helping people in an intuitive, unstructured way."

Pantin continues, "ifsuch an organizaîion couId be made to work, it could provide an inexpensive

and replicable model for the Third World" (Pantin, 1984, p. 3). The facilitators mon grew to realize

that nursery schools were centres where parents and children would come and where the parents were

more likely to voice their concems about the community's needs. Pre-school programs were

developed as community out-reach programs, encouraging participation and fostering awareness. Fe

y Alegria, on the other hand, was delikrateIy envisageci as an alternative delivery system to those, for

whom access was either denied or toa dificult to attain.

Rugh & Bossert (1 997) identify three alternative modeIs of education delivery, developed to

suit the needs of specific groups. The first of these are called, "Demand-driven Models." These are

0th transportable, no-tnlls facilities, intended to cut or to Lirnit costs (as in the BRAC schwls of

Bangladesh [Rugh, 1997]), or else housed in any convenient location and consisting of basic

instructionai packages. In this model facilitators assist the community in choosing options and m

planning how to support the choices made. Dificult to reach populations are often the target group.

The Servol programmes of rurai Trùiidad faII into this category. Instruction is normally camed out

by para-professionals possessing fewer credentials than teachers in the forma1 system, but who are

given rigorous intensive pre-service training, followed by a period of internship under constant

supervision (Mahabir, 1992).

Supply-driven rnodels are appropriate man envn.Onment where access is limited or where

motivation to participate is lacking. in the conventional system, academic d g and a

preoccupation with certification 0 t h produce a sigmîicant number of 'b&opouts"; disenchanted

youth hstrated by repeated failures, or else the fear of failure. These models incorporate programs

more devant to the needs of this group. Diana Mahabir (1992) suggests that this method empowers

the target groups because it says to them, "te11 us what you need, and how we can he1p you to get it

for yourselfthrough your own efforts" Ip. 38). Both ,%vol & Fe y AIegria are suppIydrïven.

Accountabiliiy models are the lest effective altemative for communities with Iimited resources,

because they depend heaviiy on community-hancing. The Harambee schools of Kenya are an

example of this model.

These akrnative delivw rnodels are attractive because they are more relevant to the daily

needs of the participants. They support a holistic approach to both education and development,

allowing schools (or "life-centres") to become the focus of community involvement. H m students

do not merely leam skills, but are prepared for life. The parents, by king active m the process of

management and decision-making, are empowered aiso to rnake changes that could benefit

individuals, communities and a country's overall development. Moreover, by pursuing development

goals in t e m of the needs expressed by any given community and the resources available to that

community, these alternative models also attempt to rupture the economic development paradigm.

Sr. Ruth Montrichard, Executive Director of &mol, argues for demarcating the bomdaries of

materidism and economic growth. In a speech delivered at the "North/South Conference for

Sustainable Development," she comments: " F i World countries must begin to make a distinction

between economic growth and developrnent growth, It is tirne that the privileged nations of the North

begin to accept that while we can never set limits on the ability of human beings to grow and to

devetop spiritually and socially, we can, and m u s encourage, the people of our world to set Iimits to

their materiai and physical needs" (Servol, May 1998.)

A detailed description of the two models and their programmes will attempt to mvestigate

how empowering individuals and comunities contributes to overaii national development. The

main question king investigated is to what extent hovative mdigenous models of educational

deiivery succeed in their mission to make basic education more readily available to at-risk groups,

more dfordable, and more relevant? A related question would be to what extent the education

provided has the abiiity to empower these margmalized groqs to affect changes which could resuft in

the overail development of individuals and their commuuities? A third question would be whether the

models could be replicated with the possiiility of attaining comparative success in another

environment. A working hypothesis would be that the practice of h w i n g fiom, and imitating

educatiod models which work for developed countnes actuaiiy Ulhr'bits development along lines

cuituraIly-relevant to the needs of the developing nations of the South, lacking the resources which

have made them successful in the developed world. The methodology involves a content analysis of

the existing literature.

5.2 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND NXUENCING THE DEVELOPMENT OF BOTH

MODEXS

Venezuela has a much lower unemployrnent rate than Trinidad and Tobago bas - 6.3% m

1995 as opposed to Trinidad & Tobago's 17.2%. Although the Onnoco Basin is located m Venezuela

and this contains the largest known oiI reserve deposits in the world, onIy 3.7% of the Venezuelan

labour force are employed m oil-based industries. Most of its revenue is derived fiom taxation

(78.3%), the petroleum sector contributing 182%. in Trinidad and Tobago only 58% of the revenue

is derived fiom taxation, and 17.5% derived tiom the petroleum sector' What this translates to in

terms of hding available for public education, is a financial resources crisis, halting expansion,

resulîing m poorer quality and limited access for saçiailydisadvantaged groups and populations.

Both couniries have bamos, located on the hillsides fringing the capital city where living

conditions are substandard, crime is rampant, and unernployment rates are high. The residents of

these barrios have been the target group for many innovative social and educationai programmes. in

Venezuela, 84.6% of the total population resides in urban centres, while in Trinidad & Tobago this

figure is 7 1.8%. in Trinidad & Tobago the urban poor are the ones least iikely to gain access to the

"prestige schools" which offér academic programs. There is no social safety network, so that the

poor must survive on low-paid employment and even on the gains from criminal activity. The public

schools located in the downtown Port-of-Spain area may offer academic program, but to those

dikely to benefit ïrom thern. One Sm01 Centre coordinator talked about what he was domg as

competing with the "alternative economy." This was an ailusion to the fact that wMe Setvol üamees

may make $100.00 m a month f?om apprenticeship activities, that same figure is made in one hour

selling dnigs on the streets. However, even at this present the, those served by Sm01 represent a

small percentage of the urban poor. Similarly, dthough Fe y AIegria attempts to meet the needs of

disadvantaged groups in urban areas, it is estimated that less than 1% of the urban population benefits

h m the Fey Alegria programmes (Rugh & Bossert, 1997). The achievements of both organizations

in regard to improving the quality of life for those who access their services is the main argument for

replicatuig the models in other urban communities.

5.3 PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT: EMPOWERiNG THE POOR THROUGH ALTERNATNE DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORKS

in both the Fe y Ale@ and Serval organizations there are principles which govern the

design of the mode1 which are said to reflect their mission to empower the poor so that the poor can

engage in the process of development on their own terrns. According to Servol(1994): 'The aim is

not sirnply to work for the underprivileged, but to persuade the underprivileged to work for

themselves, to get them out of the stagnation they are in, and to help them to formulate goals they can

realize" (p. 3). This vision of development is mpported by the World Bank's definition:

"Participatory development is a process through which stakeholders influence and share control over

development initiative and the decisions and resources which affect hem" (World Bank, 1994). This

movement away from extemal (and mostly economic) indicators of development represents a shift in

the Western development paradigm; a shift that was accommadated owing to the vast range of criticai

Iiterantre and analysis of development problems in the South. During her speech cited previousiy, Sr.

Ruth Montrichard also made the comment:

"ifour world is to move h m a philosophy of unlimited exponential growth to sustainabk development, we have to deal with the complicated problw of providing jobs for the poor h m the perspective of the h a n development of the people invobed. the marginalized poor; because onIy this type of development would sustain the world" (Italics, my emphasis).

Several iddogicd questions emerge in light of the stated missions of both organizations, for

example, who initiates the activity, on whose behalf, and what is the role of a facilitator in assisting

these groups to gain control of their own destiny? Both o r ~ t i o n s grew out of the vision of an

outsider to the community of disenhchised, marginalized poor. Fe y AIegria was set up in 1955 by

a Jesuit priest, Fr. Jose M. VeIaz, and Servol was initiated in 1970 by another Roman Catholic priest,

Fr. Gerry Pantin, who was at the t h e a teacher at a prestigious grammar school Iocated in the city of

Port of Spain. Fr. Gerry Pantin readily admits to the trepidation he feIt on that f i siroll through

Laventille, a community of urba. slum dwellers. In Trinidad, m e refers to the urban slurns as

"Behind the Bridge." The East Dry River separates the busy commercial centre of Port of Spain kom

the slum dwellings in the city's East End. Adjacent to these dwellings is a hillside development,

comprising mostIy of make-shifi buildings, mostly occupied by those who could neither own land,

nor afford lowcost housing. The area is aiso characterized by the hi&-rise government housing,

built to accommodate those economically and socially disadvantaged. "LaventiIle" has a culture of

its own, and has been celebrated in the literature and music of the region. Its physical appearance,

however, reminds m e of the corresponding barrios or slurns which h g e the hillsides just outside

Caracas, VenezueIa's capital city. Both settlements appear to exist precariously on the fnnges of the

city, and in Venezuela there have been several floods that wiped out entire hillside cornmunities.

Gary Pantin wouid be dehed as "Creole" in the context of the consmctions used as identity

signifiers, in a country where miscegenation has blurred distinguishing racial and ethnic categories.

He knew that m an a m primarily occupied by black disenfranchised persans his presence and his

claim '90 want to help" will be treated with suspicion. Therefore, he venntred into the area in the

company of Wesley Ifal1 (a West indian cricketer) who was on a coaching assignment. This was

during a period of sporadic violent uprisings by poor, black urban youth and several university

students. n e "Black Power Movement" had been involved in severai violent confrontations with the

Iaw as their demonstrations agamst foreign infiuences m the econwiy/ high mempIoyment among

Trinidadians of Afiican descent, grew in popuIarity. Although 41% of the popdation was of Afncan

descent this group was under-represented m the "white coiiar" jobs, and even m the student

population of the schwl where Fr. Pantin taught. This clergyman was to resign his teaching job in

the midst of the crisis and go into the hills of Laventi11e (with Wes Hall), asking the people ne met,

"How can we hetp you?." Havmg Wes Hall accompany him was, in the local parlance, "a smart

move" on Gerry Pantin's part. Hall was a black man, a successfiil cricketer, and a fok-hero. The

people would be more welcoming to Pantin if he was in the Company of HaIl. Yet there was mistrust.

Gerry Pantin was later to admit that in the beginning Servol was not as uniteci in purpose and method

as the acronym implies: 'There was a lot of in-fighting, criticisrn, and questionhg of motives"

(Pantin, 1984, p. 13).

The data available in regard to the origins of Fe y Alegria do not support an mecdotal

cornparison with Setvol's. However, h m the literature I learnt that the organization had equally

humble origins. It was started in 1955 as a project of Fr. José M. VeIaz to educate 100 poor children

in the houe of a construction worker in Caracas (Reimers, 1997). It began to expand to other

countrîes m 19M as a mode1 for the delivery of forma1 and non-fonnal education to the poor. Fe y

Alegria 's mission is best expressecl in their motto, "Where the asphaIt road ends, where there is no

water, electricity or services, there begins Fe y Alegria." The "Faith and Joy schwls" came into

existence because a Roman Catholic pnest with a social conscience opted to support the principles of

liberation theology, principles which came to represent the new role of the Catholic Church in Latin

Amerïca during the post-colonial period. For the Church, education was part of the proseIytizing

mission. With a IittIe encouragement h m the Second Vatican Council, its cIergy began to redirect

its focus towards activities that would assist the margindized masses (Swope 1995, cited by Rugh &

Bossert, 1997).

This appmach has also had its kir share of aïtics. La BeIIe (1986) questions the motives

behind the dominant group's support of the popular education movwient: "Eoth formal and non-

f o m l education provides meam for competing subordinate groups to adapt to dominant group

behaviours and expectatiom" (p. 7). There is dso the argument that "nonformal education programs

o h serve to socialize lemers to accepting permanent tafior -tus in the social and economic

system" (La Belle, 1986, p. 12). SmuI contends that iîs principles and methods are çupported by the

target groups because the methadology of mtervention mvolves beginning with what the people say

they mt, and then helping them to achieve and accomplish what they c m fiord to pay for" (Servol,

1993). The retationship between the class structure of both communities, and the stated objectives of

both organizations, was one of the very sensitive issues raised in the field interviews. The c o n c m

raised by La Belle will be disussecl in the analysis of the field data.

Servol , though initiateci by a Roman Catholic priest, extends its &ces to cornrnunities of

Hindu and Moslem populations, whiIe Fe y AIegria has several schools senring the mdigenous

peoples who live on the outskirts of Ciudad Bolivar? These enjoy autonomy in t e m of organizing

curriculum and administrative practices b t respect the cultures of the region's indigenou peuples.

In 1972 Servoi aaernpted to set up its f i centre in a predominantly East lndian comm~nity.~ As

happened eulier in Laventille, they were met with suspicion. The youth of the area had heard about

Sewd being "a rehgio-political hybrid, whose workers were only concerned with those of Aiiican

origin" pantin, 1984, p. 3). Sentoi was onIy able to overcome such distnist by maintaining its

philosophy of respecthl intervention.

5 -4 SER VOL (SERVICE VOLUNïEEIiED FOR AU):

Servol is an organization of weak, frail, ordinary imperfect, yet hope-mled peopte, seeking to heip wweak, hil , ordmary, imperfect, but hope-filed people become agents of attitudinal and socid change in a joumey which Ieads to total human development. It does so through respectfiil intemention m the Iives of others and seeks to empawer mdividuals and communities to develop as d e models for the nation. ( Servol's Mission Statement)

fn the Reface to The h o 1 Wage (1994), ServoI is descnid as a "cornplex, dti-faceted

organization." in Sirqing Tomorrow (199 t), Ruth Cohen hesitates to describe Sent01 as a "grassroots

organizatioa" Fr-Gerry Pantin talks about SmoI as bekg "a very basic kuid oforganizatim with

people helping people in an intuitive, unstructureci way." AU of these comments point toward the

concIusion that Servol is indeed a unique organization. Et has accomplished as much as Fe y Alegria

has managed to achieve in its own environnient and in l e s îime. However, its mission was not to be

articulated with the same degree of mteUectualism as Fe y AIegria 's. Having the people articulate the

concept for themselves was an integral part of the fomder's guicihg principles. Gerry Pantin

suggests, "Poor people know better than socid workers do when it cornes to deciding what theu

needs are." This is why the Smol methodology cails for "respecrfwl intmention. " a philosophy of

involvement based on the notion that it is "cultural arrogance " to assume that the knowledge

possessed by organizations and facilitators is supior knowledge because it is based on observation

and analysis." Stripping away the "culturai arrogancew as he called it meant removing the barriers

created by evaluating knowledge h m the standpoint of the dominant paradigm, and having to admit

that poor people knew better than those who inteI1ecniaIized about theu problems, what was needed

to make theu lives more meaningfuI. instead he calls for a *'pphilosophy of ignorance. " searching out

the views of the people in the community, listening to what they need, what theu wants are,

developing systems and programmes based on what has been said and involving the community in the

planning, execution and evaluation of those programmes:

Servol is interested in the selfdevelopment of disadvantaged people. It is not a welfare organization nor does it see its explicit task as behg the mass transformation of society in the aileviating of the many problems of the poor. Two generai principles are used: füstiy, in helping a community towards seifdevelopment, always begin with what the people say they want. Secondly, help the people to achieve and accomplish what they can afford to pay for. Thus care is taken not to set up elaborate projects which are largely subsidized by outside finance; these may look impressive, but in reality have little to do with devetopment ( W a l , 1994, p. 3).

Both its philosophy and its organizational prniciples are firmly rooted in the value system of the

environment firom which it sprang. Servol, though initiated by a Roman Catholic priesi, extends its

service to cornrnunities of Hindu and Modem populations, for example. The directorate, therefore,

reflects the religious andior culturai background of the ethnic groups that comprise the population of

the area. Gerry Pantin admits that this is a poirticuiariy unique feature which may not be e a d y

replicated outside Trinidad & Tobago (Pantin, 1984).

Trinidadians BtTobagonians are fond of making a distinction between ''book sense" and

"comrnon sense"; miplying that without the latter qdity, laiowledge produced is irreievant to ceai

life. Therefore, when Gary Pantin went hto the community of disadvantaged and disillusioned

people and asked the question: "How can I help you?" he was well aware that he was about to receive

answers which would challenge his perception of what the people needed to improve the conditions

of theù lives. Unlike foreign development experts, Pantin did not insist that what they needed was

running water or electricity because he knew that possessing these things would not necessarity

change the way these people feel about themselves; their failures, theù inf&or status. He h e w that

the education they received was mostly &levant to the reaiities of theù daily lives, so he asked them

what they believe would be the type of howledge, the skills, the activities, that would help them to

Iive fuller lives. The principle of 'tespectful intervention" was therefore to become a strategy for

mobilizing the community to participate m learning activities that they defined as being relevant to

their lives.

Pantin has always insisted that Iistening does not imply that one does not act upon one's

convictions, but rather one waits to act upon one's own convictions until the idea is expressed by the

people. Pantin explains that this approach is bas& on the conviction that, "once a cornmunity

succeeds in irnplernenting any idea that is generally its own, it wilI always take the second or third

step towards furthet development. Whereas, should the idea corne fiom outside, 0 t h enough it will

be enthusiastically accepted at first, oniy to faiI subsequently"(Servo1,1984, pp. 10-1 1). However,

the data wouId not support Pantin's claim that ihe Organuation is '-ctured helpmg people in an

intuitive way." On the contrary, Semol's organizationai principles and training methodoIogies have

consistently been applauded by both local and international evaluators, many of whom are

stakeholders who have committed hancial and other resources to h o l ' s many educational and

community devebpment programmes. Pantin himself was to later admit that the organization was

complex because it t a s "rnany things at the same time":

a non-govemmental organization which doubles as an agent for the Ministry of Education in implementing two large national programmes

an organization which concentrates its efforts on non-formal education, but which brings a very definite structure into its projects

a group of over a hunkd people who are al1 committed to sensitive listening to any individual in trouble but which prides itself on effkiency and effectiveness

a movement which glories in its pragmatism and spontaneity but which has a careMIy formulated operationai plan for the next twenty years

a deeply religious organization which politely avoids al1 church institutions

One of Servol's early efforts at community mobilization was to open nursery schools which wodd

bring the parents in contact with the organization, and hopefiilly lead to greater interaction between

Servol and the community. in time Servol had learnt fiom its adolescents that many of the attitudinal

and behavioural problems of the teenaged yean were learnt before the child was five (5) years old.

Servot was, therefore, to develop a methodology that it wouid use in both the adolescent and pre-

school programmes to ensure that they were educating hoIisticalIy. Servof felt that early childhood

and adolescent devetopment ought to focus on six areas: social interaction, physical health,

ÏnteIlectual growth, creative expression, emotionai growth, spiritual growth. This developed into

Servot f now famous SPICES curriculum. It has become a methodology both for teachmg and for

Ieaming. Al1 Servol' programs are informed by this model of human development. interview data

reveals that the model is also applied to the tacher education. As an acronyrn, the title suggests the

local as well as the indigenou. "Spices" are an essential c o q n e n t of local cuisine. Merely by

suggesting that these are the "ingredients" of education as the local people see it, Servol has touched

upon the main issues surroundhg the content and purpose of sch~~ling. Moreover, the different

components or mgredients are carefiiily~onceptuaiized, and constitute a sound basis for developmg

cultdy-relevant educational practices. The emphasis is on the deveIopment of the whole person,

and not skills.

The Sm01 Mode1

- Social Interaction - Physical Health - Intellectual Growth - Creative Expression - Ernotional Growth - spiritual Growth

Components S o m curriculum of al1 Servol Programs, inciuding Teacher Education

On the one hand, Serwol has been the bane of the elected govemment, succeeding where it

failed in the absence of the resources needed to carry out its grandiose educationai development

plans. On the other hand, it has rescued successive govefnments facing the wrath of a disenchanted

electorate by coming up with aiternative models of educational delivery. in 1986 the goverment

hlly acknowledged the Sm01 organization to be an effective partner in the delivery of educationai

services, by handing over to Servol the mandate to deliver on its behalf, the two of the most

successfd alternative models of educational development that the islands of Trinidad & Tobago have

been able to sustain to date. These are the Early Chiidhood Centres and the Adolescent Training

Program. Then m ApnI 1994, Servol, responding to the q e s t s of parents whose childm fded to

gain access to secondary schwl, approached the Ministry of Education with the idea of Junior Life

Centres to house the muai cohort of about 5000, who wouId be Iocked mto dead-end Post-Primary

classes.

ServoI 's early childhood centres began as a model of childcare. AIready in the comrnunity

there was the "childcare" provider whom parents relied on as they went to the dEerent workplaces,

often at very irregular hours and times. It was, therefm not uncornmon that the provider became a

substihtte parent. The provider often saw herself as the earliest teacher in the chïld's Iife and wodd at

an opportune time begin insûucting the child m '"The ABC" or "Alphabet." From this model,

developed a program that is supported by the Trinidad & Tobago government. At the present time

some 6000 children (ages 3-5) are bemg facilitated in 160 Servol Early Childhood Cmües. Each

centre is administered by a Comrnunîty Board of Education made up of a cross section of the

cornmunity, whose responsibility it is to provide a building to house the centre, to monitor the

activities of the program, and to pay the teachers' salaries with a subvention given to Servol by the

government ofTrinidad & Tobago. Setvol trains al1 the teachers, monitors the cost of the projects,

and seeks additional fundimg if deemed necessary (See Figure 5.2 on p.99). In this regard, Serval is

carefùl to insist on conditions that would allow it to remain true to the ideals of respectfirl

intervention, and not be too heavily dependent on external aid

The spiritual part of the cuniculum is an awareness of God, and the manifestation of the

spiritual in ai1 of Iife. As with al1 Servol 's spmtuaiity curricula, the divhity is not viewed through the

l a s of any particuiar religion. The children attendhg pre-school may come fiom any one of the

various religious groups in Trinidad & Tobago, where there is no separation of church and state.

Public schoob are fke to hold prayer services. The Education Policy Papa (19%- 2003) contains the

following directive for eIementaty schools:

Moral and vaIues education should constitute a pervasive sub-structure of basic education and should therefore be i n f k d in the prirnary curriculum. There should be a reguiar assembIy period at which religiouslmorai and ethical concems are addressed. As far as possible, students' personal and social growth should be promoted and considered at every stage in their primary school experience (Ministry of Education, 1996, p.46).

Moreover, state functions begin with prayers. The major reIigious groups and organizations are

d y repremteds None of the 34 persons interviewed (numixr of those not cIergy), had any

negative respow to this appmach, Even when the respondent admitted to not belonging to any

established religion or belief system, they felt that the mclusion of spmtuality was an important

component m a person's educational development.

ïntellectual activities usuaily involve leaniing concepts such as space, time, language,

colours, nurnbers, shapes and somds. Ali this is done through a child-centred approach, called "Play

Way"; the emphasis king on leaming as a fim activity. Creative foci include music, art, drama,

dance, folktales and songs. Social goaIs include Leaming about a sense of comrnunity, how to Iive

with and among different cultures and grogs, sharing, cooperation, good mannes, protecting and

preserving the environment, leamhg about the country - its culture, and its various festivals

(Mahabir, 1993, m. 14-15).

Serwol's Early Ch i ldhd Education was soon to be extended to include provisions for those

ages 1-3, and training for their parents in the Parent Outreach Program (POP). This programme

began by targeting parents in the disadvantaged areas who were most IikeIy to reproduce the

conditions of their own childhuod, without some sort of intervention program. Sewol was concemed

m particular about two historical realities. Firstly, among this grog were those likely to reproduce

the conditions of abuse they knew as children. Secondly, the demands of urban Iife had the effect of

hastening the disintegration of the extended family, as parents, grandparents and even siblings were

forced to go out to seek some fonn of empIoyment, Consequendy, young parents in these depressecl

areas could no longer rely on the support from grandparents, aunts etc.. Many also had few skills that

would enable them to f m c e the basic necessities for their children, much les, hance any degree of

educational improvement. There is no officiai %eIfarew policy. Those who apply for cm, and do get

money grants that do not meet their basic needs. In many parts of the city there is no pIace CO grow

food or plant gardens. Tbe cycle of poverty is, therefore, passed on îiom one generation CO the next,

To initiate the program Servol sent 21 trained ECCE (Early Childhood Care Educators) into

the barrios, and even the remote villages, where they went fiom house CO house, initiating contacts

with parents. The second stage inMIved hoIdmg meetings with small groups of parents, willing to

share their concems, their hopes, with each other and the Servol facilitators. The program not only

mvolves instruction in parenting skills and Heaith Education, but also offers a skills' development

opportunity which helps parents to e m income selling c d items fiom theïr homes, while they care

for their inf'ant children. Parents are also encourageci to see themsetves as primary educaton of theû

children. Figure 5.2 below reveals the extent of autonomy and empowerment the communities enjoy

in the administration of this program

Finare 5.2 Early Childhood Edacation Commadty Program: Responsibility of the Commanity

Each Community will select a group of responsible Ieaders who will constitute a COMMUNïiY BOARD OF EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION. The MinisbytServol will deal directly with this Board.

The responsiiilities of the board wil1 be: a) to ensure that everyone in the Community is aware of the programme. b) to conduct a survey to determine the number of children between the ages of 3-5 years who are in

need of Early Childhood Education. c) to provide a structure for the Early Childhood Centre. d) to receive rnoney from a speciaI Ministry of Education/Servol account to help pay teachers'

salaries and buy materials. e) to open a special Bank Account in the name of the EarIy Childhood Centre. f) to receive firniture fiom Servoi for the Centre. g) to nominate four candidates of whom one will be chosen for training. The Cornmunity will pay

$50.00 a month towards the expenses of the training of the teacher selected. h) to collect fees (not Iess than $25.00 a month) h m each child which wilI enable the Board to

purchase educational material for the centre, cover overheads and enable the Board to make a further contribution to the teachers' salaries which wiIl then range fiom not less than $1,000 for a certified teacher with an Oxford Certifiate, $700 for a trained teacher and $500 for a trained assistant.

Any mcrease m salaries for teachers wiIl be decided by the Board in conjunction with the fietd oficers and be provided by agreed increased fees. Should any child have difficulty paying these fees the Board will ensure that they be helped through a special tùnd built up by Fundraising activities m the area. No child should ever be denied a place in the schwl through an inability to pay. Should the board desire to expand the SchwI and take on new teachers, this can onIy be done afier discussion with the field officers. The exîra fumiture then required and the teacher's salary wilI be the responsibility of the conununity.

*Source: Servol Brochure (not dated)

The Adolescent Developnient Programme (ADP) developed out of concern to make learning

oppommities available to an at-rtsk pup. The cMdren of depressed areas were desthed to becorne

faiIm since the education they received was geared tom& passing an unredistic aptitude test

which wodd detamine whether they received a secondary education or not. For the majority, it also

wodd deternine the quality of life they were to achieve either because of lack of access to

educationd opportunity at the secondary level, or the poor quatity of the education received. The

ADP begins with a 14- week intensive remedial program, aimed at helpmg these young peopIe to

overcome their Iow self-esteem, lack of seIf-confidence, need for security, lack of selfdiscipline, and

al1 those qualities that have hampered their educational development. There are currendy two age

groups king admitted to the prograrn: those 13-16 fkom the Junior Life Centres, and those 16-19

attending Servol's many "Skills training" program. It was for the Iatter group that this program was

initially intended. Many of these der facing failure fmm within the mainstream s c h i system, are

tIuuçt into the employment market without skilIs, but also without the cultural capital and knowledge

of workplace cdtures that endear the better educated to potentiai empioyees. The inability to find a

job adds to the tiustration and exacerbates many of the pmblems they faced as residents of deprived

The M y activities VIvolved in this program offw opportunities in attitudinal training for job

purposes, but a h moral and spiritual guidance by trained professionais on such issues as sexuality,

drugs, AIDS and social responsibility. One teacher in ihe program is quoted as saying: "Some of the

girls aiready have one or two babies; the boys don? usualIy acknowledge their fatherhood ... They are

going home to abuse, sexual or otherwise, to nipe, mcest, alcoholic-parents and dnigs." 1s the teacher

pathoiogizing the social group to which ber students belong? Participants cornborate the teacher's

statement. Consider these statements volunteered fieeIy by participants dining an ADP "Encomter"

session, and quoted in a Servol newsIetter;

1 want help because what you have said touched me. 1 want to confess that I am accustomeci to rob peopk at gunpoint. Chdy last Wednesday, 1 and two fiends robbed a maxi-taxi driver,' and we even beat him with a cutIass (rnachete). Su, 1 want to change. My father is a dnig pusher, He have greaade, machine p i d , pump shotguu, and he told me tbat if1 stay m Sm01 don't come back to Iive with him. Sir, ri& now I living at my grandmother and what you toId us d y convincc me that 1 made the nght choice to come to ServoI.

' "Maxi-taxin a bus carryuig kom 10-30 passengers

S o m people say fail back on your family; they are the ones to help you. What family? You mean my mother? Because 1 ah't see my father for years, and is just as welI because ail 1 remember is him coming home druuk, and mashing up (thrashuig) everythmg and sharfng iicks like peas (severe beating). 1 used to have a granny who 1 Ioved a lot but she gone to the country, and is only my mother ketching her royal (stniggimg) with six ctuldren to bring up alone. Sometimes Iike she does go mad and beat up my srnail brothers and &ers till they red, but 1 can't brame her for sometunes they crying for food, and she have none to give tiiern. So how could she help me? (Secvol, 1996, p. 18)

Cntics may use the argument that this is yet another example of how the dominant group succeeds in

its mission to instil conformity by imposing its value system on the most vulnerable. Yet the

adolescents who are part of the program later applaud it in public forums6, and a ment university-

based longitudinal study demonstrated its effectiveness in finding that graduates of the program main

and pur into practice what they were exposed to in the program 10-15 years following graduation?

Figure 5.3 indicates that a typical &y's program invoIves exposure to opportunities for developing

both cognitive and affective skilk, while bemg full of activities helping to deveIop social skills and

social (as well as moral) responsiiility.

Finnre 5 3 Model Servol Adolescent Development Program Weekly Scheduie

( Monday to Thmday (O*) NB.: Friairj d e W to Field Trips

1 Ses&m ( Public Spahog 1 ~oimnmicatim 1 Spccial Vii' 1

Session 2

Session 3

1 L o d expression wed to mean "chat" or "discussion" on topics deemed relevant by a specific

2 group A remedial litetacy program

3 to places where they take the role of case-givers or to service organkiions.

1 4

"Rap" ~essions'/~nnouncements

Art

Health Education

CrafüPhysid Education

EngIish or ALTA'

Parenthg

Music-

Mathematics

Social Studies

Audio- Visuai

Educational &es

In the second stage of the program that Iasts nine mmths, participants follow technicd

training in a skill of their choice h m a list of fotrrteen (14) vocational courses offered by Semol.

The SkiUs Training Program was the original component of the ADP. "Attitudinal Development"

became a part of the Adolescent Development Curriculum in response to the evaluations of the

program which suggested that skills alone would not prepare these young people either for the world

of work or as change agents in their communities, The emergence of the "Life Centre" idea is related

to this move towards holistic development:

A life centre as dehed by Servol, is a structure which is set up in an a m where people have lost or are in danger of losing, one or other component which makes for an enrichhg experience of life.,.It is the h which poverty does to the spint that is a11 pervading, pernicious and incredibly dificult to eradicate. Hence, any structure which purports to help a community to grow and develop out of a poverty situation, must literaIIy encompass and include, every imaginable aspect of the community's Iife. (Servol, 1995, p. 25)

This will accotmt for the cdculurn mode1 such as is illustrated in Figure 5 2 . After spending four

months as apprentices in the field, participants r e m to the centre with an evaluation fiom their

temporary employers. At this stage, efforts are made to correct weaknesses in their attitude,

behaviour and performance. Finally, participants write National Performance exams, and either seek

ernployment or else approach "FüNDAiD" for small business loans to start their own businesses.

"FUNDAID is an urnbrella organization of Smool. It o p t e s on the same principles as the

"Gramrnm" bank of Bangladesh. Each borrower must f i d three other persons tÏom the cornmunit,,

who are employed, to CO-sign the loan. As a condition for getting the loan, potentiai creditors also

have to take simple courses in business management, and are given assistance in the areas of

production and marketing. The repayment falm rate is said to be relatively iow, and this is in part

due to the community spirit behind the enterprise. It is not uncornmon for guarantofs to repay the

loan. n i e service is avaiiable to al1 members of the c o m m i t , in which a centre is locatd It is not

restricted to those who do one of Smool's Skills Training Programs.

The second group of participants who are exposed to attitudmal training, are those who attend

Servol's "Junior Life Centres." As already mdicated, this is a post-primary education program

administered by ServoI on behaIf of the Government These 12-14 year old are designated "at nsk"

because they failed to gain access to a secondary schoot, and must wtite the "14+" exambation,

hoping to be admitted to one of the schools shodd a space be made aladable. Such spaces are

usualiy made available when students do not accepta place in one of the existing Public Sector

schools, either beçause those seIected chuose to attend a private school or else have migrated. Some

spaces are fieed up due to the nurnber of dropiiuts in the tht two years of secondary school. The

element of c h c e access to the next levei puts these students even more at risk The Common

Entrance Examination is awarded so much weight by the national comrnunity that failure is

devastating. Many of these students corne h m disadvantaged homes, and the Iowest nmg of the

socio-econornic ladder. Rivate education is not an option. Sm01 prepares them for the next step by

combining the public school cilrriculum with &mol's ginovations designed to restore seIf-esteem and

buiId confidence. Servol's records show tbat 70% perform welI enough in the Post Primary

Examination to re-enter the public schwI system (Servoi News, 200 1).

By the end of its first decade of existence Servol had set rrp: community-based schools;

training centres in carpentry, welding, plumbing and eIectrical htailation; masonry, child care, home

economics; a youth fimi, manufactrnmg facilities; culturai projects and literacy cIasses. At the

present time, Servol is responsible for 160 Early ChiIdhood centres served by 300 trained teachers,

and catering for nearly 5000 chiidren between the ages of 3-5. During its 30-year existence, &mol

has put over 5 1,000 adolescents &brou& its training program. Over 2,800 of its muates fiom the 10

Life Centres have been readmitted to the school system. Each operates as a commtmity outreach

centre as weU as a training centre. In addition, Servool's "Sunshine Hill Project" focuses on education

relevant to the needs of the mentatly-chdenged, helping them to becorne h1Iy integrated in their

commtmities. In Trinidad, as in many developing corntries, facilities for the mtaIly-chdlenged are

linnted. Sm01 was fortunate to have hained teachers fiom Canada during the first 6 years of the

centre's existence. As in a11 S m d Centres, the trainees are encomged to k self-supportmg.

Servol 's pubiicatîons are mostiy produced at the printmg press located on the prernises which

provides opportunity for slciiIs training to the students locaâed there- In 1995, with fhancing from the

inter-American DeveIopment Ba& h o 1 introduced its ûainees to Computer Literacy, Digital

EIectronics, Computer ControIled Elecîronics and Computer repairs at its three (3) "Hi-Tech

Centres," strategicatiy located in North, Central and South Trinidad.

Progress in community participation has been rapid. The extent of community participation

equaIs that of Fe y Alegriu b n g a 30-year period, communities were mobilized into building 160

childhood education centres. With Servol's respectfd intervention, the communities themselves

obtained the prmses, fonned school boards, flled the centres with students, selected members for

teacher-training, formed PTA groups and organized every school finiction and activity. Parents are

encouraged to visit the classrooms where trainee teachers are doing their internship, and to contribute

to the leaming process when passible. Moreover, through the ofiices of the Self-Help Commission,

Servol has facilitated a total of 172 improvement projects.

Servol's other big successiùi venture is m teacher-training. in addition to training its own

teachers for its cenîres, Sm01 now trains paraprofessionals for g o v m e n t projects. Its trainmg

methodology is rigorous and intensive (one year at the centre, followed by two years of intemship).

The organization has developed several flexiblefin-service training programs for other

paraprofessionals. During the fkst two years of Ser~ool's teacher-training program, workshops are

held in classrwm management, how to improve cuniculum, and how to nicrease community

awareness. in a country where les than 40% of the teachers have formal training, Servol has

managed to train its teachers while paying them a salary b d e d by the govemment as part of the

partnership arrangement (Mahabir, f 992; Servol, 1994). Many of its tacher-trainees would not have

been admitted m the public system because they did not p o s e s the academic qualifications needed

Mer having their request for accreditation turned d o m by the Universiw of the West indies,

Semol's teacher-training program was granted accreditation by Mord University, following a period

of rigorous evaIuation. Servof bas argued that its mission mvolves raising the seksteem of those

who had been victirns of social injustice and mequity. This inay help ta explain why Sm01 has

sought mtemational recognition for its programs, a move that chaIlenges its daim to be an indigenous

alternative to the existmg system.

Like the government, the local university has often found itself in apposition to Servol. Yet it

has implemented and replicated many of Servol's strategies in regard to teacher-training. With its

grassroots philosophy about knowledge and knowledge production, S e m l has been at odds with the

academy. A Servol editorial had this to say on the tensions between the two:

It is not difficult to imderstand why the relationship between ServoI and those within the haliowed halls of academia would be characterized by a certain wariness on both sides. ûn the one hand, there is an organization which is sharpiy focused onpraris, on workng in one way or another to improve the statu of the disadvantaged and which is quite impatient with rhetoric which is part and parcel of the university milieu. On the other, there is the highly qualified social scientists who have spent a lifetime examining the behaviour of human beings and look scepticaliy on the effects of this new group of people who are perceived as untmined, naiive, and who will probabty make things worse" (Servol, 1998, p.51).

My research on the subject reveals that the organization has k e n very vocal m its condemnation of

the value attached to institutional knowledge. This wouid be dis~lssed further in the next chapter, but

Servol's own literature decries culrural arrogance. 'To assume that because people come h m a

certain country, or belong to a certain ethnic group or have benefited h m a certain type of education

this automatically rnakes them superior to others is what 1 term cultural arrogance, " said Gerry

Pantin. in that speech, given at one of the organization's annuai fundraisers (The Poor Man's

Dinner), Pantin identified some of those who had the ''virus" as he cailed it: T h e most he would

concede (were he an academic) was that the year spent in the comunity did help him in his writing

of his thesis on "Sociological aberrations encountered in group dynamic queriences with

disadvanragedpeople." He goes on to clarifj that the "virus" is not restriçted to any group, class, or

nationdity: "It is present among civiI servants, university professors and graduates, Foundation staff,

project coordinators and pre-school teachers" (Servol, 1995, p. 27). The University, on the other

hand, has come a long way h m its original attack on Sentol's intervention m the Laventfile area. As

early as 1971, Servol officiais met with academics at the University of the West Indies to explain their

program. During the meeting the academics were said to have taken "great lengths to explain to

Servol how the organization's intervention into the Laventille milieu could weU impact the delicate

social balance of the community and cause more harm than goad" (Smol, 1998, p. 1). Ironically, as

S m 0 1 began to attract international attention, the same university was o h cailed upon to do

evaluations for the pinpose of attracting extemal aid. Then in the early 1980's Seruol approached the

university for accreditation of its Early Childhood teacher-training program. The university refused

on the grounds that the trainees did not meet the matriculation requirement of "Five" (5) "O LeveW;

this king the number of academic subjects nationally acknowledged as evidence of having graduated

fiom secondary education. The irony of the situation became increasingty clear when the "On IeveI

hurdle was side-tracked by the two UK universities responsiile for writing the externai "O Level"

exams, the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Both universities currently provide accreditation

for Servol's training programs. Since then the univenity has been more inclmed to acknowledge

Servol. The authors of "Behind the Bridgen (Ryan et al, 1997) have dedicated their book to Servol.

The reality is that Servol has attracted more attention h m outside than within. Another

legacy of colonial times is that local ''prophets" need to be accepted by the outside world before king

a h e d in theu own country. in April2000, Sr. Ruth Montrichard, its Executive Director,

addressed 300 delegates fiom the World Bank on Servol S projects. A few days later she was off to

Harvard University, to conduct workshops for graduate students. But many years before t h , its

founder, Father Gerry Pantin received an honorary doctorate fiom Duquesne University in

Pennsylvania. Then in 1994, Servol was setected as the subject of a UNESCO Publication: "On the

Right Track," and Gerry Pantin was awarded an altemahve Nobel Prize Award h m the Right

Livelihood Foundation of Sweden in recognition of his invoivement and work with S m 0 1 (See

Appendix E).

B. SustainabiIity And Replicabiiity

Fr. Gerry Pantin has consistently argued that the Seruol mode1 being so cultucalIy-relevant to

Trinidad & Tobago Carnot be readrly replicated. However, the fact that Seru01 has set up a Cariibean

Regional Centre, and that each year teachers and facilitators of similar program ihroughout the

Cmibean corne to Trinidad for training, is an mdication that some of its components are culturally-

ûansferable, and that its methodology cm be cloned. CertauiIy, the philosophy of respectfd

intervention, and the strategy of listening to the pople and waiting for tbem to mdicate how the

facilitator can assist, is replicable.

What about sustainability? It shodd be noted that none of Smol's programmes are îÏee. Part

of its mission involves getîing the most vutnerable to curb the tendency to rely on the govemment and

NGO's to get things done. Sewol charges a minima1 fee for services. It helps participants to eam

rnoney while they train. They are given many incentives to remain in the programmes. Al1 Seruol

centres are income-eaming. The vocational departments build houses. It trains caterers by having

them work for schwl-feeding programmes. Yet Gerry Pantin, the former director, insists that if the

government was to withdraw fiinding, severai of the programmes would have to be scrapped.

Servol's achîevements are threatened by its hgile relationship with the State. in recent times the

organization has mobilized locd NGO's into partnership relationships, which has meant new sources

of fbnding. Some of Servol's detractors have been public servants and local polihcians. Many have

expressed the view that in transferring autonorny to the organization to develop educational

programmes with a proportion of public fundmg, the government is abnegating its responsiiility to

provide quaiity education to the public. Former governments have attempted to reduce Servol's

budgetary allocation, thus hampering its abnity to deriver services. The public has responded with

such outrage that in 1992 when the govemment reduced Servoi S budget by 40 %, during the same

financial year 30% was reinstated: the government succumbing to pressure and criticisrn fiom the

public. This, of course, raises the issue of what resources are needed to rnake the project sustamable.

It would appear that human resources are equaIIy as important as h c i a l resources. It wouid also

appear that raising the community's consciousness to the IeveI of cornmitment to action revealed in

the two case studies, is a powerfd agent of change.

if we accept as a working hypothesis that cornmunit. participation can be usefui in ensuring

educational participation of disadvantaged groups, then we have to evaluate the degree of community

participation involved in both models and the degree of its effectiveness. Community as used here

refers to the beneficiaries of "a narrowly defineci catchent area - parents, students and other local

mdividuals, who directly, or indirectly or potentially might benefit fiom the delivery of education"

(Rugh, "Introduction of Dr* (p. 3)). Community as used m the discussion of schooling also

implies an ethos of shared values. Mary Anne Raywid (1993) suggests that a "sense of community"

may be "a positively important component of educationai programs targeted at students at risk of

acadernic failure." According to Raywid the common attniutes of so-called alternative school

cornmunities are "respect, caring, inclusiveness, trust, empowment, and cornmitment." Community

in this sense will also include the administrators who are thernselves middle-class, but support a

value-system based on caring and respect. The value of having a cornrnunity-based mode1 of

educational delivery can, therefore, be offered as an explmation for the accomplishments of both

Servoi and Fe y Aiegria .

5.5 FE Y A L E G ~ , " F m AND JOY"

A. A Movement Of "Populai' Education

Where the asphah road ends, where there is no water, electricity or services, there begins Fe y Alegria (Fe y Alegria 's motto)

Until my arrivai in Ciudad Bolivar, I had interpreted the Fe y AIegria motto as a metaphor,

used merely to imply that the organization was committed to serving the poorest of the poor. in

Ciudad Bolivar, 1 discovered h t the statement had specific poIitical implications. Given

Venezuela's history of political turbuIence, interventions that help the poor are considered acts of

resistance to an oppressive and incompetent state machinery. In Ciudad Bolivar, 'Vhere the road

ends," there are struggiing settiements, unpaved roads, various types of make-shift dwellings and

hordes of dispiaced persans. They build tenement housing on the red ditt, have no nmning water or

eleciricity. The inhabitants of these banios are not in fact long-time residents of the place in the sense

of "indigenous," but they are the homeless contùiuously on the move to find accommodation. They

are the subjects of various i n t d debates over what to do with squatters (cailed "invaders" in the

best English translation I obtamed).

Fe y Alegria schools are located in these communities. They are modest buildmgs, but stand

out against the backdrop of dust and squalor. Only one of the three schools 1 visited in Ciudad

Bolivar was located close to a dewloped urban centre. However, a11 three serviceci the poor fiom the

feeder areas adjacent to the school buildings. One of the h e schools is located on "the other side of

the road" away fiom the dust and the barrios. In "Identidad de Fe y Aiegrian (Fe y AIegria, 1992) the

organization is described as a movement of b'popular"r'integrai" education. The authors lament that

the organization is o h viewed merely as a mode1 of Catholic education ("solamente como una

organizacih educativa catblica") It prefers to cal1 itself a "Movimiento," a movement that promotes

Christian values while charnpioning the needs of the masses of poor people scattered al1 over Latin

America. It dermes these needs as both matexial and spiritual, and aims to work towards the

mnsformation of society by helping to eradicate the injustices suffered by millions of marginalized

people. It sees education as the vehicle t h u g h which that transformation takes place.

The "buzz words" of the Fe y AIegria educational philosophy are educacion popular,

educacion inregrai, andpedngogica libermion. In the îïrst of these, the word 'bopular" is used to

suggest the same ideas coniained in the English expression, "For and by the people." A popular

education contributes to the development of al1 peoples, giving individuals as well as communities

control over their own destinies. It supports democratic principles. tts characteristics mclude:

a belief in the popuiar cuIture and values;

education created by the people and for the people, refiecting individual as weU as communal needs;

education geared toward awakenïng the consciousness of people;

education geared toward removing class prejudice;

education that supports alternative pedagogies, and *hovative practices;

education that fosters both critical thinking and self-reflection;

education that reflects Christian values, specifically in the area of social justice issues;

education that sîrïikes a balance between dependence on external ideas, models etc.. and a degree of self-reliance, which is necessary in order to avoid faliing into an alienating paternalism. (Fe y Alegria , 1992, p. 8)

An uintegrd" education is one that attempts to develop the individual as well as the society. It

incorporates different world-views and cultures. It promotes the howledge and values that are

relevant to specific communities. It relies on both fonnal and informal methods of instruction8. It

uses ail avaiIable resources, integrates family and social contexts into the education process, promotes

science and technology, educates the mdividual for the world of work, and for his community (p. 9).

Liberution Pedagogy ("pedagogia liberadora") also has a specific meanmg for Fe y Alegria..

In "Identidad de Fe y Aiegria," it is descnid as 'That which turns the leamer into an agent of his

own deveiopmed. " Therefore, ail levels of education should encourage creativity in anticipation of

the new type of society that Latin Americans are airning for. Education should promote hurnan

dignity, selfdetennination, and a sense of community (p. 9). The question is how does this

philosophy translate into the mode1 of schooling that fulfills the needs of the poot and the

margindized. The authors of "Identidad de Fe y Alegrfa" explain:

We aim towards having a school that reflects the reality of its surroundings, reçponding to people's problems, and not a school that will tum its back on people's social, political, and economic issues. The school that we want should be accessible, open to collective initiatives, characterized by constant give and take, and a tool for the common struggle of its people. The Faith and Joy school shouid not replicate old-fashioned and outdated concepts, but rather it shouid be a w a m welcoming place, popuiar, reflecting contemporary interests, realistically catering for the needs of the d e n t s , a Iively and stimulating place

Our ideal school should confront the reaIity of a dominant (rnamstream, education) system that was designed (for the afnuent), and is now entrenched, whiie ignoring the needs of the most destitute m our community. The existmg educational system is a long t m e l that requires many y-oafs of travel, its end result a University degree that

presumes to guarantee a means to a productive life. But to a youth on the margins, who needs to obtain knowledge to get a job that cami a minimum wage to sinvive, he cannot depend on a system that in reality has not been meant for him, but designed to prepare graduates for the professions (Identidad de Fe y Aiegria, p. 1 7).1°

Reimers (1993 & 1997), Rugh & Bossert (1997), and John Swope (cited by Rugh & Bossert)

indicated that Fe y Alegria operates on the principle that education must prepare students for the

future by giving them a foundation that would help them to find employment, while making them

conscious of the need to protect theü rights. It must promote cuIturaI and ethnic identity, and must

have a spiritual dimension. Fe y Alegria 's programs in the formai sector range from PreSchool to

Higher Secondary Education. The schools are located mostly in urban or peri-urban areas. its "basic

education" program uses what is described as an "Alternative Popular curriculum" (CCAP). Non-

formal programmes offered by the organization include radio leaming, adult reading, small enterprise

training, teacher training, parenting education and conununity development. Fe y Alegria's amver to

Servol's Parent Outreach Program (POP) is the "Programa padredes et hijos" (Parents and Children).

It targets socalled dysfùnctional families, and holds workshops to address social problems that affect

family lik. Both organizations have a focus on families, and on helping families to cope with the

social and economic consequences of modemization and urbanization.

It is usefül to compare Fe y Alegn'a's methodology with that of Servol. Cm the philosophy

of respectful intervention apply to this model? Basically, the methodology involves a process in

which:

a community invites Fe y Ale@ to start a school in the a m

the school is imrnediately opened using whatever resources are available

other local organizations are contacted to solicit help with fimding

community groups assist with the construction of the school as this heIps to reduce costs

a Parent Association is formed

Fe y Alegria seeks active involvement of parents m the education process

the organization meets with the commuuÏty to brainstorm ideas for forma1 and non-formal Pm-

Education context low enroliments of poor, inability of government programs to serve al1 children

Targe ts

Local institutions

Contribution to enroll. objectives

Contribution to edu. quatity objectives program trpe

institutional appmach

instructional approach

Teacher qualifications

Training

Managers

offering education options and community prograrns which meet local needs, motivate staff for community development

mostly peri-urban, and some rural poor children

"centres" consisting of schools and cornmimity programs

construction and maintenance of centre facilities, agreement Co support school

teachers responsible for delivery

formai primary and other forma1 and non formal courses

varies by school fiom 1-3, 1-5, 147-12, some schools dso have preschools

student-centred, activity-based, self-paced, older teach younger students

program based on government objectives, and related to local areas, study guides organized into units used for a while, learning corners, etc.

conventional, salary paid by govemment

in service: emphasis on motivating and inspiring teacher with a mission; course used by govemment

relies on teachers motivation to do good work and supports field as needed

3 Iayers: regional, national, international; loosely connected network with emphasis on communication

Major issues funding, retaining quality with expansion

* Source: Rugh & Bossert, H. (1997), lnvolving Communities: Participation in the delivery of Education Rograms (Bolivia's model). *"@raft)

As with Servol, bureaucratic structures are l e s rigid than in the conventiond system. There

are three levels of management, but effective school-based management is a major goal. The fkst

level consists of the general directorate that sets the ovedi objectives of the organization, cmdhates

hd-raising efforts, and communicates with regioaal offices. The second level consists of the

regional directors who help schools prepare plans, and whose task it is to ensure that alt stakehofdm

are acquainted with the general guidelines of the operations. Then there are the individual schools

that enjoy a great deal of autonomy, and are encouraged to interpret guidelines according to thek own

ne&. in addition, there are tield directors paying fiequent visits to schools (Rugh and Bossert,

1997). Though the clergy is well-represented in the directorate, only 6 % of the teachers (1991) are

members of a religious order. However, m e m h of the religious community are very visible. They

Iive on the site, and are very involved with the communiîy.

The Rugh & Bossen model idenafied in Figure 5.4 reveais several similarities with the &ml

model. As with Sewol, the schools are called centres articulating their relationship with the local

comrnunities in which they are located. Fe y Alegria also targets those failed by the public system.

Its emphasis is on basic (elernentary) education, but some centres also have pre-schools. As with

Servol, pedagogy is studentcentred. Teachers' salaries are also paid by the govemment. The

establishment of a committee of parents is ako an important factor m al1 Fe y Alegria schools.

Parents are activeIy involved in the process of instruction because of the holistic design of the

curricuIum. One tacher intervieweci for Reimers' study described the level of cornmitment to

community participation:

We pay attention to the commmity m the very examples used to teach reading, and m the contents of a11 the subjects. We teach knowledge in its context, achowledging the eiements of oppression, but aIso the resistance of the poorer groups, we rescue popular culture ... With thïs kind of planning parents can easily become teachers as they heIp reconstnict the story of the barrio or descni the village where they came kom or narrate episodes of the history of Venezuela. (Reimers, 1997, p 37)

Teacher training reinforces the unportance of the schml in the Iife of the community. Teachers are

taught to use examples and resources h m daily Iife, and encouraged to use non-standard forms of

Spanish in the classroom (Reimers, 1997, p. 41). Parents are also given the responsiiility of Hlmg m

for absent teachers, while the schoot becomes the centre of community development dirring such

cetebrations as Christmas and Holy Week These occasions provide opportunities for the neighbours

to develop speclal activities m Language, Social Studies, Religious Education, and Work education.

The question arises as to whether the heavy clericai presence and Roman Catholic influence

litnits the potential of the organization to meet the needs of the poor with no particular religious

persuasion. in Venezuela where 92.1% of those having a religious affiliation belong to the Catholic

Church, the heavy clerical presence may not be considered particularly intimidating. The spiritual

component of the Fe y Alegria methodology is, however, a fundamental aspect of its approach to

hoiistic educationai development. "We believe in educating the person about life and for life," says

the promotional literanrre of Fe y Alegria, Ciudad Bolivar. "We want to educate our students so that

they can achieve unity in al1 aspects of life, and shun the kind of dualism which separates flesh fiom

spirit." They go on to explain that they mode1 themeIves and their work on Jesus Christ, on his

mother Mary, and on the founder of their religious order ("Concepcionistaw Congregahon), Carmen

Sallés. Henelf an educator, Carmen Sallés based her pedagogy on the idea that the rnost vulnerable

required individual and customized attention.

Unlike Semol, no attempt is made to apologize for making the Catholic faith central to its

teaching mission. For example, the bnef but intensive pre-service training in curriculum

development, also contains a voluntary "Faith and Life" workshop; a three hour programme intended

to encourage teachers to develop approaches mcorporating the spiritual dimension mto the

cirrriculurn. However, the organization does extend its activities to ail Iocals in the irnmediate

community, developing strategies and programmes which help to alleviate the hardship faced by the

poor in speciiïc local communities. These include breakfast centres where needed, head start

programmes for poor parents to l e m how to support their chiIdrenis schooling, and programmes to

help single mothen learn skills which would give them wage-earning capacity (Rugh & Bossert,

1997; Reimers, 1997).

At the present time Fe y Alegria operates some L69 centres with primary programs and

reachmg 47,438 students throughout Venezuela. There are aiso 103 centres providing secondary

ducaiion to 97,358 students. Providing quaiity basic education, nevertheless, remaius the main

thnist of the organization. The quick expansion of the program was facilitated by its partnership with

the state m the early stages of development. Teachers' salaries are based on the national scaie of

longevity in the system. In comparison the salaries of teachers in the Servol programmes are

significantly lower than the national average, and less than one third of what teachers m government

schools will receive for deIivering the same services. The joint partnership, therefore, between Fe y

Alegria and the Venezuelan Ministry of Education can be seen to be mutually beneficial to that

organization. Costs are 30% higher than in the conventional system, but Fey Ale@ schools are

usually located fùrther away fiom the schwl population than those in the conventional systern. Fe y

Ale& students do have to pay fees, as do those in the Semol's programmes, but wfiile students in

the public system of Trinidad & Tobago pay no tuition, in Venezuela ail students pay fees. Parents

and midents interviewed for the research projects referenced in this paper, have indicated that Fe y

Alegria is a more efficient system, and that it provides a better quality education than that of the

public system ( N a m , 199+ Reimers, 1997).

in 1977 Fey Ale@ conducted an evaluation which suggested that it had expanded too

much, losing quality and depth. in 1982 they decided to give priority to the quality over expansion.

How successful has Fe y AIegria been in meeting the needs of its target population? in Venezuela Fe

y Alegria schooIs m general have a lower rate of repetition and fewer &op-outs than the conventiona1

schools. With mostly statistical data available, there is no way of knowing whether or not this has as

much to do with the greater efficiency of the Fe y Alegria system as it has to do with subsidizing

education for the poor, making it more relevant and community-oriented. However, in Venezuela

commimity involvement is the main strategy for retaining students. The figures mdicate that of the

2292 ciiiI&en who entered the Fe y Alegria system in 1991,371 (10%) had dropped out by 1994. in

the çame period 146 (62%) had progressed through the system at the optimum rate without repetition,

meanwhile 1322 chiIdren who entered the conventional schwl system in 1991,39% had dropped out

by 1994 and 21% had progressed through at optimum rate without repetition (Ru& & Bossert, 1997.)

Fe y Afegria also operates centres for youth training and development. These are very much

Iike the Sm01 Centres, and o p t e on the same principles. Moreover, the most recent evaiuation of

Fe y Alegria 3 programs in Venezuela acknowledges that providing access to the poor does not mean

that the poor will necessarily gain h m the process uniess other factors corne into play. The report

criticizes the Neo-Ii'beral mantra that associates education reforms with mcreased economic

prosperity. Neoliberalisrn is described as an "excluding factor not onIy in the economic camp, but

also in the educationai camp" (Fe y Aiegria, 1998, p. 28). The most weak, indefensive, and the

differedy abled continue to be disadvantaged in the school systen ïhey wiIl always lag behind

those more fortunate. ïherefore, al1 the tak about "including the Excluded" in Venezuela, ignores

the reaIity of the situation. Cmently, Venezuela's education systern lags far behind other Latin

American nations owing to its econornic problems" (Note that this is not validated by data h m

severaI organizations, including the World Bank and UNESCO).

in responding to the needs of this group of young people who will never equitably be served

by the mainsteam system, Fe y Afegria found itself caught up in the stereotypes of these youth as

king UuiateIy aggressive, and by implication, resistant to intervention program. The "Centros de

formacion y capacitacion jwenil" are designed to facilitate the education and training for this group.

The th evaIuation of the program did reveal that the participants found it difficult to follow the

n o m set for forma1 schools. They wouId arrive at the school at any tirne, Wear tom clothes and

çandals. The solution was to have the centre meet their needs and responsibilities. Rules and n o m

were negotiated with their consent and participation. Participants were aiIowed input mto

deteminiing things Iïke what should be the uniform, th& own flexiile scheddes etc. (Fe y AIegria,

1998, p. 28). In some zones the centres nm two programs each day: the "formai" m the morning, and

the "informal" m the aftemwns.

Like Servol. the Fe y Alegria organization did a lot of grassrwts consulting wiîh the

comniunity before opening these centres. Before opening the first centre a survey was conducteci

among 1520 homes. This survey revealed that 26% of the youth had ciropped out of schooI because

"they did not want to continue studying." In response to the report, Fe y Alegria began to focus an

the drop-out rate, the poor quality of program and teacbing, and the irrelevauce of what was king

done in the elementary schools. The data also revealed a correlation b e t w m educational status of

families, and motivation to remain at school (Fe y Alegrz'a, 1998, pp. 30-3 1). As with the Sm01

program, the students attending these youth centres, have the fiexibility which allows them time to

achieve on theu own ternis, and even to retum to the formal system if desired. Among the chaltenges

Bced by Fe y Alegria is the building of partnerships with small businesses and community

organizations that would generate a demand for the seMces offered by centre graduates (Fe y

Alegria, 1998, p. 3 1). nie Swope study confinns that "The credibility of projects is developed

through effective leadership and good management of available public and private fuiannal

resourcesn (Swope, N.d. 3, cited by Rugh & Bossert, 1997).

B. Replicability And Sustainability

Community participation has been cited as the main component of this modet that offers

scope for replicating it in different geographical locations. Reimers (1 997) atûi'butes its successful

replication to its commitrnent to a mission. ïhis vision sees the schools as centres of community

deveIopment. n i e schools are maintained by the parents, and financed by a small school fee, locaI

fundraising efforts, Ministry of Education grants, and financial aid programmes with international

donor agencies. Like Servol, Fe y Alegria trains teachers for the public education system, and

produces teaching materials for both students and teachers.

At the present time Fe y Alegria operates in twelve (12) Latin-American couniries with 509

centres senmig 5 I2,796 students. This suggests that it is a sustamable model. According to Reimers

(1997) sustamability requires that the resources to support the program are readiiy available. in the

context of Fe y Alegria this means that the cormnunity can be counted on to contn'bute the , effort

and money to support the programmes. Anecdotal evidence quoted in Rzimen, 1997, and Navarro

(1994) suggests that one main reason for Fey Alegria's massive replication and expansion m diverse

geographical locations is that the programmes and the organization receive positive evaluations fiom

its participants. When participants are encourageci to feeI a sense of ownership, sustainability is made

possible.

As a system of publicly-fundedl privateiy-managed schooling, Fe y Alegra is a "local"

solution to a "national" problem. Its efficacy as a mode1 is due in part to its partnership with the state,

but also the extent to which the respective cotnmunities support its ideology and practices. Many

Ciudad Bolivar residents view Fe y Alegria as the antithesis of the national model, but John Swope

has discovered that Fey Alegria S assesment and evahation procedm and standards Vary little

Born those of the national model. As in Trinidad & Tobago, despite the rhetoric of unequai

preparednessl unequal performance of the socially and economically disadvantaged, parents wish

their children to have access to the same quality and content of education as the upper classes. It can

be said that Fe y AIegria in Venezuela is the equivalent of the "Prestige Schwl" model in Trinidad.

The main difference being that Fe y Alegria offers the m e quaIity education, same range of

academic and alternative programs to the poor that private schools offer to the wealthy, while Servol

tends to provide the poor with a smorgasbord of choices and alternative educational development

strategies.

However, the successftl expansion of both Fe y Rlegria and Servol suggests that the extent of

community support, and participation is an important mdicator of the sustainability of an indigenous

educational project. When the community is consulted on its own needs, there is a greater likelihood

of the level of participation behg maintanied in the ~Iementatîon stage. Moreover, the

organizational culture of the facilitator mut btend in with the culturai expectations of the groups and

individuals targeted. It is aiso clear that educational models are most effective when they reflect the

expectations of a people. insisting on unredistic standards of development can result m a situation

where there is no development because individuals and groups lack the motivation to be mvolved

with change that they do not n e c e d y conceive of as king either desÏrable or possible.

NOTES:

' A study by John Swope (1995) is cited by Andrea Rugh in a dr& ABEL Project made avaiIable to me, and entitled Involving Communities: Pariicipation in the Delivery of Education Program.

Source, Encyclopedia Britannica Yearbook, 1997, pp.729,743

3 One administrator interviewed in Ciudad Bolivar informed me that at the Fe Y Alegria schools for indigenouç peoples, instruction is canied out in the indigenous languages of that group.

4 "East Indian" refers to the descendent5 of migrant workers who came fiom India after 1845, to serve as indentured labourers on the sugar cane estates abandoned by the fieed slaves.

4 National Iiolidays in Trinidad & Tobago include the following: IsIamic - Eid-ul-Fitr Hhdu - Divali AlÏican heritage - Spiritual (Shango) Baptist Day Christian ( various groups): - Good Friday - Easter Monday - Corpus Christi (Roman Catholic only) - Christmas Day - Boxing Day

Note: - The most recent statistics (Year 2000) available at: www.eeoera~hic.orp; indicating major religious affiliations: Roman Catholics - 29.4% Hindu - 23.8% Anglican - 10.9% Muslim - 5.8% *Presbyterian - 3.4% Other - 26.7% *Presbyterians are mainly of East Indian descent. The group began as converts fiom Hinduism and Islam. Canadian missionaries sent out to the island were very successfuI in converhg East Indians who were very resistant to the Christïanity as espoused by Roman Catholics and Anglicans.

6 One of its many testimonials has been given by a wornan who is now both a nun and a registered n m e in the UK. After narrating how she had ken sexually abused by her father l?om the age of two years, and that her sisters had suffered the same fate( one comrnitted suicide), "Maria" talks about finding Sent01 two days d e r being released fiom a mental hospital. She says:

At Seruol, 1 encountered Fr. Pantin. Dtttùlg one of his talks he told us WE WERE NOT FAILURES. IT IS THE SYSTEM THAT FAlLED US! 1 would never forget this. It was the first time that someone had toId me this. 1 refl ected on it a lot. 1 reaIized that the system (schooi) did riot pin-point our needs ... Savol saw something in me that the systern didn't, GOOD!."

Maria got her lucky break though her haining m &mol' s nursing skiiis progtant An acquaïntance of someone at Semol wanted home care assistance for a relative in the UK. Maria was sent. She graduateci as a nurse h m the London Nurse Training College, and is currently employed at the

Reisner Day Hospital for the Elderly in London. She has also joined the religious community called "Daughters of the Heart of Mary"(Source: ServoI News, 1998).

7 Source, URL: http//community.wownetl~ecv~Yadolesce.h~

8 in "Identidad de Fe y Alegria " (Fey Alegria , 1992) the actual text reads: "Proceso abierto a la pluralidad de las modalidades educativas, formales y no formales" ( literaily, "A process open to a pturality of models or types, formal as weU as informai)*

9 1 have translateci "objeto" as aim, given the context in which it is used.. The actual word "objeto: appears in the sentence: ''la que convierte el educando en objeto de su propio desarrollo." "Objecto" haç several meanmg. The Random House Latm American Spanish dictionary, lists "object" as well

"subject," "theme," "purpose," "aim," and "goal."

'O The actual Spanish text reads:

hetendemos una escuela refleje la raiidad del entorno, que responda a los problemas de su pueblo, y no escuela de espaldas a la probldtica popular. La escuela que queremos debe ser un centro accessible, abierto a las iniciativas de la colectividad; un centro caracterizado por su constante recepcion y entrega, del y para el pueblo de instrumentos de lucha popular colectiva. La escuela de FE Y ALE GR^ no debe repetir conceptos viejos y superados, sino que debe ser una escuela caliente, actual, popular, real y entusiasta

Nuestro ideal de escuela debe hacer Erente a Ia realidad de un sistema imperante que ha sido diseiïado e imlantado olvidando las necesidades formativas de los sectores desposeidos de nuestro pueblo. La educacion vigente es un Iargo the1 a ser recorrido en ailos de teorizaci6n inùtil, cuyo destin0 es titulo universatario que presuntamente garantiza un ingreso a la vida productiva. Pero un joven marginal, que necisita obtener conocimientos que pueda poner en prictica oara trabajar y asi hacerse de un ingreso economico minimo para subsistentia, no puede esperar a que sisterna ideado para una reaiidad que no es la suya la @ta tener entrada tn el mundo profesionaI. (Identidad de Fe y Alegria , Fe y Ale- 1992, p. 17)

" The draft document was sent to me by the authors, following direct communication via telephone. My initial search for previous research on the topic, aIated me to the fact that the authors had a report pd ing .

" "Ei Neoltberalismo es excluyente no silo en el campo economico sino tarnbién en el campo educativo. Los mis débiles, los mis indefeasos O los diferentes, no pueden incorporarse nunca al Sistema Escolar, pues se van quedando en el camino. Esto es asi para toda América Latina. Lo "novodeso" para Venezuela, es que el mcremento de los excluidos de la escuela, se volvi6 preocupante con reûaso, en comparacion con eI resto de América Latina, dado que el petroleo siempre daba para disfhar la situaci6n" (Atenci6na los exchidos.. Xe y AIegria , 1998, p. 28)

Chapter 6

Constnicting ffiowledge in the Field: Theory-buiiding at the Local Site

Al1 ethnography is tocal. Ethnographen effectively build local theory - theones that explain events, beliefs, and bebaviour in the special site an ethnographer is studying. (Le Compte & Schensul,1999)

In Servol Through The Years (1987-1993)' Gerry Pantin writes: "in the gospel according to

Semol, anyone trying to help disadvantaged people should base his approach on a philosophy of

ignorance. Expressed siniply, this nieans that you shouid never presume that you know the needs of

people. Ask them what these needs are and what type of help they want." He goes on to desm3e the

basic tenets of the Servol philosophy. 'The next step is attentive listening. You should listeri

carefilly to what people tellyou convinced chat their voice is the most important element in their own

deyelopment, and you should continue to adopt this listening stance tiiroughout your dialogue with

them" (p. 10). My analysis of interview data obtained m Trinidad is, therefore, governed by the

principle of attentive listening.

Michele is an Eady Chtldhood educator and a graduate of Smol's ADP Program. She grew

up in "Sea Lots," the landfil1 created by dumping of the cisr's garbage into a nearby swantp. The

residents are al1 squatters. They build makeshift dwellings from cardboard boxes, discarded lumber,

and bricks. Michele understood her mother's diiemma, ûying to raise children on the only place she

couid cdl home, but she betieves parenta1 negIect to be the cause of hm earIy f a i m s in Iife:

Michele (M. afterward) Yes, because m the absence of my mother, fiends were there ... socalleci fnends, and they evenîuaiiy began to lead you to do d l the wrong thnigs. And at first you feIt couûortabIe because you didn't know anythmg better. ..but actually there was an inner drive in me. Somehow or the 0 t h 1 always feIt tbat 1 could have ken doing something bener, because 1 remember spending some t h e by a God sister, and she was the one who encouraged me to sign up for

lessons, and 1 th& it is that lessons that helped me to pass the Common Entrance Exam ... because we never had that before, and h g in a home where she was a single mother herself. ..she had a son and we helped to take care of him as he was mti younger than us, but because she showed us a littie respect and would speak to us every day we came home h m school. That little attention ... that gave us the little push ... so 1 felt as i f1 had rom then, but moving h m El Socom, San Juan, to Sea Lots that was the d o m fd. M m y never had time for us. We were left aione a lot of the time, and of course men seing you kgin to develop, they start looking, and actually the first guy who came up to me and said, "You are nice, 1 redly kke you!" that was the guy I h d my son for. He was thefirst m m I had in my Ife becme my father was no where around

interviewer (Tnt. afterward) ... And thk was ut 14?

M. And the first time he said that to me we had sexual intercourse and that was it. 1 did not even know I was pregnant then, because i didn't even h o w about rny body's development, what to expect or anything like that.

Int, ... So drii you have to leave school?

M. Yes, I Ieft school, but I didn't have to leave, because whm my mother found out that 1 was pregnant she took me back to Belmont Junior Sec. i was reaIIy doing well there. I excelled at Spanish, English and Social Studies, and those three teachers wanted me to come back. They said, go have the baby and comeback, but I was too ashamed su 1 did not wanr io go bac& So a h 1 had the baby, 1 went and 1 lived with his father. It was difficult because knowing somebody and then living with them was very hard, but my mother wanted me to go, because 1 was like an extra weight on her shoulder and financially he was taking care of me. So it was okay for me to go. She didn't see the need to hold me back So 1 went and fier about a year or so 1 wanted to go back io schwl. At first he didn't want me to go, and 1 had was to stay home, and 1 was so young. 1 went to evening classes, and there 1 met my tnend and she told me about the ADP, and then it was that Istarted to idenha with myserfand my neek. 1 decided 1 was going to do sometbg, but between feaving the ADP, and doing my skills training, I was doing nothing. My son was then a year and a haIf, so I wrote a letter, and was told to come in for an interview, and 1 was surpriscd to learn that I potsseci (the interview). 1 bad no formal qualifications, but 1 had a knack for language as 1 had done a little bit of reading. So 1 came in and 1 trained as an assistant in the classniom. 1 did my one year minhg m the classroom, and tben 1 went out to do my practical training in the fieid (it is a three year process) and 1 graduated in 1997 with a distinction in Early Ckldhood Education. So 1 think 1 did well after failmg so much, so 1 don't see myseif as a failure now because I am seemg myselfdomg so much more, and then too working with the c h i l h , and knowing some of the backgrounds, 1 aiways try to fil1 m where T can because 1 know how difficult it is.

Int. ... Su how ofd is ymr cMd now?

M . He is ten, hl Ihad another one. Okay, the tïme 1 Iived with bim I got pregnant again. I kied to avoid it, but he did not want me to use contraception. 1 used to feeI very ashamed at h x , but fier a wMe, I started to do things for myseIf and to help rny children, so 1 said he, l am nul the only il year-old to have a chiId, md i wmid

not be the lusr 14 yeur-old to do so. 1 just çtarted to love them and to do what 1 couId to make them happy.

Int. ... Wouldyou say that the ADF's parentingfocus helpedyou czs a single parent?

M. I lemnt a lotfiom rhis program. ïhere was an advanced course, and if hebed me to undersrand men my children better and myselfl and I began to realize it is not only about "Licks" (spanbg), There is so much more to discipline than "Licks." M y sons now say "Mummy you don't beat us at alln because 1 have learnt different strategies.

Int ... Do you still live in that community?

M. No 1 move out, F e h m y next year wilI be two years. 1 got a job 1 started to work at ServoI here. After doing so well in the field, Servot gave me a job here. And when 1 got the job, 1 began to feel it is t h e to move on. 1 see my moving as a means to help my sister tm, because 1 am in the comrnunity. She is in the community. M y mother is in there, but we have no land or so, nobody to hetp us out. 1 saw myseif as the p m n to pull t h out of the community so 1 IeR but it was k d . M y mother didn't want me to go because 1 was like the sole bread winner m the home. My sister got a job and she is working. My Mom gets public assistance nothmg to talk about, but at least it helps a bit. 1 moved ouf so 1 hope they will come to live with me. My sister hm a duughter and every tirne she cornes to visit she duesn 't want to go back because she sees there is something eise besides living in there, and l am really scared for her becme she is eighî, and by the time she is ten to rwelve, she MI1 be a 'urger becuwe they have no regurdfir age. From the time you start getting breasts and they see that you are a young lady, thcy come d e r you. 1

It was clear from Michele's interview that "community" and "spirituality" had to be

problematized. Until then 1 had not addressed the question of the oppressive sûuctures which rnay

exist in local communities, but had offered an idealistic mode[ of community cooperation and

rnobilization. Yet there is enough evidence fmm the testirnonies of Semol participants, cited in Ch.

5, @p. 100-1), and Maria's story which was revea1ed m the "End Notes" ((3.5, p.I 19 Note: 5). What

is the role of schoolhg when such conditions exist? According to Michete, the church and the schwl

become important escape routes for those who have been victims of abuse and live in degradation,

Later in this mdy, 1 address the issue of why "Spirituality" is considered to be an important

component of educationai development for many of these oppressed people. Here we see tbat the

pmctice of religious tàith is considered to be a comiiary to oppression and exploitation. Opptessed

people have always reached out for an explanatïon of the world that transcends the inmediate squaior

[nt Do you fear that the cycle will be repeated?

M. 1 don 't think that it will be repeated because my skter has become more imobed in churd She has taken that angle.

i n 1 know that Servol is a Roman Catholic-based organization, but 1 underçtand that they don't push their ideology. Does she belong to another church?

M. She belongs to Gospel Ministries, She is involved. 1 belong to the Church of God, but 1 am not into church. 1 go to church, but she is religious. She chose that way to get that focus away fiom that mentaiity and so on. So my niece shodd be spared because she is into the church as well.

Int. . . . Why 1 asked the question is because 1 am told by many people that although Servol is an organization founded by Roman Catholic clergy and stresses spirituality as an important component of what it teaches, somehow it doesn't teach allegiance to any one religious way of life. So you would Say that you are allowed to be part of this organization, although you are not into church. That hasn't been a problem for you at dl, and you say that this organization has helped you without forcing you into any kind of cornmitment to what they believe.

But what church? Michele's narrative revealed little concem for the messager of hope, but with a

presccupation with the message:

M. Yes, Of course. You know when we doing spirituality at the ADP level, they teach you the tniihs of al1 religions. Even though Servol as you said is Catholic. They teach you to respect a11 religions, and of course you follow your heart. Anything as you see as a God that can guide you; a light, something rhat will sheiter you, your h e m your soul. ..because you mut have a supreme beingsomehow or the other to help you, and I choose Jesus Chriif, so Ifillow that, and I love that. Ir IS not forced on you.

M. ... Do you think that the community, and 1 am using community here in a much broader sense than the feeder areas.. J am thinking perhaps of the commrniity of the poor, even m terms of the national community. So do you think that what you do here ... what you do with the kids, helps them to Iive in their own comrnunities?

Michele was beginning to provide m e r s to my many questions about the role spirituality pIayed m

compensating for the degradation of local living conditions:

M. Of course! By respecrful intervention thm's how we get to them .. . We question depments. na's how we iniitene in their lives. Wé get b know their backgrounds, and we try as much as possiiAe, to guide the child by what we cal1 "standzrd morals " so that they wi1I be fit for society. However, ifthere are certain thuigs in your cormnunity that we prefa to keep stagnant we Ieave it that way. We don? force anythmg on you.

Int ... What would be the standard morais you talk about?

Rmpect, is a concept central to Servol's philosophy and demomted m the classroorn at various

levels, "What is good for the society" is an important guideline for ail teachers, but in Servol this

"respect" for the society goes beyond acculturation to the n o m and values of the society, and

extends to respects for cultures, traditions, and even ciifferences:

M. Okay, let's say manners, bebaviou., make sure that their behaviou. is patterned on what is goodfor the socie @...Respect! We try to keep that one way ...

Int. I was going to ask you what local resources you use in your teaching, but looking around that is al1 you use. The season is Christmas, and 1 see symbols of our local celebrations of Christmas around, the paring, the music, sorrel, ginger beer, black cake, ham, and so on. So it iooks as though you use only local resources in domg everything here

M. 1 wouldn't Say only, but I try to stress what is ours, because most of the children wouldn't know nothing else ... except through television so 1 try to be as realistic as possible.

bt. What about the parents? Do you use the parents as a resource at all?

M. Of course! Parents ' involvement is a policy. We have mcluded a policy where the parent should spend at least an hour per term in the classroorn. We have said per term because we know that some of the parents work and cannot spare the time, but we say at least one hour ... Come and see what 1 am doing, see how they interact with me...see how 1 interact with them. how they lea m... Come see how 1 discipline ... 1 am aIso willing to leam fiom you ... Look it's Christmas, and there are parents helpmg kids to decorate the room They are asked to corne along on field trips and other extra-curricular activities such as swimming and gymnastics we ask them to be a part of tt. When they are part of it, they will be able to see their children 's strengths and their weaknesses so it is not only Aunty Michele. saying this about your kids, you are involved. You know what we are aboutJight! So we have parents involved,

int. Now of the kids you have here presently, how many of them will be among the poorest of the poor...in the sense of what you talked about as being poor.. J don? just mean economic conditions. I mean coming fiom an environment which prevents you h m growing in self-esteem and so. Do you have any kids here who would have come fkom an envüonment sirnilar to your own?

And carhg, also an essentiaI tenet of the Serval philosophy:

M . I have one in my class who isfiom Sea Lots. She comesfiom an abusive home. Herjàther is in pnkon because he nied to kill her mother, and she was a part of if. This child came m not speaking, and 1 used to wonder why. 1 even asked Mummy, why she wasn't taiking. I would give an instruction. She would follow the instruction h m the be-g to the end. She wouId do it, but she would not respond, and 1 think it is because she doesn't feel confident to speak. Her voice is

beautiful, and she spent a year with me. She was ready to go off to big school, but 1 told mummy "No." 1 want her for another year even though she is gomg to be five ... because she is not ready. She is not psychologicdly ready for Rimary school. So 1 told Mummy to leave her and Mummy agreed. 1 don't fight it now because 1 see what happens when 1 am speaking with the mother. Even when the mother is speaking to me, she bows her head, and 1 have to say Alice look at me. She doesn't have that confidence in herseif to think that what she is saying can mean something. But she speaks very well.

Int. ... So is it the training fiom Servol which prepares you to deal with her and with the mother, or is it because you have had a situation similar to hers, this helps you to deal with problems such as these?

M. Servol does help. They have programmes Iikt "Parenting" and of course, "Special Education." So 1 psyched her out, and 1 told myself that this was an environmental problem. She is listening. She is watching. She cm speak. She can hear, and stufflike that. So 1 knew that it wasn't physical. It was environmental, It was social, so 1 knew 1 had to deaI with it on that level. So 1 said that 1 will cal1 in Mummy and speak to Mummy about it, and then when 1 saw Mummy 1 realized what was happening, so 1 said well okay h e . So 1 try to encourage Mummy to come in as o h as possible.,.have her involved in schwl. So that we can chat..So Mummy is getting a Iittie more relaxed. The child, however, 1 know that 1 have to deal with her fiom my own experience. 1 know that she needs love. She needs to feeI important. She needs that tendemess. So 1 try to give her one-to-one attention

int. Do you think it was possible for her to get the same things if she went to the traditionai schwl system?

M. She wouid, but 1 wouid say if that tacher had a S m 1 background, or had been in a sirnilar situation and seeing herself in iî, she would be able to identify it, or was able to go through something like the ADP. But 1 wouldn't say it will be al1 lost, because there are teachers there who wiIl see. Not al1 of them wiIl sec it. Ir is so hard to see a life vent without purpose. I went through ii. and I always said that I would come back to the system, because of the fact thaf I war going to be able to help otherpeople. 1 wanted to go to the ADP, but I ended up here, and then 1 encountered children who had been the same thing, like me.

"Giving back," through "Service Voiunteered for AI1." S m o f attracts those with a mission:

int. Well it mut be a special mission that you have because 1 know they pay you al1 ridicuIousIy low salaries. How cm you afford to corne to work? So you say it is because you want to give back

M. Yer. I really want to give back. 1 feel very good, getting up in the moming and coming to work, coming to the chiidren- Being with them really klps you. M e r all, life is not 6ne and dandy aii the time. 1 reaw want to give back However, there was a time when 1 wouid have said 1 wouldn't want to be in aay other profession, but because of the fact that 1 need cash,.- m all honesty, 1 may have to look somewhere else. My sons are getting bigger. 1 want to own a house, a car... 1 need to be financially independent.

Int. That wouId be a sad thing if Servol Ioses peaple like you .... in your particulas school or centre here, what cultural themes or activities would you say are relevant to the needs of the local population? 1 know you do a lot for Christmas, and for Carnival, and 1 went upstaks, and 1 saw Muslim dolls wearing the hijab, and Hindu dolls. 1s there a c u l W focus to the course you do here?

Respecting al1 religions is the local culture. The shared cultural understanding of their

differences and similarities, allows for those of different faiths to celebrate together. in Trinidad

& Tobago, the concept of 'hationhood" is hybrid. The islanders talk of a Trinidad & Tobago

"Culture." That culture is expressed as a unified concept that incorporates the different ancestral

roots of the population, but also the s h e d historical experiences of al1 these groups:

M. What at we do is ... as 1 said before, we respect al1 religions, so that al1 religious activities- cultural activities that cornes up, we are part of it. Christmas for the Christians, we are there with that. We respect the Jehovah Wimess because we have Jehovah Witness children here who do not celehte Christmas. We respect that. We celebrate DivaLWe celebrate Eid. We celebrate Carnival, We celebrate this African... Kwanza, we celcbrate that because we have Rastafarian parents. We try to meet al1 cultural needs, and to expose the children as much as possible to al1 of them.

Int. You try to expose them..,Well let us say that 1 am a Jehovah Wimess, and 1 am in a classroom surrounded by things connected with Christmas. How do the kids deal with that?

M. We don't pressure thern, but we expose them to it. We tell them that Christians celebrate Christmas because they believe that Jesus Christ was boni at this tirne. That is why we give gih. We expose &hem as much as possible. Every child can participate. No child is isolated.

Iint. went to an mformation session at La Romain, and they were saying there that Servol should be at every corner. Do you think that if Servol were encouraged to become a sort of nationd madel? Do you th& that this would be a good thing, or do you think what Servol stands for will be Iost in the process if it becomes t w widespread?

M. 1 donTt think it will be iost at ali because Servol is so much appreciated people will try to keep it. a lot of people benefit h m it. Families benefit. Society benefits. 1 am a prime example of Society benefitmg . . . souteone passing through the Servol system. 1 am now able to contribute. 1 don? think ît wiII take away anything. 1 believe that Servol needs to be more widwpread. It realIy needs to be on every corner, especially the low incorne comrnunities They realIy need to be there.

Seml S mission mvolves empowering these low-income communities, to be responsiile for their

own development:

Int. You know 1 have been readmg rrp about these Boards of Education that control the schools that are nm by parents. Is tIiere one for this centre?

M. One is now bemg developed. What we have now is a Parent's body that will meet every Tuesday night at the schooI, These parents will make decisions about what is needed in the school. For example, right now we need a radio. They don't have a radio in the school. These parents wili raise frnids to buy a radio. They wiU say that the walls need to be painteci, So they will decide to raise funk and buy paint. They aiso have a small feeding program. It is only one day for now. They send $5 with each child and that goes into a littIe peîty cash that we are building for the school. So that we wouldn't have to have big funQaisers al1 the tirne. We will always have a flow of petty cash to buy the Iittle things like spoons for the children. So they will come in every Tuesday and discuss things like tint, But our main fundraising is a dinner this year, and we are going to buy a radio with that.

Int. So are the parents given a say in what is being taught, how things should be done Can they contriiute their ideas suggestions, anything. Are they allowed to do that?

M. Of course! That is what we are al1 about. That is why we tell parents to come in and sit in for at least one hour a term, so that they can see what's going on. Give their opinions. Give suggestions. 1 am not perfect. None ofthe teachers here are perfect. They should be able to have an input.

Int. And the parents do respond?

M. Oh Yes! They are very verbal. They are very verbal. If they see something going on they are not accustomed to, they ask about it. We respond in a very fnendly manner. We have a very cordial relationship with the patents of these children. It is very family like.

Int. So if they rnake cornplaints or recornmend changes and so on, do you need to go to the administration to make the changes or are you empowered to make the changes to the cuniculum yourself?

M. We have to take it through the administration. We are not that powerful (let me put it this way) that we can make the changes. However, we can have our own views and share it with them, and most likeiy they will go through with it. If it is conducive to what Servol is about

Int. So the cuniculum as it is, is it possible for you ta experiment with it, to be flexible, because 1 see a lot of original stuffhere ... very creative. Who eIse is involved with this centre?

M. 1 have two other workers, Unck Dmyt (who ody came in September), and Stephanie who has been there about 6 years, but not at this centre. She recently came in to this cenûe.

1. And bot. have been trained upstairs like you..,The one who has just come in has he been able to adjust to the demands of ttus job? Do you think bis training prepared him?

M. Yes, he seems to be very competent .... Holistic development - Education for individual growth, and for social development:

Int. 1 fïnd the children here tremendously happy. They seem to enjoy learning. So you would say that the Servol methodology works in your case. Would you say a bit about the SPICES (or Spi-Cees) curriculum as you Say?

M. It is SPICES. SPICES are the initiaLsfir social, physical, intellecrual, creative. emotional und spiritual. mat 's the guideline we use for teaching the chiidren. So youfind that we train a child socially. We develop them physically. We develop [hem intellectually, emotionally, creatively, and spiritually. So that they get al1 the diferen1 areas, They are well-rotmded when they feave thk Sm01 compound.

Int. So that you believe that what you do here lsas made such an impression that when they go out into the normal schwl that it will affect what they do.

M. Yes, I had a graduating class last year, and there are parents who meet me and tell me, "Aunty Michele, so and so hm't changed," They have kept up with the things we do h m . 1 tell them I hope they haven't since each chiId is special just the way they are. 1 tell ail of them they are leaders. So they feel comfombIe with thmetves when they lave and they go out there.

ht. 1 went to a Centre yesterday, ihe Spree Simon Centre, and m e it was an evahation day, but the parents were coming in, and interacting with teachers, and would interrupt the class and Say " G d day, Miss," and proceed to carry on a conversation with the teacher. 1s that typical of al1 Servol's schools?

Semol weicomes al1 those invotved with raising children. It shares with the community,

responsibility for the Iives and the education of children and adolescents:

M . Yes, we tend to be what we cati famif'like, so that parents would come in and feei very cornfortable. I feel very comfortable with most of my parents. 1 see some of them as sisters. We are very ciose. Parents will come to you and discuss very personal thinp. So it's really amss the board in a11 schwls. We sirive to have that kind of atmosphere. Actually, I love it in my classroom. 1 cannot see myseff as feeling uncomfortable with any parent, with anybody in fact. If I don? feel conifortable with my CO-workers, I speak to them about it. So that teachers and parents get dong weii together, and we also try to encourage parent and parent closeness So that your child is in class with my child, you know where I Iive. You know my k i t narne ... Sometimes parents fom interrelationships Iike gomg to chmh together, going to the playgrotmd together so that the fiendships can blossom. (3-ts are aiso mvolved.

ht Well, yesterday at the centre I found that there were very many parent substitut es... because in many cases the parents were aunts, or perhps an older siiling..Do you have the same thing here?

M . Yes, we have aunts and grandparents who take care of children Paren rs are gone ... some grandparents me doing it on their own ...

Michele's was one of the longer interviews. 1 have quoted those parts relevant to the themes

to be treated in this chapter. 1 had used the information to determine what would be the initial

categories 1 would code, since Michele touched upon many of the significant details 1 had found m

the documentary analysis. She was also representative of three of the groups sekcted for

interviewmg. As a youth, she belonged to the group targeted by Servol. She was a graduate of the

Semol program, and she was a teacher in the system. Emulating Servol's methodology of

"Listening," 1 allowed Michele to tell her life story, even including the very personal details of her

life which couid explain her gratitude to Seruol, and commitment to its mission. The information she

provided would be usefui in cross-validating different types of data. The categories coded for

analysis were detexmined by frequency, omission, corroboration, and triangulation. As with al1

interview data quoted, Michele's real name is suppressed, and the pseudonym given is unlikely to

identiiy her.

6.2 SER VOL 'S PHILOSOPHY AS PRAXIS

in Setvol Through The Years (1987-1993), Gerry Pantin had this to say about those who

ctaim authority to detennine what constitutes valid knowledge: "The attitude of cdtrtral

arrogance ... tends to make people beiieve that because they corne fiom a certain country or ethnic

background, or have benefited from a certain type of education, this makes them superior to 0 t h

people. in Smol's view, it is only when a serious atternpt is made to grappte with that kind of

problematic attitude, that people are entitled to interfere in the Iives of others through a process of

respecrful intervention (p. 10).

Those who work for Servol do so because they share a sirnilar philosophy. Firstiy, Smot is

what 1 would describe as a "cross-ovei' volunteer organization. Perm~el , including teachers and

administrators, work for salaries way beIow what both the pubIic and private sector wodd pay for

simiIn services. Teachers, fur example, are paid about thiay percent of tht salaries ma& by theu

coiieagues in the public sector. One assumes, therefore, that a cornmitment to Savol's mission, and

sbaring of its phiiosophy are the maiu reaçons for choosing to work for Servol. Mi l e &ml-trained

teachers, who do not poçsess the academic qualifications cornensurate with kachers in the public

system, may consider Servol the obvious (if not onIy) choice, there are many Smol teachers,

insûuctors and admlliistrators who have crossed-over fsom the public system. This is one area of

con- with the Venenielan situation where teachers work in both systems, ciaiming one is for

economic necessity, and the other for job satisfaction. The responses to the questions around a

personal philosophy of education, and how or why one came to be involved with Semol point toward

an explanation hr the phenornenon:

A belief in comrnunity ... a belief in people. i f s more of a spiritual thing than a belief in education as such.,.it is really aconviction that cuitural arrogance is not part of your artilIery of concepts ... that no one person is bener than anyone else. People are no l e s knowledgeable because somebody con? speak very weIl or they don? have language skills, they don't know what they want. in iact, the truth is that they do know what they need and want better iitan you do. Men we started Servol it evolved or began as a community ihing, and the education focus arose out of the need to help people in communities where there was no hope. It was h m getting rid of the hopelessness. The best way to do this was h m a community because education is so desperatei'y needed by rhose wirhour hope ... and it w u . a differenr fype of education because it took into account their spiritual as well as their emotional needs (ServoI Board Member)

Well, kfore 1 was a tacher, and 1 taught at Nelson Street Girls for 5 years, and again through my teaching 1 reaIized that we were teaching, but not educating and in rny last year, 1 had two Common Entrance Classes that noMy wanted and really it was very fnistrating , and they passed the Common htrance exams at the end of the year because it w;ts al1 generai knowledge, and filhg in blanks, extra classes etc ... but I knew that at the end of the &y, they would be dropping out of schwl at some time ... but there was pressure fcom parents+..pressure h m big schml, and 1 was in Post Rnnary befm that for about four yem and did a lot of innovation m the school system because 1 Iiad the support of the principal. 1 changed up the whole methodology and tumed the class into a shopping centre. We did a set of thmgs that were not "educational," and we bad a lot of tim. Somebody efse wanted the class, and they could not continue doing the things 1 did.. and then 1 was very fnrstrated with the school system you know. Jurt shovingficls down the children. ..no maner how you tned there was vety Iittle you could do, and 1 happened to meet Father Pantin, and we talked about my fnrstration and he said, corne and ûy Servol, and ihen 1 got mvolved- Then I was sent to Oxford University by the congregation, who intendeci me to corne back either to take charge of Nelson Street GkIs' or to be a director of schools. When 1 came back, the schml where 1 was teaching burned

dowu, and 1 had to work ''shift" so 1 had aftemoons k, and 1 becam involved part- time with Servol. Eventually 1 got more involved so 1 had to resign h m teaching. (Sm01 Executive)

I think that educutiun should caterfôr the people. because education t3 a changing thing ..$!O r th& needs because you know education is for Ife. It is not academic. You cater for Living kids and 1 think the system of education we have presently out there lach that.. .How do you ailow an individual to grow on a personal level.. .how do you encourage them to leam and not just give them knowledge? (Marion, Servol teacher)

My vision is to make everyone want an education. I would like some day to see the stigma of a dayerent type of education removed. Not everyone has to go to University etc ... There are a lot of people whose children are interested in Art fonns, for example, let them concentrate on that, rather than force them into something else. (Annette, Servol administtator)

1 came here as a parent. 1 had two children at this centre. Servol encouraged me to corne in as a parent volunteer, 1 realized ït was something 1 like domg, and could do. 1 went to train with ServoI- My children really proud of me now, because they see that I capable of making the d~#èrence. (Denise, EatIy Childhood Educator)

1 am here 18 years...I came here basically at a point when 1 was at loose ends, and I came hem wanting to make the diference. 1 was in the school systern as a teacher, lefi and went into business ... had sorne trouble there before deciding to join Servol. (Ron, Teacher Educator)

The comrnents highlighted suggest that those involved were committed to a wider defmition of

education, as opposed to schooting. Even when the response iailed to convince me ihat the

interviewee was emulating the fotmder's empathy with, and for the disadvantaged, they were

motivated by a commitment to the Servoi mission. Consider this response, for example, that was

given by a centre coordinator whose centre is Iocated m one of the most depressed areas, and,

therefore, caters for those with both social and behaviouraI probIems:

My presence in ServoI is my destiny. From school 1 started teaching alongside my English teacher m the remediai class in Senior Comprehensive. When 1 looked at our kind (meanhg black people). . .looked at th& attitude and the reason for that attitude, 1 decided that the way they behaving ... not bemg able to identa their weakness and work on it .. .Then and there 1 decided that whatever 1 have to do to help these persons to corne to ternis with their weahesses, 1 wi l l do..And that is where it started 1 started as a voluntea and then became a paid employee.

The mterview data support the assumption that those who are involved with Servoi do so because

they share Servol's philosophy of education, and the values Serval considers desirable. They are

committed to its mission to alleviate poverty by improving the employability of disadvantaged youth,

by providing access to schooling and training for this p u p , and by providing a type of education

relevant to their needs, as well as c o e t of theu expectatim.

6.3 POVERm AUEVZATION, ACCESS & E Q W ISSUES

The interview data also contain repeated references to the heading of this section. Though

Gerry Pantin has stated eisewhere that eliminating poverty rs not part of Servol's mission, the

mterview data clearly point Co a concem with poverty, but aiso an interpretation of poverty as failure

to satisfy both individual as well as communal needs. AI1 the students 1 mterviewed will fall under

the category described as living "beneath the poverty line." Many of those mterviewed rejected the

reductionist theoretical position that equates their lack of material gwds with poverty. The interview

data made clear that there was a difference of opinion in regard to defrning poverty. Those who

labelled the students poor, did so from within the dominant paradigm as discussed. Yet many of the

students interviewed, and some Servol pemmel, rejected this interpretation of poverty, Muriel's

comment quoted here is typical of the responses to questions that impIied they were disadvantaged on

account of econornic statu:

1 live at home with my mother and fathen 1 have three sisters and two brothers. Weil my father is medically unfit to wodc so welfàre assists us. ..Is not much. My mother sometimes gets "10 daysw (periodic emplopent, spending ten days on a specific task). Othenvise she does make some things to seB. I wouldn 't say I poor. 1 happy jusr as I am because La Fillette bave plenty 6sh and thing ... (Muriel, ADP program for adolescents)

Muriel's assertion is that she is not pwr, because she has a good family life. She can rely on

the mal1 and irregular income of her parents, subsidized by her own money- making initiatives, and

she is happy living m a f i s h g village which provides her family with a food group necessary to their

survivai. Such a description will be construed as naivete, ifnot backwardness, m the development

literature. Tucker (1 999) reminds us that, 'The myth of development is elevated to the status of

natural law, objective reality, and evdutionary necesnty. En the process ail other worId views are

devalued and dismissed as primitive, backward and irrational or naïve" (pl). A cornparison can be

made with Michele's quality of life m the urban dump as referenced m h a interview (pp.1-3), and

Muriei's who k s in a remote fishing village. Both had very Iittle access to money needed for

consumption goods, but Michele fomd it more difncult to improve the quality of life amidst a

backdrop of uban squaIor.

In Chapter 5, (p. 87), Sr. Ruth Monbichard wams that sustainable development involves

placing limits on the possession and consumption of material goods. This idea is often repeated in the

developrnent literatw coming out of the South. Sanchez & Pita (1999) use Sarnir Amin's term

"maldevelopment" to refer to the widespread patterns of uneven developrnent, resuiting from

capitalisrn coming late to the 'lThird World." According to them "maldevelopment" has produced

'heven patterns of consumption in Latin Arnerica that need to be correlated with class and political

relations" b.298). Muriel is providing a valid argument for her assesment of poverty as detennined

by what one needs to be content, if one lives in a remote fishing village, and wishes to preserve a

quaIity of life consistent with a value systern to which one amibes. Her explanation in regard CO why

she does not consider herself poor without a heavy reliance on constmrption goods can be interpreted

as a comment on sustainable development. Signincantly, Muriel had high aspirations. She had hoped

to use her craft skills to start a business of her own on cornpletion of the Sewol Program.

Othe~ respondents in ths study have dared to describe poverty fiom alternative perspectives.

References CO the impoverished lives of many middle-class youth, deprived of love, caring, pamtal

support and guidance were îrequent in the interview data:

1 live in a rich neighbourhood and last week 1 had to Save two youths who iived besides me (they were about to be caught using drugs in an empty lot, when she alerted them of the irnpending danger). NorrnalIy, it wouId have been the little blacd boys that wouId have been there.

They are poor even though they have money. They expaience a different type of poverty. Poverty isjust not a question of income-eaming ability, notjust a question of economic circumstances, p o v q can mean an absence of love, caring andso on..,

I have seen people who hme Iittle money and yet me doing a wondet$djob with thai children. We have fewerprobtems with them than with middle ctms youth.

They tend to be more d i n g to accept help, and they tend to be more open to our program or whatever. You give then hope and vice versa ... (Franche, Servol Adminisirator)

... And that is another beiief of Servol. People feel that those who are underpn-vileged cannot solve their own problems ...gi ven the opportunity and a skill, we have found that they have the answers to their own problems. It is only now to give them the strength and that ability to do something. They need money to carefor their child. So gbe them a skiff, and that 's how we approach our programs (Wendy, Servol Administrator)

However, those involved with &rvol, are not concerned with improving the quality of life for middle

class youth. They argue that these have a systemic advantage as evidenced in their high degree of

representation m the prestige schools, and the correlation between access to employment

opportunities available to youth and the level of educational attainment. In Chapter 4, (p. 73). Jules &

Kumick (1990) were cited. They reminded us of the source of these status hierarchies: The bias of

traditional schools and traditional curcicula, "forces us to consider that the stratified results

characterize a colonial-based system in which equal opportunity for development is severely lirnited

for thse students whu do not gain entry into the traditional schools" (p. 232). Servol's target group

are those who are unable to benefit frorn access to quality education because they do not have the

attniutes to which value is attached in a hiecarchical elitist systern. One member of the Servol

executive Iaments:

We have been measuring the wrong things in terms of the nexus between economic and political development. In so far as social values are concerne4 I think this is also true. We have placed a lot of s tam on educational backgrounds and social class l d s , things that are really extraneous to the m i v e n e s s of people. A lot of this is used to Our detriment. We begin to see people without these things as without value

While another insists that without the economically disadvantaged there wouid be no Servol:

We are aIways willmg to help other people, just yesterday we responded to one such reque S... We are wlling to help with m g people to ïnsuuct others in the ADP program, to help others with their problems. if we had extensive firnds we can do more7 but we (two persons cited) come h m congregations which were specifically estabIished to work with the underprivileged and 1 guess that is part of our mission as reiigious, and we feel that other people have money have access to opporhmities, and that if we geared our program to aiiow the midde and upper classes to come in, we compromise our conmitment to the disadvantaged who d e r aii need better oppominities, better education, better access to alternative resources. For example,

we had an evaiuation of the High Tech a year ago, and the consuItants said that they strongly recommend that the ADP and the High Tech be opened to anybody- We said well let the IDB give them the money and they do it themselves. Because asfar as Iant concerned ifthere is no diiadvantaged to cme for, there is no Sentof.

It is worth noting here that this is one area in which Setvol's policy is very different fiom Fe y

Alegria's. 1 inteniewed two shidents at a Fe y Alegria school who would not have been admitteci to

Servol; one was the daughter of a teacher in the system, and the other was a daughter of a lawyer.

Both students indicated that their participation was a matter of parental choice, since Fe y Alegrii had

the reputation for a better quality of education than the local public schools. The daughter of the

lawyer even lived out of the zone, but was billeted with a relative in the area. She transferred fiom a

private schml to Fe y Alegria, her parents having decided that at Fe y AIegria she could obtain a

"private school" quality education without having to pay exorbitant fees.

Despite the range of interpretations of "pove~," those who share Servol S cornmitment to

the underprivileged, acknowledge that social class determines education performance. Poor access to

schooling, poor quality of schooling, and poor performance were al1 blamed on the relationship

between the class structure and educational opportunity. Ron and Pat were mernbers of a "focus

group" interview done at a Junior Life Centre. They acknowledge that they are in the business of

providing medial literacy and numeracy programs to those who failed the Common Entrance

Examination:

1 would say a combination of social and economic factors are aga- them (Post- Mmary intake at Junior Life Centres). . .Many of these students are functionally illiterate when they come here so there are problems which prevent them h m passing, and in the govemment schools you go to Common Entrance class whether you are ready or not, whether you have been coming to school in Standard (Grade) t ,2 etc and have covered the syllabus. The child must be in Standard 5 (Grade 6) to write Common Entrante, so long as you reach the age of "1 1+" you are put in the grade. Many fail because they are not ready.

As afready indicated this examination ais0 heavily favours the rnidde and upper classes.

Tucker (1999) says that in deconstnicting the categories used in the development discourse, it is

important to pay greater attention to the "mequai power relationships that prevaii in the production of

knowledge" (p. 12). Paulo Freire (Shor & Freire, 1987) aiso reminds us that it is not society that is

shaped by educatim, but rather education is shaped by those who have power. Thus the knowledge

"tested" in "Entrante" and "Exit9* examinations, usuaily privilege those wbo share the cultural capital,

h m which this ''howledge" is produceci and legitimated. This wodd help to explain why Servol

insists that the ''remedial" component involves heaiing of the human spmt as weil. The Sm01

executive are concemed that the public sector schools do not fuifill this purpose:

My theory is that schools have fo change to meet the changing neeh of children. î l e school hm to become a kind of secondparent to them in terms of helping [hem in their affeciive llive, in t m of lktening to them. in t e m of specifically doing courses that have to do with helping them to develop an understanding of who they are. My argument is that schools are institutions best suired ro the modifcations needed to help struggling children (Servol Executive Member)

And in a normal school, you will fïnd childten like these, even now in the prestige schools, you find parents who cannot afford to send the children to these schools .... When we went through the recession it hit a lot of people. It creaied a lot of problems in the home for many of the parents, but they are still pushing them into these schools, and they don't have what they need to survive in that environment (Francine, Servol Adminisûator).

6.4 SERVOL AS ALTERNATIVE ACCESSISERVOL VERSUS THE PüBLIC SYSTEM

So 1 look at the program mainly as another entry into the system. The first enky did not work for them. This is another way in.

The statement quoted came f?om a member of the Serwol Executive. This was her response to

the c o n c m 1 raised about the value attached to Servol programs in relation to the education as

delivered by the formal system. Servol program facilitate re-entry into, M y , the school system by

providing the chilciren of the disadvautaged with a headstart m their Early Childhood Centres. Sm01

cites the research on early development of children to argue for intervention kfore the age of five.

For those, failed by the public schwl system, Sm01 offers two alternatives: Post-Rimary education

m the Junior Life centres, with the objective of preparing students CO re tm to the system, and the

ServolTraining Rograms, preparing adolescents to enter the world of work Michele's story quoted

earlier also contams evidence that Servol alIows &op-outs to re-enter the system, by pmviding thern

with an alternative path to achievement and certification. Sm01 also facilitates entry and remtry

into the world of work for many addt women through their participation in the POP program.

The provision of access for the socidy and economicaily disadvantaged is clearly not enough

to aiter their lives significantly. Smol acknowledges this as evidenced by its SPICES cmiculum,

methodology, and praxis. Throughout this study 1 have referenced those who have investigated this

phenornenon in the context of Trinidid & Tobago; for example, London (1989), Jules & Kutnick

(1990), and Dennis Pantin (1996). The Ministry of Education's Plan (1993-2002) talked about "the

glaring differentials in outcomes arnong different types of school," and Jules and Kutnick tell us that

although "the effet of schwl attended may have limited influence in the developed world, it is an

important factor in explaining success or failure in developing countries" (p. 220). The Minisny of

Education S Poliq Paper. 1993-2003 acknowledges that its schools have to do more to help those

most vulnerable to drop out or failure:

An effective education system can be a powertiiI preventive systern saving a society fiom serious anti-social behaviour. Children whose needs are met, who are well cared for, who develop a heaIthy sense of themselves and a sense of cornpetence, who develop skills which enable them to earn a living and to enter into worthwhile relationships with others, are unIiltely to become a burden to, or enemies of, society. .At is not enough to place children m schwls. Schools mu t be caring and heaith- giving environrnents which release creativity and foster sound human development. (Minisiry of Education, 1996, p. 53)

This position is supported by Reimers (1997) who argues that providing childm with academic skills

is not enouph in a democracy: "While these are important, schools must also address social and

emotional domains in order to prepare for citizenship" (p. 3).

In Chapter 4,I also quoted Reimers on the issue of quality: "Educationai opportrmity is

consuained not oniy for those childm who do not have access to school, but also for those whose

schools do not help them*' (p. 73). In addition, 1 have cited several Trinidad & Tobago, Ministry of

Education documents that co&m the new sector secondary schools have failed to provide the quaIity

schooling necessary to improve the performance of those who entered the system with some degree of

educationai disadvantage. One of the niain reasons why each year parents approach the Ministi-y of

Educatim seelcing to have their offspring t r a n s f d to the 5-year secondary schwls m the

government sector, is that the 3-year Junior Secmdary schooIs do little to remedy the educationd

disadvantage these children bnng with them on entering the system.

The evidence suggests that many of these same chiIdren perform better with access to

existing prestige schools. Franche, a S m o i Adminisirator who retumed to reside in Trinidad after

more than a decade in Canada has a similar perspective on the issue:

in Canada, 1 worked with children. One of the ceasons 1 came back to Trinidad to live, was to give my children the opporttmity to have a good solid foudation, and 1 knew that in the early years this was the place for it. When 1 came back here it was just Iïke ...just like it was when 1 was srnail. And of course where 1 was living when 1 lirst came back, was in Belmont VaIIey Rd., and this was a big coke(cocaine) m... 1 began to observe what was going on, and 1 saw a Iot of unfaimess tw, in the junior schools ... in the govemment schwls as opposed to what was availabte m the prestige schools. The teachers seemed not to care because they didn't have time for that. Most of the teachers were not qualified.

Liz and Patrice are graduates of one of Servol's Junior Life Centres. After having faited the

1 1+ examination, they spent two years at the centre, and are now attending a public sector Junior

Secondary school in the MorvantlLaventilIe area. Their response to the question about daerences

between the Semot Centre and the public school, heiped me to frame the question to be asked in

subsequent intenriews. 1 usually began by referencing their comment:

Yesterday, I interviewed severai graduates fiom the Junior Life Centres who are now back in the Junior Secondary Schools, and when 1 asked them what they got fiom ServoI that they do not get h m the Junior Secondary SchooIs, they just said one word - love! 1 just want to know if you have any views about this?

WelI h t m a nutshell is it. A child hows when a teacher is mterested, a chiId knows when he is not an object to be bnished aside by teachers as happens in so rnany of these big schools - so that when the chiId knows that a teacher is interested, you can cal1 it love, you cm cali it attention, you can cd1 it interest, the cMd responds. Children are craving for that kmd of thg. (Servol Executive Member)

The Canng! I would say ourstudents get the best of 60th worl&..they get the advamage of two mareyeurs of schml, but with the ctuïng teachdinstructomfiom Servol they get much more.. You see these children and th& parents know rhat in the eya of everyone in rhis counny ifthey fail ihe I I + they me fmïwes, so they do need the media1 program etc ... but t h q need the two yearpenod to heu[ as well und S m d concentrates on dm20ping seFestem und seIfkwa~eness ...

Some thrive academicaiiy as wel1 ..>O% have actuaily tütered back into the government system on finishing the program... they mite the Rimary Schwl- leaving examination and if they pass, they get a place m one of the goverment's senior comprehensive schools.., I was recently involved with a Task force coming out of the MOE, and it was making the point that perhaps the age of entry into secondary school ought to be raiseci to 14! @on, Servol, Teacher Educator)

Teaching needs dedica tion... Teachers need to take tirne to Iisten when children ask questio m... to also ask questions and pay atîention to theu students individual needs ... This is where a child spends most of the àay. Then there are extracurricular activities, so you find that the child is at home with parents onIy a few hours each &y..,so where are they gomg to get most of tkir training? ( Servol Executive Member)

It is the different approach because in the basic philosophy of Servol, teachers listen to children, and ServoI listens to chiIdren...and Servol trains its teachers to listen. They corne to be intem'ewed for a position, and say they want to work with adolescence and al1 that tra-la-la, and then rheyfind thai they are made to sir d o m in a classroom and Iisten to the chiIdm for iwo week It really drops you down a bit, and you realke that you don 't have the annuers. You may corne to the job with a Master 3 Degree in Sociology, but you don 't have the experience, the lived experience. The teacher training is based on getting rid of that cultural arrogance which people have, because of their training, their background, the degree ... Servol don 't just train their teachm to work for a paycheck, they are required to learn how to show love in the classroom. since this is what many of the children need the most ... th& is the best approach to teaching those groups that have trouble staying at school for whutever reason ( Servol Executive member)

The Servol philosophy, the caring shown by teachers, and the effectiveness of the teacher

training methods were the main reasons given as expianations for Setvol's successes with the groups

most vulnerable to both drop-out and failure. mers say the ADP makes the difference:

The ADP ... The Attitudinal Dewlopmmt Program ... because of the type of program it is. If a person cannot deaI with their own self, and their own problems and how to deal with anger etc, they not going to function properly. No matter how gified or how many degrees they have, they are not gomg to be able to function to their capabilities, if they don't have the ability to deal with li fe .... and the ADP gives them that opportunity to face thmgs. It is not a cure all, but it shows them that there is hope. You can get out of these things. We must realize that the trainees have basic needs too, and they have a nght to express themselves, to say what is affecthg hem, and then they find out it is not just them alone. They rnay in rime corne to realize for example. that why iarn not leanring rS because I am hmgry, not because l am stupid.

... WeU, the fÏcst t h g 1 did at Servol was the ADP. It teach me a lot. How to contot anger, how to look out and plan your Iife. 1 mean you can't be living &y-to-day and you don? know how to cope, and in the ADP 1 change a lot h m k ing what 1 was. When 1 first came to Sm01 1 was fnghtened 1 did not want to taik to anybody, but it is h u g h Servol 1 know how to taik and speak up for my rights, Say what 1 feel about what 1 want to be (Meena, Sm01 tramee).

Even the Executive achowledged that the ADP satistles one of Smo/'s main tùnctions:

That progmmme is unique to Servol. Vocatimt training we do, but that is not our main hction. The ADP is the crucial pro- in Servol, and the whole structure of our kainbg programs, revoIves around it ( Sm01 Executive Meniber).

It cm be said that Serwol uses the ADP to heal the wounds afûicted by powrty and discrimination in

order to motivate its trsunees to remter the system with self- confidence as weIl as with evidence of

achievement:

What Smol does is to create an entirely different type of leamer, by building seIf- confidence, preparing a chdd to be a caring, contributing adult - catering for the holistic development of the chiId (Jagdeo, Field officer, Servol)

6.5 A HOLISnC MODEL OF EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

... 1 don't know what you know about Hinduism, but you will probably tuid that a lot of concepts circulating in Servol, either witthgly or unwittingly have a very Hinddyogaic approach to oneness and that sort of thing, rather than Christian .

The above statement made by a member of the Seruol executive was the îbst challenge to my

assurnption that Servoi's philosophy and methodology refiect the values of its founder, values that are

passed on by the organization through the medium of imtmcton and teachers in the spintuality

component of the program. These values 1 assumed to be based on Roman Catholic teachings. The

interviewee, who was one of the founding members of the organization, reacted with dismay to my

assump tion:

Well it's n o t J have been on the board ftom the very beginning, and as far as 1 am concemed if I enter a church îhe roof would collapse. So that is not so ... my invoIment bas nothing to do with the church and certarmy the other people who were involved fiom the beginning had nothing to du with the church. It is not church-based at ail. It so bappened that Gerry and Ruth who were involved h m the beginning were Roman Catholic religious people, but certamiy the other people who were invoIved h m the very beginning weren't The guys h m the regiment were as far away h m bemg religious as you codd get, and ceaainly the volunteers weren't..and Servol was pbably the first pre-schooi organization m Tnnidad to celebrate Hhdu hoIidays as welt MusIim and Christian, and the kids wtll get Duvali sweets etc, very much Iike Christmas is celebrated. 1 don't think it is accurate to cd ServoI a religious-based organizatioa

Uniike the Fey Alegrin personnel, those interviewed at Servol were carefiil to explain that they made

a distinction between spirituaiity and religion:

Well, we teach spiri~uality and not religion. We do not teach anything that has a church bias. We do not teach auything specific to the Catholic Church. The rnajotity, 1 wouid say about 80% in the ADP program are Christians, so we teach them also about the two other major religions, which are Hinduism and Islam through the Gita and the Koran. We give them a brief account of both those religions. But because the vast majority of our students are Christian, and the other two major religions accept Jesus Christ as a prophet and as a wise and good man, we focus on h t aspect of Christianity. We teach about Jesus as a moral leader. as an advocate of a ceriain type of living which is acceptable to ail. We don? talk about Sucramena or church and things like that. We go into the parables of Jesus. We have a very simple approach to teaching through the saiptures that encourages al1 our students to love God, and through loving God to love our neighbour. So that there is no controversy nt ail. We have never had any dificulty with teaching that course.

in "Avecting Culture Wars over Religion" Charles Haynes writes, "Separating spirituai Iife from

particular religious traditions may make it non-sectarian, but not necessarily non-religious" (Haynes,

1998, p.24). This is especially applicable in the Servol context, Several of those interviewed argued

that they were not religious but considered themeIves spirituai persons. Howevw the vast majority,

made some connection between spirituality and reIigion albeit on their own tenns. Ramesh, a Hindu,

explained that he found enough in the course to identifi with:

They teach you to acknowledge that there is a creator.. .a God.. .a force whatever, but 1 believe that anyway. 1 don? have any trouble with that. 1 prefer to heu about Jesus than not to hear anythmg about a God. They don't force it on you.

Annette, a Servol adrninistrator, made a connection between attending church and family values.

Michele, whose story was quoted in fi11 at the beginning of this chapter also talked about accepting

Jesus as a moral guide while not king religious. Moreover, she emphasized that her sister is using

religion as a tool to challenge the limitations of her environment. She admits that her sister is focused

on the church, and encourages her daughter to do so, m order to avoid f a h g mto the Iure of men,

childhood pregnancy, a M e of poverty and abuse. Religion andl or Spirïtuaiity was usually seen as

making a diû'erence m the lives of the oppressed, and even as a coroilary to many of the social

problems faced by youth:

The parents need to lmow that It is the spintuaiity part of it tiut makes the difierence, Long ago, you used to see the families going to church together, but m my area (and 1 am concerned about that) you h d ?hat this is no longer so..,The children are on their own. They are mostiy neglected chiidren.

These hdings are important because they provide the basis for my argument that spmtuality is an

essentid component of schoolmg as a domain of culture. Lik MiHigan (2997),I argue for including

'Spirituality" as an essential component of education delivery on the basis of cuItural and epistemic

diversity. The development of one's SpirituaMy, was repeatedly mentioned as one of the fimctions of

schooling in both communities d e s c r i i in this study. Even when inconsistencies were identified or

doubts expmsed, the respondents attached value to this domam of schooimg. In the dialogue quoted

below for example, Ron implies îhat those who choose Servol do so because they come h m homes

or comrnunities which support the values deemed desirabte by the S m 1 organization:

... What about the fact that you teach , for example, subjects like "SpirituaIity" as an important part of one's personal development, whiIe king primarily an organization whose administration is Roman CathoIic?

My favouiite saying is that the mad to Hel1 is paved with gwd intentions ... It is an Act of Faith on the part of the adminishation that the Uistnrctor is not going to force one's own d u e systern on the chiidren..,

. .. 1 have heard diis wherever 1 go , but I have intervieweci at least one person who said that whiIe they respectai everyone's beliefs and values, they use the opportunity to impart their own which they consider to be worthy of emulation.

You do meet people like that, but Servol has clear guidelines on things Iike that..But rhe kidF also come hem wirh a value vstem, and in rhe majority they have parents who cure in the sense thar thq want them to do whatever rS needed in order to succeed

in the concIusion to Timothy Reagan's study of Non-Western educational traditions, he notes that

every educationa1 tradition descri'bed in the text, places emphasis on vaIues, motality, and spmtuaIity.

He concludes that a main aim of education as these cultures envision it is "the development of a good

person (p. 144). What constitutes "goodnessw is determined by universal as well as specifïc local

criteria- This ailows Michele with her new age ideas about Christianity to recommend Serwol's

spirituality component, and Ramesti (Servol trainee) to be cornfortable m a predonxinantly Christian

environmenf despite king a Hindu. It wouId a h explain why someone who has been a member of

etc. .. and those progmm are al1 wlidated by Cambridge C I n ~ î y . . s o we are not "Boxing " chiidren in.-Look at an article in today's Express (Mon 7th Dec.) for some more guidance on W... But you must understand that some of our trainees come h m with serious Iiteracy problems as weiI as social mes, and what they reaily need are the skilis and attitudes to be able to survive out there... @on, teacher-ûainer)

1 would not say so because many of our students have done very well and have a higher standard of Iife than somehiy who went to the traditional schaols. 1 can thuik of one young man who came here and trained as a plumber, who is now doing al1 the plumbing in a hi&-nse 5-storey building. He has his own company. He has a lot of empIoyees and he is a big businessinau, and if you Iooked at the people who are in charge of b& and so and you look at theu education (which is not always of a high standard) and these businessmen enjoy a very high standard of living. They certauily not locked into anythmg. (SewoI Executive Merdier)

I've heard this criticisrn, mady fkom the Minisûy. There is a point to it. They say fiom the evaluations that the graduates are less likely not to plan their families, and more likely to stay employed, and many of them do develop, and go on to higher education or better employment. 1 met one girl yesterday, she was working at the Unit Trust.. which is a large financial organization, and she had been a h o 1 graduate. It raises them up, and if you take a look at some of the actual results..d am not saying that they are going to move into high society, but they certainly have the potentiai to be comfortable middlt class. The second thing is that at the computer centres, they ailow middle-class chrtdten who don? have that kind of access Ut- Because rnany middle class chiIdren do not have tint h d of access to cornputers. Servol is offering something h t middle class childm m t to be part of.. . (Servol Administrator)

Such responses prompted me to discuss the comection between the retention of a coIoniaI mode1 of

public schooling with an emphasis on exams, and its irrelevance in the Iives of the socially and

int. .. . That (information) is usehl because one of the very first success stories 1 read was about a giri called Maria, who is now in England ... a nurse, I bdieve, and 1 found her story really mtefestmg, and I began to wonder whether the blame shodd be put on the fact that the s y s t e ~ here with its emphasis on exams suited to ihe middle- cIass (as Father pouited out), whether this system did not aliow them to progress, but there was something about your metfiodology m Semol, which did.

I think it @es them power over their lives. When they leaw here we tell them the sky is the Iùnit, and one of the spin-offs of the High Tech Centres ...y ou know about the High Tech centres where they leam how to use computers and they get better jobs because they are computer-literate. One of the spm-offS of that is tbat when they begin to reaIize the need for exams, they have gone back to schwl. So that a number of them are doing part-the courses. A number of the nirrsllig students are doing their GCE privatdy, and getting hto the Ml-time nursing program. They do the Cambridge Information Teclmology exam. This week we are presenhg the k t micro-eIectconic certifÏcates for the Cambridge exam. The GCE in Engiand have recognized this exam, and the coquter exams, and they are to be presented with

Cambridge certificates. This is a way up the ladder, ratha tban king trapped E don't see our students as being trapped at ail (Servol Executive Member)

The decision to have their programs c d e d by Cambridge & Oxford universities, again ne& to be

discussed within the context of local contextual factors. One consequence of the colonial education

experience is that a spirit of competition pervades the system. We have seen how this translates into a

hierarchy of schools. In much the same way accreditation h m the British universities of Oxford and

Cambridge leaves no doubt in the mincis of Trinidadians & Tobagonians that the programs are worthy

of certification. These two universities carry more prestige than the local university which denied

Servd accreditation. The effet of this is that successhlIy completing one of Sm01 's ceriifkate

prograrns, is envisioned as compensation for the disadvantage for not having been able to access the

"prestige" seondary school. Without certification, Setvol can be said to be reproducing the existing

social order, despite its noble objectives. Bacchus (1990) wntes of the aims of education for black

youth in the colonial period:

ïhe view that education should teach (these) youngsters not only "the dignity of m u a 1 labour," but aIso how to "labour fieely" to get their living in the sphere of life to which it had pleased God to cal1 them, was a recurrent theme in the education of the black masses of the West Indies, as it then was for the education of the working class children in many other countries.. .(p. 285)

Given that the population as a whole appears to endorse retaining colonial structures, the reliance on

extemai accreditation criteria may be bad for indigenous development initiatives, but is good for

Setvol graduates. This also raises the issue of the tensions between the local and the global.

Much of what Servol does is actually preparation for the world of work In Trinidad &

Tobago, that rnay not necessarily mean work in the local community. For education to be relevant to

the needs of this group, it must have a comportent of skills training, as well as basic titeracy. One of

the consequences of urban poverty is that families are split up, and children abandoned while parents

and older siblings seek employment in the urban centres of North America and the United Kingdom:

The extended family has practically dippeared. The nuclear family is in total crisis. 1 meet, constantiy, stories of mothers who have to go to New York to work and send back money to their children, so that very o h children are not receiving the c m and attention that they should receive because sometimes there are sibhgs in charge

of families. They are provided for with no adult in the home. They come to school and are conhnted by this syilabus which is very academicaI1yi)riented. A lot of hem cannot accept this, cannot benefit h m it simp1y because they are not prqxmd for it, and with the remlt that a lot of them just drift through school ma state of bewiIdemient. They spend seven, eight or nine years at school, and come out of it fuuctionaliy ilMerate, unable to meet the dernands of modern &y life. What 1 have argued for many years is chat if the îki1y structures have broken dom, there must be some institution which provides the affective side of developrnent. To my muid the obvious institution is the school. (Servol Executive Member)

It would be easy to read îhis respome as a criticism of the very group that the organization aims to

help, but many of the Servol trainees provide corroborating data about the immense difficulties they,

as weH as their parents, encountered (Sec (3 .5 , pp. 110-1). There stiII remains, however, the issue of

whether the way families are constnicted and pathotogized by the dominant group, suggests that

having the school compensate for the assumed disadvantages of the home constitutes a form of

ideological controI.

6.7 AN "INDIGENOUS" IDEN LOCAL MODEL TO SOLVE LOCAL PROBLEMS

Javed, was at Servol's High Tech Centre when he was interviewed. Javed was one of those

lucky enough to d e it to high school, and to meet the requirements for university. Javed chose to

defer entry into university, and enroll m one of ServoI's program instead, M e n we spoke, he had

aIready completed the ADP and Electricd Instailation course, and was doing the .5èrvol's High Tec

program to increase his chances of getting a wellgaying job. Javed explained that the local

university was not an option at this stage since his family wouid not qualify f w a bank loan. He

planned to work for some the, and save his money to pay the fees. He did the Servol training

pro- because he was told by his hi& school teachers and memkrs of his cornmunity, that

graduating fiom high school would not guarantee him a job, but taking the Servol's program wodd

assure hirn of a placement.

My conversation with Iaved took place during an information seminar held at one of Semol's

High Tech Cenrres. The event was intended for local business personne1 to be updated on what

Semof was domg to prepae yomg gersoas for the wodd of work During the îime I vent there 1 had

an opporhmity to observe classes and to chat with both sîudents and mstniçtors. My infonnat

discussions with them revealed that certification in ~ u l ' s skills-rrainmg program, was becoming

the benchmark of achievement in skiIis training ammg the local popuIation. In my estimation, the

shifi in attaching d u e to a "local" effort, represents a movement away from the nom, and suggests

that it is possible for indigenou efforts to eventually replace the oId colonial institutions, which

include the value attached to "foreign" credentials. However, Javed was one of many who cm be

describeci as poor, who had graduated from high school, and stili felt that they needed Seivol

certification to be employable. What this suggests is that in much the same way that the "prestige

schools" have a reputation for achievement in acadernics, Semol's programs have gamed the

reputation for high achievement in jobpreparation skills. But there may be other advantages to the

poor. One of these is the access to resources and opportunities that enable the poor to finance theu

education. h response to my questioning about charging fees to the poor, one coordinator explained:

First we investigate, and if there is a genuine situation, they get jobs to do. You don? get anythng fke. At one time on top of there was a lot oPdust and so, and at the end of the term, they came m on a Sahnday. 1 and Miss Jefférs came. They worked. They make $90.00. They had $50.00 for us. and they get the rest, Sometirnes, the Board cornes and assists with the money.

and another talks about how the program heIp bath parents and children to realize their goals:

So we have now Craft faciIitators m the POP program. So this is how our programs evolve al1 the time ... by attendmg to th& needs. So we will train them. We will teach them a skiil which wouid enable them to earn some goad money. And 1 have heard some really good stories. The POP coordinator is not h a , but 1 know she cm tell you some reaiIy good stories about people making money, making some g o d money ...

WelI they do sewing..,They do funiishing ... tfiey do cira pery...crafts at home. 1 go to some of the graduations and a parent once came up io me boasting that she made over $2000 m nvo events. She made those cushions. You know those they cal1 "Poufs"? They make bathmm sets so they concentrate ou homes and also they are encouraged to make pIay equiprnent for chiIdren dong with that (the coordiziator during a subsequent interview)

6.8 "INDIGENOUS" IN THE CONTEXT OF POST-COLONIAL TRINIDAD

At each interview 1 began the discussion on the indigenoumess of the model with an

expianation in regard to how 1 used the word. On almost ail occasions where administrators or

teachers were mterviewed, a discussion on the colonial legacy in rhe Caribbean region followed.

S e v d participants supported my view that there appeared to be a misfit between the type of

education provided for the masses and the reaiities of their lives, but argued that there has been some

degree of refonn in the public system, (especially in relation to curriculum practices), reflecting a

"national" as opposed to a colonial identity. Michele's interview quoted at the beginning of the

chapter reveded that IocaI knowIedge was a key component of the Early Childhood Education model,

(pp. 6-7). Like the speaker quoted below, she noted that the use of local knowledge was not unique to

Servol:

Certainiy Servol in that sense 13 indigenous, and ifyou take the tirne to go down to the Education Resource Centre in Chaguanas, you uïlflnd that the cum-cuIm as developed for public schools (buth primary and secondary) I3 also indigenou. They begin with what has been written in the West indies since the 1960's or so, and a lot of writing has been done in the West Indies fiom the 60's through the 80's..late go's, and the curriculum does reflect this even m primary schwl ... and they get into Carnival, and they get into Steel Band ... and they get mto Divali and they get into al1 kinds of stuff, so that is aIso very reflective of an indigenous culture. Servol is unique because the whole organization was set up with no help from anybody (Servol Adminisûator)

Aithough it was clear the speaker understood "indigenous" in the sense that 1 intended, there was no

reluctance ta admit that there was still a colonial presence in the curriculum, and the texts used in the

nationai model. in fact there was a tendency to acknowledge the conm%ution of the European

cuitmi herîtage to not merely education, but also to nation-building:

[suppose the curnmculum in the schook here courd be said to have derived or evolved out of a colonial experience. ..

But okay, Idon 't think it (the cummculum) can be divorcedfrorn the cuItwe in which it is placed because the people who worked to develop it were also brought up in the European culture, and that is a general refection of the history of T&T. You can't say you are going to knock down QRC? because it remin& us of a past bemg colonial subjects. it's just part of past history. When Servol started in 1970, it started at a time of turmotl which was reactmg agamst a lot of the tbings that you are talkmg

about now, so maybe it did help the process of advancing indigenous ideas about education.

What would be some of those indigenou ideas about education? The SPICES approach to curriculum

deveioprnent as well as pedagogy, is in fact a model that is conceived locaily, with community in

mind. Michele's explanation as provided in her interview is worthy of repetition:

SPICES are the initiais for social, physical, intellectual, creative, emotional and spiritual. That's the guideline we use for teaching the children. So you find that we train a chiId socially. We develop them physically. We develop them intellectually, emotionally, creatively, and spiritually. So that they get al1 the different areas .&y are weH-rounded when they leave this Servol compound-

One could cal1 these domains the "mental constructs that guide, and organizen the community's

"ways of living" and "making sense of their world" in much the sarne way as George Dei uses these

phrases to refer to indigenous development in the African context @ei, Hall, and Rosenberg).

However, Dei goes on to suggest that indigenousness implies "the absence of colonial and impenal

imposition" (p. 72). The persons who developed this model are ail Trinidadians. Since Setvol's

prograrns extend to many diffetent geographical locations and communities, it could easily be argued

that SPICES is a Iocally-conceptuaIized model of curriculum and pedagogy. It is indigenous to

Trinidad & Tobago, and was developed by the Servol organization as a response to the perceived

educational needs and goals of the local community as a whole, but more importantly, as an

alternative to the curriculum and pedagogy available in the public sector schools.

1 have already deak with the evidence of colonial Iegacy withiu the existing school system.

Cleariy, it is not ody the content of education as delivered by the public system that is at fault. The

evidence suggests that the quality of teaching and instruction (only 40% of tramed t~xichers) and the

pedagogy, pcivilege those who corne to schooI with some degree of cdturai capital by virtue of their

social statu. However, the absence of colonial ideas and practices can never really be applied to a

nation of people, who m many cases can claim more than one cultural identity. Perhaps this is the

message behind the S m o l adminisirator's comment quoted eariiec "1 don? think it (the curriculum)

can be divorced Eom the culture in which it is placed because the people who worked to develop it

were aiso brought up in the European culture. and that is a general reflection of the history of T&T.

You cannot say you are going to knock d o m QRC because it reminds us of a past bemg colonial

subjects. It's just part of past history.*

It may also help to explain, even ifit does not jus*, the local community's preference for

traditional denominational schwls. Historically, these schools have been associated with high

academic achievement. in a society h t rewards high academic achievement it is no wonder that the

poorest of the poor want access to this type of schooling. Clearly, there is still much to do to remove

the bias toward academic achievement cornensurate with those validated by British institutions.

However, 1 would argue that the widespread validation of Semoi's efforts within the national

community, is an attempt to redefine what are important educational goals for the majority of the

population who do not make it to ûaditiond academic secondary schools.

The colonial history can a h help to explain why "Spirituality" as taught by "Catholic" and

other Christian educators, has the approval of groups and persons who do not ascribe to Christian

beliefs and practices. Javed, the Hindu cited earlier, prefen to hear about "Jesus" than not to hear

about God, because in the local community of which he is part, a belief in a creator and divine guide

is one of the ways in which individuals try to make senst of their world. There remains another

explanation for its acceptance among the disadvantaged, and th* is, education for those who have

been physically and ernotionally h m d by heir living conditions, is best delivered when there is a

"healing" component. The search for "Spnmtality" guides and facilitates the heahg process. This

fiinction of Spirituality" is consistent with indigenous world views as eiipressed in Native Studies.

The above claim can aiso be apptied to Sewoi's use of the community in developing its

educational model. Joseph Couture in theorking Native Studies argues chat for the cuniculum to

reflect the indigenous peoples' world- view: "Attentiveness to and invoivement in the ordinary life of

the peoples as equals is of vital importance: commtmity mvoivement is vigorously pursuedn (Dei,

Hall & Rosenberg, 2000). Comrnunity iavol~ment is vigorously pursued by Servoi. Jagdeo, a field

officer, was actuaily a member of the Village C o ~ c i l in his area for 16 years. He says that

"curiosity" attracted him to Smol. He traineâ as a teacher, but was later to become a field officer,

respomiie for 15 centres. One responsibiIity is monitoring teachers' performance, but a h assisting

them with gathering resourceç etc. Jagdeo explains that there are centres in remote places Iike

Matelot which Iack access to information and murces avaiiable in urban centres. He d e s

avaiIable information and resources he coUects in the field. Nevertheles, he argues that Servol offers

community-based delivery of education in partnership with the State.

Servd's teachers are well-prepared through their trainmg to depend mostly on the resources

available in their cornmunities. Jagdeo insists that Servol caters for "grassroots" people. The teachers

are selected for training by their cornminiities, and the parents are encouraged to deveiop incorne-

generating skills to fuiance school development projects. Servol weIcomes parental involvement,

encourages it, and view parents as co-educators of their ctiildren. This view was consistentiy

expressed, even when teachers acknowledged that many of the parents had literacy problems of their

own. Yet one point repeatedty stressed by administrators in the Early Childhwd program is that

many of the children came From abusive homes or dyshctionai f'amily situations. Respectfid

intervention also involveci intervening in the personal lives of the parents. Servol argues that in order

to solve the problems chiIdren of the disadvantaged face, one has to be open to dving the problems

faced by their parents.

During my school visits, I also observed parents king welcomed by the school. Parents wete

in classrooms assisting teachers at E?&khools. At the Life Centres, parents were discussing reports

with teachers wMe the class did group work. Parents were disciplgiing their own children m the

presence of teachen, and would not hesitate to intenene if a student or groups of students were being

disniptive in the classroom. Many of the life centres are located in ateas designated "crime-ridden."

Yet there were no monitors or weapon detectors. On the other hand, the local newspapers were fiiled

with reports and editorials about the extent of vioIence in the nation's schmls. The teachers

explained

Yes, we have a sort of open door policy. We have nothmg to hide. Some of them may be in the am, so they &op in. They may have a meeting, but some of them can't take time off their jobs. They may be domestics. So they are encouraged to &op in at any the. We encourage a lot of that triangular &air ...parents, instnictors, trainees (Joyce)

Yes, so when 1 ha-fe a Parents' meeting and there is a male, 1 give him a special welcome, and 1 start to perk him up. We have two fathers who take care of their children. One of them could hardly attend meetings, because it depends on his "shik" There is another male that you scarcely see because he works on the road. It depends on what direction he is gomg with the vehicle going that he will drop in (Michele)

Al1 ourprojects are monitored by community boardr of education; localpeople in the communiry. businesmen. lawyers. parents who are saying okay we are raking ownership of thls pruject. And we do that (for example), we get a gant h m the Ministry to pay salaries. We do not pay the insitructors salaries individually. We make a cheque to the Board of Education, and they pay the instructors' salaries. They rnonitor everything. They have board meetings every month. The regional centres - the community board lwks afier the maintenance of each centre. ïhey pay al1 their bills. They see about equipment. They pay teachers' salaries. They monitor ... they supervise ... they report to us. They provide a structure at which community can have a Say- None of the Centres are called Servol Centres, except this one They are given the name of the community (for example) Laventille, El Soccorro, Morvant, Diego Ma rtin... the people who comprise the school boardF me members of that commun@ who have a real commitment to theproject (Ron)

Everywhere 1 went, 1 got the same information in regard to commrmity involvement. There appeared

to be a strong link between the extent of community support, and Servol's sustainability:

I think that because Servol has the community approach. no matter what percent it is. as long as they do what they say t h q will do, they are going to get the support of the religious organizations. the business communify..( High Tech. trainee)

We do respect the community and mvolve it m every way-As you know respectfui intervention begins by asking the community the question, "How can 1 help you ?"...For example, many people say that the ADP is the best devetopmental program for youth in this country, yet there is no ADP program at many of the major centres inctuding Tobago, and the reason there is no ADP is because the people did not ask for it ...

Lwk..the comunity provides the buiIding, the Board of Education. We say to rhem "You are the stakeholdem " Each centre bas its own board. Each centre is supposed to have its own board, and the Boards are responsiite for deIivering the paychecks etc ... (Ron, Centre Coordinator)

6.9 AN ALTERNAïWE 'WATIONAL MODEL"?

The extent of community support and involvement are key indicators that Servoi's

administrative model is worthy of replication. in my 1996 study on decenûaiization of the school

system in Trinidad & Tobago, 1 argued that "Devolution of power fiom the centre, and more

communiiy involvement in both decision-making and impiementation aspects of policy, could

achieve the required results needed for a ûuiy decolonized school system" (Heywood, 1996, p 22).

Two years later when 1 began to research the Servol model, 1 found that Servol was already operating

as a sort of antithesis to the cotonial modei. There was schooI and community-based management,

but more important there was a delshxate attempt to reject bureaucratie structures in favour of local

ideas around what works for the individuals and groups which comprise the various geographical

comrnunities. In a very real sense, the comrnunities run the centres or schools. They even select the

teachers that Servol trains. Setvol's administrators, including members of the Executive. are active as

teachers and inshuctors in Servol programs. They do not sit Iocked away in offices, but are very

much tnvolved in the daily activities of the centres. 1 visited two administrative centres, and in both

cases these housed several of Servol's program. The main administrative building also served as a

centre where both adults and youth do the ADP program. There was also skills training in the same

building. The Caribbbean Life Centre located in downtown Port of Spain is also an administrative as

weil as training centre. It is here that S m o l trains its teachers for the EarIy Childhood Program. It is

here parents come to do the POP. The centre aIso ûained the Field Officers for Servol's rnany

On my first visit there 1 was overwheImed by the buzz of activity taking place. In my

interview with the centre coordinator 1 mentioned this. She informed me that the building also

housed those f?om the Canbbean region who were eiiher training as teachers or talàng Servol's

"Hospitality" training program:

But you h o w we also have that hospitahty trainmg. With the ECC and the POP, we deal with aduIts. With the hospitality we deal with teenagers.. . We prepare them for

the tourism market, so they do things Like tiousekeeping, working in the kitch m... and they go on on-the -job-training. ..ïIihon, Holiday Inn ...

At the time of my visit, there were about 60 ttidinees h m throughout the Can'bbean. I was &en a

tour of the d o m , and mvited to have Iunch h m the cafeteria which was an income-generating

venture for the trninees arriving h m Antigua, Tobago, St. Lucia, Grenada, and many other islands.

So did the teacber trainees:

Those fiom the islands were sent by the govemment themselves. They have recognized the quality. They recognize the Servol certificate, and you h o w that here at the Caribbean Life Centre or the RTRC this program is aîKliated witb M o r d university...~~ people do have that option to work hard enough to get an Oxford certificate, Weii the govenunent sen& thern, and we train them for a year. We send them back for a year, and we go and supervise them for another yearf Gradhg is continwd until they compfete their hI year. (Centre Coordinator)

Dinmg an interview with mernbers of the Executive, I r a i d the issue of Servol's replicabiliîy, and

asked about the codicts and chalIenges involved in preparing ûainees h m other islartds. I was told:

We deal wiih 8 different islands. There are many similarities, but each is culturdly di f fmt . Therefore, we feei that the basic Servol philosophy, the basic approach, can be adapted to any C a n ' b h region, we cannot tramfer to any island the program as it exisîs, "quelle, quette" in Trinidad & Tobago, We must discover by respectid intervention what type of program suits those particular islands. Yet if you go up the islands, despite the adaptation to local needs, you c m iden* the Servol method and philosophy. in St. Lucia, for example, they do 8 months of ADP, and in Trinidad we do only three months and a haIf month. which we think is just nght for Trinidad & Tobago. They can tinker about with the basic program, adapting it to suit specific problems of implementation. It is a question of adapting it to the cuftural milieu whkh may vary slightly, but sometimes in a more drarnatic fashion.

That bol's programs are replicable within a Caribbean context suggests that it is potentially a

substitute for the colonial modets which continue to thrive thraugbout the Cmibean region.

Moreover, 1 Iearnt that educators h m the United States were interested in adopting Semol's

methodology

We have had teachers h m a New York Schoot Board d o m here leaming about Sm01 m the hope of replicating it as a mode1 m NY. Yes, 1 think that it is a mode1 that can work every where. They are trying it in pIaces like Haiti, for example (Servol Executive MemW

C W y , Semol's teacher-training program is worthy of replication at the national ieveI- Not ody

the public sector schools, but aIso the existing prestige schmls in Trinidad have a p r record for

employing trained teachers. However, these are the schools that produce the nationai scholarshrp

wùmers, and those that will get mto the lûcai and the international universities. The phenomenon

supports the position taken throughout this study that the educated classes tend to reproduce

themselves. For the other 80% of the population, the lack of trained teachers in the nation's schwis

is a contentious issue: "We cannot continue to hm out those ty-pes of teachers who are just interested

in academic development" says a Servol adminimator. The education Policy Paper (Minisuy of

Education, 1996) aiso stressed the urgency of reform in teacher preparation:

Regisuation and recniitrnent mwt reflect a resolve to a&tract and retain competent and motivated individuals ... Short intensive courses m u t be organized to meet the needs of beginning teachers who have no initial teacher trainmg, and for teachers who remter the system after a long absence ... Teacher education should be rationaiized. Teacher Education in the non-university sector shouid be given over to the development of a rationalized teacher education organization with TechnicaU Vocational programming as Special departments. (pp.79-80)

The needs as expressed can readily be facilitated with the Sewol model:

Well you know they are monitored al1 the time, even when they have finished their training.. .And they wilI do things Iike refksber couses hm, professional development.. . .

WeII we spend a lot of time in training because we believe strongty that unless you prepare teachers for the task. .. and give them a sense of dedication, (and we encourage those who come to Servol to show Iove) there will be those who come to Servol for a job, but 1 think our mission staternent which says that we are there to give hope to those who have no hope, requires that kind of cornmitment b m teachers. They mut have that fire, and even after the fina1 trainmg, we do staff training al1 the time. We have journal meetings. We have wokhops, and for the past three years we have had a &y of solidarity once a year where we b ~ g 400-500 people together, with the intention of touchïng lives ... so with that motivation we discas our mission. 1 always Say that Iife is more than money. We don? rnake a living. We make a life.

However, as previously mdicated, though the govenunent is in partnership with Smol, it is an uneasy

partnership. The issue of Servol being adopted as a national model, usually elicited negative

responses. The Sm01 administration tended to iay the blame on the govement:

WeII there has always been this love-hate relationstap between Servol and the Governrnent.. .Though much of the government's input is m b d i n g for teachers of Servol centres, Servol iras always guarded its authority in tenns of detennirnng the content und methoh ised in ifs mny pmgrm, and i& administrative pructices. (Ron, tacher-miner)

Yom question is asking whether the Servol mode1 should be copied by the Ministry of Education. The m e r is Yes,. .I thmk the whole ctnriculum should be influenced by the Servol model, but it probably won't h u s e the people at the Minisûy are welI- trained and they are zealous of protectmg their own traditions. They have their Ph.D.3 etc.. . They want to be seen as capable of developing theu own models, and not baving to depend on someone else's ideas. .,and they are very hostile to us, because Servol has tried. Servol has ken involved in a lot of pilot projects in schools, but the bureaucracy has been such that Servol's involvement has not been prolonged (Senior Executive Member)

The question Ieft to answer is whether Sm01 can survive on its own now, having expanded to

incorporate the functions requested by the govemment. in the past, the govemrnent was forced to

resume full fùnding for Servol when it cut its opemting budget by 40%.because of the local

population's response to the cuts. However, it is Serwul's popularity with the local NGOs and the

international recognition, which may ensure its sustainability. Ironically, the international attention

has been the main impediment to Servol's retaining of sts indigenous charactetistics, and its reputation

as a local model designed to be cuiturally-relevant, and to solve the problems in regard to educational

development.

NOTES:

--

1 In keeping with my cornmitment to "Iistening" as methodoIogy, 1 have quoted extnisively h m the dialogue between Micheie and myseK 1 have opted to mclude the interview &ta m the body of the text and not as an appendix because this shategy supports my position that the so-called subjects of the research ought to be actively mvolved in the construction of knowiedge about themselvcs. "Annexing" Michele's account will have the effect of snbordinatiug the knowiedge she produced to tbc exigences of academic research protocoI.

in Tnnidad & Tobago, as elsewhere in the Caribbean, social categories have a lot to do with assumed racial differences. StatisticaIly, there are mare persons of Afkïcan descent than of mixed European ancestry. The rniddieclass consists almost entirely of those of Afncan or East indian descent, whose -tus is a consequence of their level of educational attamment. Detmis Pantin's (1996, p. 20) referenced m Chapter 5, found that educationai status of families was the most significant factor determining whether or not, youth fond employment, and that the educated classes continued to reproduce themselves.

The mterviewee here is a woman of colour. Her reference to the "little black boys" is a form of self- identification with the group normally stereotyped as being socially and educationalIy disadvantagai. Historicaiiy, those of Afrim descent in the rnban areas constitute this group. Her statement implies empathy for this group, and cnticism of how these youth are normally portrayed in the media and popuiar opinion. For those of us who share a cultural understanding of the ways m which Ianguage is used to convey attitude to the subjecî, hers is a much more positive cormotation, than the term "our kind" as used by the Centre coordinator on (p. 132), where the reference is to black youth, but an equation of black youth with behavioural problems, embarrassiag to the larger group of the black community to which she belongs.

The speaker here implies chat she Iives in an area, g e n d y occupied by the business class, which comprises a small group of local whites, descendants of the colonial settlers, but also those of Chinese, East indian and Swan descent, who in Canada may be labeled "coloured," but in Trinidad & Tobago are merely constnicted as "non-black.'' She is saying that this group is demonstraîing the behavioural problems popuiarly asswiated with black disadvantaged youth in the urban ghettoes.

' Queen's Royal College (QRC) was the Brst "prestige" school of the colonial period. While its population no longer consists of the descendent5 of colonial oficers, the building is an imposing structure7 and designated part of the national heritage.

Chapter 7

InsiderIOutsider Perspectives on Indigenous Models of Schooiing

The researcher's knowledge is not assurned to be more Iegitimate than the "subject's," nor is M e r role one of helping the needy other. Rather, the researcher and the subject attempt to corne to a mutuai undentandhg based on their own strongiy- articulated positions. (Gitlin, 1994. p. 187)

7.1 " M M ETHNOLOGIES"

For the title of this section, 1 have bonowed a phrase used by Becker (1999) to justiQ

mcluding here an account of a dilemma 1 faced while doing field work in Ciudad Bolivar. When 1

arrived in Ciudad Bolivar in March of 1998, it was only my third visit to Venezuela My two previous

visits were to Caracas and Maturin. Much of what 1 Iearnt about Ciudad Bolivar was unrelated to the

questions in my study, but was important to my own understandmg of the political and historical

events that shaped the present crisis m the Venezuelan education. This information was the subject of

discussion among the teachers, induding several that identified my interpreter as a past student in the

public school system. "Marisa" was back home for a vacation. She was working in My, and had

apparently decided to make Italy her new home. She was introduced to me by her father, a professor at

the local university, who was at the time working on a project with the Ministry of Education, and

made weekly visits to Caracas. Marisa had Trinidadian roots. Her grandmother who iived in the

family home, was the sister of one of Trinidad & Tobago's national heroes, and she had made severai

visits to Trinidad. She was familiar with both the language and the cdture, and could provide me with

comparative information about Venezuela Moreover, my host was aIso a professor at the local

University, and had been a teacher m the Trinidad & Tobago school system untïl he migrated to

Venezuela m the 1970's.

1 was an outsider to Venezuela, but one provided with a substantial amount of insider

knowledge by vimre of my encouter with those who were farmliar with the culture and the history of

both rny research sites. in regard to my methodology, 1 found myseifpaying l e s attention to the data

as collected in the interviews, but becomÎng heavily reliant on field notes for an explamion of events

and phenomena. For example, on a guided tour of the city with my host, we &ove past the Fe y

Alegria building that housed the "malandros" (bad boys). 1 became curious enough about the use of

the term to insert it into my interview pmtocol. 1 also began to make participant observation a key

component of my fieldwork. We would visit school sites, and 1 would be in the rnidst of discussions

about my project, and about the current problerns *th the education as delivered by the governrnent.

At the end of the day 1 would document uiis information if it helped me to gain an understanding of

issues treated in the literature or the interviews.

Before leaving Ciudad Bolivar, 1 had Marisa muscribe my tape-recorded interviews. We

spent my last day there negotiating meaning and expression as she had m l a t e d them into English.

The most significant observation 1 made was that thcre was a heavy clerical presence in two of the

three Fe y Alefia schools 1 visited. The principal of the third school was an mdigenous "Amerindian"

woman. It was from her 1 learnt that the majority of that school's students no longer practise the

Catholic faith, but have joined one of the srnaIl Christian revivalia groups now cornpeting with Lie

Catholic church in Venezuela, and offenng a number of social and welfare services to the region's

poor. 1 arrived at another school on the sarne &y that the nurse and the dentist were visiting. These

Iast two events caused me to revisit the issue of the rok of the Catholic Church in the contemporary

Venezuelan political and social cfimate. Although 1 was hearing in the interviews that Fe y Ale@ is

an organization committed to putting into practice Catholic social justice teaching, 1 was witnessing in

thcse who participate, a teadency ta treat the organization as a social service whose aim is to heIp the

poor by providing the same quality of education available in the private school m e m .

On my r e m to Trinidad, however, I rettaed to the mtervïew transcripts, seekfng to find the

answers to my questions. It was at this time that 1 ûnally came to accept that despite my visit, and the

weaith of infomtion gathered, 1 temaineci an outsider to the Venezuelan cuIhxal context, and wouId

have serious episteniic and metnodoIogica1 challenges to face in mterpreting data Consequently, this

chapter could not repticate îhe format of Chapter 6 that d y s e d the interview data colleçted m

Trinidad. Firstfy, there could be rio base narrative, such as Michele's story. As an outsider, 1 could

not dare to interpret with the degree dreliability required for a dissertation project, as my knowledge

of Ciudad Bolivar's social and culturai milieu was not cormnensurate with my knowledge of Trinidad

& Tobago's. Gitiin and Robyn (1994) argue that "Reliability.. cannoc be based on duplicating

procedures, but rather must center on attempts to understand the underlying principle of voice" (p.

188). In other words, to set out to articulate whaf constitutes valid knowledge in the VenemeIan

context, is to betray my underlying research epistemology which in f i that the voices of those who

participated in my study ought to be acknowledged as legitimate howledge without recourse to

exteml paradigms or methodotogies, G i t h and Robyn eartier warned: "Legitimate knowledge is

normative; it reflects the dominant culturai values and material conditions of various cultural groups

that rnake up a society." They a h acbowledged that while research can challenge the dominant

norms, it cannot change them, 'Mess the audience also accepts wider, more diverse notions of

Iegitimate knowledge" (p. 182). My methûd in the test of this chapter is to takt the middle ground

and Iook at the interview data collected in Venezuela For convergence and divergence with that

coilected m Trinidad.

7.2 A R T I m T I N G THE INDIGENOUS iN THE VENEZUELAN CONTEXT

Raul's interview contains information which suggests that my visit to the chree schools would

be hadequate if 1 hoped to corne up with a themeticai position on the issue of the indigenous

component of the Fe y Alegria mode]. Yet, my itinerary and the brief perïod of time spent m Ciudad

Bolivar woutd not anow for visiting the Fe y Alegrri schooIs which cater to the Uidigenous peopIes of

Venezuela, and are Iocated m the countryside. Whenever 1 used the word "indigenous" in Ciudad

Boiivar, the inmediate effect was that the Iistener would respond by refmcing one of the mauy

groups of indigenous indians (or Amerindians) , who continue to reside on their own land located on

the outsknts of the city, and even m the more remote foresied areas where these groups retreated as a

result of the colonial invasion. These indigenous peoples have their own corumunities, institutions and

m%al laws, but are not forced on to reservations as m the Canadian situation. They simply live their

own lives and culture on thex ancestral homelands. Therefore, the intervention of Fe y Alegriu is

problematic, and to an outsider 's perspective is equivalent to colonizing endeavour. However, Fe y

Alegn'a 's educational mission has been accepted by several of these groups naturally opposed to

intervention Eorn the nation state. Much of what 1 learnt about Fey Alegrh's presence in these

communities, was obtained fiom my interview with Rad, who coordinated the Fe y Alegria programs

in Ciudad Bolivar. I have quoted at length Rad's comments which furtIier problematizes his being

used as a 'toice," articulating how Fe y AIegria mtervenes in the education of youth in these

communities:

Raul. "My job consists of coordinating the "Pastoral Social Work" of the chuch. So, 1 get involved with Fe y Alegria because iNVECAPI (Venezuelan Institute of Training) which is a program of training, and Fe y Alegria have demonstrated their interest in work with youth and with non-formal education. I am the coordinator of this "Di8cesis" (diocese) which takes up half of Boiivia State.

1 came from Spain, and 1 belong to a volunteer association, and started with this work in Ciudad Bolivar fourteen years ago. 1 used to be a teacher, and now 1 work with non-formal education. So, we designed a cooperation between Fe y Alegria and INVECAPI through R F A (Radiophonie institute of Fe y Alegria). Then, 1 started to work with thm with adults in the school José Maria Velaz, Brisas del sur y Brisas del' Orinoco.

The RFA and CNVECAPI were tmified Iast year in order to attend to young peopIe, providing them with academic knowledge, training and workshops. This is a systern more fiexille than formai education. Actuaily, my job consists in promothg new RFA centres, in other words, to stimuIate adults (1 5 pars and older) to study in the most needy communities. There are two centres in Ciudad Boüvar José Maria Velaz, Peni, one centre in a little t o m near h m Ciudad Bolivar, Las Carolinas; and i am trying to open another one in Caicara (a city 600 km far h m Ciudad BoIivar).

So rny job can be dîvided in two: 1 work with non-formai education for adults and non-formai education for youth over 15 who have abaudoned schwl. 1 am trying to educate youth and to provide them with the training for work so that they could get employed. n i e main objective is to mate a labour force with certak culturai Ievels."

Int. . . . What about the educational programs for the Indian communities?

RauI 'There are some programs with M a n communities, here in Ciudad Boüvar and also m Bolivar State (in the indian settlements). There is a f d n g schooi 200 km far fiom here where the Indians leam crafts, receive agriculturai knowtedge, elecbicity and carpentry. This farming schooi is located m 'Ta Mata de Tapaquire". Then, there is another fanriing school in the zone of El Alto C a m There are some retired communities ( aging population?) in this zone. They have Fe y Ategfia for the junior school population and also for secondary school. There are at least eight Fe y Alegria schools in those communities.

There is also another schooI in "Los Pijiguaos," where Fe y Aiegria works with the tribes of Piaroas, Panares, Piapoços. In "La Mata de Tapaquire" they are working with Caniias, Piapocos, Saquimh. The pupiis stay m residence on this farming school and during holidays they usually go to their own communities- The pupiis who attend the farming school of "La Mata de Tapaquire" have to be recomended by the small Fe y Alegria schoois of theù comrnunities."

int. ... Are p u mcluding indigenous knowledge in the curriculum?

Raul "Yes, there is respect for theù culture. Furthemore, the programs of these schools are different from the other schorils. The education is provided in their language and they learn Spanish as a second language. The teachers are people fiom the community. n ie job of foreigners @riests/nuns) is to organize d l the work, but not to teach. There are training programs for the indigenous teachers in order to give them the possibility to be recognized as a teacher by the Ministry of Education."

int. .. .How successful has been this program?

Rad "It started thirteen years ago. The pro- is constantly being reformulated. The program has been permitted to expand (educate more people. in other words, better education has reached the indigenous comrnunities, so this program has ptevented the culture shock between the indigenous and cri0110 (creole) world. In fact, the indigenous population can recognize their own identity as well as other groups. They can think of themselves as citizens with theù own culture and rom. It has broken the barrier between indigenou people (who don't have the knowledge or experience) and the cri0110 (who have enough experience to manage)."

1 must r e m to George Dei's definition of "indigerrousnes " as "Knowledge consciousness arising

locally and m association with the long tenn occupancy of a place" (Dei, 2000, p. 72). While Gerry

Pantin was an outsider to the Laventille community where he aiitiated the Semol modeI, he was a locaI

cleric, and belonged to one of the nation's most respected families. One of ten chiIdren, he grew up m

a single-parent househoid, hîs father having died when the youngest was but an infant That the farnily

happened to be Roman Catholic is not uncormon @en the coionid history of Trinidad & Tobago.

One of his brothers was the Archbishop of the Port-ofSpain diocese, and two of his sisters were

mernbers of religious congregations. Noue of these detais are surprising to those with a knowIedge of

Trinidad's history and culture. Raul, on the other hand, was a naticnial of Spain, the colonizing power

before the Venezuelan wars of independence. if "indigenousness" r e f a to the traditional noms,

social values, and mental coastntcts b t gui& and orgmize" a commmity's ''ways of living and

making sense of the world," then according to Dei's criteria Raui's identification of the issues

constitutes an imposition of a colonial perspmve despite the organization providing a usefui service

to the community. 1 had argued eariier that using RauI's description was problematic, because it was

not an authentic indigenous voice, articulating the colt of Fe y Ale@ in the cornmunities in which its

programs are located. However, 1 must acknowledge that Raul has been 14 years with the Fe y Alegria

programs in Ciudad Bolivar and is providing information about the prograrn fiom the perspetive of

the organization for which he works. niis hetps to explain why RauI offers expianations such as 'The

job of the foreigners is to organize the work, but not to teach," and to imply that indigenous peoples

are incapable of managing their own schools and institutions: "It has broken down the barriers between

hdigenous people (who don? have the knowledge or experience), and the cri0110 (who have enough

experience to manage).

Moreover, Femando Reimers (1997), credited Fe y Alegria 3 success to its sense of mission.

Raul is concemed to have the teachers of these indigenous communities obtain teacher-training which

qualifies them to enjoy the same status as teachers in the public system Fe y Alegria's teachers are

certified to teach in the public systeni, Raul's goal is one of mtegration, but not necessarily

assimilation. Instruction is carried out in indigenous languages, and the curriculum is designed to

incorporate mdigenous knowledges. This commianent is strongiy eqressed in Raul's ~nterview chat

provides a weaith of information comparative with data coUected fiom the Sen01 interviews. 1 will

return to Raul's interview in subsequent s e t i m of this chapter.

7.3 PHILOSOPHY AS PRAXIS: SOCIAL JUSTïCE TEACHING AS A FRAMEWORK FOR ACnON

Ciuistians must leam to make their act of fàith m Christ by disceruhg his voice in the

cry for help that rises fiom this world of poverty. Tbis means carrying on the traditioo of charity which has expressed itself in so many different ways in the past two miIlennia, but which today caik for even p a t e r resomefuiuess. Now is the time for the new "creativity" m ch*, not ody by ensining that help is effective, but also by "getting close" to those who &er, so that the hand that helps is seen not as a humiliating handout but as a sharing between brothers and sisters

The above statement was made by Pope John Paul II, before a general audience on January 17,

200 1. 1 have cited it here, because it is a surmnary statement of the comments made by the Fe y

Alegria clergy, who partkipated in my study. Without exception, al1 linked theù involvement with the

Fe y Alegria organization with Roman Catholic doctrine on Social Justice. It is also impiied in Raul's

statement that his job was to do the "pastoral, socid work" of the church. It is not clear whether

Reimers intended this fùnction CO be included in his comment about Fe y Alep'a 's mission, but it

does help to explain the zeal with which the participants acknowledged that helping the poor was the

main motive for their involvement wiih Fe y Aiegria:

1 came ta Venezuela from Colombia 36 years ago.. .

To join Fe y Alegria is a fiee choice. 1 feft the need ... 1 am a nun and the senice that we provide is flexible, but the order stimulates the work with paor people ... so we work in this kind of schwl because we are in direct contact with poor people

Our mode1 is "el movimento popular". Popular because José Maria Velaz saîd: "Fe y Alegria begins where the mads end." Our goal is to reach the poorest people (Sister, M)

Unlike their Sent01 counterparts, who did not necessarily Iive within the cornmunity where the

centre was located, the Fe y Alegrkz clergy lived on the premises, and were completeIy immersed

in the Iife of the banios. RauI explains:

Normaily, Fe y Aiegria schools are Iocated by poorer zones (banios). Theù main objective is to attend to poor people but îhey don? discriminate. There are three Fe y Aiegria s c h w k

Fe y Alegria "La Immaculada" located m "'Brisas del O ~ o c o " (Onnoco's Breeze) is the oldest one m Ciudad B o h r . It houses 993 pupils in two shÏfts.

Fe y Alegria "Santa Rosa de Liman located m "Brisas del Sur" (Southem Breeze) where the roads end. It is the srnailest and pres t one.

Fe y Alegria "Via. del Sur" (Southem Village) is the newest one, which is a pilot schwl divided mto two sh&. The c ias starts at 7am and concludes at 4pm, with a one hour break for lunch.

1 have emphasized the phrase in bold because the process of s e l d o n into Fe y Al@ schools is a

point of divergence h m the Sentof model. It is as a politicd response to a national probtem that Fe y

Afegria has been able to atttact both locai goverment and international attention. At the present time,

Fe y AIegria operates as a pubiicly h d e d mode1 of schwling. This is where the contradictions

. *

emerge. One respondent who is an admiIustrator infomed me: 'The only criteria we take into account

is to be disappointed by the formal system of education". This echoes Raul's comment: 'The principal

criteria to choose the pupils is complete inconsideration Eom the government's educational system".

Among those interviewed were some who identifïed themselves a s victims of dire poverty, and who

acknowledged Fey Alegrin's contribution to the poor. "1 don? have much money. I couldn't afford

private school," says Roberto:

Fe y Alegria is a school for poor people, so these people who can't pay to go to a private school can receive a gwd education and the tooIs to get a good job and to fight against the (economic) crisis The teachm are always trying to help the midents. There is also a permanent program of basic aid to the poorest people - collecting and giving them clothes, food and so on. We see the real situation of poor people. Here in the school we Iearn the value of education. 1 like to know the reaiity. This social work is done by MTA (Movimiento TeMano). Each classroom has about fifieen students belonging to MTA. Each classrnom has forty-five pupils.

Pedro, a former mdent and now a teacher in the system Uitermpts:

The philosophy of Fe y Aiegria is to heIp the poor people, and 1 came h m a family which doesn't have a lot of money ... 1 started with Fe y Alegria a long time ago, when 1 was 6 years 016 1 did al1 my schoohg at Fe y Alegn'a, and during this time they provided me with ail the tools and knowledge in order to get a job easily. Due to my marks and my attitude, 1 got a job as a Computer Science teacher in Fe y Aiegr iaJ spent two months as a teacher for aduIts. They tested my attitudes and knowtedge to be a teacher. Actuaily, 1 am the teacher of computer science for the primary school ( h m 4' to 6& grade) and for the In grade of secondary school.

The quality of education of Fe y AIegria is weli recognized in ail of VenezueIa, so the peopIe corne to Fe y Aiegria because they know that the quaIity of education is also superÏor than that provided by the public schwk.

uit. . . . What do you think yon do here tiiat makes the schwl better than other schoois?

We have the adequate twls for educating and peparing the pupiIs to work

This helps to explain why one of the students 1 mterviewed admitted that her mother was a lawyer, but

she had come to reside with a cousin in the area because it was generaiiy accepted that Fe y Alegria

will provide better schooiing, than the public system.

1 started in Fe y Alegria three years ago. 1 have a W e sister who is one year 016 My rnother is a lawyer. 1 started in Fe y Alegria this year. 1 think that Fe y Alegria can give to Venezuela many students who can conm%ute for the development of Venezuela.

Many others identified the "quaLiif' of the education provided by Fe y Alegria as the reason for

choosing to attend the school:

Int. . ..Why did you choose Fe y Alegria?

My uncle suggested b t 1 go CO Fe y Alegria because it provides good education. My cousin has been studying here for many years and she is satisfied. 1 was studying in a private school, and 1 was a . d about the quality of the education, but 1 was amazed when 1 saw the good quaiity of education and the dedication of the teachers here (Josephina, student fiom outside the school zone)

1 chose Fe y Alegria because 1 wanted to. Almost al1 my fiends used to study at Fe y Alegrk, and they talked to me many times about this school, so my mother accepted because she is related with Fe y Alegrkt (Teresa, teacher's daughter))

Actually, 1 am living with my grandparenîs, but 1 live close to my parents, 1 have seven sep-brothers. 1 Iive in the barrio Trinidad 2. 1 started in this school when 1 was five years old. 1 Iike the system of Fe y Alegcia. 1 like the way that the teachers explain. 1 haven't had any problems. Actually, 1 am studying in the 3d year of secondary school, and 1 want to study education. 1 want to becorne an English teacher (Ramon, snident)

It was becoming clear that Fe y Aiegria was vaiued by the poor because it allowed them access to a

quality education, restricted to those who can afFord private school fees. NewrtheIess, it was king

sought after by those who were either disillusioned by the quality of schooling provided in the state

system, or those who vahed a private schaol model, but did not m t to pay the exorbitant fees.

Although the organization is best known for iîs success as a mode[ of basic education, Raul

explained that it offers a wide variety of programs, meeting the needs of h s e who were LmIikeIy to

remain at schook, owing to poverty, or eIse to the irrelevance of what was bemg taught, and even those

with social and betiaviod problems:

We have different kU,& of programç. There are programs for youth who have completed their prirnary schwl. We also have prograniç to teach how to read and write. We adapt the programs in order to reach out to al1 the people who need to be considmd, so this is the oniy criteria we take mto accotmt - to be disappointedlnot considered by the formai educational system. NormalIy, the pupils are youth fiom popdar barrios and without any shidy. We have t h e different programs: - f i youtb with some çtudies: we provided trauiing workshops -for youth without snidies: we provided the IRFA program (formai education and workshops)

bt. ... What characteristics of the program you woufd Say, make it especially reIevant to the youth who participate?

We reform the prograrns when we work with non-formal education. So, we prioritize the issues about selfsonfidence, personal relationships, spomng actîvities, and activities related to the workshops. We put in second place the academic contents (rnathematics, language, etc.) We try to make them feel the school as a centre where they cm express theu opinions/ques&ions/wo~~ies. Ow tint goal is to prepare people far Life, not for University. Sornetirnes we have probtems with the teachers who came h m the fornial system because they donTt understand that in this system, the tirst thing is to make them discover what they m t 7 and then provide hem with an academic content.

,..That is why we have four workshop programs: electrical (mua l ) works, tecfuiicai drawing, computer science, and the standards laboratory: cheiriistry and physics. The program of these workshops is very intensive, the pupils attend 28 hous of worbhops. 'Ihese workshops are an exffa-c~cular part of Fe y Alegria The workshops start in secondary schooI (7" year of educaiion). We pay for these workshops with Spanish govemment aid. Through the salary that the Spanish govemment pays to the Spanish nuns in the Teresian order, Fe y AIegria pays the teachers of the workshops

Many of these pmgrams and curriculum practices correspond to those of Semol. While there is no

equivalent to the ADP (Attitudinal Development Program) that Servol offers as an introduction to its

programs, the Fe y Alegria modet emphasizes issues about "seifkonfidence" and "petsonal

relationships," before academic content. Asked about its work with youth invofved in crimina1

actMties, the "maIandros," RauI saw them as viciims of neglect:

. . .because the goverment hasn't taken care of their needs, and it is the goverment who has to take care of t h m They don't anend or fit m the goverment programç, so we are Iookmg for mechanisms to take care of them and to make thern feeI considered. We are Iookmg constantIy for what they like to do. We as a sacial inaïtution have to

provide them with ;uiswers. They must not give us answers to our theory. Then we are constantly Iwking to fit with their necessities. No one has provided them with a good way to demnshate their potential.

int. ... Are tachers h m the formal system prepared to deai with the pmblems thae young people face?

There is no speciai program for t h teachers. We provide them with some guidelines before starting the semester and dirring the proces, because we reaiize that this is a weakness. Our human resources must understand our main goals: make them discover their own potentiai.. .Fe y Alegria has a process that constantiy trains the teachers (each 3 months). They evaluate the educative process continuously. So the teachers mate Eiiendly relationships with their pupils and with the community. They love and care for the pupils, school and community.

7.4 JOB PREPARATION FOR THE POOR

Schools in the barrios face the task of retaining a student population, overwhehed by the

immediate social problems of their environment, It is difficult to convince such a popdation that

schoohg d l help to improve the qualit. of Me. The successes of Fe y Alegria , as opposed to the

public system, have been primarily responsible for its popularity among the poor. The records show

that Fe y Alegna schools have a lower drop-out rate. Employers claim Fe y Ale@ produces a beeer

cdiber of worker than the public system, and these two attniutes help to encourage extemal aid

agencies to finance educational projects and pmgrarns which the hancially-troubled state are unable

to pmvide. Raul, says bat Fe y Alegrh students fare well in both the university environment and the

wodd of work:

They can easily get into the university. There is a Iow dropout rate. In the workforce, their working attitudes are beeer than other graduates. Personally, 1 think that Fe y AIegria is the example that public schools must follow.

The students participating in the study comborated this claim. WhiIe some credited the organization

as better-preparing students for academic endeavours, there were those who had high expectations that

attendhg a Fe y Ale@ schooI would ensure that they found employment on completion of the

pmgram. These were the same claims and expectations made by participants in Semol's program,

and documented in Chapm 6:

We will get the "Técnico Medio en h fod t ica" degree, and d e r I want to study law. I want to study at the tmiversity, petfiaps Iaw.

We will complete our studies afkr two years. These are divided mto 1 '/l years of

academic studies and 6 montbs of training. In other schoois, in order to get the titie of Técnico Medio, we would have to spend another three years (of academic snidies) and be without trammg. The training gives us the oppommity to get a job, because sometimes we can be hired by the company.

As with the Servol program, preparation for the world of work is a big îhrust of the training. Both

programs go beyond skills training to socialize participants into the noms and values of the middle

class, which facilitates their entry mto a so-called "civil society." Perhaps this is the meaning RauI

intended when he talked about trying to educate youth, and '40 provide them with the training for work

so that they couid get employed," the main objective being "to mate a labour force with certain

cultural levels." Raul's statement again raises the issue of schwling and the reproduction of social

stratification based on class criteria. in the acaderny we argue for resistance to such stratification, but

the administrators of both Servol and Fe y Alegriu acknowledge that these distinctions, biased and

prejudiced as they are, have been used to keep the lower classes 6om the better-paying jobs.

Therefore, they view the socialization of the disadvantaged to middleclass values and aspirations, as

improving the employability of this group.

7.5 THE SCHOOL AS THE "ENGINE OF THE COMMUNïiT

Whether or not the word engine was mtended as a metaphor, Marisa and rnyself lefl it as the

translation h m Spanish word "mziquina" because we felt the metaphor accurately conveyed the

importance of the Fe y Alegria schoois to the comunities in which they were related Fimly, it was

clear 60m the literature that the schoois were some of the most important buildings in the comunities

in which they were lwted. One of the eariiest observations 1 made on rny vints to the schools is that

there were not any churches Iocated in the barrios. Catholic churches in Latin Amerka are Uzrposing

structures, their opulence oflen strilang in contrast to the poverty which surrounds thea Here in

Ciudad Bolivar they w m either not present or eise MassMiing. Consequently, the schoois that indeed

were modes buildings, stood out as the main buildings in the communities. 1 have already mentioned

the heavy clerical presence. Eighty-Seven percent of the residents of Ciudad BoIivar descnhe

themselves as Roman Carholic, but it was in the schools that 1 fond ail the evidence of the impact of

the Cathoiic church in these communities. When Raul was asked about the school's d e m the

community, he responded enthusiastidly:

They see themselves as the engine of the community. The community is in partnenhip with the schwl through the maintenance of the buildings, the design of the programs~projects/workshops. They have a meeting to discuss al1 these things with parents and community every three montbs.

This point was often repeated in the interview data. The school was desmkd as "the most important

building in the zone," "a place where the local politician comes to have meetings". It served as the

Hedth Centre ("sanitary carnpaigns" in the Spanish), where residents went to receive vaccinations,

dental check-ups etc.. Parenîs were evm more involved with the school than in the Servol modek

We encourage the parents' participation ... the parents like to participate in the school's activities, The parents ûeat the schwl as if it belongs to them. ïhat is, the parents know that they don't pay, but if I cal1 them to sweep the ciassroom, they come without problems.

. ..there is a program called "Marna's volunteers". Some mothers come in order to help teachers (basically in the tirst grades) without any payrnent.

Parents are invited to teach indigenous &, and to help organize cultural activities, especidy the

celebrations for Christmas. They also clean the schools, thus reducing maintenance costs. However,

unIike Servol, they were not actually empowered to initiate activities, such as forming school boards,

sitting on management tenms, selecting and training teachers. However, they are in partnership with

the Fe y AIegria schools in the design and implementation of community improvment projects. Sister

The local community ne& a lot of things. For example, we don? have sewers, there aren't public phones, lack of a sanitation service in the zone, so these people need a lot of essentiais. There is also a zone near from hm, "El FaralI8n" (The O, which is the shelter for bad boys (dandros), and there are many thieves and murderers.

Where do they expect to get fundmg fiom?

We are trying to get fimdmg h m the Iocai govemment. The community is working together to achieve this goal (ie- w-rïMg letters), but we haven't got any m e r e r

.Have p u asked any foreign aid agency to solve this problem?

We have sent some projectç to Germany, and the WorId Bank provided us with curriculum material and the saiary to pay the teacher for a course about the family. These things are very small in comparison with our necessitiw.

The a d management of the Fe y Alegriu schools is m the han& of the local principal and staff, who

are in turn accountable to the centralized administration, and the Minisûy of Education. Raul, as

"Pastoral Director," is concemed with implementing the social programs for disadvantaged youth,

drop-outs, and literacy programs for adults.

The Fe y Alegria programs have enjoyed a better reptation than other efforts which are

mody the work of extemal aid agencies, For example, since 1993 the lADB have been involved with

two programs, aimed at improving the quality of basic education, and the employability of youth in

Venezuela, The "Basic Education Modemization and Strengthening Program" also has as its objective,

the reduction of social injustices, and decentrabtion of school management. 'The Youth Training

hogram" has as its objective, the training of those who are iikely to be excluded fiom the labour

market. Neither of these programs enjoy the popularity and support of local communities. For one

thing they were conceptuaiized fiom outside, and irnplemented by local bureaucraties, acting as agents

for the IADB. Local communities do not have the sense of ownership as the Fe y Alegria organization

offers. In ment times, President Chavez has been calling for reforms in education. His changes

advocate reduction of subsidies to organizations such as Fe y Alegh , which deliver a "private

school" mode1 of education to those unabIe to pay to attend private schwls. The situation is very

simitar to the current educational debate here in the province of Ontario. Those opposed to the

g o v m e n t abdicating responsiibility for public education, see the Fe y Alegr'a organization as the

equivaient to a "charter schwl" systern. However, the very vocaI rnajority have engaged in a lively

debate of the issues in the media. Since January of the c u m t year both "El Universai" and "El

Nacionai" newspapers have ken airing the views of those who support institutions like hvecapi and

Fe y Ale@, that are m the business of providing alternative educational oppominities to the poorest

of the poor. The population has been wamed, not to show mdifference, but to voice their support for

orgauizations sucb as Fe y Ale& that have been providing educational services for the p a r for over

45 years (El Nacionai, 19/02/ 0 1) and (El Universal, 1310 11200 1).

It is this "pastoraI" work of the church in VenezueIa that accounts for Fe y AIegr'u 's

popuiarity in the larger community. Despite ?he claim to king a Roman Catholic country,

Venezuelans attend church in fewer numbers than theu counterparts in Trinidad It is not just that

attendance has deched, but that Venezuela is a very secular society, ideologicalIy inched to non-

dernomtic îraditions, and with a penchant for dictatowhips and oligarchies.

7.6 S P i R i T ü M AS ARTICULATED iN THE FE Y ALE GR.^ MODEL

Pehaps the most significant point of divergence between the Fey Alegnu, and the Servol

models is the different approaches to conceptualizing and teaching "Spirituality". In a country where

popular culture pays little attention to spritudity, the Fey Ale& organization insisis on the

Catholicity component of its schoals pmgrams and institutional values. 1 asked Sister M.:

is there pIace for those who aren't Catholic?

Yes, (she replieci) ... independdy we educate any person. The religion in this case doesn't matter. Our philosophy and identity are Roman Catholic. The onIy thing we ask of the parents and chiIdren of other religions is that they respect our faith. We see our sessions of Cathoiic religion as sessions of integral education. The pupils rnust be present in the classroom but we don7 obligate h i d e r to practise our religion.

.. .Approximately, how rnany people in each classroom would be Non- Catholic?

About two people in each classroon They respect our religion and we respect them aho. Every day we pray for tifteen minutes and they participate without probtem. Furthmore, in rny classroom there are two giris who like this fifteen minutes.

The organization argues that teaching the "Faithm is a function of an "integral education," the

dennition of which implies a "hoIisticW approach to eduwtional development. "Getiing to the rneaning

of Ken is often the argument used by those who dare to challenge the exclusion of a religious

component to the curricuium as well, Wnting m 'The Christian Science Monitoi' (1998), T h o m

vatues permeate our approach to education". Ammg his arguments for inclucüug a spirituai

conrponent, is the fact that ail great spiritua1 movcments teach justice and compassion for the needy.

The Congregation of Carmen De Saiies take this cornmitment very seriously. The explanation of theu

philosophy perhaps overstates their case, but Grcame will support their position that the human

vocation is to live in "right relationship with God, however named, and with oneseif, others, and

creation" (p. N.d)

Similar arguments to those used by Servol, were advanced for including a spirituality

cornponent in the curriculum. These came firom cletgy, students, snd staff who were my interview

participants. However, the nuns were adamant about not discrinûnating when it cornes to serving the

pwr. "We do not discriminate ... AI1 are welcorne. We ask onIy that they respect our religion".

7.7 FE Y ALE GR^ AS A NATIONAL MODEL OF SCHOOLiNG?

A more troubling question in terms of my research project was to try to get participants to

explain why the govemment would finance a systern which set itselfup in apposition to the public

system, of which it was openly critical. Once again, the answer was rooted in local knowledge about

the politicai history of schooling in the region. The successes of Fe y Ale@ , as opposed to the

public system, have been primarily tespomile for its popularity among the poor. The records show

that Fe y Alegrfu schwls have a lower drop-out rate. Employers claim Fe y AIegriu produces a better

caliber of worker than the public system, and these two attri'butes help to encourage external aid

agencies to finance educational projects and programs which the hanciaiiy-troubIed state are unable

to provide

UntiI recently, the teasions which exin between the goverment of Trinidad and Tobago and

the Servol organization which delivers several of its program, were not apparent m Venezuela One

reason for this is that the Fe y Alegria mode1 is repiicated throughout the entire Latin American region,

and welcomed by govemments trying to improve educational quaiity m the midst of dire economic

circ~m~ta~lces. The new Boiivarian statt of Venezuela under Hugo Chavez has been more inclined to

use Cuba as its mode1 than other Latin Arnerican democracies. Ptxhaps Chavez is heading in the right

direction. Jiin Lobe, writing about the Cuban pragress for the Inter Press Third World News Agency

cites James WoIfensohn of the Wmld Bank who congramtates the Cuban Resident Fidel Castro for

having done " a great job" on education and health. The 2001 Wald Bank Development IndiCators

showed Cuba as topping al1 poor couniries in health and education statisics. This was achieved

despite the US trade embargo, and Cuba's rejection of Neo-liberai policies. Lobe remarks that Cuba's

economic policies are the antithesis of the "Washington consensus" and so Cuba's is an "Anti-model".

Yet in the tnidst of isolation, Cuba has managed to reduce illiteracy Çom 40% to zero in ten years

(PS, April30,200I).

The sustainabtlity of Fe y Ale- may in the future depend on its ability to rely entirely on

Iocal resources without recourse to edmai aid agencies and their education reform agendas. This is

the concem raised by administrators of Senul as well. One Sewol adrninisûator, inteniiewed for the

purpose of this study actually questioned the wisdom of engaging with parmerships with the W B , in

the development of Uiformation technology program, acknowledging that the information technology

agenda was yet anuther way in which the domniant North retaïned its superiority by ensuring the

dependence of the fledgling nations of the South. "Indigenousness" in the context of both Trinidad &

Tobago and Venezuela, is beginning to carry a connotation of self-reliance and resistance to foretgn

aid agenda

Chapter 8:

Conclusions: Building on the "Indigenousn: Articulating the Local, the

Colonial, and the Global

Building on the indigrnous is the necessary condition for self-reliant development to which there is no alternative. The evidence is in. Dependent development has failed.. . We buiId on the mdigenous by making it determine the form and content of development strategy, by ensuring that devdopment change accommodates itselfto these things, be they values, interests, aspirations or social institutions which are important in the lives of people, it is only when development change cornes to ternis with them that it can be sustainable.

Ciaude Ake (FrüIing, 1988, pp. 19 & 21)

The data coIlected For the purpose of this study reveal that both models conceptualize

"schootingl' as a medium for transmitting d u e s and knowiedge held desirable by Iocally-specific as

well as national communities. It also taises questions about the diffecences between schwluig and

education. It can be said that while schooling invofves socialization IO n o m and values considered

desirable by the Iacal, national, and the globai commities, education mvolves a11 those processes by

which lmowledge is obtained, internalized, and even contested. "'Educaiion " occurs in the absence of

schooling, and is the sum total of lifetime leaming experiences. Both Fe y Alegrta and Smoi are

concerned with educating the whole person. This goes beyond the regdatory functions of schooling.

The concept is best expressed by revisiting Simol's SPICES concept as describeri by Michele in her

interview refaenced at the begmning of Chapter Six:

SPICES are the initials for social, physicai, intellectual creative, emotiod and spintual. That's the guideline we use for teaching the children. So you h d that we train a chiId sociaIIy. We develop t h m physically. We develop them mteIlectuaily, emotiondly, creatïvely, and spmtdy, So that they get al1 the c i i f f i t areas. They are weIl-munded when they l a v e this Semol compotmd.

niere is also enough evidence to conclude, both Fe y Ale- and Servol achowiedge the

inclusion of vaIues and knowledge that c m be deftned as "coIoniai" in nature. These values are either

the result of the imposition of f&gn ideas and practices, or e k are relics from the colonial period

during which the educational systems were introduced by the tuiing classes. Yet both organizations

support the view as expressed by Ake in the quotation at the begirming of this chapter; that is, that

dependent development has Wed their local communities. The ever increasing number of

fiinctionally-illiterate, and, therefore, under-employable youth in both places, is a clear indication that

education as provided by the state does not facilitate local development initiatives.

Ake argues h t the solution rests on "building on the indigenous," ensuring that

"development change" accommodates itself '70 the values, interests, aspirations, social institutions

which are important in the Iives of people." Clearly, both organizations that have been the subject of

this study are buiIding on the indigenous in this sense. They have instituted program and models of

comrnunity development that are cenîred in the values, aspirations, and interests which tbese local

comrnunities have deetned as important in the lives of their members. Yet each has articulated

different notions of the indigenous, which suggest that conceptualizing the indigenous is also

dependent on the howledge and values specific cultural and socid groups acknowledge as king

significant. Theorizing the indigenous then forces us to examine how each of Fe y Alegria and

Servol articulate the indigenous.

8.2 THEORIZING "~IGENOUSMODELS" FROM THE PERSPECTTVE OF THE LOCAL: THE CASE OF FE Y ALEGRiA.

The City of Ciudad Bolivar is home to over a million people, and Venezuela is home to 23

million peopIe (World Bank, 2000). On the other hand, the population of the twrn-island state,

Trinidad & Tobago is ody 1.3 million. Sheer numbers aIone will suggest that there must be some

degree of variation in regard to how each research site conceptudizes the "IocaI." At the start of

Chapter 5 , I quoted Fernando Reimers' comment that Fe y Alegrfa was a local soIution to Iocal

probIems, and protided participants with an alternative "hidden c ~ c u i u m " that emphasized "local

action and participation in dwetopment" (Remiers, 1997, p.41). Since the Fe y Alegtrà mode1 has

been replicated m 12 Latin American couutries, "local" is used to suggest something mure thaa a

geographicd location, shared by a particular group of people.

1 would argue that Reirners' use of the term "locai" has the same connotation as "indigenous"

as used throughout this study, but not necessarily with the condition of the absence of coloniai

imposition. Firstly, the "local" is both spatially and socially constmcted. Those who share a space,

whether geographical or cultural, also share a set of artifacts, interests, institutions etc.. .We cm caU

this coilective a community when this space is shared over a period of time or for a specific purpose.

Communities can, and do educate members, into its normative d u e s without schools. However, the

school is an obvious choice of site for reproducing howledge and practices deemed desirable

because at schools, groups of leamers are herded together to be introduced to the same knowledge

and in the same conditions. The hidden curriculum may be "politics," or it maybe instruction in a

particular religious faith. However, since the leamers are presented with a body of knowledge in the

same location, and have that howledge legitimated by the group, it cornes to be accepted as valid

howledge (or knowledge that community holds in high regard), Hence the reason academics l e m

to be so in academies.

The schoot, therefore, is an important agency in a Iocai community's development along the

lines that community deems desûable. The problem with the Western model of schooling is that it

was designed to reproduce power relationships. It is characterized by a hierarchicai model of both

govername and social relationships, evident m the content of schooling. This mode1 of schooIing,

therefore, furtber disadvantages those without power, and in the modem "Western" state lhat power is

prünarily defmed as economic. Thomas PopkevÎtz wrîtes:

Schooling is an institution whose pedagogy and patterns of conduct are contïnuousIy reiated to larger issues of social production arid reproduction. In this context pedagogicai practice is a f m of social reptation in which particular social knowiedge is sefected and cast for children to guide their everyday lives; yet the social differentiation in the larger society make school knowledge not equally access13le for al1 who corne to schml. Furthmore, the construction of social processes and knowledge contain codes of ethics and notions of civiïty and discipline tfiat are to govern persona1 and public Iives (p.4849)

Fe y Alegria schools are located in communities where the social knowledge that is reproduced does

not qualie its members to enter into the wodd of work The organization views its intervention into

the lives of these commimities of poor people, as necessary to the community's development and the

empowerment of its mernbers. The aim of the organization is to offer the same q d i t y and content of

schwling as provided in the public system to the pwr. Tbis argument is used to justify their reliance

on certification cornensurate with those in the public system of education. It is also used to justify

acculturation to the n o m and values of the more-privileged classes. The main objective, says Raut

is T o mate a labour force with certain cultural levels." Moreover, the awareness of global ideas

around what constitutes preparation for the world of work has meant that both Fe y Alegria and

Servol have found it necessary to include prograrns with an emphasis on developing technological

skills.

Yet it is in the awareness that mere academic growth would not constitute improving the lives

of poor people that the organization begins to differ kom the national modeI. Fey Alegria schools are

community centres where ail activities valued by the social group which resides there, are located.

ï h e schools are multi- purpose buildings. They provide the poor with other services essential to their

well-king and developrnent. It is the place where everyone enjoys a sense of belonging, Religious

and national celebrations are held there. The local politician canies on his campaign there. Health

care can be obtained at no cost to the individuals, and spintual guidance is aIways available to those

who need it. its indigenousness, is derived fiom its reliance on local solutions to local problems.

Fe y Alegria also points to the explanation of its phiIosophy as evidence of indigenousness, in

the sense used throughout this study. The concepts of educucion poputur, educucbn integral, and

pedugogico libermion, have been deveIoped by the Fey Alegria organization to expiain tiow it

supports the political wüi of the people, who aspire towards a society based on justice and equity. Fe

y Ale@ facilitates this proçess by educating its members into the vaIues and practices that ensure

persona1 and cotnmunal growth and empowerment. This is the subversive "hidden curriculimi" of Fe

y Alegnà schwls. The philosophy of course is centred upon Roman CathoIic teachings in regard to

Social justice, but Fe y Alegnà does not see its advocacy of the Roman Cathotic perspective as

inconsistent with indigenous notions of what constitutes desirabte goals and practices for a just

society. It argues that those to whom this knowledge is imparted are mostiy members of the faith

community by virtue of being baptized Catholics. The fact that 96% of the population identifies itself

as Roman Catholic cm be used as justification for this approach. Moreover, it is in the individual

commitments of rnembers of the re1igiou.s orders to improving the lives of poor people that these

individuals can be said to represent the interests and concerns of the communities in which they

reside. "Liberation Pedagogica" is the juncture where Religion and Politics meet in the Fe y Alegriu

model. It is a concept that can oniy be explained within the context of Latin American history and

"Culture," where the threat to democracy has often come from within dernomtic institutions.

Religious groups are ako cuIturaI groups. It would be impossible to isolate both the islamic faith,

and Judaism h m the cultures in which they flourish. Simiiarly, teaching about social justice and

eqWty From a Roman Cathoiic perspective is going to be rationalized within the beliefs and practices

of those who identify with the faith. The knowledge produced though easity c o n w d by those who

do not belong to that group, is no less valid because it cannot be applied universaily.

8.3 THE LOCAL IS INDIGENOUS: SER VOL 'S RESISTANCE AGENDA

Servol can trace its origin to an act of rebellion against dominance. When Gcrry Pantin gave

up bis position of power as an administrator of a school which has been sewÎng the local elite since

the colonial period, his was a political act. He was declaring hirnself committed to chaflenging the

existing social structures m the national community, which had priviIeged the very group to which he

could claim memberstup by Wtue of his family background, his colonial education, and his socid

statu as a Roman Catholic priest. It could be argued that the idea of going into one of the most

depressed communities and ashg those who iived there, "How can 1 help you," codd not be

imagined at a time where the people who Iived there were engaged in viotent confrontations with the

police. However, the "local" is often the site of struggle, and for Pantin the experience demmded of

him coqlete identification with the group he wanted to help, despite his awareness of his privilege.

He was fmed to go mto the community, and strfp h e l f of the cultural arrogance which cornes

with priviiege. From its very inception, therefore, Servol was an organization committed to the behef

in community wellbemg, as opposed to that of the individual.

As the organization began to take shape it used the knowledge gathered h m the community

to identify problems, needs and solutions. The reliance on "local knowledge" is the next bit of

evidence that can be used to support the clairn of indigenousness. The next stage was the proces of

forming grassroots organizations that were setup not merely in consultation with the communities, but

upon their request and with mernbers of the community enjoying leadership positions. As a model of

educational delivery, Servol Iooked toward the community model of childcare for its î h model of

schooling. It used the idea of a community centre when it needed to expand its education provisions

to cater for those who were excluded from secondary education, having failed to secure a place in a

seconàary school on the bais of an enûance examination. Once again, Setvol Iistened to the

problems these young people encountered in their daily Iives, and opened centres where they can be

taught skiIls and gain apprenticeship training within the communities in which they were located.

Semol waited to be mvited into communities where those of diffment ethnic groups, religious and

cultural identities, dealt with their local problems from a specific cultural or religious perspective.

When Sem01 came to articdate its philosophy, it rejected the perspectives of those in the academy

that claimed to have authority to detennine what constitutes valid knowledge. Wùen it came to

articulate its pedagogy it did sa in an original holistic interpretation of the purpose of schoolmg for

those who have been oppressed and marginalized by the structures of the iarger society, the SPICES

curricuIum.

In a very reaI sense, therefore, Sm01 3 programs can be said to be indigenous, having

originated h m a local body of knowledge shared by those who have claimed occupancy of a

geographicai and social space over a Iong period of tirne. As a mode1 of cornmunity empowerment,

SmoI can also make better claim to "mdigenouslless" than the Fe y Ale@ schools, located in the

barrios of Ciudad Bolivar. The Smol schools are governed by boards chosen by the local

counnunity, and coqrïsing of memben of the local coxxxnunities.

The contradictions arise when it cornes to a discussion about the predominance of middle-

class personnel in iîs executive membership. The question is, does this constitute a colonial practice?

Once again the answer seems to rest in an analysis of local historical conditions. One could argue

that by virtue of Gexry Pantin having occupied a position of privilege in that Society, his actions were

more likely to have been construed as a valid response to the situation than say, those of a local

resident of Laventille, who set out on a mission to correct the injushm suffmd by those of his local

community. The over-representation of rniddle class personnel at the central administrative level,

also point toward their involvement as a privilege only those socially and economicalIy advantaged

could dare to undertake for paltry remuneration. Momver, the privileged also enjoy the luxury of

holding on to unpopular ideological positions without fear of personal or social ostracization.

However, unlike the Fe y AIegria organization of Ciudad Bolivar, those involved with Semol at the

administrative and executive levels corne from a wide range of ethnic and religious backgrounds.

Their middle class upbringing is the only homogenizing factor. This suggests that their support for

the organization's goals and mission, is govemed by other factors that are rooted in the cultural

expectations of the larger national community of Trinidad & Tobago.

The widespread endorsement of Sewol S SPICES curriculum h e w o r k among those

interviewed, may be an indication that ServoI is in tune with the values and interests of the larger

national community. That both the local pditicians and the local University comider Servol a threat

to the status quo, rnay agam be an mdication that the organization is an aIternative site of knowIedge

production, that supports the political will of the people.

8.4 CULTURAL HYBRiDïïY IN AN ANTI-COLONIAL FRAMEWORK.

When 1 began this project, 1 argued that 1 wanted to be a voice in the academy for those

whose voices are without power, and have their stories told by "outsiders" who arrive to do research

with pre-conceived ideas about the group to be studied. These "outsiders" spend brief periods of time

at the location, and retum to the academy to mite up their reports based on the partial knowledge they

obtained.

In a very real sense, this statement could be applied to my analysis of mterview data on

Venezuela if it were not for the fact that 1 used the data as provided, only to mdicate points of

convergence and divergence fiom the Trinidad & Tobago model. While 1 had some prior knowledge

of Servol as an organization, comrnitted to providing for the poor, al1 the data I obtained about the

organization came from the documentary evidence, and my interviews with participants at the

research site. Not ody did 1 speak the same language of those 1 interviewed in Trinidad, but 1 also

shared a cultural understanding of events, beiiefs and practices, which could help me with my

analysis. In Ciudad Bolivar, 1 needed a local voice to Uitervene between me and my data. Marisa

could not, and did not speak collectively for her people, because like myself she was now an outsider

to that community. Yet as someone who was a native speaker, and who identified with the culture

and the persons being intdewed, she was abie to provide me with insights into nuances of Ianguage

and thought, only shared by those who have a cultural understanding of the place and people.

As 1 began writing, it became ciear to me that 1 was doing so as a voice in the academy,

writing for an audience which includes my p e r s and examiners. The audience gave me that

discursive authority that Timothy Reagan taiked about in the quotation cited previously. The ami-

colonial perspective was the discursive authority 1 had gained fiom encornter with the power

discourses that belong in the academy. Where those interviewed argued that k i r idea and model was

indigenous, 1 kept insisting that it was colonia1- By this action 1 was imposing a meaning and

interpretahon on the howledge as presented by the people who Iived the experience, that was

inconsistent with their own world-view. 1 became complicit m the process of colonizing knowledge

to give my own c o n t n i o n vaiidity. These are some of the tensions and ambiguities of un anti-

colonial pmject. Who decides what knowledge is duable? Who is domg the research and why?

Finally, whose voice is being articulateci with discursive authority? Each time we attempt to buiId

theay based on pre-articdated howledge such as obtained m the academy, we are dertaking a

colonid project

if the story were to be to1d in the voices of the participants, the Semol and Fe y Alegria

models would be defined as local, culturally-relative and reflecting the cultural hybridity of the

people and the region. They wodd be "anti-coloniai" only in the sense that those who are involved

with them reject the position that what they do needs to be vdidated by those who do not belong to

their communities. What my study adds to the body of knowledge produced in the academy, is more

a rationalization for alternative methodology, than an explanation of events and an analysis of data.

Both modeIs are locally-validated, and considered to be viable aIternative paths to educational

development m the comunities in which they are Iocated.

8.5 IMPLICATIONS FOR RETHlMUNG SCHOOLING AND EDUCAnON iN A BROADER SOUTHERN CONTEICT: PEDAGOGIC AND NS.rrrUnONAi. LESSONS FOR CLASSROOM PRALrmONERS

in 1960, "The Lord DougIa," sang a calypso entitted "Split Me in Two. " 1 was a k d y

reciting "Oh Mary, Go and cal1 the cattle home across the Sands O'ûee." Apart h m the mention of

cattIe, the rhyme had no significance to me, but was inciuded in T h e Royal Reader," the text chosen

to develop Iiteracy skills by Captain Cutieridge, the coloniaI Superintendent of schwls. 1 also learned

h m nie Royal Reader a rhyme about "a cow jumping over the rnoon," that "Dan was the nian in the

van," that '"Twirly and Twisty were two screws," and tbt an agouti lost its tail when it was bitten off

by the aliigator. None of this had any reIevance to my daily life. Later on the "'Mighty Sparruw" was

to ridicule Cutteridge for making a cow jump over the moon, adding: 'They beat me hke a dog to

leam that in schwl. Ifmy head was bright, 1 would have been a d a m fool!"

Lord Dougla, on the 0 t h han& was reflecting on his hybridity in Song, long before Shwt

Hall had begun to theorize on the subject of multiple locations and identities. He was a mixture. of

a c a n and East hàiaa descent. The local temi used to descnî such a person was "Dougla" The

calypsonian accepted the appeiiation, using it in his social commentary in "Split Me m Twon(1960).

Here he poses the question:

Let us suppose they p a s a Iaw, they don? want people living here anymore. Everybody had to h d his home country according to his race and originality What a confusion i would be in for sure.. .They bound to split me in two

The Chorus restated the probtwi:

They Say they sendmg Indians to India, and they sending Negroes back to Atnca., . Well somebody pkase just tell me, where are they going to send me? 1 am neither one nor the other: Six of one; haIf-adozen of the other... They bound to split me in two.

The point is that what DougIa had to Say was never passed on to me through the process of

schooling. Yet it was my own reality, and reflected the reality of many Trinidadians and

Tobagonians. But it was local howtedge, and so deemed invalid by those who had the power to

determine what knowledge ought to be passed on through the process of schooling. Instead 1

was being introduced to Iiteracy with the aid of nonsense rhymes that the colonial authorities

considered appropriate material for those who were not destined to lead.

Later on, in my role as a teacher in the public system, i passed on the knowledge of

Shakespeare, Tennyson, Yeats and Keats. 1 introduced questions about identity addressed by

T.S. Eliot. The colonial authorities were long gone, but their knowledge, their experiences still

counted as vatid. At the present time, there are local artifacts in the cIasmoms of public schools

in Trinidad & Tobago. The literature fiom the South now cornpetes with Shakespeare and

Tennyson. Yet the value attached to local knowledge sources remains the same.

The scholarship project for academics as well as practitioners in the Sou& is to address

the issue of vdidating mdigenous knowledge and structures, by ensuring that they inform the

content and purpose of schooImg. Only then can it be said that we have been emancipated kom

dependence on the deveioped North, Some see development as economic, but 1 would argue for

a vision of prosperity b t involves a wealth of knowledge and its applications. The collective

experiences of the peoples of Latin America are the resource we can use to build mdigenous

structures and institutions. They need wly to be IocaIly-vaIidated by the region's ppIes .

Servol and Fe y Alegria are examph of how this can be doue successfiiIly enough to encourage

internationai curiosity. Both organizations continue to be researched by inquiring mfnds fiom

institutions in the North.

In the context of the education of immigrants from the South who have migrated to the North,

the implications for teacher education are radical. Canada dehes itself as "MuIti-Culturai" without

decentering the European subject, As a consequence, differences are acknowledged, but "other" than

European cdtures and knowledge traditions, are not considered equal to the dominant. This is

evident not only in the cucricuIum practices ofschools and provincial education authorities, but also

in the institutions which validate the "knowledge" to be transmitted through the process of schooling.

Teachers are taught to attach as an "addendum" an awareness of the differences in the cultures,

beiiefs and expectations of ment immigrants korn the South. The end result is that what passes in

the schools for integration of other knowledges and cultures is best defined as excursions into exotica.

Students are encowaged to "sampIel* food, music, and dance h m the various groups, rather than

taught the pst and the potentid contributions of these groups to the body of knowledge taught in

schools. "Spintuality" is the antithesis of 'bProgressiveness." Linguistic diversity is often the Rte of

inequity, especially in regard to measurement and evaluation practices. It is no wonder then that

those immigrant populations who arrived with a degree of social disadvantage have that disadvantage

reinforced by the schooi system, which presupposes that mtegration must invotve abandonment of

kliefs, principles, and practices, based on the knowledge systems that Non-European peopIes bring

with them

Appendix A

Probing Questions

Personnel in the Orgnnization

What were the personal reasons behind th& decision to become involved in the

organization?

What is their relationship with/ or role in the organization at the present time?

What is the extent of theù involvement in other activities within the contmunity?

What is their personal philosophy of education? What are the goals of education as they see

i t?

What are the essential differences between the education which is provided by the public

*stem, and that as provided by the organization?

What are the main problems encountered by administrative personnel within the

organization? What was n ~ d e d to resoive those problems? Were they empowered to do so?

1s attention being paid to local Imowtedge and ideas in:

1) the way the organization is structured

2) the content of the ctmicuIum?

Which characteristics of the Iocai mode1 shouId/should not be mcluded in a nationd madel?

What are their views on expanding the programmes offered in their system, and on

integration with the national model?

How does the education they provide prepare its participants for Iife outside the community?

Should education prepare individuals for Iife outside their communities? If so what needs to

be included m terms of the content of education?

Those who have conducted evaiuationsl critical stuàies on the organization

What is their relationshrp if any with the organization?

Why are they conducting! or have conducted an evaluation?

How is the evaluation being iünded?

What problerns did they encounter in planning and organizing the evaluation?

What procedures were involved?

Does the evaluation have the support~co-operation of the local community?

What would be their persona1 philosophy of education?

Did their personal philosophy of education influence:

a) their decision to conduct the investigation,

6) the anaIysis of local themes and practices involved in the model,

C) the results of the study?

How does the knowledge produced m the report contribute to an understandmg of:

a) the goals and objectives of the organization,

b) the local comunity's deveiopment efforts,

C) the evaluation literature about the educational probiems of developing

countries?

1. Are they niembers of the locaI community? If not, how did they corne to be involved witb

the organiiition?

2. How involved are they with other activities within the community?

3. What trainingipreparation did they have for the role? Who provided it?

4. How effective has been their formai training in preparing them for the job?

5. Did their personal philosophy of education influence their decision to become involved with

the project?

6. What is the role of a teacher/instructor within that particular organization?

7. What is the relevance of what they teach to the local cornmunit).

8. Are local resources used to plan and imptement teachindeaming programmes?

9. What is the extent of the involvement of parents, and other members of the community in the

schooi's activities?

10. Are teachers empowered to make decisions at the local site in regard to curriculum and

organizational changes? What kinds of decisions are they encomged to make?

11. Have they worked in the public system? What would be the significant diffetence in terms

of the content and quality of the education they presently deliver?

12. What are the cdtural thernesiactivities relevant to the needs of the local popdation?

13. How does the education provided by the mode1 prepare participants for:

a) life within the local community,

b) life outside the comrntmity,

c) employment opportunities (where applicable)?

APPENDIX B

EDUCATION PROFILE

TR12VIDAD & TOBAGO (1 994-96)

SOCIAL ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

1. Area

2. Population

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

Total

Birth Rate

Annual Growth Rate (1995)

Density (1 996)

apersons per sq. mile

apersons per sq. km

Age Structure (1995)

Under 15

a1S-29

030 - 44

a45 - 59

a60 - 74

.75 +

5,128 sq. km

Economiçally Active (1993)

*Total

Age Distribution of Economically Active

e l5 -64

EducationaI Standards of Economically Active in Percentage

Age 25+ with no forma1 scbooling (1990)

Primary Education (1990)

Secondary Education (1 990)

Higher Education ( 1 990)

.Nat Stated (1990)

Literacy (1 995)

3. Monetary Unit

Trinidad & Tobago dollar = 100 cents

Value (US): TTS6.03 (Valuation as of 0ct. 1 1,1996)

4. NationaI Economy

Budget (1 995)

Corporate Taxes

Expenditures

Pub tic Debt (External, outstanding 1994)

Gros National Pmduct (GNP) - Total (1995)

Pw capita

riinahion Rate (1995)

504,500

or 40.5% of population

4.5 Per Capita Income (1 993)

4.6 GNP Sectoral Composition

Petroleuni, Naturai Gas,

m vaiue % of total TT% 000,oOo 1 d u e

- - -

Force

Trade 1 4.446 1 14.4 1 87,000 1 17.3

Public Utilities

Tram. & Conmiunication

4.7 Public Expenditure on Education

495

2,64 1

Public AdrninlDefence

Services

Others

Total

Adaptd fiom UNESCO Statistical Yearbook

1.6

8.6

2,994

1,695

435

30,792

YEAR 1 994

7,800

33,800

9.7

5.5

1.4

99.90

1.57

6.7

TotaI Education Expenditures

143,900

500

504,400

Amount ($000,000)

1,170

C m t Education Expenditures

28.5

O. 1

99.97

As of % of GNP

45

Arnount ($000,000)

1 ,O6 1

As of % of total

90.7

As of % of GNP

4. I

5. Educaîion in the School Systern

5.1 General information

*The school system administered by central Ministry of Eduction (MOE).

*Administrative Structures in place since 1968 and 1977. [See 5.1 and 5.2 below]

*The new "Education Policy Paper. 1993-2003") reveals a new administrative structure designed to

facilitate a decentraiized system cunently k ing implemented [See 5-31 for changes and functions of the

new administrative system

*The basic education system consists of public and private pre-schools, public and govemrnent assisted

primary and secondary school; two technical institutes; regional vocational training

facilities; two Sixth Fom colieges; two theologicai colleges and one university.

Figure 5.2

Unit

Planning Unit aIso responsible for Scholarship & Training

- - - -

School Supervision

Educational Services Division

Administration

1 l assers the various irnplica-tions

-- - .

Responsible

Direcîor

1 of alternate lines of action.

Duties

update and interpret data

Director 1 eoversee district supervisors and

1 examinations, extension Director

1 programmes, broadcasting,

guidance unit.

eresponsible for pubIications,

1 acimmjsiration, personnel and Administrative Officers

1 finance

measurernent.

.deal with ail aspects of generaI

Source: Heywood, D. (1996) The search for an appropriate model of educational development in Trniidad

& Tobago. Unpublished Mascers Thesis. Faculty of Education, University of Western Ontario.

Figure 53

Administrative Unit

1 Educational

Nature of Task Description of Duties

.responsiiIe for delivery of

swem governance and

supervision allocation of hancial

resaurces to divisional uni&

tasks and pro-grammes sirnilar to those of the Central Ministry .implementations of policy directives *recmitment of teaching staff, etc. *rational task distribution *ass ihg in the o p t i o n s of educational services (Le. Boards of Management) *generating resources

*intemal policyl decision making aorganization of school and its environment .leadership *instruction

Personnel

*CE0 *Department Heads (12) .Public Service Type Staff *Clerical

*Directors (School

S U ~ ~ M S O ~ S m) *professionai staff of cumcuIum & support services *denorninational Boards of Management .Specialists to carry out üne and staff functions

*PrincipaYAdmin-istration

*Middle Level Management; Deans, Deparwents Heads mTeaching Staff

*Pasto& Staff *Supply Teachers Chical & Maintenance Staff

Aàapted fiorn Heywood, D. (1996) The search for an appropriate mode1 of educationai development in

Trinidad & Tobago (p. 58).

6.2 AnnuaI Intake into secondary school

1994

1995

6-1 Enroiment (1993)

6.3 Secondary SchooI by Types

.Traditional

*Junior Secondary

Senior Secondary

Senior Cornprehensive

Composite

Assisted (al1 traditional)

LEVELS (by age)

Pre-school(2-5)

Pn- (5-1 1)

Secondary (1 2-16)

6.4 Post-Primary FacilitiedAIternative access to secondary level provisions

*Access to secondary education based on results of the Common Entrance Examinations

("The Eleven Plus"). Statistics for 1991 reveaied an imbalance m the various eduntional

districts.

Schools

154

475

101

Disûïct

SL Panick

Teachers

308

7,210

4,882

Victoria

St. George West

%

91.80

St. George East 1 64.25

Sîudents

4,800

195,013

100,609

78.56

75.0 1

StudenwTeacher Ratios

15.6

27.0

20.6

District

Cmni

Tobago

%

65.79

Nariva/Mayaro

Si. DavidlSt. Andrew

40.99

62.00

48.71

7. Examinations and Certification

7.1 Ministry of Education, National Examinations Councii, Nursing Council and the

Cornmittee for the Recognition of Degrees (CORD) aü bvolved with accreditation

Resent System

CXC. Generai and Cambridge 'O' Level Examinations cater for those preparing

to 'Advanced" Level and those who will seek employment at the clericai level

C X C . Basic Proficiency E..caminations sati* the requirements of those seeking

ernployment m one of the vocational occupations and those seeking unskilkd

emptoyment

I n the areas of TechrticaWocational Education and Training, CXC. provides

an examination whicti meets the needs ofthose wishing to proceed ro a fitrther

Ievei while the Minism of Education provides through the National Examinations

Council Certificates based on the results of the NEC Craft and Vocational

Courses Examinations

7.3 1993-2003: The Task Force recommends two (2) types of Examination at Secondary

Level: School-based Assessrnent

.National Examinations

Two distinct parts to the process:

.National Cextificate Secondary Education Part I (includes schwl-based

assessment or ' i4+" examination

.National Certifïcate of Secondary Education Part il (includes the record of

achievements at the C-XC. Ievel, a I o d nationai eumination andior prime

examination. Eg. ROM Schoot of Music

8. ECCE (Early ChiIdhood Care and Educaiion)

8.1 154 pre-schools currentIy exist. These are Centre-based, administd by trained

professionaIs. The Education Poiicy Paper (1993-2003) anticipates some Home-based ECCE also administered by trained professionah who set up mal1 support groups of

parents' meeting in houses of community.

8.2 Fuiancing of ECCE joint project involving govermnent, community-based NGû's, and international donor agmcies. Current govemment subwmion for ECCE only 0.15% of

totd education budget.

9. Special Needs

There are two (2) g o v m e n t speciai needs schools and eight (8) assiste& Of the 113 teachers m

these schools, 41 are qualüïed special education teachers.

"Speciai Needs" attending:

.No school at aii 13,1.%

PreSchooI 5.8%

Special Schools 6.7%

Other facilities 5.8%

aMainstream Primary & Secondary Schools 67.2%

Data colIected by Ministry of Health's Special Education Task Force (1991) for submission to

UNESCOICARNEID)

10. Vocational Educatiun/Apprenticeship Training

in addition to training done at government secondary schools and two technical colIeges,

programmes available through aiternative channels include YTTEP (Youth Training and

Employrnent Parinmhip) and SERVOL (Service VoIunteered for Ail).

0YTTEP: govemment and World Bank sponsored compensatory intervention mode1 for

adolescents not completing secondary schooI

SERVOL: endogenous non-govenunental organization for at-risk youth and secondary

school drop-outs

1 1, Adult Education

SchooI of Continuing Studies (SOCS) part of University of West Indies. Programmes meet needs

of speciai post-secondary groups and operates in a number of centres. Education Policy Paper

(1993-2003) tecornends that the programmes of SOCS be vaiidated through University academic

cornmittees to prepare the ground for articulation between SOCS courses and those offered in

degree programmes at UWI.

12. Teacher Education

2 1 SERVOL (witfi part government fimding) adnnnisters training programme for pre-school

teachen - ttiree (3) year dufation with two (2) years supenrised internship

13. Projections

Primary school teachers - University diptoma course covering the period of one year

Teacher training for secondary school teachers not compulsory. Tachers selected on basis

of academic achievements. University offers degree programmes mcluding an MA. @est-

graduate degree m Education). An average of 120 teachers trained each year. Of 4,882

teachers in secondary schools, 17% have been tmined. Overail, o d y 40% of teachers

trained.

(1993-2003) Education PoIicy Papa recommends:

.B.Ed.: 3 years study and practice beyond certificate

.B.AJB.ScJDip.Ed.: 4 year conjoint degree for those going to University who

pian to teach on completion of studies

Estimted Cost for Teacher Training in Period 1994-200 1 : TTS34.000,OOO

Estimated cost of achieving a hlly qudified teaching service

at both primary and secondary leveI over period 1994-200 1: TT%?, 1444,000

Population Projection

.Year 2000

.Year 2010

DoubIing Time

Enroiment Projections

Year 2005 27% increase in secondary aged population

Net Enrolment (in the absence of expansion)

Year 2005 60%

Education Ref-

ehtroduction of the NCSE (National Cerrifïcate of Secondary Education) with a

credit Syçtem will enable freer movement within the system of education.

Expansionlextension of existing secon* schools which now have l e s than

800 children

Construction of schools in Caroni, Tobago, St. David and St. Andrew to ensure

a more equitable division transition rate fiom primary to secondary schwl

Implementation of the comunity colleges as recommended by the Task Force

on Education (White Paper, 1994)

13.4 Economic Indicators

1996: GDP growth rate

Fiscal Surplus (of GDP)

.Unemployment (1 995: 17.2%)

*Total Expenditure (of GDP)

2.6% (3rd consecutive year)

1.6%

16.3%

27.9%

ECONOMY

I

Construction -2.1%

GrowthiDecline 1

Petroleum

I

Manufacnuing (Oil refining, petroleurn products) -0.5%

+2.0%

L

Transport & Communication

I

Chernical & Non-Metallic I +1.2%

+7.1%

Textile & Industry -1 1.0%

Food, Beverages, Tobacco

Source: Inter-Amerïcan Development Bank

N.B.: + implies economic growth, - miplies economic deche

6 7 %

Central Govemment Expenditure -1.8%

Encvclowdia Britannica Yearbook (1997). Trinidad & Tobago (p. 729).

Inter-American Development Bank (1997). Tnnidad & Tobago: Recent Economic Performance.

Ministry of Education (1994). Education Policv Paner 1993-2003: National Task Force on Education

White Pauer. Portsf-Spain: Govenunent Printery

Personnel Management Services (1990). Evaluation of SERVOL Pro~rammes and Methodolo.~ for Inter-

American Foundation.

UNESCO (1996). UNESCO Statitical Yearbook - 1996. Paris: Bernan Press.

Appendix C

EsPm BOLIVAR ALGONOS INDICADORES ÇOCIALEÇ PERIODO 1990 - 94

Superficie (Kms21. 2/

Densidad Habliuas2. 2/

Nive1 de Urbanizacion. 4/

Poblacion Total 1/

Urbano L/

Rural 1/

Femenina 11

Masculins 1f

Poblacion Total por Grupos de Edad l/

O - 6

7 - 1 4

1s - I8 Res to

Nacimientos vivbs . 2/ Tasa de Natalidad ipor mil habitantes) . 21

Tasa Global de Fecundidad- 4/

E S T A M BOLIVAR AU;UNOS INDICAWRES SOCIALES PERIOW 1990 - 94

1994 [El

238.000

4.6

. . .

1.090.624

1.061.177

29.447

527. 07s

563.549

l,OgO. 624

225,732

219,068

90.370

555,454

37,385

3 4 . 3

.- .

Porcentaje de Nacimientos

por Edad de la Madre: 4 /

Menores de 20

20 - 34

35 y Mas

Porcentaje de Nacimientos por Situacion Conyugal de la Madre: 41

Sol tera

No casada

Porcentaje de Nacimientos de Mridres Anaifabetas. 41

Total

Menores de 20 a-os

20 - 34 35 y mas

SALUD Y MORTALIDAD

Defunciones Totales 2/

Tasa de Mortalidad (por mil habitantes) 2 /

Tasa de Mortalidad Infantil. 41

Tasa de Mortalidad por G-apos de Edad: 4 /

Menores de 1 mes

1 - 11 meses 1 - 4 a-os Menores de 5 a-os

ESTAEû BOLIVAR ALGUNOS INDICAWRES SOCrALES PERIOW 1990 - 94

Mortalidad de Menores de 5 A-os T i p i f icada. QI

Porcentaje de Defunciones de Menores de un a-O por Grupos de Eâad de la Madre

Menores de 20 a-os

35 y mas

Porcentaje de Defunciones de Menores de 1 A-O de -&es Analfabetas. 4/ 4.4 8.6

Porcenta je de Defunciones de Menores de 1 A-O Ocurridas en Estableci- mientos Hospitalarios. 4/ 93.1 90.9

Porcentaje de Defunciones de Menores de I A-O sin Atencion Hedica. 4 / 5 . 8 7.1

Mat rimanios 4,698 4.463

Tasa de Nupcialidad 2 / 4 -9 4.5

Alumnos Hatriculados en Educacion Preescolar 2 / 27,964 31,309

planteles en Educacion Preescolar 21 374 401

Docentes y Auxiliares en Educacion Preescolar 21 8.045 a/ 1,629

Alumnos Matsiculados en Educacion Basica ( l a - 90 Gradoi 2 / 210,009 222,973

ESTADO BOLIVAR RLGUNOS INDICAWRES SOCIALES PERïODû 1990 - 94

Planteles en Educacion Basic& (10 - 90 Grado) 21 7 4 1 787

Alumnos Matriculados en Educacion Media ZI 14,641 13,756

Planteles en Educacion Media 2/ 60 64

~ a s a de Analfabetimio para Mujeres de 10 A-as y Mas 4 / 7.3 - - - Tasa de Analfabetisma para la Poblacion de 12 - 14 A-os por Sexo: 4/

Hombres 3 - 7 -.. ... Mu j eres 2.6

Tasa de Analfabetismo para la ~oblacion de 15 - 18 A-os por Sexo: 4/

Total

Hombres

Mujeres

TRABAJO

Ocupados 311.161 327,412 344,511 362,503 381,435

Desocupados 20,745 21,643 22,578 23,552 24,566

Tasa de Ocupacion

Tasa de Desocupacion 6 -3 6.2 6.2 6.1 6.1

ESTAW BOLIVAR ALGUNOS INDICADORES SOCIALES PERIOW 1990 - 94

Tasa de Actividad de las Mujeres de 12 A-os y Mas por Area de Residencia: 4/

Total

Urbana

Rural

Tasa de Actividad de bfujeres por Grupos de Edad: 4 /

Porcentaje de Poblacion de 12 - 14 A-os que no Estudia .ni Traba ja por Sexo: 4/

Total 8. 8

Hombres 0 - 2

Mu j eres 9 - 2

Porcentaje de Poblacion de 15 - 18 A-os que no Estudia ni Trabaja por Sexo: 4/

Total 24.1

Hombres 19.6

Mu jeres 28.7

EST- BOLIVAR ALGUNOS INDICADORES SOCIALES PERIOW 1990 - 94

1992 1993 (El 1994 (El

Porcentaje de Poblacion de 12 - 14 A-os que Trabaja y no Estudia por Sexo. 41

Total 2.4

Hombres 3.1

Mu jeres 1.6

porcentaje de Poblacion de 15 - 18 A-os que Trabaja y no Estudia por Sexo. 4 /

Total 14 - 2 Hombres

Mu jeres

Estructura de la Poblacion Ocupada por Sector Econo, nomico de Ocupacion 3/ 100.0

Sector Formal 63.4

Sector Informal 36.6

Casos Conocidos de 9,282 Delitos 2/

Detecciones Efectuedas 2/ 2,469

Casos Concluidos 2 / 3.423

ûeficit Habitacional (En Miles) 2/ 34.6

Poblacion Servida por Acueducto (En Miles de Habitantes) 2/ 864.0

Inversion en Obras de Acueductos (Millones de Bolivares) 2 / 104.1

ESTADO BOLIVAR ALGüNOS INDICAWRES SOCIALES PERIODO 1990 - 94

1992 1993 (El 1994 IE)

Poblacion Servida en Cloacas (En Miles de Habitantes l 2 / 561. O

Inversion en Obras de Cloacas (En Hiliones de Bolivares) 2/ 59.8

Porcentaje de Viviendas Sin Dotacion de Servicios Basicos : 4 /

Abastecimient0 de Agua por Acueducto L4.8

Alumbrado Eleccrico 10.4

Eliminacion de Excretas por Cloacas O Pozo Septico 25.5

Promedio de Habitantes por Viviendas Familiares: 4 /

Total 5 - 3

Rural 4 . 9

Porcencaje de Jefes de Hogar Kujeres por Area de Residencia: 4 /

Total 22.1

Rural 16.4

Porcentaje de Efogares Micleares en Viviendas Familiares. 4 /

Total

Urbano

R u r a l

ESTADO BOLItlAR ALGUNOS INDICADORES SOCIALES PERIOW 1990 - 94

Porcentaje de Hogares Extensos en Viviendas Familiares. 4 /

Total

urbano

Rural

Porcentaje de Hogares Cornpuestos en Viviendas ~Aliares. 4 /

Total

Urbano

Rural

Tama-O Promedio de Hogares: 4/

Nucleares

Extensos

compues tos

los

Porcentaje de Hogares en Viviendas fdliares con Mas de un Nucleo Familiar. 4/

Total 9 - 2 ... . - . ... ... Urbano 9 - 4 ... ... ... ..-

FUENTE: 1/ 2 / 3 / 4/

NOTA: E/ - -. a/

Rural 8.4 .. . ... . . . - . ESTIMACIONES Y PROYECCIONES DE POBLACION - O.C.E.I. A-O 1990 - 1995 ANüARIO ESTADISTIC0 DE VENEZUELA - 0.C-E.I. A-OS 1988-92 INDICADORES DE LA mTERZA DE TRABAJO . SE- SR4€STRE 1989 - PRIMER ÇEMESI 0CEI.EÇTADISTICAS VITALES. TABULACIONES ESPECIALES IIES-UCAB CALCULOS PROPIOS CIFRAS ESTIMADAS INCLUYE WCEEITES DE M I C A (10 A 90 GRADO) CfPRAS NO DISPONIBLES iNCLUYE DOCENTES DE BASICA (10 A 90 GRADO)

Appendk D

Information 'Boo Met

S E M P

BACKGROUND

' .', , .,.. ..>I

1. Comnlnee for die Eitablidimenl at Local school Baub (1 997). . . . , , , , .* *

2. Projecl 2000 - Uniwcrsal Sccnnûary Educatlon (1997) : . I. . ,,!.$, a . A : 3. The Fast Iliimary hngramne oCTrinitlad and l'dibga (1991)' '4. Elrbbli~hmtnt of Lou1 Schoo) Douds b r Sccrindaty Sehaoh (1997) ,. , , , . ,: ' , ' 5 . Educndofl Tssk Force (1995) :. , . , . . . , . .:... : . . . 6. Tcrlinokigy Sludies (1993) .. .# , ..t . . , 1..: : ,

i. ii. l i t , i v. Y.

*. I l i . , ..' Achfcwmrni ofUnfvcosl Secondary Edrterilon (USE) . , . 6 -. .k, . Cuniciilnm denlopmcnl aiid ttorlcntntian , . hofcrtiounl devclgmmt oftcachets end admtniilmtors Appibprinto tesibig, iurtsiniciit rnd evstuntion Iinprovtd itncliing and kriming approiches . . Instiiutioitrl Sfmyltlirning miml rcorgatibution d t l m Miniîhy oTEducntlar

COMPOSITWN OP SEMP

The QuiU!rUfi I m p v c m c d uimpoacnl compritrs tour Sulroniponcnb: +

a) C~~~I&ll l l l j D p ~ f a p * I t . '

b), TacUw d l+rdrig Stmiegicr 8nd tuppding Rswwcer C) pmfadoorl ha*-t d) Torthg, Awsrmrnl a d Emlua(1m.

Th. mand cimpntnl1.L &pll)r 1 i hovhlon - USE df nnpr j io Lm iub-

I Tbcsc siudlts tactudd: 1 ) Cirricufum Devclnpmcnt 2) Tcarrhlng ond Lepming Staitgies . . 3) Instltutlonil Analysls and S~nn@cning f -a- ..$,'y , 4) PmTesslonal Developwmi 5) Fininehl ind Pconomk AmIfils Cesi Ymjcclbns and lmflhaiions 6) Ethutional Tuiing, Asm~rnml and Emhaiirn 7) Rcvicw ofTachnology Educaiim (Intcmaiional)

1 8) Sîakehnlder Analysls 9) labour Miikel A d y r i s . . . . ' : I

6 .

il Currlculiim Devdopmenr . ' I 1 . 1 : . I

10 lncrcuo rhideni lsarning witifn Oie iésondrry sthtxj~i:' ' "" ' '' .' ' . S .

10 ~itcn&rn and cithincc thc curriculum id rykhp 11 y&~ albctlvc and t c k ~ t to the zbcio.cultunl and oermomlccnvlronmsril'~ ' ' ' ' . . to ahbibh m~syskmiiic pq f i nt curtf~hun iricsrmeni, lnpiarhat and biinrfamialiori tbat is nrtbmtl comntun&y nnd uidchaol-baied. ..* . . (O provide fmlnlng !liai Iir tbnind-drim(, b u t d ,upm Iha nec&' o f lit6 siudcnts In ihc schmb, Uie tic& o f i e h n nid prfnalprli utd the demondi aïthe naiienal, global a d commiintty c n v i m m l ~ . 10 d t r e n ~ l l u ihff id schoal darlopn*nt by k n d l u ' o v e t ib rrrpnnsibifii for carriculum fmplementellon, hpri>vemenl,'~ urd tnnsrormollom ID I i o s c h l s Ibcmoclvcs, , t 4 ' 1 .1..,,*:. b

ta incrcise Ois capiclty of the rchool sjdcrn liself b prijvide fat'&hl and cnablfng Ir-scrvicc irainlng for Lcichar md I*fnclpilr; ' . '!-a '::'! ' : '' Io stvcnglhrn tlie calirblllty of flic DLvlsian dfirrfculum ~ h & y & t t .

Tlu SEMPCU and ~ f o j & Management and I ~ l a m o t i t ~ l o n In gcneral wilt k supparced by eriemnl a@mcles cg. Mlnldry of Planning und Dcvelqmcnt, Mlnkiry ofFinnncc and oibcr key goucmmcii( mhfriries. Principal mangthcsc rpmics wfll bc ilic Inlcr~MlnistcriaI Conimiitce (1MC) spccinlly c~tablislird io lice bolîloncckr and crcaie effcctiw nctworkmp, a icn i td Tor Infomniion unhrnga and cnédive projeci imptemcntatb, n i l s IMC wil i Imve reptercntaii~cr frum key gavrmment minhtrla and will mec4 4s oflen u one prr monih. - Evcr so ofion sfakcholder scnihars witl tac IielJ to cnsure slakcholden pntîiclpre In pmjcct iciiplernenbiinn. Pccdback tncchànims wlll bc eriablirh for hfwmation cxcliinge and ruoitltorlng,

I b

ROLE OF SuivonrlNc ACI?;NC~RS nr principal mlc IId limdI0n3 o f IIic supporting ngcncie~ are IO ctnlnck boitlenecks nnd îacitilalc t hc l y oupuil and intencn~ion by pvcnment ministrier ncctmnty for pmjccl nmnficinciit. In pndculnr. the fotlowfn~ minlsbledsupprîlng igcncirl will assh SEMPCU in:

Ministry o f Works nnd - ,\lipmvnl of plnns, evalua~ion Tmmporl nf pmposr Is National Mdntenance, Trnlning - Conslnictio~i o f ncw scliools and Sc~udiy CO. Ltd. (MTS) ~nt l pmcurcrnenc o f fumiturt nocl

equiprnenl lot new seho01 Minidry nr Finnnco - biidgci proposais, release o f fun& Mlnisry o f Planntq and - opprovol of prognmmer Devclopncnl

Chief S(aic Solicilor - iItvelopmcn~ o f contmcts Ccnml Tcndcn Board - rv;ilualion orproposrls. nwmi of

conlracts Oflice orthc Prime Lfhbier - inbmiatim disscminn~ion nnd

frcdbntk

Nanie d Schoal 1 Bnrolmcnt C lac i ly 1 (aci i ion 1. Waterloo 1 a75 1 Wakrloo Roui, W~rcrloo 1

-- ~

1

7. Rrazil 1 525 1 U r d l Arcna rond, Q w l l 1

2. Blchc

3. Dche

4. Maiura

525

525

350

,

13. RioClam+

14. Oury~guayarc

15. Diceo Manin

16. LP Utca

17 Snrevcitk

4

Bidic vi lhgc

M t Rd., Ocbe

Toca Muln W., Mniura V 'p .

. . -- a --

10. Mmuuiilla

1 I . Paho Sccnl

12. Monhwat

523

350

175

3 25

350 -..- r'-2---- .

18. Noparima

19. SI. Palrick

20. Chatlicviîlt

l

JSD

8 75

875

+HepIncenieni Schwls.

1

Ccdar II111 Trricc. ManuriIlla

Sipnria Brnt Rod. I'alo SCCO

Preysrl Villagc, IVeysaf '

175 '

350

525

La Nom~inï

Bon Acconl, T a b p - Cliarlicvilla, Chayua~s

PRIME MINISrW

Father Gerard Panrin C b a i m n SERVOL Life Centre Beetbam Highway - Dear Father Pantin

On behu lJ of tbe Govmment and people of Triniahi and Tobago and on my own bebalf; 1 take pleaswe in extding rincere congratulations CO yotc on your award of an Altemative Nobel Prize for 1994 by the Right LiveltSoob Foundation of Sweden in recognition of your involvment a d work witb SER VOL over tbe past twenry$ur yean

Today, SER VOL tb~ough its numerous Ljfe Centres touches and brings bope LO

rhe liues of thousamis of young cbildm and adolescents in otîr society and inaèed it Lr difidt to imagine life in Teniaadand Tobago wirhour SEI? VOL a d your guiding hand

I zuùh CO tuke this opportunity to recLSSuTe you of my Govmment 5 continuing support fir SER VOL and its programmes.

May God continue to blen you and SERVOL and keep you Jorwer in hU semice.

Appendix F

Education and Research Associates Ltd .(Fomtcr& EdUcotiotz and Dewlopmenr S-ces hrc Gupro) P.O. Box 1641, Constant Spting, Tel: 876 755 2059 Fax: 876 755 1858 Kingston 8, Jamaica, Weçt fndier, w.taeocities.comledresa97

1' emaiI: eddevser@cwjamaica.com

Daphne Heywood, Room 5-162, OltSEIUT, 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, M5S IV Canada.

Dear Ms Heywood,

In response to your request of August 03,2001, you are hehy authorised to reproduce the table content on pages 24 -25 in the Journal of Education und Devdopment in îhr Cnribhean Volume 4, No. 1 2000.

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