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Durwood Ball, Editor

Cindy M. Tyson, Administrative Assistant

James W. Martin, Managing Editor

James M. Scholz, Associate Editor

Sarah R. Payne, Assistant Editor

Kim M. Suina, Assistant Editor

Susan J. Schuurman, Assistant Editor

Editorial Board

John Porter Bloom

William Broughton

Thomas E. Chavez

Meredith D. Dodge

Frank de la Teja

TobIas Duran

John Grassham

Jerry Gurule

Robert Himmerich y Valencia

Jon Hunner

Albert L Hurtado

Sandra Jaramillo

Oakah L Jones Jr.

Richard Lowitt

Tey Diana Rebolledo

Barbara Richardson

Joe Sando

Robert J. T6rrez

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ON THE COVER

ABANDONED GAS STATION ON OLD ROUTE 66

(Photograph by William J. Lucas, image no. 4186, Route 66 Collection, Center for Southwest

Research, University ofNew Mexico. Courtesy faye Lucas.)

NEW MEX~CO

HIstorIcal ReVIewVolume 78, Number 4 ~ Fall 2003

Contents

Peers of Their White Conquerors ~ 387

THE SAN DIEGO EXPOSITIONS AND MODERN SPANISH HERITAGE

IN THE SOUTHWEST, 1880-1940

Matthew Bokovoy

High Roads and Highways to Romance ~ 419

NEW MEXICO HIGHWAY JOURNAL AND ARIZONA HIGHWAYS (RE)PRESENT THE

SOUTHWEST

Scott C. Zeman

Art Crafted in the Red Man's Image ~ 439

HAZEL PETE, THE INDIAN NEW DEAL, AND THE INDIAN ARTS AND CRAFTS

PROGRAM AT SANTA FE INDIAN SCHOOL, 1932-1935

Cary C. Collins

Review Essay ~ 471

LANE COULTER, ED., NAVAJO SADDLE BLANKETS: TEXTILES TO RIDE IN THE

AMERICAN WEST AND KATHY M'CLOSKEY, SWEPT UNDER THE RUG: A HIDDEN

HISTORY OF NAVAJO WEAVING

Jennifer Nez Denetdale

Book Reviews ~ 481

Book Notes ~ 523

News Notes ~ 527

Index ~ 533

Book Reviews

Van Dorn Hooker with Melissa Howard, Only in New Mexico: An Architectural History ofthe University ofNew Mexico: The First Century,

1889-1989, by David Kammer ~ 481

Chris Wilson, Facing Southwest: The Life and Houses ofJohn Caw Meem,

by R. Brooks Jeffery ~ 483

Ross Frank, From Settler to Citizen: New Mexican Economic Developmentand the Creation ofVecino Society, 1750-1820, by Charles Cutter ~ 486

Sherry L. Smith, Reimagining Indians: Native Americans Through AngloEyes, 1880--1940, and Edward S. Curtis, The Plains Indians Photographs ofEdward S. Curtis, by C. L. Higham ~ 487

C. Stewart Doty, Dale Sperry Mudge, and Herbert John Benally,

Photographing Navajos: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation, 1948-1953,by James C. Faris ~ 489

Howard R. Lamar, The Far Southwest, 1846-1912: ATerritorial History,by Malcolm Ebright ~ 490

William H. Beezley and David E. Lorey, eds., Viva Mexico! Viva LaIndependencia!: Celebrations ofSeptember 16, by Samuel Brunk ~ 493

Michael J. Gonzales, The Mexican Revolution, 1910-194°, by

Thomas Benjamin ~ 495

Peter Palmquist and Thomas R. Kailbourn, Pioneer Photographers ofthe

Far West: A Biographical Dictionary, 184°-1865, by

Michele M. Penhall ~ 496

Nasario Garda, Pldticas: Conversations with Hispano Writers ofNewMexico, and Donald J. Usner, Benigna's Chimay6: Cuentos from theOld Plaza, by Teresa Marquez ~ 498

Andrew I. Duff, Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migrationand Transformation, by Tracy Brown + 500

Jill Leslie Furst, Mojave Pottery, Mojave People: The DillinghamCollection ofMojave Ceramics, by Suzanne Griset + 502

Ruth Spack, America's Second Tongue: American Indian Education andthe Ownership ofEnglish, 1860-1900, by Amanda J. Cobb + 504

Bob Alexander, Dangerous Dan Tucker: New Mexico's Deadly Lawman,by Nancy Coggeshall + 505

Mark L. Gardner, Wagons for the Santa Fe Trade: Wheeled Vehicles andTheir Makers, 1822-1880, by Carlos A. Schwantes + 506

Jeffrey S. Dean, ed., Salado, by John P. Wilson + 508

Manuel G. Gonzales, Mexicanos: A History ofMexicans in the UnitedStates, by A. Gabriel Melendez + 510

Michael Foster and Shirley Gorenstein, eds., Greater Mesoamerica:The Archaeology ofWest and Northwest Mexico, by David C. Grove + 512

John Boessenecker, Gold Dust and Gunsmoke: Tales ofGold RushOutlaws, Gunfighters, Lawmen, and Vigilantes, by

Clare V. McKanna Jr. + 514

F. Todd Smith, The Wichita Indians: Traders ofTexas and the Southern

Plains, 1540-1845, by Thomas W. Kavanagh + 515

Charles Pinnegar, Brand ofInfamy: A Biography ofJohn Buchanan Floyd,by William P. MacKinnon + 516

NEW MEXICO

HIstorIcal ReVIew

2004 Supporters

Corporate SponsorsHistorical Society of New Mexico

Institutional SponsorsDepartment of History, University of New Mexico

Center for Regional Studies, University of New Mexico

Benefactors

James J. SchmidtH. Paul Daulton

Ernest S. Stapleton Jr.

PatronsRichard Donnelly

Henry Christensen IIIEdwin PhilipsE. L. Mechem

Jim HigdonHal Rothman

SponsorsUniversity Press of Colorado

Pete GoldenPeter M. Tart

Janet LeCompteWilliam W. DunmireDonald L. Hutchinson

Stephen T. GassnerBrian and Susan McKinsey

Peers of Their White ConquerorsTHE SAN DIEGO EXPOSITIONS AND MODERN SPANISH HERITAGE IN

THE SOUTHWEST, 1880-1940

Matthew Bokovoy

A,

n interest in mission ruins and Indian relics has been known to lead to

an interest in Mexicans and Indians," wrote Carey McWilliams with

some despair in North From Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People of theUnited States, his 1949 book about the U.S.-Mexican Borderlands. He be

lieved a southwestern cultural history could become an agent for national

civil rights and cultural pluralism.! In this intriguing statement, McWilliams

referred to the public culture in southern California and the Southwest, a

regional tradition he defined as the Spanish "fantasy heritage." That cul

tural construction was the myth created by White Californians to interpret

the historical legacy of Indians, Spaniards, and Mexicans in the Southwest.

Mostly inaccurate, ahistorical, and suffused with excessive sentimentality

and romanticism, the fantasy heritage was the cultural gloss for the eco

nomic development and promotion of southern California. Through the

fantasy's lens the southwestern past appeared harmonious and underwent

no social or racial conflict. Catholic padres, neophyte Indians, Spanish mili

tary commanders, and Mexican ranchers united under the strum of the

guitar and the click of the castanet.2

Matthew Bokovoy is Assistant Professor and a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of History

at Oklahoma State University where he specializes in the American Southwest, public history, 387and urbanism.

388 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

McWilliams believed that the interest in Spanish heritage had also been

influenced by Progressivism and deeper strands of Christian humanism.)

His hope was that southwestern citizens, visitors, seekers of exotica, and

curio collectors would move beyond mere commercialism to include real

history and egalitarian social politics. In McWilliams's work the word "fan

tasy" in the Spanish heritage perhaps represented deeper longings for im

proved interracial understanding. His earlier book, Southern CaliforniaCountry: An Island on the Land (1946) argued that the very newness of Cali

fornia appeared "in fact, to have compelled, to have demanded, the evoca

tion ofa mythology which could give people a sense ofcontinuity in a region

long characterized by rapid social dislocations." He initially understood how

social reform politics and lyrical romance defined the origins of the modern

Spanish heritage. Both sentiments flowed literally from the same wellspring.4

By 1949 McWilliams despaired at how the Spanish heritage had become

something entirely different. Commercial interests had created social dis

tance between Anglos, ethnic Mexicans, and Indians. The sale of Spanish

colonial mystery and romance had not inflamed the social compassion of

Anglos for their Indian and Mexican contemporaries. With much insight,

McWilliams foresaw that "the people of the borderlands will either face the

future 'one and together' or they are likely to find themselves siftings on

siftings in oblivion." He believed the power of culture to be ineffective if the

"Anglo problem," White entitlement fed by racism, could not be overcome.5

I return to McWilliams's musings to understand better how imagination

and power shaped the Southwest's most enduring invented tradition. In south

ern California and the Southwest, no events shaped the modern Spanish

heritage more profoundly than did the San Diego Expositions of 1915-1916and 1935-1936. Both San Diego fairs outlined a comprehensive portrait of

the American Southwest, its peoples, and its cultures for the American pub

lic. The San Diego fairs surpassed the Long Beach Pacific Southwest Expo

sition of 1928, the Santa Fe Fiesta of the 1920S, and even John Steven

McGroarty's The Mission Play to shape national images of southern Cali

fornia and the Southwest.6 Much recent scholarship on this phenomenon

argues that the modern Spanish heritage was a tradition of "false conscious

ness," nothing more than public imagery used by Anglos to denigrate and

erase the contemporary presence of ethnic Mexicans and Indians.7 The his

torical and critical literature, however, offers some fresh reevaluations of

southwestern cultural promoters, who imagined anew the region's obvious

cultural pluralism. When cultural promoters re-envisioned with sympathy

FALL 2003

the history and culture of Indians and ethnic Mexicans, an important politi

cal space emerged for the future realization of legal and civil rights. In

vented traditions are not categorically forms of "false consciousness."8

The modern Spanish heritage shows considerable flexibility with chang

ing political and social trends over time. A highly visible public heritage

need not emanate from racial fears and hatreds. The Spanish heritage

reimagined ethnic Mexicans and Indians as worthy citizens of the South

west. Likewise, public symbols and commemoration must give a sense of

inclusion and belongingness to be myths worth believing. Benedict Ander

son noted this phenomenon when he wrote, "it is useful to remind our

selves that nations inspire love, and often profoundly self-sacrificing love.

The cultural products of nationalism-poetry, prose fiction, music, plastic

arts-show this love very clearly in thousands ofdifferent forms and styles. On

the other hand, how truly rare it is to find analogous nationalist products

expressing fear and loathing."9 The modem Spanish heritage portrayed the

Southwest as a land of"American" traditions. All the history and memories of

southern California and its Indian, Spanish, and Mexican legacies coexisted

in the social imagination between 1880 and 1940. The cultural and racial

assumptions undergirding the images were often hurtful, insensitive, and

untrue for Indians and ethnic Mexicans, for they were rarely invited to partici

pate directly in the elaboration of the myths. 1O However, Anglo Americans

held the privilege and power to shape the process of recollection, and from

their efforts the modern Spanish heritage came into existence. The public

heritage of Spanish history and Indian folklore came to symbolize the prom

ise of the present and future through the inevitable progression of pastY

The Panama-California Exposition, 1915-1916

"Vie have decided to make this exposition different in character from any

other," thundered David C. Collier, director-general ofthe San Diego Panama

California Exposition. During May 1911, testifying confidently to the U.S.

House Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, he persuaded its mem

bers that San Diego's exposition would "work out the problems and demon

strate the resources, possibilities, and future of the great Southwest and of

Latin America."12 His presence also demonstrated the urban rivalry between

California cities for commercial dominance in the 19oos. San Francisco

had already planned to hold the Panama-Pacific International Exposition

in 1915. Collier reassured Congress that San Diego's smaller fair would be a


regional event with limited international participation. He maintained, "We

would specialize in our exhibit[s], in order that the chief attraction would

be reclamation, irrigation, and forestation of arid lands." Collier promised,

"We would also gather together representatives of the Indian tribes of the

Southwest," bringing peoples from "Southern California, from Mexico, and

Central and South America." These Native exhibits would be a compre

hensive history of the indigenous people of the American hemisphereY

Collier and exposition organizers had "not only adopted old-mission archi

tecture," but bestowed "a Spanish name" on "every gate" in the general

grounds. 14 Narrowing the scope of the Panama-California Exposition exclu

sively to the Southwest showed the committee that the San Francisco and

San Diego fairs together could serve the broader interests of the United

States in both the Pacific hemisphere and Latin America.

An institutional nexus of anthropology and archaeology, stretching from

Los Angeles to Washington, D.C., helped define the southwestern and south

ern California theme of the San Diego exposition. In 19u1ocalleaders hired

Edgar L. Hewett, director of the Museum of New Mexico (MNM) and

School of American Archeology in Santa Fe, to design the southwestern

style buildings and exhibits and to serve as the exposition's director of eth

nology. Charles F. Lummis, founder of Los Angeles's Southwest Museum,

had recommended Hewett, archaeologist-booster, to mastermind San Diego's

rise as a tourist destination, for he was "the man for it, above all other; and

the auspices of the American School are the very best you can get."15 As

MNM staff furnished lavish historical tableaux for the New Mexico State

Building and gathered materials for the Indian Arts Pavilion, Hewett tapped

his national contacts including the United States National Museum (USNM),

a unit of the Smithsonian Institution. William H. Holmes, director of the

museum, and AleS Hrdlicka (Al-Leesh Her-leesh-ka), head of the museum's

division of physical anthropology, pledged their assistance. The USNM

planned to install exhibits under the themes of the "Industry of the American

Aborigine" and the "Natural History of Man" in the Science of Man Build

ing. Mesoamerican archaeology and humanity's common origins (known as

monogenism) emerged as themes from the USNM's vision of the Southwest

and Latin America. Hewett also assisted the Santa Fe Railway with an In

dian exhibit titled Painted Desert. Hewett suggested Jesse Nusbaum, a pho

tographer and tradesman at the MNM, to supervise the exhibit and care for

the Pueblo, Navajo, Hopi, and Apache employees during the 1915 season.16

The cultural imagery created for the exposition manifested egalitarian

FALL 2003 BOKOVOY -+ 391

underpinnings that reflected the social-reform leanings of the ethnological

staff and its view of the Southwest's diverse peoples. Perhaps, the signifi

cance ofLummis and Hewett was less their "scientific expertise," which was

questionable, than their particular point of view regarding the Southwest,

especially its Indian and Hispanic arts and folklore. They viewed the South

west as a land every bit as brilliant and exotic as the Orient or the Egyptian

Nile River Valley. The Southwest was America's land of antiquity boasting

venerable cultural traditions and simple-living, ifprimitive, peoples. Hewett

declared that the "science of archeology brings to light the remains of the

ancient American world-we must admit that the enthusiasm of the Span

iards was not without justification." He maintained that "the brilliancy of

the new race suggested another Orient," and that "the ruins of Central

American cities seemed to entomb another Egypt." Often writing of south

western Indians with a mixture of praise and disdain, Lummis and Hewett

did find in the region worthy cultures and peoples from whom Americans

might learn solutions to the problems of the industrial age and who might

satisfy their antimodernist yearnings.17

Both men had loaned their reputations and support to the cause of In

dian rights and justice. Lummis, the editor of Land of Sunshine magazine

(renamed Out West), founded the Landmarks Club for the restoration of

Spanish missions in 1895. He championed the rights of mission Indians in

1901 through the Sequoya League, an Anglo protective organization. Lummis

also served on the Department ofInterior's advisory committee on Cupeno

Indian removal from Warner's Ranch in 1903.]8 During his career, Hewett

had supported efforts by New Mexico Pueblo Indians to recover stolen lands,

particularly applauding the Supreme Court's 1913 decision in U.S. v. Felipe

Sandoval, which restored Pueblo lands and offered Bureau ofIndian Affairs

protection to Pueblo tribes. He also created economic opportunities for

Pueblo artisans, whose wares he added to the collections of the MNM.19

Lummis explained to Collier that his enthusiasm for the San Diego fair had

"been growing everyday since I realized the unprecedented work you have

laid out. Expositions in general do not interest me; but this splendid con

ception is a different matter." Lummis thought southwestern exhibits should

"Humanize Science" -not merely "popularize" -and "make knowledge the

right, title, and interest of every common man, woman, and child instead of

a privilege of the aristocracy." Lummis was like the Southwest's Matthew

Arnoid, seeking to distribute the province of the learned beyond the privi

leged classes to ordinary people.20

392 + NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

The opening of the exposition on 1January 1915 in Balboa Park, the city's

main public greensward, marked the achievement of local and regional

economic interests, particularly venture capitalist John D. Spreckels's fi

nancial dominion and Imperial Valley agribusiness, but viewers of the cul

tural portrait of the Southwest saw a more ennobling agenda not entirely

connected to monied interests. Crossing the Cabrillo Bridge, visitors spilled

into the California Quadrangle, a group of Spanish Colonial Revival build

ings designed by Bertram G. Goodhue, the New York architect fascinated

with the cross-fertilization ofSpanish and Indian architecture on New Spain's

northern frontier. "Certain sections of our great country, like the South

west, are not so bereft ofhistoric background," observed Goodhue. His south

western motif was partly a response to the 1893 Chicago Exposition's WhiteCity, which had represented a fruitless search in western European archi

tecture for American traditions. Clarence Stein, Goodhue's apprentice and

a community planner offuture acclaim, thought the "Chicago, the St. Louis

and the Buffalo expositions were a glorification of the monumental in city

planning, so the San Diego Fair is the apotheosis of all those elements of

charm and variety that we associate with the cities of Italy or Spain." The

"conquest culture" of New Spain, more so than the English or French,

furnished an architectural legacy in the American grain.zl

With the help of the MNM and the USNM, Hewett and Ralph Emerson

Twitchell, a Santa Fe lawyer and historian, assembled an exhibit on Span

ish colonial arts for the New Mexico State Building. Designed by Santa Fe

architectural firm Rapp, Rapp, and Hendrickson, the Pueblo Revival build

ing contrasted sharply with the Mission style and Spanish colonial architec

ture ofthe fair, but blended admirably with the southwestern theme. Museum

personnel prepared paintings, murals, and sculptures for New Mexico's por

trayal of its own Southwest. Carlos Vierra painted murals ofthe Mayan temple

cities of Mexico. Commercial artist Kenneth Chapman assisted the Santa Fe

Railway with the Painted Desert exhibit. The painters Donald Beauregard

and Gerald Cassidy created canvasses of dramatic Catholic processionals for

the interior of the New Mexico building. Overall, New Mexico exhibited its

Spanish and Indian heritage through living exhibits and artistic vision. Justify

ing the efforts, Hewett said, "In the absorption of building a great English

speaking nation, we have lost sight of the part played by Spain in American

history, likewise of the great works of the native American race."zz The exposi

tion created interest in the Santa Fe cultural revival, stimulated local invest

ment in the process, and brought additional White residents to New Mexico.23

FALL 2003 BOKOVOY + 393

BALBOA PARK, NEW MEXICO BUILDING AT THE 1915 PANAMA-CALIFORNIA

EXPOSITION

(Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph

Collection, neg. no. 850)

Inside the California Building, William H. Holmes reconsidered artistic

life in the Americas before European colonization. Holmes, the nation's

foremost authority on ancient American art and possibly its greatest scien

tific illustrator, imagined an exhibit to showcase "the great epoch making

steps in human progress, the development of leading art and industries as

recorded in material things as stone art [and] the building arts."24 According

to Hewett, the California building presented "the picture of an age ofwhich

Americans generally are not well informed, namely that which preceded

the coming of the Europeans to the western continent."25 Upon the balco

nies of the building, Carlos Vierra created frescoes of ancient temple cities

such as Quirigua, Copan, Palenque, Tikal, Uxmal, and Chichen Itza.

Holmes sculpted small models of the temples, some based on his drawings

of the ruins that he studied in Yucatan, Mexico, during the Peabody Mu-'

seum expedition from Harvard University in 1894. The frescoes and the

cities of antiquity demonstrated the engineering feats of the Aztecs, Mayas,

and Incas, and suggested that the elaborate grand structures revealed a reli

gious devotion equal to the cathedrals and synagogues of the European


Judeo-Christian tradition. For Holmes, public presentation of aboriginal

industries stressed historic preservation, much like the Indian ruins of the

Southwest.26 The exhibition showed the depth and complexity ofAmerindian

societies and the great accomplishments of their civilizations before Euro

pean conquest. "The reason why this Exposition appeals with such over

powering force to the imagination of the visitor may not at once be apparent,"

said Holmes, for the fair was not as "stupendous as the international exposi

tions, but an achievement far removed from these and possible only in the

Southwest."27 Exhibits at the California Building represented ancient

Amerindians as well above savagery, perhaps even civilized and superior to

Europeans before 492.The facade of the California Building commemorated the Spanish

conquerors and Franciscan missionaries, especially their role in bringing

European culture and religion to the Americas. Drawing upon accounts of

Spanish exploration like the expeditions of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca,

and Marcos de Niza in the Southwest, the facade retold the epic of explora

tions by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo and Francisco Vazquez de Coronado,

which had happened "nearly a hundred years before the Pilgrims landed at

Plymouth."28 The statues of the facade celebrated the settlement of New

Spain's northern territories that now lay in the United States. On the pin

nacle stood fray Junipero Serra, founder of the California missions, who

had brought Catholicism and Spanish culture to California's Indians and

delivered them from what he perceived as the darkness of paganism. Sur

rounding the Franciscan father superior were explorers Cabrillo, Sebastian

Vizcaino, and Gaspar de Portola, intrepid Spanish soldiers who had pio

neered new trails on land and sea to Alta California. Fray Luis Jayme, the

symbol of spiritual sacrifice and Franciscan martyrdom in San Diego, stood

below the great explorers. Jayme's statue represented what was most hu

mane in Spanish colonization. He had criticized the harsh treatment of the

Natives and the sexual abuse of Indian women that lay at the heart of

Amerindian resistance to European imperialism. (In 1775 he paid for his

service with his life when he was killed by Indians.)29 These heroic figures

embraced the conflict and accommodation of the conquest. The Spanish

settlers had altered forever the lives of Natives in California and their pres

ence brought resistance, disease and death, and eventual cultural pluralism

to the Americas. In Hewett's judgment there was "no finer Spanish Renais

sance facade in existence"; no other conveyed the conflicting aims of Span

ish colonial policy in all its humanity and sadness. California history became

FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 395

CALIFORNIA BUILDING AT THE 1915 PANAMA-CALIFORNIA EXPOSITION


Collection, neg. no. BoBSA)

shrouded in the memory of colonial New Spain. European civilization in

the Southwest was Spanish, rather than English, in origin.

If visitors developed further interest in Amerindians, New Mexico and

Arizona Native peoples were displayed presumably in their natural state.

The Painted Desert offered ten acres of southwestern Native culture, includ

ing replicas of the Taos and Acoma pueblos, and supported the livelihood of


over one hundred Apache, Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo Indians. There were

ceremonial kivas, homos (beehive-shaped outdoor ovens for baking bread

derived from the Spanish), Navajo hogans, Apache tipis, summerhouses

made ofsticks, and cliffdwellings.30 Designed by architects in the Fred Harvey

Company (the promotional service for the Atcheson, Topeka, and Santa Fe

Railroad), the pseudo-pueblo appealed to the Victorian generation's fasci

nation with Indian primitivism, the cultural authenticity of these presum

ably "unspoiled" people, and tourist yearnings to purchase an escape from

the industrial age to the rustic Southwest. 31 Victorian tourist and travel lit

erature portrayed Indians as present-day survivors of Western antiquity. The

Painted Desert Indians performed pottery- and basketmaking exhibitions,

and popular "ceremonial" dances for the crowds in exchange for commis

sions, wages, and room and board. This typical Indian show satisfied the

antimodernist cravings of White audiences for "things native." The local

and national press described the Painted Desert as an exhibit deploying

images ofIndian savagery and nobility, and premodern simplicity. This older

and typical perspective was tinged with racial condescension. One journalist

described the journey of Indians from the childhood of savagery to the ado

lescence of barbarity, noting the "exhibit also will be a course in the history

of the development of the Indian from the savage of the past to the native of

today, highly skilled in many of the arts and crafts." Although skilled

preindustrial people, Indians, unlike Euroamericans, were not yet capable

of modern industrial civilization.32

The Painted Desert, however, represented a portrayal of the Southwest

far superior to the exhibit mounted by the Santa Fe railroad at the 1915 San

Francisco fair. 33 As the exhibit took shape over 1914, Nusbaum proudly stated

that "none of the expositions of the past have even approached, either in

magnitude or perfection of detail, what the Santa Fe is doing in San Diego

San Francisco will have nothing like" the Painted Desert. "The nearest ap

proach to it, and that was not at all near, that the world has ever seen," he

believed, was "'The Cliff Dwellers' at the World's Fair in Chicago."34

Nusbaum's intimacy with Pueblo Indians contributed to its success. As su

pervisor of construction, he employed artisans from San Ildefonso Pueblo.

The "cream of the pueblo region," they were Julian, Maria, Florentine, and

Crescencio Martinez, Donicio Sanchez, Alfonso (Awa Tsireh) and Juan

Cruz Roybal, Atelano Montoya, and other families.J5 Nusbaum suggested

that each Indian "be given a bare room to finish in the style most typical of

his pueblo, and with certain restrictions, proceed with it as he thorugh]t


best." He continued, "In them, each would incorporate the best ideas of his

pueblo." His vision was that, during the fair, "this Indian and his family

could live therein as they would at home."J6 Over the course of the exposi

tion, Nusbaum and Hewett opened a literal employment pipeline for their

Indian acquaintances who had worked for the MNM. Nusbaum's legend

ary joviality allowed the Painted Desert Indians much latitude on the grounds,

but he believed that the Indians should abide by "rules and regulations-soas to avoid troubles."37

Hewett and Nusbaum encouraged the Indians to perform whatever they

wished for the public as long as it appeared "Indian." When the PaintedDesert Indians entertained audiences in their kiva, the San Ildefonso men

and women also treated tourists to Sioux, Comanche, and other improvised

rituals. This practice was not uncommon for the Pueblos, who had learned

different tribal dances through hundreds of years of contact with Plains In

dians. 38 Through these decisions, however, the Indians shaped distorted

images and understandings of themselves that were essential to the modern

BALBOA PARK, PAINTED DESERT EXHIBIT AT THE 1915 PANAMA

CALIFORNIA EXPOSITION


Collection, neg. no. 8°78)


Spanish heritage promoted by the southwestern tourist industry. Years later,

Maria Martinez remembered that her husband Julian and "Jack [Nusbaum]

would sit around in the evenings inventing new things for Julian to say to

the white people the next day." Pueblo Indians from Taos reportedly stole

an illegally filmed newsreel, taken at the pueblo, of their Fiesta de SanGeronimo ceremony and left a note that read "Bad mediceen [sic] -indians

have bad luck-all sick. Pichers [sic] of race must burn-indians all get

well." Against the wishes of Hewett and Nusbaum, exposition authorities

sent home the San Ildefonso Pueblos because they talked back to the

crowds.39 The Pueblos' theft and defiance revealed how Painted Desert Indi

ans sought to protect their dignity and culture from commercial exploita

tion and to hide their most sacred rituals from public audiences. Probably

unable to discern the specifics of the performances, tourists likely did not

care as long as they saw "authentic" renditions of Indian culture.

In September of 1914, Elbert Hubbard, the arts and crafts entrepreneur,

saw many improvised performances at the Painted Desert. Nusbaum and

Hubbard visited the Pala reservation in North San Diego County where

Indians performed the "eagle dance," a Great Plains Indian ritual, which

did not impress Hubbard. When Pala Indians performed the same dance at

the exposition in 1915, Carobeth Tucker described how the performer was

"very elaborately costumed-over his trousers (for he was very civilized) he

wore a skirt of net work with eagle feathers hanging from it." With Hubbard

unsatisfied, Nusbaum scheduled dances by San Ildefonso Pueblos, who

delivered "the dog dance, the eagle dance, and the Sioux war dance - bor

rowed from other tribes, as the Indians held their own dances too sacred to

be given in a kiva before the eyes of the world."40 The dances were no less

"Pueblo," for they had been woven into ritual life; nor were they the rituals

of Pueblo esoteric societies. Anthropologist Edward Dozier regards the im

provised dances as "essentially secular" and "performed primarily for amuse

ment and entertainment purposes."41 However, the difference was lost on

Hubbard, who "sat in silent, vivid absorption" and was transported by the

rituals. Writing in The Philistine soon after his visit to the Painted Desert,Hubbard enthusiastically remarked that the exposition had seized upon "this

relic of times gone by" in order "to restore it, and give it to the people of the

United States as a heritage in history, forever."42 The Painted Desert repre

sented a more affirmative portrait of the indigenous Southwest, far different

from the sensationalist Indian villages at the Chicago fair of 1893 and the St.

Louis exposition of 1904, both little more than Wild West showsY


The portrayal of Amerindian culture and the Spanish heritage at the fair

manifested Darwinian notions of race and evolution predominant in the

United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The ex

hibition assembled by physical anthropologist Ales Hrdlicka in the Science

of Man building (now the San Diego Museum ofArt) displayed three areas

of anthropology: the physical evolution of man, the evolution of culture,

and the Native races ofAmerica. The presentation explained the compara

tive racial origins and physical development of humanity with bronze hu

man busts, cases of skull specimens, and the material culture of Europe,

East Asia, the American Southwest, and Latin America. With funding from

the San Diego fair, Hrdlicka sought "well chosen racial types" from around

the globe to illustrate "the development of the species [man] from lower

forms; the life history of man as an individual [and] variations between the

races."44 The displays demonstrated "not merely to the scientific world, but

also to the intelligent public, whole phases of man's antiquity."45 George

Stocking Jr. has explained the difficulty of early twentieth-century anthro

pology to interpret cultural and racial differences: "If one emphasized the

continuing efficacy of social environment" on racial differences "then one

could be at one and the same time racialist and egalitarian."46 Hrdlicka's

science developed in this fashion. He declared, "Physical anthropology is

destined to have a bright future, particularly in this country which is the

'Melting Pot' of so many races and nations, and where so many problems of

environment, occupation, and new modes of life await investigation."47

Hrdlicka's understanding of human evolution and cultural difference was

shaped by his early career in medicine and urban health reform, and his work

in mental-health facilities in New York state. His training with French anthro

pologist Leonce Manouvrier, the successor to Paul Broca at the Ecole

d'Anthropologie and successor to Broca's methodology, led the scientist to

reject biological determinism, which correlated innate qualities to race and

culture. Hrdlicka championed fluid human nature and social environment

as factors in mental and physical development; in his model, mental and

physical development explained crime, poverty, insanity, and disability. In

private conversation throughout their long friendship but most forcefully in

1918, Manouvrier told Hrdlicka that eugenics was "scientific espionage, if not

sa):Jotage!"48 Eschewing earlier "Science of Man" displays that championed

eugenic ideas and uncritical racial evolution, Hrdlicka introduced a genetic

model linking physical types, cultures, and languages to account for cultural

history, particularly the origins and antiquity of the American Indian.49


Hrdlicka viewed physical anthropology as social reform and as part of an

optimistic progressivism. From 1899 to 1904, he had studied the vital statis

tics of Natives in the southwestern United States and northern Mexico dur

ing six field studies in Arizona and New Mexico. Spending almost two years

in the field, he collected roughly seven hundred skulls for the USNM. At

the same time, his easy manner gained the trust of many southwestern Indi

ans, who allowed the scientist to measure parts of their body (anthropom

etry) despite taboos. Hrdlicka discovered that "full-blooded" Indians had

better overall health when isolated from White civilization but that "mixed

bloods" fared better where there was frequent Indian-White contact. His

extensive data on health and physical stature suggested "another point of

even greater importance ... the growing evidence of similarity, though

never reaching full identity, of the vital processes of Indians and whites."

During his research Hrdlicka also found much humanity in Navajo, Hopi,

Apache, Pueblo, and northern Mexican Indians, optimistically characteriz

ing their disposition as "generally cheerful and contented."50

Travel through Mongolia during the fall of 1912 reinforced Hrdlicka's

notions ofsimilarities between different peoples and societies. Reminded of

the Indians of the Southwest, he observed to Holmes: "People are swarming

in the markets, which is a harvest for my eyes; and so many resemble the

Indian that I feel as if I were in a Mexican rather than an Asiatic town."

Hrdlicka described his anthropometric research to Hewett as illustrating

"the most important item in regard to our American aborigines, namely,

their close physical connection, in fact, identity with numerous remnants

of the old population of Eastern Asia," and promised to become "one of the

most valuable sections of the exhibit."5!

Audiences left no thoughts on Hrdlicka's Science ofMan exhibition, which

closed on 3l December 1916, but his work certainly fit Lummis's call to

"humanize science."52 The USNM, Hrdlicka's employer, used science to

account for the physical as well as racial differences of man, showing

southwesterners the "Great Stream of Humanity" that bound Anglo Ameri

cans to the rest of the world's peoples. The beauty, romance, and exoticism

of the exposition brought many visitors to San Diego. The city became a

sensible tourist destination while Europe, the model for American tradi

tions, engaged in the full-scale fratricide ofWorld War I. Perhaps tourists saw

in Amerindian and Spanish heritage something of genuine worth compared

to the chaos they found in the cradle of the civilized world. With Europe

locked in war and Americans staying home, the United States National

FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ? 401

Museum, the Museum of New Mexico, and the School of American Ar

cheology grasped the unique opportunity to present the culture of the Ameri

cas as national heritage and to lure tourists to the Southwest.

The California-Pacific International Exposition, 1935-1936

Throughout the 1920S the cultural institutions of Balboa Park grew along

side the San Diego metropolitan region. It was questionable whether the

exposition had brought major economic benefits to southern California,

which experienced significant business and population growth from 1907 to

1930. The fair undoubtedly made San Diego a more desirable tourist desti

nation. The opening of the new museums assisted the tourist economy: the

Museum of Man (1917), the San Diego Museum of Art (1926), the Natural

History Museum (1917; new building in 1933), the San Diego Zoo (1916;

new acreage in 1922), and the San Diego Historical Society (1928). George

Marston, a local merchant and philanthropist, and other businessmen pro

moted restoration of the San Diego Mission de Alcala and Presidio Hill.

Marston and others built museums and heritage sites for the public presen

tation oflocal history and tradition, following national trends in cities, states,

and regions. 53 They sought to recapture local history for the present genera

tion. Museums and preservation offered historical continuity to citizens

bewildered by the apparent disorder of American life brought by rapid ur

banization, deadening consumerism, and increased cultural diversity from

immigration.54

Not all cultural philanthropy, however, arose from nativism and com

mercialism during the 1920S and 193os. Historian Michael Kammen argues

that the "interwar decades were permeated by both modernism and nostal

gia in a manner that may best be described as perversely symbiotic." At their

best, cultural institutions democratized tradition for the people. Being "tradi

tional" did not mean that an institution be overly patriotic or commerciaP5 Inearly 1917 Edgar L. Hewett, the new director of the SanDiego Museum Asso

ciation, claimed the organization had made the "benefits of the Exposition

perpetual" because "no other Exposition ever held has left so much of a last

ing character to the city holding it." In his opinion the museums together

would become "an active educational institution" and "become nation-wide

in its service," and by doing so, benefit "the interests of its own 10cality."56

The museums bred cultural awareness about the Spanish heritage that led

to local historic preservation. In 1925 Marston helped preserve the Spanish


heritage at Old Fort Stockton, the site of the first Spanish presidio and mis

sion. Urban planner John Nolen and local architect William Templeton

Johnson assisted the efforts. Renamed Presidio Hill, the site would house

the Junfpero Serra Museum and headquarters of the San Diego Historical

Society. On 16 July 1929 Marston led the dedication ceremony, which prom

ised to be "a monument to the memory of the Spanish people who made

the first settlement here and occupied the land." Presidio Hill was the "Ply

mouth Rock of the West." As ten thousand people gathered to enjoy the

day's festivities, they were treated to historical pageantry about the Dieguefio

Indians and the first California mission in 1769.57 After the festivities, Marston

thanked the citizens of San Diego for their support and designated Presidio

Hill Park as the first site for civic beautification to connect all areas of Span

ish significance in Balboa Park, the Mission, the harbor, and at the pro

posed civic center downtown. Presidio Hill Park was the first piece in a

SERRA MUSEUM DEDICATION

The dedication occurred on 16 July 1929, the 160th anniversary of

Father Junfpero Serra's arrival in San Diego.


Collection, neg. no. 10311-3)


grander vision to unify these sites. The beautification plan resurrected John

Nolen's San Diego Plan of 19°8, an urban design meant to accentuate the

city's Spanish heritage. "Is it not possible to develop all these several parts

into an harmonious whole," said Marston, "that shall picture to every visitor

and to ourselves also the wonderful story of our discoverers and pioneers?"

Marston asserted, "In building the city, let us remember that the material

things which will endure longest are those that express the spirit of man in

art." After a difficult and multiyear struggle to secure Presidio Hill for the

city, Marston proclaimed that "in the arts oflandscape and architecture the

spirit of a city can be perpetuated for ages."58

While philanthropists like Marston supported historic preservation dur

ing the 1920S, the ethnic Mexican community contradicted the invented

traditions of the Spanish heritage through historical commemorations, such

as Catholic processionals, parades, pageants, and theater. Although little

evidence exists for ethnic Mexican commemoration in San Diego, middle

class and wealthy ethnic Mexicans participated in civic celebrations as to

ken "Spanish Californians." Actor Leo Carillo annually participated on

horseback in the Los Angeles Cinco de Mayo parade, dressing as a Spanish

conquistador. Despite the irony, he defined himself as a Californio rather

than as a Mexican in order to project a White European identity. A promi

nent Mexican American labor organizer, showering disfavor on the pag

eant, remarked, "IfI see that white horse once more, I'm going to spit in its

eye." Working-class Mexican historical commemoration, however, was more

critical and celebrated "ethnic Americanism" among second-generation

Mexican Californians. Song and theater about heroic Mexican bandits, the

mixed racial ancestry of the Mexican people, and social justice themes radi

ated from working-class pageantry and communal celebration. Likewise, in

Santa Fe during the 1920S, the Hispano community lost interest in the MNM's

highly commercialized "Santa Fe Fiesta." As a response to the fiesta's elit

ism, Anglo bohemians, artists, and political radicals, with participation of

the Hispano community, created the historical pageant, "Pasatiempo," to

lampoon the official parade. It featured surrealist floats, band concerts, com

munity singing and street dancing, and the "Hysterical Pageant" in which

Hispanos and Anglos mocked their ancestors by wearing clothes and family

heirlooms to parody popular stereotypes of White and Mexican hillbillies.

Throughout the urban Southwest, historical commemoration among eth

nic Mexicans was both shaped by and offered a stark critique of the emerg

ing southwestern fantasy heritage. 59


In 1933, during the depths of the depression, Scripps-Howard newspa

perman Frank Drugan recommended that the San Diego Chamber ofCom

merce promote another world's fair. There was no better time than the

present, he argued, to uplift the collective morale of the city, state, and

region. He persuaded the most powerful local businessmen that an exposi

tion offered long-term economic benefits.60 Wealthy elites from southern

California and Baja California, such as Agua Caliente owner Baron Long,

members of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, and Frank Belcher

Jr. of the Spreckels companies, supported Drugan's plan. Through his po

litical contacts, Drugan traveled to Washington, D.C., and met with Jesse

H. Jones, head of the federal Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC),

who told him that, "if he launched the project with the proper personnel,

he might procure RFC support in usual form of a guaranteed note."61 Oscar

Cotton, a real estate developer and head of the All Year Club, stepped for

ward and "stressed the point" that the object of the fair, "in addition to pro

curing profits," was "to advertise San Diego."62 With these words, Cotton

closed debate about nobler intentions for the fair. The directors believed

that the largesse of the New Deal would shape San Diego's future and bring

about economic recovery.

The modern Spanish heritage influenced the theme of the second expo

sition, but commercial interests and consumerism dominated the imagery.

In January of1935, GilbertA. Davidson and Congressman George Burnham,

appearing before Congress, explained, "[The] exposition will tend to in

spire national confidence and a higher appreciation of American institu

tions, stimulate business and industry, and assist the government in bringing

a more abundant life to its people."63 Davidson wanted "to make this a great

California-Mexican affair" with participation from Latin American nations.

The directors predicted that the exposition would begin "a cycle ofprogress"

at the local level and urged that "the Federal Government should put up a

building to the New Deal, explaining to these people the great works that

have been accomplished-by the various agencies-A, B, C, D of the Gov

ernment."64 Davidson guaranteed that the exposition had the support of

California governor Frank Merriam as well as Mexican president Lazaro

Cardenas, and former Mexican presidents Gen. Pascual Ortiz Rubio and

Abelardo L. Rodriguez. 55 Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Secretary of

Agriculture Henry Wallace also supported congressional funding for the

San Diego event. The Roosevelt administration released $350,000 to stage

the fair and $125,000 for a federal building to display its economic, social,


and political recovery efforts. Franklin Roosevelt explained that expositions

would demonstrate "the nature of our institutions particularly as regards

their adaptation to the wants of the people."66

The exposition's graphic designers, architects, and publicity agents cre

ated visual caricatures of Spanish fantasy heritage to provide romantic at

mosphere for commercial exhibitors, corporate pavilions, and federal-agency

participants. Gary Breckner, director of radio publicity, stated, "The spon

sors want to ballyhoo the Exposition in order to get more people into the

grounds." Local advertisers drew imagery from heritage sites like Mission

San Diego de Alcala, the El Camino Real, and other Spanish-era attrac

tions for tourist promotion. The San Diego Union reported that the event

would "feature southwestern Mexican and Latin American exhibits rather

than the industrial exhibits predominant at the Chicago exposition."67 The

mass advertising campaign followed national Depression Era trends in which

traditional cultures were "commercialized for the sake of tourism and re

lated enterprises."68

At the exposition, which opened 29 May 1935, White audiences engaged

the vogue for things Spanish and Mexican. The California State Building

displayed murals "delineating early California life, particularly that of the

old missions." Down along the Zocalo, the amusement area, audiences

viewed the End ofthe Trail, where Indian tribes wove blankets and rugs and

made pottery for sale to the public. Their products generally represented

Indian "curios" whose styles and forms were dictated by the southwestern

tourist market. Audiences flocked towards the Franciscan Mission Panoramato view the Spanish conquest of California. Miniature models of the twenty

one missions represented the "founding of civilization on the Pacific Coast"

and were "hallowed ground." Wallace Hamilton, the creator, explained the

missions were "living reminders ofCalifornia's Golden Age - here are recalled

the heroic Padres, Builders of the West."69 Selling his panorama to the exhib

its department, Hamilton stressed "WE ARE DEALING WITH TRADITION" and that

"MISSION PRODUCTS OFFERED TO A PUBLIC WHILE IT IS MISSION MINDED IN A

MISSION LOCALE SHOULD SELL."70 Spanish and Indian heritage appeared little

more than mere commodities larded with showmanship and translating into

potential profits.

Just over the border, civil authorities in Tijuana, Mexico, grasped at the

lucrative income from Spanish heritage as well. Jose Fernandez, chairman

of the civic fiesta, explained Tijuana would hold a "pre-Exposition fiesta"

and an "Exposition festival" to commemorate the opening day. Notable


Tijuana business and political leaders greeted audiences with edifying

speeches of intercultural harmony to lure tourist traffic to their city. After

the formalities, audiences saw "Mexican dances and songs by artists from

Tijuana and Agua Caliente" and finished with "all the dancers joined in the

Sevillianas [sic], a colorful dance."71

The fairgrounds represented three popular architectural revivals in the

Southwest, namely Pueblo, Mission, and Spanish-Colonial styles. The physi

cal landscape of the fairgrounds was built upon the modern Spanish heri

tage established by the first exposition, albeit with modern and historical

architecture, lush foliage, and theatrical lighting. The architects, Richard

Requa and Juan Larrinaga, designed the entire avenue, using vernacular

forms of southwestern and Central American architecture, such as Spanish

Colonial revival, Pueblo revival style, and art-moderne interpretations of

Aztec and Mayan revival. Requa believed that the pavilions of the Palisades

should "further illustrate the architectural story of the Southwest" and that

the introduction of an "alien note would be a desecration of a beautifully

conceived and executed plan."72 Requa's design for the Federal Building

blended modernism and Mayan architecture based on the Palace of the

Governor of Uxmal in Yucatan, Mexico. The House of Pacific Relations,

symbolic of peaceful international relations, showcased a series of rambling

bungalows resembling the voluminous style and form of Pueblo architec

ture. Requa believed that the buildings upheld ideals of beauty and fresh

ness, yet remained "in historical harmony with the old buildings [of 1915]"designed by Bertram Goodhue. Requa saw no contradiction. The Palisades

group embodied "American" architecture and revealed evolution from an

cient American forms to southwestern modernism. Requa observed that,

"while modern in character," the buildings "will demonstrate that the fun

damental forms and ideas of modern architecture can all be found in our

prehistoric architecture of America."73

The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) exhibition also incorporated

the modern Spanish heritage. The FHA's exhibit Modeltown contained

miniature renditions of fifty-six homes promoted by the Better Housing Pro

gram and designed by Los Angeles and San Diego architects.74 Regionalist

architecture garnished Modeltown with southern Californian flavor. Al

though there were some ranch homes and New England colonial cottages,

the Spanish casitas with a tiled courtyard were the most numerous architec

tural design representatives. The designs were Anglicized versions of re

gional architecture from southern California's Spanish, Mexican, and


FEDERAL BUILDING AT THE 1935 CALIFORNIA-PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL

EXPOSITION


Collection, neg. no. 7918-1)

indigenous past. The FHA hoped to democratize innovative design and

taste for modest homeowners.75

Among the Modeltown entries was one by avant-garde designer Richard

Neutra. His designs reflected the social concerns of his European training

and appeared modern, but he was not exempt from the regional influences

or social politics that emerged in southern California during the 1930S. His

408 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

philosophy of design was profoundly influenced by southern California's

environment and its health-oriented lifestyles. The open floor plans for

Neutra's houses blurred the boundary between the outdoors and the do

mestic space of the dwelling. His residential designs bore the influence of

"traditional" southwestern vernacular architecture, particularly the geom

etry of Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo cultural forms. One critic has remarked

that Neutra's work, which mixed aesthetic innovation and ecological ameni

ties, stood "at its best where the building program could be interpreted as

making a direct contribution to the psycho-physiological well-being of its

occupant."76 Along with sound ecological planning, Neutra believed mod

ern architecture should aim for social transformation. Between 1932 and

1941, the architect designed and completed a number of public schools,

federal low-income housing projects, and state and federal office buildings.?7

. The Ford Motor Company auto-diorama, Roads ofthe Pacific, drew upon

Spain's historical legacy in the Americas to sell automobiles. Richard Requa

assisted the company by sending "all available publicity data" about the

"purposes and scope of the Fair," and the "historic background" of San Di

ego and greater California. Roads of the Pacific featured the Old Santa Fe

Trail, Old Spanish Road in Mexico, El Camino Real, and Inca Highway in

South America. Visitors were told that "the mission bells ofEl Camino Real

may recall the measured tread and chanted orisons of holy men who more

than a century ago carried Cross and Bible through trackless California,

building missions and roadways as they went." The diorama revealed that

these historic highways of empire brought peace and prosperity to subject

populations, especially through tribute, trade, and cultural assimilation. The

auto-diorama brochure told audiences how "man's history lies written in

the roadways he has built." These conduits of human history carried the

"hurrying feet of conquerors; the stately tread of rulers followed by a long

train of servants and retainers; the weary plodding of men and beasts loaded

down with burdens of commerce."78

Helen Trevey recalled how Ford Motor had "famous roads simulated."

She and her friends would "get into these brand new Ford cars and go traips

ing around the world. And be back in about ten or fifteen minutes." As a

corporate voice for economic recovery and a consumer society, Ford Motor

Company explained that "commerce follows modern highways-but that

civilization, education, and peace also march along the Roadways of To

day." Connecting past and present, the San Diego Union reassured audi

ences, "Where once Father Serra and the gentle padres trod the virgin


wilderness, there are the termini of the six great transcontinental highways."

Now, San Diego stood as the "cradle of western American civilization."79

Southwestern Heritage After the Civil Rights Movement

"Serra was a Baby Killer," "Genocidal Maniac," and "Murderous Lying

Scum" adorned the statues of Presidio Park, greeting crowds present to cel

ebrate the beatification of Father Junfpero Serra by the Roman Catholic

Church on 25 September 1988. "It saddens and angers me," said Eleanor

Neely, education coordinator for the Serra Museum, "because this is where

California began. This is the Plymouth Rock of the West Coast." Jim

Vaughan, executive director of the museum, believed that Serra had been

"selected for criticism because he's the father of California-a target for all

of the abuses that the Native Americans suffered." Thirty protesters gath

ered by the entrance of Presidio Hill Park in Old Town to denounce the

ceremony. "He shouldn't be honored," remarked Kip King, a Kumeyaay

Indian descendent. "Serra had the arrogance of any missionary effort-of

coming to a people that already had a religion and trying to impose their

European religion." Bill Myers, a local civil rights activist, stated, "It's un

fortunate that the history texts don't say what actually happened when Serra

first came here. If the truth got out through the regular channels in the

United States, then people wouldn't feel compelled to do stuff like this."

After much statewide controversy over Serra's elevation toward Catholic

sainthood, the Franciscan father received beatification through the cun

ning of history and avoidance of the contradictory historical record. so

The Serra conflict brings us to the present. Although the protest had

deeper historical roots in the Spanish conquest, the outcry of activists col

lided with the mythology propagated by the San Diego Expositions. The

Civil Rights Movements of the 1960s enabled both Indian and White activ

ists to pose their version of public history. Although Indians and ethnic Mexi

cans had done the same in the past, most Anglos ignored their cultural and

historical productions; control of cultural representation followed political

power and class privilege. As the Southwest's most enduring invented tradi

tion, the Spanish fantasy heritage had always acknowledged the human in

tegrity and worthiness of Indian-Spanish-Mexican peoples. Historians could

cast aside some cynicism and take the actions, gestures, and words ofprogres

sive cultural promoters more seriously to distinguish yearnings of imagination

from more material concerns. The expositions, furthering the development


of public museums and historical sites, left behind a regional tradition that

would change with social and political trends. That malleable product was

the greatest legacy of the San Diego Expositions.

But why did Anglos create cultural institutions to imagine anew the plu

ralism of the Southwest? They likely did so because the Native American

and Spanish presence connected the heritage of the Southwest to the his

tory of the region better than European emulation. The blend of regional

ism and nationalism during the Progressive Era gave democratic substance

to the modern Spanish heritage. Historic commemoration and preserva

tion became public expressions of the social imagination, the wishful think

ing to envision an egalitarian future. The modern Spanish heritage rarely

embraced racism to denigrate and erase the presence of contemporary Indi

ans and ethnic Mexicans. Benedict Anderson explains that the "fact of the

matter is that nationalism thinks in terms of historical destinies, while rac

ism dreams of eternal contaminations-outside history. The dreams of rac

ism actually have their origin in ideologies of class, rather than in those of

nation."81 In 1949 Carey McWilliams thought southwestern cultural history

could lead to social democracy. He suggested that Anglos should move be

yond mere fascination with mission ruins and Indian relics toward deeper

political and social engagement with the peoples ofthe region. Anglos needed

to understand, personally know, and support southwestern racial minorities

to realize true equality. Despite the advance of legal civil rights in the re

cent past, more could be done. Perhaps cultural institutions and public

commemoration can breed deeper understanding between the Southwest's

diverse peoples and shape discussion about the meaning and quality of the

modern Spanish heritage.

Notes

1. Carey McWilliams, North From Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People ofthe United

States (1949; reprint, New York: Greenwood Publishers, 1968), 35-47, 288; TheEducation of Carey McWilliams (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), 98-u5,

176-79; "Southern California: Ersatz Mythology," Common Ground 6 (winter 1945):

29-38; Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring ofAmerican Culture

in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1996), 445-54.

2. McWilliams, North From Mexico, 35-47. Douglas Monroy has written extensively

on the fantasy heritage in numerous publications. See his Thrown Among Strangers: The Making ofMexican Culture in Frontier California (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1990), 263-71; "The Creation and Re-creation of Californio Soci-


ety," in Contested Eden: California Before the Gold Rush, ed. Ramon Gutierrez

and Richard Orsi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 173-77; and Rebirth: Mexican Los Angeles from the Great Migration to the Great Depression (Ber

keley: University of California Press, 1999), 151-58.3· Charles Montgomery has aptly termed the phenomenon as a "modern Spanish

heritage," the publicly consumable image ofIndian and SpanishlMexican history.

See The Spanish Redemption: Heritage, Power, and Loss on New Mexico's UpperRio Grande (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 11-16.

4· Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New

York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1946), 70-83.

5· McWilliams, North From Mexico, 304; William Deverell, "Privileging the Mis

sion Over the Mexican: The Rise of Regional Identity in Southern California," in

Many Wests: Place, Culture, and Regional Identity, ed. David Wrobel and Michael

Steiner (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997), 235-58. There are no quota

tions or page numbers cited referring to McWilliams's major works. On McWilliams

see Carlos Larralde and Richard Griswold del Castillo, "North From Mexico: Carey

McWilliams' Tragedy," Southern California Quarterly 80 (summer 1998): 231-45;Catherine Corman, "Teaching-and Learning from-Carey McWilliams," California History 80 (winter 200112002): 205-24; Jeff Lustig, "California Studies and

California Politics: Reflections on the Sesquicentennial," California History 77

(fall 1998): 131-39; and Leonard Pitt, Decline ofthe Californios: A Social History ofthe Spanish-Speaking Californians, 1846-1890 (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1966), 277-96.6. Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920S (New York:

Oxford University Press, 1990), 92-']3; Kevin Starr, Inventing the Dream: California Through the Progressive Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 87-89;

and Chris Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe: Creating a Modem Regional Tradition

(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 181-23l.7. Robert Rydell, All the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International

Expositions, 1876-1916 (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1984); Robert Rydell,

World of Fairs: The Century-of-Progress Expositions (Chicago: University of Chi

cago Press, 1993); Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World's Fairs: Crafting a

Modem Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Burton Benedict,

ed., The Anthropology of World's Fairs: San Francisco's Panama-Pacific Interna

tional Exposition of1915 (Berkeley, Calif.: Scholar Press, 1983); and Phoebe Kropp,

"'There is a little sermon in that': Constructing the Native Southwest at the San

Diego Panama-California Exposition of 1915," in The Great Southwest of the Fred

Harvey Company and the Santa Fe Railway, ed. Marta Weigle and Barbara A.

Babcock (Phoenix, Ariz.: Heard Museum, 1996). The exception to this standard

critique of World's Fairs is James Gilbert, Perfect Cities: Chicago's Utopias of 1893

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).

8. See the chapters on Charles Lummis and George Wharton James in Sherry Smith,

Reimagining Indians: Native Americans Through Anglo Eyes, 1880-194° (New

York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 3-18, 119-62. On "cultural nationalism" in


the Southwest see Molly Mullin, Culture in the Marketplace: Gender, Art, andValue in the American Southwest (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001),

10-37. Note Kate Phillips's rigorous and sympathetic treatment of Helen Hunt

Jackson's legacy in Phillips's Helen Hunt Jackson: A Literary Life (Berkeley: Uni

versity of California Press, 2003)' See also Don Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology: Science and Romanticism in the American Southwest, 1846-1930 (Albuquerque:

University of New Mexico Press, 2000), vii-x, 343-56.

9. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread

of Nationalism (1983; reprint, London: Verso, 1991), 141-42; and John R. Gillis,

"Memory and Identity: The History of a Relationship," in Commemorations: ThePolitics ofNational Identity, ed. Gillis (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,

1994), 3-24.10. Geoff Eley and Ronald G. Suny, "From the Moment of Social History to the Work

of Cultural Representation," in Becoming National: A Reader, ed. Eley and Suny

(New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 3-37.

11. Cornelius Castoriadis likens changes in social consciousness to the magmas of a

volcano, where new social meanings submerged in imagination erupt and coa

lesce historically and publicly to bring new material conditions to society. The

concept is necessarily praxis-oriented. See Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institutionof Society, trans. Kathleen Blarney (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Tech

nology Press, 1975), 71-101, 343-73. On the critique of cultural representations

bereft of a theory of praxis, see Henri Lefebvre, Critique of Everyday Life, vol. 1,

trans. John Moore (1947; reprint, London: Verso, 1991), 46. Lefebvre's notion ofpraxis

and revolutionary imagination maintains affinities to Castoriadis's idea of the social

imagination in Critique of Everyday Life: Foundations for a Sociology of the Every

day, vol. 2, trans. John Moore (1961; reprint, London: Verso, 2002), 232-44. See also

Lefebvre's theory of praxis in The Sociology of Marx, trans. Norbert Guterman

(1966; reprint, New York: Pantheon Books, 1968), 55, 100. Lefebvre's formulation

of revolutionary imagination is similar, but more stridently Marxist, than that of

Castoriadis.

12. U.S. Congress, House Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, Hearings on

the Panama-California Exposition, 62d Cong., 2d sess., 22 May 1911, 6.

13. Ibid.

14. Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, Hearings on the Panama-California

Exposition, 7.15. Lummis to Collier, 3 December 1911, D. C. Collier Correspondence, Ms 1.1.8x3a,

Charles Lummis Papers, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, California (hereafter

CLP-SWM).

16. For Hewett's coordination of the southwestern Ethnological Section of the San

Diego fair of 1915, see Executive Committee Minutes, Panama-California Exposi

tion 1915, vols. 1 and 2, 8 April 1912, pp. 9849; 23 August 1912, n.p.; 10 September

1912, n.p.; 29 November 1912, n.p.; 25 February 1913, pp. 247-48, 250; 5 November

1913, pp. 324-25; 23 December 1913, p. 332; and 27 June 1914, p. 343, uncataloged

location 17C4, San Diego Historical Society Research Archives (hereafter SDHS).


See also Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1912,

Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 60, no. 30 (Washington, D.C.:

Smithsonian Institution Press, 1913), 10-13, 18-22; and Beatrice Chauvenet, Hewettand Friends: A Biography of Santa Fe's Vibrant Era (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 1983), 71-84.

17. Edgar Hewett, "Ancient America at the Panama-California Exposition, San Diego

California," The Theosophical Path, February 1915, (San Diego, Calif.: Aryan Theo

sophical Press, 1915), n.p. I prefer the discussion of Lummis found in Smith,

Reimagining Indians, 119-44. Ramon Gutierrez has noted a strong strain of

masculinism and Anglo-Saxon racialism in Lummis's portrayal of the Southwest.

See Ramon Gutierrez, "Charles Fletcher Lummis and the Orientalization of New

Mexico," in Nuevomexicano Cultural Legacy: Forms, Agencies, Discourse, ed. Fran

cisco Lomeli, Victor Sorell, and Genaro Padilla (Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press, 2002), 11-27.

18. Charles F. Lummis, A Tramp Across the Continent (1892; reprint, Albuquerque:

Calvin Horn Publishers, 1969); Charles F. Lummis, The Land of Poco Tiempo(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1893); Dudley Gordon, Charles F. Lummis:Crusader in Corduroy (Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1972), 242-43; and

Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology, 247-55.

19. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, A Bill to Authorize the Acceptance of Trustsfrom the Pueblo Indians ofNew Mexico, 62d Cong., 3d sess., 13 February 1913, 3-91;

United States vs. Felipe Sandoval, 231 US 28, 1-7 (1913); Jesse Nusbaum to Henrietta

K. Burton, "Indian Arts and Crafts," 26 January 1935, 89LA3.045.2, Archive of the

Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe (hereafter ALA

MNM); and Maria Martinez, interview by Alice Marriott, typescript, 19 October

1945, folder 1, box 48, "Pottery," Alice Marriott Papers, Western History Collection,

University of Oklahoma, Norman (hereafter WHC-OU).

20. Lummis to Collier, 3 December 1911, D. C. Collier Correspondence, Ms 1.1.8x3a,

CLP-SWM; Lummis to Hewett, [n.d. but likely December 1911], Edgar L. Hewett

Correspondence, 1910-1911, Ms. 1.1.2°321, CLP-SWM. On Arnold's vision, see

Russell Jacoby, The End of Utopia: Politics and Culture in an Age ofApathy (New

York: Basic Books, 1999), 67-99.21. Clarence Stein, "A Triumph of the Spanish-Colonial Style," in The Architecture

and Gardens of the San Diego Exposition, ed. Carleton Monroe Winslow (San

Francisco, Calif.: Paul Elder and Company, 1916), 10-11; and Bertram G. Goodhue,

Introduction to The Architecture and Gardens of the San Diego Exposition, 10-11,

12, 13.

22. Hewett, "Ancient America," 67.

23. Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe, 128-35; and Montgomery, The Spanish Redemp

tion, 115-20. See the series of letters from Hewett to Gerald Cassidy, May 1913 to

July 194, Incoming Letters H, box 5, Cassidy Family Papers, 1897-1965, Mss67!I,

Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

24. D. C. Collier to Charles Walcott, "Condensed Statement of the Plan for the De

partment of Ethnology and Archeology, Panama-California Exposition, at San


Diego," 24 January 1912, box 58, San Diego Fund Folder, AleS Hrdlicka Papers,

National Anthropology Archives, Smithsonian Institution (hereafter AHP-NM).

In this letter, Collier is writing to Walcott about Holmes. On Holmes, see Kevin

Fernlund, William Henry Holmes and the Rediscovery of the American West (Albu

querque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), 153-60,2°4-17.

25. Hewett, "Ancient America at the Panama-California Exposition," Art and Archeol

ogy 2 (November 1915): 7.

26. Hewett, "Ancient America at the Panama-California Exposition," 91-99. Fernlund,

Holmes, 153-60, 2°4-17.

27. Holmes is quoted in Hewett, "Ancient America," 65.

28. Ramon Gutierrez, When Jesus Came the Com Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexu

ality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University

Press, 1991), 41-6; and Edgar L. Hewett and William Templeton Johnson, Architecture of the Exposition, Archeological Institute of America, Papers of the School

of American Archeology, no. 32 (Washington, D.C.: 1916), 33.

29. Maynard Geiger, a.F.M., ed. and trans., Letter ofLuis Jayme, O.F.M., San Diego,October 17, 1772 (Los Angeles: Dawson's Book Shop, 1970), 31-F The original

letter is housed in the California Room at the San Diego Public Library Research

Archives. Richard Carrico, "Sociopolitical Aspects of the 1775 Revolt at Mission

San Diego de Alcala: An Ethnohistorical Approach," Journal ofSan Diego History

43 (summer 1997): 43-57; and Matthew Bokovoy, "Humanist Sentiment, Modern

Spanish Heritage, and California Mission Commemoration, 1769-1915," Journal

ofSan Diego History 48 (summer 2002): 177-2°3.

30. Hewett to Nusbaum, 27 February 1913, Hewett Correspondence, 19°7-1915,

93NP2·014, Nusbaum Collection, ALA-MNM; Hodge to J. F. Huckel, the Fred

Harvey Company, 10 February 194, Jesse Nusbaum Correspondence, 194-1916,

Ms 7EIC.1.l37, CLP-SWM; and "Painted Desert Exhibit: San Diego Exposition,"

[brochure], Santa Fe Railway, Ephemera Collection 18.2, SDHS.

31. On the origins of the Harvey Company, see Leah Dilworth, Imagining Indians in

the Southwest (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996), 80-85;

and Babcock and Weigle, eds., The Great Southwest of the Fred Harvey Companyand the Santa Fe Railway, 1-8.

32. "Indian Tribes Will Be Brought To Expo To Live And Work In Replica Of Their

Real Homes," San Diego Union, 21 August 1913, PCE Folders, Amero Collection,

SDHS.

33. Nusbaum noted Herman Schweizer's disappointment with the contractors at the

San Francisco fair. See Nusbaum to Frederick Hodge, 5February 194, MS7EIC.1.l37,

CLP-SWM.

34. Nusbaum, quoted in "'Painted Desert' Excels All Similar Fair Exhibits," San Diego

Union, 2 August 194, San Diego Fund folder, box 58, AHP-NM.

35. J. Byrn to Julian Martinez, 30 April 1914, "San Diego Exposition: S.F. Railway

Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, ALA-MNM.

36. On Nusbaum's power and ability to give shape to the Santa Fe's exhibit, see

Nusbaum to Herman Schweizer, 28 February 1914, "San Diego Exposition: S.F.


Railway Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, AlA-MNM; Frederick Hodge to

J. F. Huckel, Fred Harvey Company, 10 February 194, "San Diego Exposition:

S.F. Railway Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, AlA-MNM; and Nusbaum

to Henrietta K. Burton, "Indian Arts and Crafts," 26 January 1935, 89LA3·045·2,AlA-MNM. Years after the exposition, Crescencio Martinez and Alfonso Roybal

would gain wide acclaim as artists in the southwestern Indian market patronized

by Whites.

37. Nusbaum to Hodge, March 1914, Nusbaum Correspondence, Ms 7EIC1.l37, CLP

SWM.

38. Gutierrez, When Jesus Came, 3-36. Maria Martinez notes how the Pueblos learned

these dances. Maria Martinez, interview by Alice Marriot, typescript, 3l January

1946, 18 and 23 March 1946, box 46, folders 1and 6, Marriot Papers, WHC-OU.

39. Alice Marriot, Maria: The Potter of San Ildefonso (Norman: University of Okla

homa Press, 1948), 214; "Indians Purloin Sacred Film," San Diego Union, 25 July

1915, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; apd Executive Committee Minutes,

PCE-1915, vol. 3, 1 June 1915, pp. 554-55, and 6 July 1915, p. 584, SDHS CharlesMontgomery believes the stolen film was a publicity "hoax" created by Ralph

Twitchell, although evidence shows otherwise. See Montgomery, The SpanishRedemption, 119, 266 n. 76.

40. "Tribal Dances Witnessed by Hubbard at Exposition," San Diego Union, 5 Sep

tember 194, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and Carobeth Tucker, "Pala

Indian Dances Held during their Festival at the San Diego Exposition," Hewett

Collection, 89ELH.078, AlA-MNM.

41. Edward Dozier notes that Pueblo Indians have performed four types of ceremo

nies in the twentieth century. The fourth set, decidedly "secular," aims to enter

tain tourist audiences with novel forms and improvisations borrowed from other

tribes. See The Pueblo Indians of North America (1970; reprint, Prospect Heights,

Ill.: Waveland Press, 1983), 184-85. On the politics of Indian humor, see Pierre

Clastres, Society Against the State: Essays in Political Anthropology (1974; reprint,

New York: Zone Books, 1989), 129-5°.

42. "Tribal Dances Witnessed by Hubbard at Exposition," San Diego Union, 5 Sep

tember 194. Elbert Hubbard, "A Little Journey to San Diego," The Philistine 39(November 1914): 193-210; and "San Diego Exposition: Painted Desert Ephem

era," NP2, Jesse L. Nusbaum Papers-Talley Collection, AlA-MNM.

43. Nancy Parezo and John Troutman, "The 'Shy' Cocopa Go to the Fair," in Sellingthe Indian: Commercializing and Appropriating American Indian Cultures, ed.

Carter Jones Meyer and Diana Royer (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001),

25-29; Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 154-83; and L. G. Moses, Wild West Shows

and the Images ofAmerican Indians, 1883-1933 (Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press, 1996), 129-67.

44. AleS Hrdlicka, A Descriptive Catalog of the Section of Physical Anthropology:

Panama-California Exposition, 1915 (San Diego, Calif.: National News Company,

1915), 5, RCC 606.0lIHrd, San Diego Public Library (hereafter SDPL); Explorations

and Field-Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1914, Smithsonian Miscellaneous


Collections, vol. 65, no. 6 (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1915),55-62; and Frank Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka, MD., 1869-1943: A Chronicle of the

Life and Work of an American Physical Anthropologist," 2 vols. (PhD. diss., Uni

versity of Michigan, 1979), 382.45· Hrdlicka, "A Descriptive Catalog," 7; Collier to Charles D. Walcott, Secretary of

Smithsonian Institution, 24 January 1912, folder 5, box 22, record unit 45, Office of

the Secretary Correspondence, 19°7-1924, Smithsonian Institution Archives, Wash

ington, D.C. (hereafter OSC-SIA). I thank Phoebe Kropp of the University of Penn

sylvania for reproductions of this record unit. See also Spencer, "Hrdlicka," 383;and Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian Institution, 55-59.

46. George Stocking Jr., Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History ofAnthro

pology (New York: Basic Books, 1968),251.47. Hrdlicka to Eagar L. Hewett, 21 January 1912, Edgar L. Hewett Folder, box 31,

Hrdlicka Papers, AHP-NM; and Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka," 383.48. Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology, 236; Benoit Massin, "From Virchow to

Fischer: Physical Anthropology and 'Modern Race Theories' in Wilhelmine Ger

many," in Volksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays on Boasian Ethnography and theGerman Anthropological Tradition, ed. George Stocking Jr. (Madison: University

of Wisconsin Press, 1996), 79-154; and Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka," 1-119. On late

nineteenth-century French anthropology, see Elizabeth Williams, The Physicaland the Moral: Anthropology, Physiology, and Philosophical Medicine in France,

1750-185° (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 266-72-49. Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 208-33- Fowler is more sympathetic, see his A Labo

ratory for Anthropology, 237-38. Lee Baker has little evidence to support his claim

that Hrdlicka was an adherent of eugenics. See Lee Baker, From Savage to Negro:

Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896-1954 (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1998), 93-94- T. Dale Stewart, "The Life and Writings of Dr.

Ales Hrdlicka, 1869-1939," American Journal of Physical Anthropology 26 (March

1940): 11.50. AleS Hrdlicka, Physiological and Medical Observations Among the Indians of the

Southwestern United States and Northern Mexico, Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology,

Smithsonian Institution, no. 34 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908), 2,187; and Fowler,A Laboratory for Anthropology, 239.

51. Ales Hrdlicka to William H. Holmes, 14 August 1912, San Diego Fund folder, box58, AHP-NM; Hrdlicka to Edgar L. Hewett, 11 October 1912, Edgar L. Hewett

folder, box 31, Correspondence 19°8-1919, AHP-NM; and Explorations and FieldWork of the Smithsonian Institution in 1912, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec

tions, vol. 60, no. 30 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1913), 10

13, 18-22.52. Hrdlicka, "A Descriptive Catalog," 11.53· See John Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Pa

triotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992);and Ivan Karp, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven Lavine, eds., Museums andCommunities: The Politics of Public Culture (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992).


54- Lynn Dumenil, The Modem Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920S

(New York: Hill and Wang, 1995); Gregg Hennessey, "Creating a Monument, Re

Creating History: Junfpero Serra Museum and Presidio Park," Journal ofSan Diego

History 45 (summer 1999): 137-63; and Florence Christman, The Romance ofBalboa

Park (San Diego, Calif.: San Diego Historical Society, 1985), 67-78.55. Michael Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in

American Culture (New York: Vintage, 1993), 299-309. (56. Hewett quoted in "Museum is Successor of Exposition; Will Perpetuate Its Work,"

San Diego Union, 1 January 1917, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS.

57· "For Future Generations by Efforts of Marston," San Diego Union, 14 July 1929,vertical file 462.9, SDHS; "Program for the Historical Prelude and Dedication ofthe Junipero Serra Museum," San Diego Magazine, July 1929, 10-11; "San DiegoDedicates Museum Honoring Father Serra," San Diego Union, 17 July 1929; andJohn Nolen, San Diego: A Comprehensive Plan for Its Improvement (Boston, Mass.:Geo. H. Ellis and Co., 19°8), folder 13, box 145, Information collection, SDHS.

58. Hennessey, "Creating a Monument," 157, 158; and "George Marston's Address," 16

July 1929, folder 43, box 3, Marston Papers, MS 35, SDHS.59. McWilliams, North From Mexico, 38-4°; Lisbeth Haas, Conquests and Historical

Identities in California, 1769-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995),142-64; George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and

Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press,1993),151-87; and Wilson, The Myth ofSanta Fe, 181-231.

60. "Frank Drugan Credited with Idea That Started San Diego's Exposition," San Diego

Union, 28 April 1935, CPIE 1936 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS.61. "Little Man With Big Idea: Frank Drugan Gave America 1935 Coast Exposition,"

San Diego Sun, 21 May 1935, vertical file "Expositions," SDPL.62. Minutes of the Executive Committee, 31 July 1934, box 5, CPIE 35-36 Collection,

SDPL.63· House Committee on Foreign Mfairs, California Pacific International Exposition,

Report no. 33, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 28 January 1935, 2; and "Memorandum forCongressman Burnham and Mr. Davidson," 12 December 1934, box 5, CPIE 3536 Collection, SDPL.

64. "Memorandum for Congressman Burnham and Mr. Davidson."

65· House Committee on Foreign Affairs, House Joint Resolution 94, 74th Cong., 1st

sess., 16 January 1935, 5, 15-16. \66. House Committee, California Pacific International Exposition, 28 January 1935, 2;

House Committee on Appropriations, Communication from the President of the

United States, Document no. 132, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 7 March 1935, 1; HouseCommittee on Foreign Affairs, House Joint Resolution 94, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 16

January 1935, 3; Rydell, World of Fairs, 115-18, 146-56; and Steve Fraser and GaryGerstle, eds., The Rise and Fall ofthe New Deal Order, 1930-1980 (Princeton, N.J.:Princeton University Press, 1989), chapters 1-5.

67. Gary Breckner, Director of Radio and Public Address, to David Taylor, Altadena,California, 7 August 1935, Publicity Folders, box 27, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL;and "Plan Hailed by Leaders," San Diego Union, 6 April 1934, Balboa Park History

1934 folder, Amero Collection, SDHS.


68. Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory, 10, 407-43·

69. "Artists Finishing State Building's Historic Murals," San Diego Union, 20 May1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; '''End of Trail,' Exhibition

Feature, Attracts Indians," San Diego Sun, 18 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero

Collection, SDHS; "Crowds Hail Beauty of Exposition at San Diego," Los Angeles

Times, 30 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and "Franciscan

Mission Panorama," CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS.

70. Hamilton to Waldo Tupper, 16 March 1935, memo, Missions folder, box 10, SDPL.

71. "Stars Augment Revue Personnel," San Diego Union, 26 May 1935, CPIE 35-36

folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and "Mexican Quarters In Park Dedicate by

Varied Events," San Diego Union, 26 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Col

lection, SDHS.

72. Richard Requa, Inside Lights on the Buildings ofSan Diego's Exposition, 1935 (San

Diego: n.p., 1937), 51.

73. Mary Taschner, "Richard Requa: Southern California Architect, 1881-1941,"

(master's thesis, University of San Diego, 1982); Requa, Inside Lights, 51; and Rich

ard Requa to Waldo Tupper, 6 February 1935, Standard Oil folder, box 8, CPIE

35-36 Collection, SDPL.

74. Stuart Ripley to Alfred Swinerton, 13 January 1935, Better Housing folder, box 15,

CPIE 35-36 collection, SDPL.

75. See Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe, U0-45. For information on the popularity of

the suburban casita, which often embodied Native, Spanish, and Anglicized cul

tural forms, see Sarah Schaffer, "'A Significant Sentence Upon the Earth': Irving

Gill, Progressive Architect," Journal of San Diego History 44 (winter 1998): 24-47;

Modeltown, prints of fifty-six architectural plans, box 33, CPIE 35-36 Collection,

SDPL; and McWilliams, Southern California Country, 354-62.76. Neutra's model was number 25· No title, [brochure], (n.p., n.d.), box 33, CPIE 35

36 Collection, SDPL; and Kenneth Frampton, Modem Architecture: A Critical

History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1980), 249.

77. On Neutra's social modernism, see Thomas S. Hines, Richard Neutra and theSearch for Modem Architecture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), U8-20.

78. Requa to J. David Larsen, 9 January 1935, Ford Motor Company folder, box 9,

CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL; and "Ford at the California-Pacific International

Exposition, San Diego-1935," pp. 5-6, vol. 2, RCC 607-34 California, SDPL.

79. Helen Trevey, typescript, 8 May 1986, Oral History Collection, SDHS. "Ford at

California-Pacific International Exposition," 6; and "Expo Setting Has Impress of

Spanish Adventurers," San Diego Union, 3 March 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Arnero

Collection, SDHS.

80. "Vandals Mar Ceremony to Honor Serra," San Diego Union, 26 September 1988,

vertical file 462,9, SDHS; and James Sandos, "Junfpero Serra's Canonization and

the Historical Record," American Historical Review 93 (December 1988): 1267-69.

81. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 49.

High Roads and Highways to RomanceNEW MEXICO HIGHWAY JOURNAL AND ARIZONA HIGHWAYS

(RE)PRESENT THE SOUTHWEST

Scott C. Zeman

When readers opened their March 1924 issue of the New Mexico Highway Journal, they were treated to a discussion of the wonders of New

Mexico's modern highways. Traveling across the state by car was safer and

more convenient than ever before, and ever increasing numbers of visitors

were taking to the roads to explore the Land of Enchantment. The maga

zine also informed readers about the technical problems of road construc

tion, gave highway safety tips, and told how many miles of asphalt had been

laid in the state that year. The Journal, then in its second year ofpublication

by the New Mexico State Highway Department, was little more than a news

letter promoting good highways and advertising the nascent motor-tourist

industry by carrying advertisements for motels, mechanics, and motor oil.

Despite its inconspicuous origins, the Journal, renamed New Mexico

magazine in 1931, significantly contributed to creating popular images of

the state and the region. The cover of that March 1924 issue featured a

photograph of an Indian woman with the caption, "El Camino de

Romance- The Road of Romance," thus linking Indians, the old Spanish

Scott C. Zeman is Associate Professor of History at New Mexico Tech. His publications include

"Monument Valley: Shaping the Image of the Southwest's Cultural Crossroads," The Journal

ofArizona History 39 (au tumn 1998). Professor Zeman is currently researching representations

of the atomic bomb in popular science magazines and is the coeditor and contributor to a book

entitled Atomic Culture: How We Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb, forthcoming 419from the University Press of Colorado.

420? NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

THE CULTURAL AND NATURAL BOUNTY OF THE SUNSHINE STATE

From New Mexico magazine, July '931, cover.

(Courtesy New Mexico magazine)

FALL 2003 ZEMAN ~ 421

caminos, and modern roads of travel. I The Journal repeated that theme,

blending exoticism, romance, and modernity, in the following years, help

ing transform, for instance, El Morro, with its sixteenth-century Spanish

inscriptions, into a camping spot on the Southwest's "first highway."z

Arizona Highways followed the example of its New Mexico counterpart

when the first issue was launched in 1925. The magazine also participated

in constructing an image of the region as a romantic and exotic land, devel

oping a tradition of following the Journal's lead. Like the Journal, ArizonaHighways began as a Highway Department newsletter emphasizing techni

cal issues. From its inception, however, Arizona Highways was more overtly

promotional and less literary than New Mexico's journal. The editors used

the magazine to place Arizona alongside California and New Mexico as a

choice tourist destination. Arizona was as much a part of the Southwest as

New Mexico, the magazine asserted. Moreover, Arizona boasted the Grand

Canyon, the Painted Desert, and its own "old missions and colorful border."3

The two magazines represented the efforts of Arizona and New Mexico

to expand tourism within their borders. As organs of state highway depart

ments, they formed a central part of the states' official image-making ma

chinery. The magazines attempted to seize control oftourist-related discourse

and channel it in ways financially beneficial to their state. Taken together,

these two magazines played an important role in shaping the idea of the

Southwest as the romantic, exotic other, a conception of the region that has

been labeled "Southwesternism."4

Historian Hal Rothman has developed a useful periodization fOJ the de

velopment of tourism in the American West. Rothman terms the first era

"heritage tourism" (187os-1920S), a period characterized by affluent tourists

whose experiences were dictated by the dominating force of the railroads.

The second era, what Rothman calls "recreational tourism," was born with

the automobile and challenged the railroads' myopic vision of the West and

Southwest and their control over the industry. The recreational tourism era

began in the 1920S and ended with the close ofWorld War II. Tourism in the

post-1945 West has been dominated by what Rothman labels "entertainment

tourism," a type of tourism exemplified by the ski slopes of Aspen, the rides

at Disneyland, and the slot machines of the Las Vegas casino New York,

New York. 5

The shift from the heritage era of tourism into the recreational era was

perhaps the most dramatic. In its heyday, railroad travel was an upper-class,


leisurely affair, requiring abundant free time and money. The travelers sought

out set destinations, usually a luxurious resort near a local hot spring, where

they could relax among members of their own class and play lawn tennis or

polo. The Santa Fe Railroad and The Fred Harvey Company had presented

a carefully controlled and scripted tourist experience, governing what tour

ists ate to what they saw to how they should see or understand it. As the

twentieth century progressed, however, automobiles supplanted the rail

roads as the dominant means of tourist travel, transforming southwestern

tourism. Cars opened southwestern travel to the middle class, increased

the range of tourist experiences, and opened the way for other means of

shaping tourism. Increasingly, middle-class families took to the roads to

explore the region. Their destinations were not high-class resorts, but

autocamps and roadside motels. By 1940 travel in the Southwest had be

come a distinctly middle-class phenomenon, and the number of travelers

had increased dramatically.

The New Mexico magazine and Arizona Highways reflected these larger

developments in western tourism. Both began publishing in the 1920S, fo

cusing on expanding the potential of automobile tourism. Each magazine

seized on Native Americans as the ultimate identifiers of their respective

state's uniqueness and preindustrial nature. In that focus, the magazines

were following a "representational strategy" begun at the turn of the cen

tury. In her examination of the images of Native Americans in the South

west, Leah Dilworth argues that "these representations [both written and

visual] presented images of Indians as ruins, ritualists, and artisans ... as

living relics of the past." Dilworth employs the term collecting as a meta

phor for representation: "Once collected (or represented), southwestern

Indian life circulated as a spectacle for middle-class consumption in mu

seum displays, books, magazines, and galleries, and as tourist attractions."7

The New Mexico Highway Journal collected New Mexico's Pueblo In

dian life and circulated it to its readership as spectacle. The magazine's

effort reflected the increased economic importance of the Pueblos to the

tourist trade and the development of a "constituency ... dependent on the

continued existence of the pueblos." The changing political and economic

landscape was reflected in the Indian Arts Fund (a group formed to protect

and promote pueblo pottery) and in its members' prominent role in help

ing to defeat the Bursum BilJ.8

When Clinton Crandall, a retired superintendent of the northern Pueb

los, explained to Journal readers that the Pueblos were markedly different

FALL 2003 ZEMAN ~423

from any other Indians, he presented them as the embodiment of a

semicivilized, preindustrial past. The Pueblos, Crandall contended, were

more civilized than any other Native American peoples, and there was no

doubt that "our Pueblos" were "true Aztecs:~9

Crandall claimed special knowledge of Indians. He had met Geronimo

as a prisoner of war at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. 1O As superintendent, he had also

faced off against reformer and future Comr. Ind. Affs. John Collier over the

Pueblos' use of peyote at Taos. The 1924 standoff culminated in the arrest of

the Taos Pueblo governing council. Crandall had also supported a plan to

forbid the northern Pueblos from attending the Gallup Cerernonial and the

southern Pueblos from attending the annual Santa Fe Fiesta. 1I His reasons

for keeping Pueblos from these events were the general suppression of In

dian religious ceremonies under Ind. Comr. Charles Burke, and the Bu

reau of Indian Affairs-enforced ban on Indian dancing. The contradiction

between Crandall's heavy-handed suppression of religious and personal lib

erties and his glorification of the Pueblos provides a cornmentary on repre

sentations and realities in this period. Fulfilling their scripted role as civilized

"true Aztecs" was desirable behavior; practicing religious and personal free

dom was a dangerous and punishable offense.

The colonial relationship between representer and represented is high

lighted in the case of Crandall and the Pueblos. In his official capacity as

superintendent of the northern Pueblos, Crandall functioned as an agent of

state colonization; as contributor to the Journal, he served as an agent of

cultural colonization. Crandall's repression of the Pueblos, combined with

his praise of them as "true Aztecs," are twin expressions of the same coloniz

ing force. Crandall found in the Pueblos "the primitive," and, as Dilworth

explains, "primitivism is a reactionary response."1l

The emphasis on New Mexico's "primitive" Indian civilizations in

Crandall's prose found expression in the verse of others. The Journal regu

larly featured contributions by aspiring poets. Elizabeth Garrett, for example,

connected New Mexico's "deeds historic" to an ancient Indian, indeed, a

"true Aztec," heritage:

In Nuevo Mejico

Home of Montezuma

With fiery heart aglow

State of deeds historic.

Is Nuevo Mejicoll


Descriptions of Indian ceremonies figured prominently in the pages of

the Joumal. Typical was Elizabeth DeHuff's account ofa Navajo Fire Dance

(Night Chant, a healing ceremony) in a 1930 issue. The ceremony proved a

strange and impressive scene, which led DeHuff "far back into the centu

ries." Writing in the voice of an initiate, DeHuff recounted a ritual both

"barbaric and deeply spiritual" in its manifestation. 14 When DeHuff trav

eled to see the ceremony, the journey took her back in space and time from

a trading post near Shiprock, New Mexico, to a timeless Athabaskan world.

She wrote: "Here were the Medicine Men chanting for beauty to surround

them, and here was beauty intensified: a great leaping bonfire, sparkling

with diagonally falling snowflakes and casting a harmonizing glow over

splashes of colors around it. ... One found it difficult to breathe in the

presence of such beauty."15

Showcasing Navajo arts and crafts was a mainstay of Arizona Highways.

For Navajos, the magazine coverage of arts and crafts could serve their own

economic and cultural purposes. In 1935 the Navajo Tribal Council had

created the Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild (NACG) from the Wingate Guild,

an earlier effort to organize Navajo craftspeople at Wingate Vocational High

Schoo!' The NACG endeavored to organize Navajo weavers and silversmiths,

improve wages, and insure quality by issuing a trademark. Ambrose

Roanhorse, a silversmithing instructor at the Santa Fe Indian School and

former instructor at Wingate, directed the project. The NACG attempted

to undercut traders by supplying raw materials to artisans, purchasing their

creations, and selling the crafts directly to the public. 16 Through the guild,

the tribe hoped to bypass non-Indian traders, increasing the profits to Na

vajo craftspeople and artists. The measure expressed the growing desire of

the Navajos to wrest economic control of their arts and crafts industry from

the traders and place it under their tribal councilY

By allowing the magazine access to their arts and crafts, as well as

ceremonies, Navajos educated the magazine's readership about Navajo cul

ture and traditions. Through this forum Navajos countered the assimilationist

thrust of federal Indian policy. This pluralist vision of American society

corresponded with Comr. Ind. Affs. John Collier's efforts to revive tribal

ism following decades of assimilationist assault. Thus, the Navajos created

and maintained a representational strategy of their own, one that offered

an image of distinct cultures of Indian peoples alive and well in the far

Southwest.

FALL 2003 ZEMAN -+ 425

I ibtt--YEAR ~IGAWAVQ[)

MARCH. 1931

NAVAJO HOGAN BRACKETED BY SYMBOLS OF THE PAST AND PRESENT

From New Mexico Highway Journal, March 1931, cover.

(Courtesy New Mexico magazine)


The art of Hopi painter Fred Kabotie also presented contrasting images

of Indian life in the early twentieth century. Kabotie illustrated for both

magazines, and reproductions of his art graced the pages of many issues.

Even when imbedded in text that employed the language of primitivism

and essentialism, Kabotie's art offered unique representations of Hopi life.

Representations of Pueblos and Navajos as "folk" were contrasted with

the "savage," "uncivilized" Apaches in the pages ofArizona Highways. 18 The

magazine seized on Apaches in an effort to distinguish Arizona from New

Mexico. Arizona Highways described areas like the Apache Trail near

Roosevelt Dam as the former hideouts of "fierce Apache Indians."19 As one

article noted, "Apache raids ... [which] made the Old West so full of color,"

also made Arizona exceptionaPO Names related to Apaches, such as the

Apache Trail and the Superstition Mountains, figured prominently in the

pages of the magazine. Images of White Mountain Apache Ga'an cere

monials, exotically, if incorrectly, called the "Devil Dance," also became

common.2! From the safety of temporal distance, the magazine reconsid

ered the Apaches. It even looked with nostalgia on clashes at Cibeque, raids

and resistance, Geronimo, and the Apache Kid. Writers explored with won

der their exotic, even dangerous "Devil Dance."22 In its search to place Ari

zona alongside New Mexico as a tourist destination, the magazine found

singularity in its Apache inheritance.

In the quest to present Arizona as the most authentically preindustrial

place in the nation, the editors of Arizona Highways even turned to blood

quantum. The magazine boasted that while Oklahoma may have more In

dians, Arizona had a higher number of "full-blood" Indians than any other

state including New Mexico.23 The racial purity of the state's Native Ameri

can inhabitants had become a measure of cultural authenticity and a sal

able commodity.

Both Arizona Highways and the New Mexico Highway Journal adopted a

strategy of representing Indians as exemplars of a primitive, preindustrial

world. The Journal, however, stood alone by employing a similar represen

tational strategy for Hispanic peoples. Writing for the Journal in 1926, Mary

Daly maintained that Hispanic village life in New Mexico represented an

older, more honest, and authentic way of life that lay closer to the rhythms

of the natural world. For Daly, New Mexican Christmas celebrations best

exemplified this simple truth about the state. In an era when the holiday

had become characterized by "hectic buying and selling," Daly explained

that Americans owed a debt to Catholic Nuevomexicanos who retained a


"beautiful appreciation of the real meaning of Christmas" vividly detailed

in the humble performances of Los Pastores (The Shepherds) in Santa Fe.24

Every December thereafter, the Journal featured at least one article discuss- )

ing the primitive honesty and humble romance of Christmas celebrations

in New Mexico.

In part, the Journal's portrayals mirrored tejano intellectual Carlos

Castaneda's description of the biblical-based plays as the "first American"

theater. The performances, which had Spanish antecedents, developed in

the New World from the need for the Spanish to communicate Christian

beliefs to the Indians. Castaneda stressed the American character of these

devotional plays, which were created and performed in the Americas a few

hundred years before English settlers on the Atlantic seaboard staged their

first dramas. Moreover, the dramatization of Spanish and Christian con

quest retold the first and "most significant episode in the most dramatic

chapter" of North American history.25

By emphasizing the Spanish character of New Mexico, Journal writers

complemented the promotional activities of the state. The Journal offered a

platform for state leaders to boost tourism. New Mexico governor Richard

C. Dillon explained in the magazine that the key to economic develop

ment lay in expanding tourism. Calling New Mexico an "undeveloped

Empire" in 1927, Dillon argued that the state's future depended on drawing

more tourists than it had in the past. Sunshine and dry air had brought

healthseekers to New Mexico for decades. To increase tourism, Dillon be

lieved, the state should beckon travelers to the Land of Enchantment by

capitalizing on the "picturesque" Spanish-speaking residents who "proudly"

carried on the traditions and heritage of their great Spanish ancestors. 26

The Journal referred to Hispanos not as Hispanic, Mexican, or Mexican

American, but rather as Spanish. The magazine perpetuated the image of

"Spanish" peoples of New Mexico to imply a racial purity that contrasted

with the mixed ancestry of"Mexicans." Afavorite visual depiction of Hispanas

of New Mexico was of the senorita. A magazine analogue to early film im

ages, the "valuable and virginal" senorita, developed as an oppositional ste

reotype to the feisty, sexy, and potentially dangerous Mexicana "spitfire." By

employing the senorita image, the magazine reinforced its representation

of both a pure and safe Spanish New MexicoY

Throughout the 1930S, under the direction of editor George Comparet,

Arizona Highways stepped up promotion ofArizona's rich Spanish colonial

inheritance. Visitors were directed to the Spanish missions of San Xavier


BACK COVER PROMOTIONAL ADVERTISEMENT

From Arizona Highways, July 1938

(Courtesy Arizona Highways)

FALL 2003 ZEMAN -t 429

del Bac and ruins of Tumacacori. Nearby Yaqui Indians reenacted Easter

dances each year, fusing indigenous and European religion in syncretic

beauty.28 Features on these two missions became routine in the magazine. 29

As with Navajos, for Hispanos the magazine could serve as a foil against

the assimilationist thrust of the 1920S and 193os. Coverage of traditions like

Los Pastores offered countervailing images. Hispanos could be proud of their

culture and history, and, through the magazine, make a successful argu

ment that their culture should not only survive but be honored and pre

served. This cultural argument took on an increased immediacy during the

1930S when the federal government stepped up pressure on peoples of His

panic descent through programs such as the forced "repatriation" of Mexi

can Americans and Mexican immigrants.3o

In 1925 New Mexico officially adopted a new state flag, which featured a

Zia Pueblo symbol against a yellow background. The committee proposing

the flag explained that it incorporated Zia's sun symbol and Spain's colors

on a field of yellow. The flag blended Spanish and Indian cultures in New

Mexico. Allegorizing cultural synthesis, the new flag afforded the Joumal

yet another representational strategy concerning New Mexico's preindustrialc

authenticity. The Joumal and the city of Santa Fe cooperated in a synthesis

of their own to further these claims. Santa Fe emphasized its uniqueness by

adopting the slogan "The City Different" -different by virtue of its Spanish

and Indian culture and history. By the beginning of the recreational tour

ism era in the 1920S, Santa Fe had emerged as a key tourist destination through

Anglo Santa Feans' "manipulation of historical and cultural symbolism"

launched by the city's Plan of 1912, a conscious effort to remake the city into

a romantic tourist SpOt.3l Edgar L. Hewitt played an important role in fash

ioning this image of Santa Fe. Through his School of American Archaeol

ogy (later the School of American Research) Hewitt strove to create,

publicize, and sell an "authentic" Santa Fe of an earlier time.

The Santa Fe Fiesta, held annually in September in commemoration of

Diego de Vargas's 1692 reconquest of New Mexico, showcased the city's

public image. The chamber of commerce promoted the Fiesta as "the most

unique pageantry in the United States"-a different sort of spectacle for a

different sort of city? Formally established in 1712, the Fiesta had died out

but was revived in 1919. It quickly became the city's most important tourist

event. Whereas earlier fiestas had commemorated Vargas's violent reconquest

of 1693, by the late 1920S the celebration emphasized the Spaniard's "peace

ful" 1692 reconquest. The new celebrations-processions of conquistadors


and Indians, musical performances, historical reenactments, food, and

luminarias-maintained the city's presentation of itself as a uniquely har

monious multicultural world. 33

Tour guide and writer Erna Fergusson assured visitors that the new Fi

esta was not make-believe for the benefit of tourists but rather a faithful

celebration of the city's heritage. "You 0 Dude of the East," proclaimed

Fergusson, "are privileged to behold the most sophisticated group in the

country gamboling freely to show you the untouched old Spanish and Mexi

can Santa Fe at its best."34 Anne Nolan Clark agreed, explaining that first

and foremost "the Fiesta is a Spanish fiesta." It faithfully represented the

city as the vessel of unadulterated Spanish culture and history in New Mexico

and the Southwest.35

The reconstruction of New Mexico's past in the Fiesta is an excellent

example of what sociologist Michael Schudson calls "first-order instrumen

talization," a process that "promotes a particular version of the past to serve

present interests."36 The Fiesta and the Journal's coverage of that spectacle

distorted the collective memory of (re)conquest and (re)colonization to serve

the interests of tourism development. Organizers of the Fiesta carefully or

chestrated the presentation of the city's history to the public. The spectacle

even entailed outright invention of tradition. Two local artists, Will Shuster

and Gustave Baumann, concocted one of the most visible elements of the

Fiesta, the burning of Zozobra, or Old Man Gloom, in 1926. Thereafter,

the torching of the giant paper effigy launched the celebration and became

a central activity in the festivities. 37

By the time automobile tourists began to visit Santa Fe in the 1920S, the

"contrived cultural community" of the City Different had reinvented Santa

Fe as the ultimate expression ofNew Mexican authenticity. The reimagined

city "manipulated the symbols of the past and carefully organized them in a

manner that accentuated the differences between Santa Fe and the rest of

industrial America."38 The Journal's coverage of the Santa Fe Fiesta reflected

this theme by contrasting modern New Mexico with its preindustrial past.

The Fiesta, with its pageant of Indians, Spaniards, and Moors, offered visi

tors a glimpse of old New Mexico, a place "of the Conquistadors and Sol

diers of the Cross," still extant in the modern state. The Fiesta exhibited an

enchanting mix, the Journal declared, of the "Glories of Old Spain, the

Romance of Old Mexico, [and] the Life of Ancient America."39

If Santa Fe at Fiesta time represented the old and charming existence

beside the new industrial world, for Journal contributor J. W. Giddings,

FALL 2003 ZEMAN? 431

Taos reflected the same truth in its day-to-day life. Giddings explained that

Hispanic and Pueblo Taos had remained largely unchanged in an "unbro

ken siesta" for centuries. Modern highways brought some industrial ben

efits, as well as tourists, to Taos, but a visitor had only to gaze upon Taos

Pueblo to see an Indian tribe living as it had since time immemorial.40

The head ofa Denver-based construction-equipment firm explained New

Mexico's appeal similarly in the magazine. "It is hard to define the charm of

New Mexico," H. W. Moore conceded. He suspected, however, that it lay

in large measure "in the atmosphere suggesting a mysterious past." A milieu

"produced by the 'dobe [sic] Pueblos, the Indian villages sleeping in the

sun" blended with the "carefully nurtured traditions of Spanish conquerors

that each city ... proudly fosters."41

The Journal carried the unbroken siesta theme further in an article about

Puye Cliff Ruins. Author George Law conflated modern life of the Pueblo

with that of their ancestors. Law used contemporary photographs to show

supposedly representative scenes from ancient Pueblo life: a Santa Clara

man planting and a young woman grinding corn. These "primitive meth

ods," Law noted, still remained "in vogue" in modern New Mexico 4z The

Journal continually stressed the antiquity ofNew Mexico - its ancient peoples

and traditions still flourishing in the modern world. The state contained the

nation's oldest capital; the Pueblos, the oldest cities; and the Mexican vil

lages, the oldest churches. One article made the intersection of ancient and

modern explicit by comparing the modern highways of New Mexico with

the old Spanish roads in Santa Fe.41

To a lesser extent, Arizona Highways also adopted the representational

strategy of an unbroken siesta. By the late 1920S the magazine began to in

crease its emphasis on the "colorful border culture" and romantic history of

Arizona. One writer explained: "Scenery alone is fine. Scenery plus climate

is excellent. And scenery plus climate, plus romance is irresistible." The

magazine assured motorists they could follow the trail of Coronado from

Clifton to Springerville, through the "wilderness" of Arizona.44 Travelers

were exhorted to follow the example of Coronado's "Padres and Conquista

dors" (among the earliest to "See Arizona First") and fray Marcos de Niza,

Arizona's first winter visitor. Articles on the missions and the Coronado Trail

were routine throughout the 193os.45 In a state claiming "the ancient and

the modern are to be found side by side," Tucson, with its Indian and Span

ish past, came to represent in Arizona Highways what Santa Fe did for the

Journal: a place of romance, of Indians and Spanish padres parading about


unchanged by the flow of time. Nogales, Arizona, standing close to Old

Mexico, also made appearances as a potent symbol of the romantic Indian

Spanish past.46

Yet another related strain of representation that developed in the two

magazines, albeit to a lesser extent in Arizona Highways, proclaimed the

Southwest as America's Orient. The surfacing of this representational strat

egy is not surprising given the colonial relationship between the Southwest

and the American industrial East. The Orient as an idea emerged, as Ed

ward Said argued in his seminal work, Orientalism, as the complementary

opposite to Western Europe: The West was civilized, rational, and secular;

the Orient, barbarous, emotional, and superstitious. Said identifies two as

pects of Orientalism salient to the case of the American Southwest. First, he

notes the submission of the colonized region to the conqueror: "The Orient

was Orientalized not only because it was discovered to be 'Oriental,' but also

because it could be [italics in original]." Second, Orientalism provides evi

dence of European hegemony over AsiaY Like the Orient, the Southwest

was drawn into a web of expanding economic and political domination by a

colonial power, and those who controlled the discourse-the colonizer in

this case-controlled the representation of the region and its people.

This development also resembles what historian Larry Wolff describes as

the Enlightenment invention of the idea of an Eastern Europe. Wolff argues

that Enlightenment construction transformed the region into a complemen

tary opposite to Western Europe. Wolff points out that the pre-Enlighten

ment division in Europe followed a North-South axis, with an advanced

southern Mediterranean world and a barbaric North. Enlightenment think

ers instead realigned Europe, drawing distinctions between East and West.

The division, hardly a "natural" distinction, was "a work of cultural creation,

of intellectual strife, of ideological self-interest and self-promotion."48

The self-promotion fueling the representation of New Mexico as the

Orient in the Journal was made explicit in Carl Livingston's "Trailing Down

the American King Tuts." Livingston contended that New Mexico's antiq

uities far surpassed Egypt's and that the ancient Basket Makers remained

every bit as intriguing as the Ptolemies. Livingston compared Basket Maker

ruins in the Guadalupe Mountains to Egyptian tombs. The Basket Makers

apparently employed mummification methods in anticipation of the after

life and both sites suffered at the hands of tomb robbers.49

For Ladd Haystead, a regular contributor to the Journal throughout the

1920S, Taos compared to the "Taj Mahal in moonlight" and the "Blue Grotto


Drawing by Bertram C.

Broom in "Highwaysand Byways," New

Mexico Highway

Journal, October 1928.

(Courtesy New Mexicomagazine)

Drawing by Bertram C.

Broom in "Highwaysand Byways," New

Mexico Highway

Journal, October 1928.

(Courtesy New Mexicomagazine)

of the Mediterranean." Taos Pueblo men, dressed in

their white garments, produced an Oriental effect. Ac

cording to Haystead, their exotic dress earned them the

title of the "Arabs ofAmerica." In various Journal issues

this appellation was also applied to the Navajos.5o Simi

larly, Jennie Rorabacher noted that among the chief

attractions of New Mexico was its similarity to the Ori

ent. New Mexico contained ruins older than those of

Egypt, and a human presence, if not older than that

of the East, approximate in antiquity.51

By the mid-1930s, an additional direction in the

Journal's representational strategy became apparent.

The Journal began to showcase New Mexico and the

region as the embodiment of the Old West and the fron

tier. In 1933 the magazine proudly carried the text of

Carveth Wells's New Mexico installment of "Explor

ing America." The radio broadcast described the state

as one of the few places "where the West still lives, where cowboys, Indians

and Spanish-speaking people are intermingled in an atmosphere of romance,

traditions and historic wealth."51

The emergence of the Southwest as the Old West represented a shift in the

Journal. The discourse ofsouthwesternism has always been related to its quasi

parent, which might be termed Old WesternismY NewMexico magazine's counterpart, Arizona Highways, later

followed suit, promoting Arizona as the last true frontier.

Arizona Highways combined the purity of the state's In

dian blood with the state's untainted frontier ethos to cre

ate a cultural package that would expand its tourist market.

Both magazines adopted the Old West strategy largely

in response to the increasing popularity ofwestern films

such as MGM's Billy the Kid (1930) and John Ford's

Stagecoach (1939). Visitors to New Mexico wanted to

see the land of Billy the Kid; travelers to Arizona, the

dramatic landscape of Monument Valley, which served

as the setting for Stagecoach and numerous subsequent

Ford films like Fort Apache.While promoting itself as the Old West, New Mexico

magazine, the Journal's successor, prominently featured


its most famous outlaw. Stories about Billy the Kid ranged from supposed

eye-witnesses accounts to amateur verse:

Far in the past is the Chisholm Trail

Cattle barons of those feudal days

Have all cashed in or mended their ways.

Billy now rides with Pale Rider.

Pat Garrett, too, beyond cavil or praise,

Helps them patrol the old Chisholm Traip4

Billy the Kid and the Chisolm Trail may have receded into the "far past,"

but their allure still very much existed in the present.

To the West Arizona Highways promoted its state as the most vibrant and

genuine embodiment of the Old West, but turned to features on ghost towns

and Tombstone (the sight of the highly mythologized gunfight at the OK

Corral).55 John McPhee billed the Arizona Strip between northern Arizona

and southern Utah as the "Last Frontier," a land remote, inaccessible, and

infiltrated by no more than a few trails. 56 Arizona as the last frontier and as

the Old West was the culmination of Arizona Highways's representational

strategies during the recreational tourism era.

Under the influence of its new editor, Harry Shuart, the Journal changed

substantially during the 193os. Retitled New Mexico in July 1931, the maga

zine boasted redesigned covers and expanded its photographic coverage of

the state's cultural treasures and natural wonders. What had begun as a

newsletter of the state highway department became a powerful marketing

tool to present the state's carefully constructed cultural image outside the

state, as reflected in its new subtitle, The State Magazine ofNational Interest. The magazine editors asked New Mexican readers to assist by passing

along used issues to friends or acquaintances in other states and countries.

Shuart, the state, and business interests expected sales of New Mexico to

translate into increased tourist visitations and revenues.

After 1938, under the vigorous direction of editor Raymond Carlson and

with expanded production facilities, Arizona Highways began to rely more

on photography to sell its message. By the Great Depression photographers,

in addition to filmmakers, were the chief creators and purveyors of western

images and myth. Carlson moved away from using in-house staff and in

stead employed major regional photographers such as German immigrant

Joseph Muench and later Ansel Adams. Through the use of skilled photog-


raphers and the inauguration of a color cover in July 1938, Carlson suc

ceeded in increasing circulation, raising the standard of the magazine, and

focusing attention on the state's tourist draws. 57

With the onset of entertainment tourism after 1945, entertainment op

portunities began to displace the magazine's other earlier representational

strategies. New Mexico and Arizona as Indian Country, Spanish America,

the Orient, and the Old West, however, never disappeared. Indeed, these

cultural strains still appear in both magazines in various forms and resonate

with their audiences to the present day.

New Mexico magazine and Arizona Highways stepped into the breech

left open by the end of the railroad era. The magazines explained to tourists

what was unique about the two southwestern states. They showed tourists

what was worth seeing, told them how to see it, and together played a promi

nent role in shaping a particular image of the Southwest. During the recre

ational tourism era (1920S-1945), the magazines developed images of their

respective states as a means of drawing an increasing number of motor tour

ists to the region. By deploying similar representational strategies, the maga

zines played a key role in constructing images ofthe Southwest and its peoples

that syrvive in varied form long after the close of the recreational tourism era.

Notes

1. New Mexico Highway Journal, March 1924, cover.

2. New Mexico Highway Journal, June 1924, 5.

3. H. E. O. Whitman, "Along the Apache Trail," Arizona Highways, April 1928, 7.

4. Barbara Babcock, "Mudwomen and Whitemen: A Meditation on Pueblo Potteries

and the Politics of Representation," in Discovered Country: Tourism and Survival

in the American West, ed. Scott Norris (Albuquerque, N.Mex.: Stone Ladder Press,

1994), 187; Marta Weigle, "From Desert to Disney World: The Santa Fe Railway

and the Fred Harvey Company Display the Indian Southwest," Journal ofAnthro

pological Research 45 (spring 1989): U5-37; and Marta Weigle, "Southwest Lures:

Innocents Detoured, Incensed Determined," Journal of the Southwest 32 (winter

199°): 499-539·5. Hal Rothman, Devil's Bargains: Tourism in the Twentieth-Century American West

(Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998), 23-24.

6. Rothman, Devil's Bargains, 44.

7. Leah Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the Southwest: Persistent Visions of a Primi

tive Past (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996), 3, 7.

8. Kenneth Dauber, "Pueblo Pottery and the Politics of Regional Identity," Journal

of the Southwest 32 (winter 1990): 579, 580-83. The Bursum Bill was legislation


proposed by U.S. senator Holm Bursum of New Mexico. The bill would have

recognized non-Indian claims to Pueblo lands.

9. Clinton Crandall Sr., "Why are the Pueblo Indians Different from All Other Indi

ans?" New Mexico Highway Journal, May 1924, ll, 40.10. Clinton J. Crandall, "When Geronimo Won," New Mexico Highway Journal, No

vember 1929, 12.

ll. Lawrence Kelly, The Assault on Assimilation: John Collier and the Origins of Indian Reform Policy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983), 340.

12. Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the Southwest, 4.

13. Elizabeth Garrett, "Oh, Fair New Mexico," New Mexico Highway Journal, May

192 7,5.1+ Elizabeth Willis DeHuff, "The Navajo Fire Dance," New Mexico Highway Jour

nal, February 1930, 10-11.15. DeHuff, "Navajo Fire Dance," 12.

16. John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths (1944; reprint, Norman: Univer

sity of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 208-9; and Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild, A Reportto the Tribe (Window Rock, Ariz.: Navajo Tribe, 1946).

17. Bureau ofIndian Affairs, Memoranda on Decision Issued on Navajo Trading Regu

lations, May 26,1948 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1948).18. On Pueblos and Navajos as "folk," see Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the Southwest.

19. Juliet Day, "Arizona Created by Hand of Artist and Soul of Poet," Arizona Highways, Vacation Land Issue, 1929, 20.

20. See for example, "Southern Arizona- Uncle Sam's Sun Parlor," Arizona High

ways, Vacation Land Issue, 1928, 7-8.

21. See for example, Grace Sparks, "Oak Creek Canyon, One of Arizona's Most Glo

rious Play Grounds," Arizona Highways, Vacation Land Issue, 1928, 16; Bina Bobba,

"Trail of the Ages," Arizona Highways, December 1931, 8; Shelton Dowell, "Two

Shafts Recall Apache Warriors," Arizona Highways, May 1934, 4-5, 14.

22. See for example, James M. Barney, "The Battle of Apache Pass," Arizona High

ways, January 1936, 10-15,20,24; Will C. Barnes, "The Battle of Cibeque," ArizonaHighways, March 1936, 7, 18-20; and James M. Barney, "The Townsend Expedi

tion," Arizona Highways, March 1937, 12, 23-35.23. M. E. Bemis, "Arizona Indians," Arizona Highways, October 1937, 16.

24. Mary E. Daly, "Some Christmas Customs of the Southwest," New Mexico HighwayJournal, December 1926, ll. See also Elizabeth Willis DeHuff, "Old World Christ

mas Drama in New Mexico," New Mexico Highway Journal, December 1930, 7--9.

25· Carlos Castefieda, "The First American Play," Catholic World (January 1932), 434, 437.

26. Richard C. Dillon, "New Mexico: an Undeveloped Empire," New Mexico High

way Journal, December 1927, ll.

27. Clara E. Rodriguez, "Visual Retrospective: Latino Film Stars," in Latin Looks:

Images of Latinas and Latinos in the U.s. Media, ed. Clara E. Rodriguez (Boul

der, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997), 80.

28. A. H. Condron, "Tucson-Romance Land of Southern Arizona," Arizona High

ways, January 1931, 9.

FALL 2003 ZEMAN + 437

29. See, for example, G. R. Michaels, ''Tumacacori, Priestly Monument," ArizonaHighways, February 1935, 14-15, 21; and Francis H. Feeney, "Spanish Occupation

Influenced Arizona's Culture," Arizona Highways, May 1937, 6-7, 17-19.30. On acculturation see Mario T. Garcia, "Americanization and the Mexican Immi

grant, 1880-193°," Journal of Ethnic Studies 6 (summer 1978): H}-64; and Vicki

Ruiz, "Star Struck: Acculturation, Adolescence, and the Mexican American

Woman, 1920-1950," in Adela de la Torre and Beatriz Pesquera, eds., Building withOur Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1993), 109-29. On repatriation see Francisco Balderama and Raymond

Rodrigues, Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930S (Albuquerque:

University of New Mexico Press, 1995).31. Chris Wilson, The Myth ofSanta Fe: Creating a Modem Regional Tradition (Albu

querque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 7.32. Santa Fe Chamber ofCommerce, Santa Fe: The End ofthe Trail (Santa Fe, N.Mex.:

Santa Fe Chamber of Commerce, 1922).

33. Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe, 207·

34. Santa Fe Chamber of Commerce, "Official Santa Fe Fiesta Program" (Santa Fe,

N.Mex.: Santa Fe Chamber of Commerce, 1928).

35. Anne Nolan Clark, "Good-Bye to Gloom," New Mexico Highway Journal, August

1929, 10, 11.

36. Michael Schudson, "Dynamics of Distortion in Collective Memory," in MemoryDistortion: How Minds, Brains, and Societies Reconstruct the Past, ed. Daniel

Schacter (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 351.37. Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe, 213.

38. Rothman, Devil's Bargains, 105.39. N.a., [regular untitled column], New Mexico Highway Journal, March 1925, 9.40. J. W. Giddings, "Taos, City of Romance and History," New Mexico Highway Jour

nal, February 1926, 5.

41. H. W. Moore, "New Mexico," New Mexico Highway Journal, April 1926, 8.42. George Law, "In the Land of the Cliff Dwellers," New Mexico Highway Journal,

February 1927, 8--9.43. James C. Harvey, "Quapogue, The Highest Paved City," New Mexico Highway

Journal, November 1928, 8; and Reta Austin, "The Ancient Church at Isleta," New

Mexico Highway Journal, March 1931, 7-9.44. Forrest E. Douchette, "Coronado Trail, Blazed in 1540 by Spanish Explorer, is

Famous for Scenery and History," Arizona Highways, July 1929, 5.

45. H. E. O. Whitman, "Arizonans are Urged to Follow Example of Padres and Con

quistadors and See Arizona First," Arizona Highways, April 1930, 11; and Peter Riley,

"Along the Coronado Trail," Arizona Highways, July 1933, 6-7,27.

46. G. R. Michaels, "Many Evidences of Romantic Past Remain in Nogales," Arizona

Highways, December 1931, 6-7.

47. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 5-6.

48. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map ofCivilization on the Mind of the

Enlightenment (Stanford, Cali£.: Stanford University Press, 1994),4.


49. Carl B. Livingston, "Trailing Down the American King Tuts," New Mexico, May

1932,7-9·50. Ladd Haystead, "Triple Cities," New Mexico Highway Journal, November 1928, 9.51. Jennie Rorabacher, "Attractions of New Mexico," New Mexico Highway Journal,

September 1930, 21.52. Carveth Wells, "Best of the West: New Mexico," New Mexico, August 1933, 11.

53. Milica Bakie-Hayden refers to sub-Orientalisms as "nesting" in "Nesting

Orientalisms," Slavic Review 54 (winter 1995): 917-31.54· William Fetter, "Billy the Kid," New Mexico Highway Journal, January 1928, 5.55. For example see three articles by Edward J. Kelley: "Our Famous Ghost Cities,"

Arizona Highways, November 1931,8-9,23; "Tombstone Sketches," Arizona High

ways, August 1932, 5-6, 18; and "Old Tombstone Days," Arizona Highways, March

1933, 14, 17·56. John McPhee, "The Romantic 'Strip' is the Last Frontier," Arizona Highways, July

1935, 6-7, 19-23.57. Peter Iverson, Barry Goldwater, Native Arizonan (Norman: University ofOklahoma

Press, 1997), 23-24·

Art Crafted in the Red Man's ImageHAZEL PETE, THE INDIAN NEW DEAL,

AND THE INDIAN ARTS AND CRAFTS PROGRAM

AT SANTA FE INDIAN SCHOOL,

1932- 1935

Cary C. Collins

)

I really didn't know much about Indians when I left the Northwest. We

weren't allowed to be Indians. I couldn't talk my language, didn't know

any Indian songs, never heard a drum. I didn't know that we were the

ones that did the carvings and made the big baskets of cedar root. I

didn't know I was supposed to be proud of that. I fOllnd out! This was a

new deal. l

I n October 1932 eighteen-year-old Hazel Pete stood in the twilight out

side the deserted railroad depot in Lamy, New Mexico, eighteen miles

south of Santa Fe. As time passed, Pete recalled her recent bitter disappoint

ment. Just two months earlier, the administrator, a tall White woman at St.

Joseph hospital in Tacoma, Washington, told Pete and her father that the

nursing program could not possibly accept her. It would never be able to

place her in a job. She was too dark. Crushed by the rejection, Pete had

returned to Chemawa Indian School in Salem, Oregon, where her heart

remained set on a nursing career. The school, however, came up with an

Cary C. Collins teaches ninth-grade Pacific Northwest history at Tahoma Junior High School

in Maple Valley, Washington. He lived with the Hazel Pete family as a young boy and has

published extensively on American Indian and White relations. He is editor ofAssimilation's

Agent: My Life as a Superintendent in the Indian Boarding School System by Edwin L. Chal-

craft forthcoming from the University of Nebraska Press. He is currently writing a biography 439

of Hazel Pete.


unexpected but completely logical proposition. At graduation Pete had been

awarded a pin honoring her as the school's outstanding art student. There

was a new Indian arts and crafts program at the Santa Fe Indian School in

New Mexico. Would Pete be interested in enrolling? At first astonished but

then perhaps swayed by her art background, Pete agreed to go. In less than

forty-eight hours, all the arrangements had been made and she was on the

train to New Mexico. 2

A Fred Harvey bus pulled into the Lamy station, and Pete climbed aboard.

Behind the wheel sat a huge Mexican man peering out at the dusty road

from beneath a large, wide-brimmed sombrero. Pete, exhausted and hun

gry after three days ofhard travel, slumped down into a seat as the bus lurched

forward. To her amazement, the driver proceeded to serenade his sole pas

senger in Spanish as they wound their way through the red clay desert, a

striking contrast to the soggy, verdant Pacific Northwest with which Pete

was so familiar. Absorbed by the unfamiliar music, and gazing out the win

dow at the majestic Sangre de Cristo Mountains silhouetted against a deep

ening night sky, Pete's thoughts turned to how she had finally written her

parents from the train station in Denver and how the government had fur

nished her with the cost of a ticket but not another dime. Luckily, the other

passengers had had money and Pete had been able to sell a sweater and a

pair of slippers for a couple of dollars to buy food. 3

After a bumpy ride of some twenty minutes, the outskirts of Santa Fe

appeared. In town the bus stopped in front of a cluster of adobe buildings

offering Pete her first glimpse of the Indian school. "Well, there we are," the

jovial driver announced, motioning with a grand wave of his hand in the

direction of the campus. Pete stepped off the bus and watched it roar away.

Then, turning and facing the entrance to the buildings, she picked up her

suitcase and began walking towards what for her would be - both literally

and figuratively-another world.4

By going to Santa Fe, Pete was continuing a journey that, in some re

spects, had begun when she was only four years old and had entered the day

school on the Chehalis Indian Reservation in Washington state where she

lived. She spent four years there in a rickety one-room schoolhouse. After

her older sister succumbed to tuberculosis, her parents, fearing for Pete's

life, enrolled her in Tulalip Indian School, a reservation boarding school

north of Seattle. She attended Tulalip, located over one hundred miles from

her home, from the sixth through the ninth grade. For high school she trans

ferred to Chemawa, a large and completely modern off-reservation board-

FALL 2003 COLLINS ~ 441

(Photograph courtesy Hazel PeteFamily)

ing school located in the lush Willamette Valley, even farther away from the

Chehalis reservation. In addition to those school experiences, Pete carried

to the Southwest memories of the federal assimilationist policies that had

strictly governed the boarding schools and

thus most parts of her life. However, the

disposition of the American government

towards its Indian people was beginning to

turn and Pete was about to be thrust onto

the leading edge of that transformation.5

This article explores the early days of the

Indian New Deal and one woman's partici

pation in an experimental program that was

in some respects a laboratory on the ideas

that became the Indian New Deal. The

goal of these federal policies was to reverse

"forced" assimilation, the systemic cultural

genocide waged by the United States against

Native peoples, by allowing and even en

couraging them to immerse themselves in

their Native heritages. The new national

Indian policy-and, by extension, the arts

and crafts program at the Santa Fe Indian

School-were aimed at stimulating a re

birth ofIndian cultures, which were on the

brink of extinction. In the latter stages of

the Herbert E. Hoover administration, the

U.S. government committed itself to recov

ery and resurgence ofIndian cultures, with

a view toward fostering the economic in

dependence of Indian people. Policy mak

ers positioned Native women at the center

of this new philosophy. Although the oldHAZEL PETE, 1932

assimilationist policy had relegated IndianPosed in items donated by families

women to homemaker and domestic help- from other tribes after beingmate roles, they would now be trained as named the first Chehalis Tribalprofessional artists and teachers, enabling Princess.

them to become regenerators and champi

ons oftheir own historical and cultural pasts.


Pete's experiences at Santa Fe Indian School offer a poignant glimpse

into the implementation of the Indian New Deal in the American South

west, a region perhaps unsurpassed in the level of interest the new policy

generated among federal officials. Coming of age in the 193os, Pete was

among the first generation ofIndians able to utilize aspects of their culture to

help sustain their own Native communities, while they simultaneously paved

the way for the acceptance ofIndian lifeways by the larger non-Indian society.

For Pete, this bridging of cultures and pursuit of cultural revival, dissemina

tion, and preservation would become her life's work.6

In many ways, the art program at the Santa Fe Indian School reflected a

sea change in Indian affairs. In February 1934 John Collier, Pres. Franklin

Roosevelt's commissioner ofIndian affairs from 1933 to 1945, officially sanc

tioned the developments that were already underway when he introduced a

major piece of reform legislation called the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA).

The IRA heralded the nation's abandonment of forced assimilation and its

acceptance of pluralism and self-determination. As the centerpiece of the

Indian New Deal, the IRA embraced an emerging paradigm whose ideas

and objectives included salvaging Indian cultures, returning political au

tonomy, and allowing "communal ownership of land and resources instead

ofthe individualism ofallotment."7 According to historian Lawrence C. Kelly,

the IRA and the Indian New Deal embodied Collier's dream of rebuilding

Indian tribal societies, rehabilitating and enlarging Indian lands, reconsti

tuting or creating new Indian governments, and preserving and promoting

Indian cultures.8

Indian education was redirected along similar lines. In government

schools, benchmarks of appreciating and restoring Native cultures replaced

old policies of condemning and destroying them. An especially fertile out

let for this shift was readily available in Indian boarding schools. For the

next decade and a half, until the end of the Second World War, the student

in these institutions was permitted to "learn through the medium of his own

cultural values while also becoming aware of the values of white civiIiza

tion."9 The blending ofthese two cultures-a theme that continues to domi

nate Indian-White relations to the present day-equipped Pete and many

others with the awareness to navigate both Native and White worlds, an

absolute necessity if non-Indian society was to be penetrated and meaning

ful connections with the indigenous past were to be maintained.

Despite the gains the Indian New Deal seemed to offer, it received a

mixed response from Indian people and tribes. Collier's policies, some crit-

FALL 2003 COLLI NS ~ 443

ics have pointed out, simply served to centralize the power of the Bureau of

Indian Affairs (BIA) in the hands of federal bureaucrats, who maintained

their firm grip over the management and direction of Indian affairs. Perhaps

the most notable opposition to the IRA was the Native response to the Na

vajo Livestock Reduction Program, a conservation measure that the federal

government implemented in the early 1930S to prevent the overgrazing of

Navajo rangelands in the Southwest. Vine Deloria Jr. and Clifford M. Lytle

have written, "The reduction of the Navajo herds fell unequally on the small

herder, and the Navajos never forgave Collier for forcing this program on

them." According to another historian, the program prompted many Nava

jos to inject the epithets, "Hitler" and "devil," when referring to the com

missioner.1O

In a similar vein, the arts and crafts program at Santa Fe, although estab

lished a year before Collier assumed office and two years before the IRA was

introduced to Congress, was fraught with contradictions. It placed White

women in the role of teaching Indian cultures to Indian people, instituted

the practice of teaching Indian students about Indian cultures from pub

lished materials, and promoted culture as a commodity to be bought and

sold. The arts and crafts program even raised questions about the nature of

culture and the way in which it passes from one generation to the next. Pete

and many others of her generation had to contend with such complexities,

and their responses have gone a long way toward defining what being In

dian means in the twenty-first century.

The seeds that led to the establishment of the Santa Fe Indian School

arts and crafts program were sown years before the emergence of the Indian

New Deal, or the advent of Pete's involvement. Shortly after the First World

War, a loose organization of non-Indian poets, writers, musicians, and other

patrons of the arts united in what came to be known as the Santa Fe Move

ment. Their objective, to spotlight widespread attention on "the unrecog

nized treasure of Southwestern Indian art," received a significant boost with

publication of the Meriam Report in 1928.11 A groundbreaking and compre

hensive investigation of Indian affairs, the report recommended that the

United States uphold Indian rights and acknowledge the value and legiti

macy ofIndian cultures. Further, it suggested that Indian art could not only

"add materially to the economic resources of the Indians, many of whom

are in great need, but ... also furnish them the opportunity to make a

distinctly Indian contribution to our civilization which would appeal to theirvery proper racial pride."12


MABLE E. MORROW

(Photograph courtesy

Laboratory of

Anthropology, Museum of

Indian Arts (5) Culture,

Santa Fe, neg.

90MMo.83l

The terrible realities of poverty and demoralization made public in the

Meriam Report set the tone for immediate and sweeping change. Most sig

nificant in the realm of education was that substantial pressure for reform

was brought to bear on Charles J. Rhoads, the commissioner ofIndian af

fairs from 1929 to 1933. Rhoads responded by appointing W. Carson Ryan (a

professor at Swarthmore College and one of the authors of the Meriam

Report) to the post of director of Indian education in the BIA. Ryan, a sup

porter of both progressive education and the Indian arts and crafts move

ment, oversaw replacement of the old assimilative curriculum-which

included classes in classic English literature, algebra, geometry, and an

cient European history-with a course of study more relevant to Native

students' home experiences and cultural backgrounds. The curriculum shift

played out in the Indian schools located far from the nation's capital. By the

end of the 1920S, White administrators were adding classes in arts and crafts

to the curricula of Indian schools across the country.B A few years later,

Indian New Deal legislation and policies soon conferred legal sanction to

the rising ethos of acculturating Indians in coopera

tion rather than in opposition to their indigenous

communities.

Developments worthy of note were taking place

at two locations. Twenty-five miles south of Santa

Fe, at Santo Domingo Pueblo Day School, a White

teacher named Dorothy Dunn was using art as a

means ofhelping her students learn the English lan

guage. Meanwhile, Mable E. Morrow, a former art

student at the University of Washington in Seattle,

was designing courses for female students in Indian

arts and crafts at the Haskell Institute, an off-reserva

tion boarding school in Lawrence, Kansas. Both

Morrow and Dunn had studied at the University of

New Mexico where, in Morrow's words, ";:i very great

deal of ... invaluable ... information on Indian art"

had been acquired.14

This groundswell in support of Native art and cul

ture converged in February 1932 when Director Ryan

invited Morrow to establish and administer the first

U.S. program devoted strictly to Indian art and crafts,

which he envisioned as becoming the arts-and-crafts

FALL 2003 COLLINS-+445

training center for the entire Indian Service. At the same time, he selected

the Santa Fe Indian School as the site to host this undertaking, citing loca

tion and other factors as weighing heavily in his decision. Most important

from Ryan's perspective was that Santa Fe and the southwestern region con

tained a sizable indigenous population comprised predominantly of full

blood-degree Indians still engaged in the manufacture of traditional arts

and crafts. He believed that a "special educational opportunity" of the "pro

gressive sort" could draw on the southwestern Natives' "peculiar racial ca

pacities and arts, [to] secure from them a permanent contribution to our

national life." Accessing what he perceived to be the largely intact Pueblo

communities of New Mexico and holding them up as a model for the rest of

the nation would "help the children, and through them the parents, to un

derstand something of the precious nature of the heritage they have as Indi

ans." Also attracting Ryan to Santa Fe was the towering presence of the

superintendent of the Santa Fe Indian school, Chester E. Faris, "whose

long, distinguished career had gained him the respect of Indians." No less

important was the Santa Fe Laboratory of Anthropology, which housed ex

tensive collections of traditional Indian artifacts and materials and would

provide other cultural resources necessary to sustain the many facets of the

programY Finally, Morrow's academic credentials and pedagogical exper

tise complemented Ryan's vision for the Indian arts and crafts program, which

would function separately from the boarding school.

When Morrow accepted the position, she moved from Kansas to Santa

Fe with nine young Indian women who formed the core of a two-year pro

gram that admitted only female high-school graduates. 16 The object was to

prepare Indian women for careers both as independent professional artists

and as art teachers in federal Indian schools. To house the arts and crafts

program the federal government constructed a new building costing twenty

five thousand dollars.17 An additional benefit included the community of

Indian artisans and craftsmen in and around Santa Fe who could-as Ryan

had foreseen-come to the boarding school and teach. With these institu

tional and cultural resources, Morrow was able to inaugurate and develop

an extensive program in traditional arts and crafts, which included areas of

study such as silversmithing, pottery, weaving, beadwork, embroidery, bas

ketry, carding, tanning, wood dying, and woodworking.18

Seven months after the arrival of Morrow and her students, Dunn was

added as an instructor in fine and applied arts. Her assignment was to

teach painting, drawing, and design to high school students enrolled in


the boarding school. In contrast to those in Morrow's program, Dunn's pupils

were substantially younger and almost all male. Collectively, Dunn's paint

ing classes became known as "The Studio," from which emerged some of the

most renowned twentieth-century American Indian artists including Pablita

Velarde, Allan Houser, Oscar Howe, Geronima Cruz, and Harrison Begay.19

In addition to the original Haskell students who had come in the spring,

Pete joined another eight who, like her, arrived that autumn. They were a

diverse group, representing different tribal groups and reservations. Besides

Pete, they included Alma Chosa, Chippewa; Jessie Jumping Eagle, Lakota;

Margaret Mondragon, Taos Pueblo; Josephine Myers, Comanche; Lupe

Sando, Jemez Pueblo; Naomi Walker, Walapi; Eva Washakie, Shoshone;

and Madeline Waubaunsee, Potawatomi.20

Pete took most of her classes and spent the bulk of her time with Mor

row, whose Indian service career had gotten its start at Flandreau Indian

School in South Dakota in 1923. From her experiences at Flandreau and

later at Haskell, Morrow had been able to refine her knowledge of Indian

arts and crafts, and to enlarge her repertoire of teaching techniques. Having

observed firsthand the destructive capacity ofassimilative education in board

ing schools, Morrow had devised a pragmatic strategy for reconstructing

traditional Indian practices. Her scientific, methodological, and rational

approach assumed that Indian cultures could be reclaimed and made vital

again through a regenerative process of study, practice, and application.

She asserted that both cultural loss and recovery were the products of spe

cific conditions and circumstances, and just as the policy of forced assimila

tion had destroyed Native cultures, the Indian New Deal could lead to

cultural rejuvenation. In Pete, who knew so little about her own Chehalis

culture but was so willing to learn, Morrow found the ideal student with

whom to test her philosophy and pedadogy.21

From their initial meeting, a relationship began to evolve between Mor

row and Pete, eventually blossoming into a friendship. Not everything about

her teacher, however, appealed to Pete. She came to know Morrow as a

"very rigid" and "very strict" disciplinarian who expected her students to be

present in the room before the start of class and prepared to devote every

thing to that day's learning. Pete recalls, "We had to be in there at work

before that bell sounded. If we were at the door, she felt just like locking us

out-but she didn't-and she always looked at us so displeased."ll

Demanding total commitment, she tried to erect a wall between her stu

dents and all outside distractions and diversions. According to Pete, Morrow

FALL 2003 COLLINS +447

also exhibited a tender side that earned the students' respect and even their

affection. Behind the tough exterior appeared a dedicated, warm-hearted

teacher who displayed genuine empathy for her students. Pete recalls, "There

were rules and we had to live right under the rules, but she was really loyal.

She would have stuck up for us no matter what we did. She would have

backed us up. But ... she didn't let us know that. She just made us think,

'boy, we better toe the mark.'" Pete completely endorses her former teacher:

"We all liked her, and we tried to do our best, and she helped US."23

At the very least, however, Morrow was a difficult person. Her relation

ships with the arts and crafts students probably surpassed those she formed

with her colleagues. One supervisor wrote about her: "Miss Morrow is an

excellent technician and craftsman. She knows her work, [and] is industri

ous and conscientious. She gets along very well with the Indian men &women craftsmen, with whom she works but she nullifies a good bit of this

by her inability to get along with her co-workers and Superiors."24

Pete's deepening relationship with Morrow raised her stature in the pro

gram above that of her fellow students. Self-confident and strong-willed

characteristics sharpened through years of living in boarding schools - Pete

came to be regarded by the faculty and her peers as the most mature and

vocal of the arts and crafts students. "There was nothing backward about

me," Pete proclaims. "I would speak up in front of employees." That de

meanor particularly endeared her to Morrow. She was constantly "laugh

ing" at and "kidding" with her teacher, who, Pete believes, enjoyed that

playfulness, although by nature Morrow was "a very formal person." Ac

cording to Pete, an indication of her growing standing was that whenever

Morrow tried to solicit a volunteer to help out after class, the other students,

their fingers pointing to her, responded in unison with a rousing "Hazel willdo it."2s

Without question, Morrow leaned heavily on her most dutiful pupil. For

example, during times of illness she regularly drew on Pete's nursing back

ground, requesting that Pete stay with her at her room in the superintendent's

cottage where she lived. Morrow was not a healthy woman, a reality that

was likely exacerbated by the demanding workload she assumed. Morrow's

supervisor at the Santa Fe school described her duties and commitment in

March 1934:

Probably no teacher on the staff carries such heavy responsibilities with

the teaching of her own classes, a half dozen others to supervise, all in


DOROTHY DUNN

(Photograph courtesy

Laboratory of

Anthropology, Museum

of Indian Arts 6Culture, Santa Fe, neg.

DDK-uncat)

addition to the extension work she carries on weekly in the pueblos.

Her usefulness is seriously impaired by her not having an assistant, one

of her own choosing who will work along with her ideas as the pressure

is too great to have an assistant who does not share her views. The

superintendent and the principal appreciate the efforts on the part of

the [Indian] Department to raise her status to the $2900 class as her

work in the Indian Service is so wide and far-reaching in its influence

to warrant this consideration. She has been wide-a-wake and deeply

interested in the placement of her students after graduation. She

deserves much praise for her poise and patience in

showing the never ceasing flow of visitors thru her

department daily while she is teaching her classes.26

Pete also took classes from Dorothy Dunn, a recent

graduate of the Chicago Art Institute. Besides her ex

perience at the Santo Domingo Day School, Dunn had

also taught at the San Juan boarding school on the

Northern Navajo Agency at Shiprock.27 Just as the Na

tive Plains cultures had deeply influenced Morrow, the

comparatively intact Indian societies in the Southwest

profoundly shaped Dunn's thinking. (Santo Domingo,

among the most conservative Pueblo nations, had been

little touched by federal policies of assimilation.) As a

result, Dunn perceived her students to possess an in

stinctive indigenous knowledge, a racial consciousness

in her mind, almost a genetic inheritance - that could

be suppressed but never destroyed. Historians Bruce

Bernstein and W. Jackson Rushing have written that,

"Dunn assumed an innate artistic ability resided in each

of her students; therefore, her method stressed encouraging the student's

own natural ability rather than her 'teaching' about art." According to art

historian J. J. Brody, Dunn's organic approach operated on the premise that

each student "was a tribal creature and should draw on the ancient visual

sources of his tribe for inspiration."28

In her articles on The Studio, Dunn discussed what, in her opinion,

constituted the purpose of art education for Indian students. She wrote in

March 1935 that "[T]he painting and design classes do not exist to teach

FALL 2003 COLLINS~449

[the basics of art to individual] groups, but to guide, encourage, discover,

discern." She continued:

They provide an opportunity for the Indian child to become conscious

of and to gain a respect for his cultural birthright if he has not already

done so. No two people entering the classes have the same problems,

start from the same level, develop at the same tempo, or achieve the

same results. Countless differences in previous environment,

mentality, imagination, ambition, health, interests, and aptitudes result

in widely diversified developments. The work, therefore, is entirely

individual and largely subjective, developed from within out,

beginning with the child in every instance.29

In terms of modern educational theory, Dunn was acting more as a facilita

tor guiding her students through a process of learning and self-discovery

rather than as a teacher imparting knowledge or wisdom.

Pete remembers Dunn in glowing terms. An invitation to describe her

former teacher evoked the instantaneous response "real friendly." Dunn,

Pete beams, was always "telling us how great we were!" She also "gave us a

lot of good criticism of the work we were doing, what we could do to im

prove. She was always helpful, suggesting a little bit of this, a little bit of

that." Pete explains that Dunn sought to unleash the inherent ability and

creativity locked inside each student. Those qualities, Dunn held, were tied

directly to tribal backgrounds and personal experiences, an outlook that

broke from the BIA's longstanding propensity of viewing Indians as a single

cultural entity. Pete comments, "As a teacher, I think she just was encourag

ing us to do what we were doing, and she wanted us to each be different."

Pete continues, "We weren't put in a class to be the same. We were all

individual [s] and from different tribes." In Pete's assessment, Dunn provided

her students with ample "time to learn," and she sustained them with her

unequivocal support. Recognizing the importance ofconstructing and main

taining the fragile confidence of the aspiring young artists, Dunn took par

ticular pains to insure they received full credit for everything they produced.30

Morrow and Dunn's philosophies molded their teaching styles. Empha

sizing the collective over the individual, Morrow encouraged peer collabo

ration and mutual support. Hives of activity, her classrooms reverberated

with the sights and sounds of learning. Dunn's primary interest conversely

lay in cultivating talents and skills intrinsic to the individual. Accordingly,


she discouraged students from comparing their art with that of their peers or

copying one another's work. Pete explains that, when students were with

Morrow, they visited with each other, listened to the invited Native story

tellers, and read and discussed what they knew or were learning about the

tribes they were studying. In contrast, Dunn's classroom stressed art as a

solitary endeavor. Pete states plainly, "When we went to art class, we were

individuals, [doing] our own work, and separate." "With Dorothy," she un

derscores, "everybody did their own."JI

Although their teaching philosophy and method diverged, Morrow and

Dunn shared much in common. Foremost was a commitment to the prin

ciples and objectives of the Indian New Deal, particularly a desire to pro

mote and celebrate Native cultures. They were also pioneers in the field of

Indian New Deal education. Their students universally held them in high

regard. Nonetheless, it was Pete's observation that Morrow and Dunn en

joyed "no easy relationship."JZ "They knew each other, they worked together,

but as far as being together otherwise, I don't think so. I don't think there

was any feeling [between them]." They "didn't ever talk to each other in

front of us," and although "they probably met at the dining hall and all that,

and had their meetings about [funding and other issues] ... their programs

were absolutely separate. There was nothing used [or shared] one way or

the other." Pete explains: "They were teaching two different things. With

Morrow we were working with our fingers. With Dunn we were thinking

and painting. It was altogether different."JJ Apparently the distinct yet paral

lel nature of the two art programs-and perhaps the instructors' divergent

philosophies regarding Indian art and teaching - created a rivalry that drove

a wedge between Morrow and Dunn. J4

The strained relationship with Morrow may have spilled into Dunn's

feelings for Pete. Although Pete respected Dunn and generally experienced

a positive rapport with her, she detected a reserve in Dunn towards her. Pete

attributes that coolness to her closeness with Morrow. Pete laughs: "Some

times I thought she [Dunn] thought I was Miss Morrow's pet and she was

trying to let me know I was just like everybody else. She didn't give me anyedge."J5

In New Mexico Morrow and her students sought to resurrect a vanishing

past and, in a broader sense, to learn how to use culture as a vehicle for

achieving economic independence. Santa Fe was unquestionably the right

venue. During Pete's time there, the city was a major economic outlet for

Indians, a fact vividly etched in the southwestern landscape and indelibly

FALL 2003 COLLI NS -+ 451

impressed on each student's mind. The main highway into town ran hori

zontally in front of the arts and crafts building. When students looked out

the windows, they could see what seemed like an unceasing train of wagons

and trucks loaded with silverwork, beadwork, pottery, and food to sell on the

streets of Santa Fe. Some vendors came from distances of up to one hun

dred miles. Although ~ double-edged sword for Indian people, their cul

tural artifacts had become commodities in the developing southwestern

tourist industry. But the eclectic nature of the city was a boon to young

Indian artists needing to immerse themselves in Native culture. According

to an account written in 1933, Santa Fe was "known beyond the seas as a

place of high ideals, aspirations, and attainments in archeology, in art, in

literature, in architecture, a seat of culture which gathers to itself scientists,

artists, and writers as well as students from all the world."36

Yet, in the midst ofall that cultural bounty, Pete lacked almost any knowl

edge of Chehalis tribal customs, traditions, and ritual. Since age eleven, she

had been living off the Chehalis reservation in government boarding schools,

and, before that time, she had learned little about her tribe's culture and

history. Consequently, she possessed an underdeveloped sense of her In

dian identity. Pete confesses, "I had not been brought up being proud of

being Chehalis."37

Her experiences in Santa Fe are telling on this point. Pete relates that

when her classmates learned where she was from, they inundated her with

questions, which required her to do "a lot of talking." One person, however,

remained conspicuously silent in those exchanges. Pete remarks, "Miss

Morrow didn't ask me much about my history," conceding that her mentor

"had studied it and probably knew a lot more" about Native cultures of the

Pacific Northwest than she did. 38 Although Pete's statement was likely an

exaggeration, it was nonetheless a revealing commentary on the education

changes taking place at the Santa Fe Indian School. In an ironic twist, White

teachers who just years before had been charged with stripping Indians of

their Indianness were now entrusted with re-educating them on what had

been lost.

Two related factors accounted for Pete's ignorance of Chehalis culture:

federal policies of forced assimilation and their suffocating effect on her

parents. On the Chehalis Reservation, the paternalistic relationship between

the federal government and the tribe had given rise to cautious parenting.

The elder Petes had refused to teach their children their tribal language,

largely because of the language prohibitions at Puyallup Indian School, the


boarding school that they had attended in Tacoma, Washington. "They

wouldn't talk to us in their Indian language," Pete laments. "When we'd say

we wanted to learn, they would say, 'There is no need to learn, you will only

get in trouble: because they were in trouble when they went to [Puyallup].

They had to speak English, and they were punished if they spoke Indian.

They were already through this government school ... that was just con

demning everything Indian."J9

Pete's experience was not unique among the Indians of her generation.

Morrow's first order of business, consequently, was to instill in her students

knowledge of and pride in their Native cultures. According to Pete, Morrow

wanted her students "to realize that Indians were different throughout the

United States," and that "all Indians were smart enough to live on what they

had and make beautiful things."40 To achieve that objective, which was fully

in accord with the Indian New Deal agenda, Morrow pushed her students

to produce gallery-quality craftwork that could command attention in the

competitive Santa Fe art market.

Educating students about their own tribes assumed priority in the arts

and crafts program at the Santa Fe Indian School. The curriculum was a

prescription for undoing the cultural damage wrought by decades of assimi

lative policies. The learning experience afforded Pete an opportunity to con

struct a past most of which she had never known:

I learned more about Indian culture than my parents knew. When I

went to Santa Fe, I knew nothing about Indians. We weren't allowed to

even think about being Indian [in the state of Washington]. We were

supposed to get out of [school] and be like whites. So when I was

there, I didn't realize that [Native] baskets were a great craft. I didn't

know that our woodwork, our totem poles, were unique and really

different from [those on other tribes. I didn't know the difference. So

when I was there, I had to go to the books and learn about baskets and

all the rituals that we had, and I had to write it up. We left all this,information there to start that art school, and it was used by the next

classes. And each one of us had to do our own tribe, [and learn]

whatever was unique about it.41

Pete continues:

I learned a lot about Indians. We studied Indians of the United States,

and we had students right there from different places that could talk


about what they did at home. I think it was about the same, but the

crafts are different because if we make baskets here [on the Chehalis

reservation] we are gathering our material [that is unique to this

region]; in Florida they'll gather a different kind of material so they'll

make a different kind of basket, so that was the kind of thing we were

learning-we learned history and crafts.42

The process of transmitting knowledge described by Pete supported and

reinforced Morrow's fundamental belief that culture could be learned.

The Santa Fe Indian School was perfectly situated for delivering such an

education. While collecting research on their tribes, students were accorded

full access to the holdings of the Laboratory of Anthropology. This reposi

tory, a division of the Museum of New Mexico, housed a large library of

ethnological periodicals and books as well as artifacts. In addition, Morrow's

students took classes on southwestern Pueblo cultures from the laboratory

director, anthropologist Kenneth C. ChapmanY Morrow also expanded her

classroom to encompass the wealth of indigenous cultures in the entire Santa

Fe region. At San Ildefonso Pueblo, for example, Pete and her classmates

learned pottery from the renowned Pueblo potter, Maria Martinez. The

students also visited other pueblos.

Up here [in Washington] we didn't ever be Indian. We didn't dress

different. We didn't have any costumes. I didn't even know what

people wore up here. But down there every pueblo had their own

customs, own dress. From the school we were allowed to go to the

nearer pueblos when they would have a fiesta day. There, when they

have their fiesta, every home is open, the table is set, and you can go

in, you don't have to talk to anybody, you can sit down and eat and

leave. But we would go in and visit, especially if we were visiting the

pueblo of someone from school. We would have them take us to their

home. And then they'd show us different things in their house. And it

was all new to me. I just really learned a whole lot just by being with

those students. They didn't think so. It was all everyday stuff to them.44

The students also studied fine arts. At Morrow's request, Pete and her

classmates took painting and design classes from Dunn three times a week.

Tensions flared almost instantly, however, after students failed to receive

basic instruction in art methodology, an approach that conflicted with Dunn's


theory on the nature of Indian art. This omission prompted an irritated

Morrow, the department head, to complain, "The students have no stan

dards." Dunn, who admitted to "a lack of objective, formal lessons," re

sponded by encouraging the arts and crafts students to apply to canvas what

they were learning about Indian history and culture from Morrow and to

"illustrate Indian stories and legends or draw any Indian activities they may

have seen."45

In Pete's first year, Dunn conducted her classes in a display area of the

arts and crafts building. (All the regular classrooms had been appropriated

for arts and crafts use.) In 1933 Dunn's program was relocated to a small

elementary classroom in the academic building. Pete describes some of the

time she spent with Dunn:

I was already an artist, so I could draw, and I was painting, and her

paintings were flat (some people criticized that but it was her way of

teaching Indian painting) and I ... did one small picture of a woman

that was sick, and a doctor person was working over her, and her hands

were up, and Dorothy said no one else could paint those hands like I

did. And I did it just with a paintbrush; I didn't draw it. I just painted it.

Another one I did was our men gambling, the gambling game, and

they all had to be sitting. And that was hard to do. So then, when I got

through with it, it didn't look finished, so I outlined each one with

black, and oh, Dunn said that was like so and so, a great artist.46

Pete's resolution, the black accent, probably evidenced in Dunn's mind proof

of her teaching philosophy-encouraging natural artistic ability to flower

in her Native students.

Mostly, however, arts and crafts, not painting, dominated the curricu

lum. Morrow's cooperative method required that individual knowledge and

talents be shared among the group. Each student was instructed to master a

craft, write a report on procedures, and teach the skill to their classmates.

Income earned from sold artwork was put towards purchasing additional

supplies.

The process allowed for a rich exposure to crafts. Pete and her fellow

students studied "with Miss Morrow all morning (from seven o'clock on)

unless there was a class she wanted us to go to." And frequently there was.

Pete recalls, "We had different teachers come from the Navajo [reservation]

to teach weaving, [from] the pueblos to teach pottery and the men to tell


SANTA FE INDIAN SCHOOL ARTS AND CRAFTS BUILDING

Constructed in support of Mable Morrow's program, the eight-room

building included a placita and tile walls.

(Photograph courtesy Mable Morrow Collection, Laboratory of

Anthropology, Museum of Indian Arts (7 Culture, Santa Fe)

stories, and Mexicans to teach leatherwork." "There was a tanning class that

I took," Pete continues, "and I could leave [Morrow's] classroom and go and

work with hides. At one time they had a Navajo woman come in to teach

carding, and making wool, and some girls went to her, [at] different times.

We had special classes all the time. It was never boring."47

A social structure reminiscent of the earlier era of forced assimilation

governed the program. Arts and crafts students underwent rigorous and

omnipresent supervision. Although they were adult women, the faculty

granted them no more privileges than the regular student body and treated

them the same as the younger pupils. "We lived together," Pete sighs. "We

lived in the same buildings, under the same rule, and sometimes we thought

it was crazy because we were through high school. We ate at the same place

and we had to do dishes right with them. We had no freedom. We were

scheduled throughout the week, the month."48 Even an insignificant trans

gression could jeopardize a student. Pete got caught once smoking a ciga

rette and Superintendent Faris responded by threatening to expel her and


send her home if the incident happened again. According to Pete, when

considered in these terms, education at Santa Fe Indian School could be "a

lonely life."49

Yet that life afforded ample opportunity for work and study. Pete became

a student in full, joining all student clubs and organizations. She also took

classes in the evenings. And because students were required to earn their

own way, she worked in the dining hall for her room and board and mended

clothes for spending money. "We were pretty poor Indians," Pete acknowl

edges. "I don't think anyone knew how poor I was. When I went down [to

Santa Fe] I had very little." Her lack of means necessitated that she con

tinue to wear government-issue socks, shoes, undergarments, and dresses,

although they were no longer mandatory in Indian schools. "I didn't have

anything of my own," Pete laments. "I really had no money. My folks were

having a hard time up here [in Washington]. No work and any work was

poorly paid. They never sent me anything. Any money I had I worked for. I

did sewing-hemming dresses or coats for the employees-and they would

pay me just pennies, but that was all I had."50

Between her arts and crafts classes and other duties, Pete's schedule was

full and intense. Her life in Santa Fe was the "busiest" it had ever been.

I got up and reported to the kitchen, the big kitchen, at 5:30, and one

other girl and I made coffee in a great big steam pot. We stood up on

benches and had paddles to mix it. We had to put in the water, the

milk. Then we had to serve it in pitchers to about forty tables. And

after breakfast, we didn't ever go back to our room; we went right on

up to the art room. And then we got back to eat lunch. Sometimes we

could run to the [dormitory] room and sometimes we didn't have time.

We'd go right back to the art room until five at night- [then we would]

go right to eat. And from there if there was something going on at the

gym we went there. We'd finally get to our room at ten at night. And it

was day after day. I was tired. 51

Life was not all toil at the Santa Fe Indian School. Pete and the other arts

and crafts students managed to snatch relief from the monotony and regula

tion. Maturing and evolving as individuals, becoming adventurous young

adults and beginning to reach out into the world, they expressed their inde

pendence on campus through minor acts ofdisobedience. Offcampus, they

did so through unsupervised field trips taken through the high-desert South-


west. "We got away," Pete affirms. "We'd go on these long trips, and we

supported each other. [Morrow] didn't want us to go, [but] she couldn't

keep us either-she couldn't stop US."52 As the key authority in the experi

mental arts and crafts program, Morrow likely worried about unpleasant

political ramifications should her students run into trouble, the public be

gin whispering about unchaperoned Native youths journeying into the coun

tryside, or a serious accident occur.

Morrow took pains to keep track of her charges, efforts that proved only

marginally successful. "In the summer she wanted the schedule just as rigid

as during the school year," Pete relates, "but we wouldn't go [along with it];

after lunch we'd go swimming [a pool had been built nearthe arts and crafts

building], and [Morrow] couldn't do anything about it. We'd get through

and go to class and walk in just like we had permission." What was their

teacher's reaction? "She let us get away with it," Pete smiles. 53

Their advanced ages and the evolving nature of Indian education pro

moted a restlessness and boldness ofspirit in the Native students. Disgruntled

with the suppressed living environment-having to ask permission simply

to walk from one building to another and being forced to live in dormitories

with students of high school age or younger-some students devised coping

strategies that afforded them a modicum of freedom. The most elaborate

involved journeys through New Mexico. These minor rebellions, organized

without the knowledge of school administrators, reflected the less proscrip

tive environment beginning to seep into Indian schools. These adventures

also signified the maturation of Pete as an Indian woman. She and her fel

low art students, by taking their education on the road, were assuming the

roles many of them would hold for the remainder of their lives as the bro

kers between Indian and White cultures.54

Pete explains how these excursions were carried out. The first order of

business was securing a truck, usually accomplished by a male student who

was also an employee at the school. While the vehicle was being fitted with

twenty metal seats needed for riding, other students obtained from the din

ing hall food sufficient to last several days, which was done with the help of

accomplices working there. If confronted by someone in a position of au

thority, the students diverted suspicion by claiming that another school offi

cial had granted permission. For example, if questioned by a matron, they

might say that a classroom teacher had given approval. Finally, when all the

planning and preparations were completed, the truck, loaded down with

students, clothes, food, and other supplies, pulled away from the school and


onto the highway, leaving behind the faculty and staff to contemplate how

the escape had happened. 55

One outing remains particularly memorable to Pete:

We had a summer school there [at the boarding school], and [one

time] we went on about a five-day trip down through the pueblos. We

didn't have any money, nobody had any money. We just went in this

truck, and took enough stuff so that we could camp. And one or two of

the fellows always stayed up all night and guarded the camp. And wealways just had a lot of fun. We danced and told stories. We were

putting on our dances or going to see [others perform theirs]. We went

to the Snake Dance and [we] went right in and sat with the people and

watched. We were honored guests. They all recognized US. 56

In essence, such a visit, although unofficial, helped fulfill the cultural mis

sion of Morrow's arts and crafts program.

Further respite from the school's regimen was found in a student club

called the "Mide Wiwin" named after the Grand Medicine Society of the

Ojibwas. 57 Under Morrow's sponsorship, Pete and her classmates formed

the organization on 16 February 1933 for the purpose of perpetuating "things

Indian." A celebration ofIndianness, the club provided students with a venue

for learning songs, performing dances, playing games, using sign language,

cooking and eating Indian foods, wearing traditional clothing, practicing

archery, and addressing each other by their Indian names. In April, before

the student body and faculty, the members of the club put on a program

during which every participant explained or acted out a traditional practice

of his or her tribe. Times, indeed, had changed; in the Mide Wiwin, stu

dents found a receptive outlet for the expression of their Indian cultures.58

Pete excelled in arts and crafts, and her progress attracted significant of

ficial and public notice. Such attention validated for her the value ofIndian

cultures but also grew wearisome as the school increasingly captured the

attention of federal officeholders. In the spring of 1934, Secretary of Agricul

ture Henry A. Wallace visited the Santa Fe Indian School. The workmanship

he saw impressed him so much that he decided to buy a souvenir for one of

his children. According to Pete, she was "the only girl in the leather depart

ment," and, when Wallace arrived, he came right over to observe the stu

dents' work. Pete states: "[He] liked the work that we had put up. So he ordered

a dress for his daughter and I made it-I made the leather, [from] four

FALL 2003 COLLINS -+ 459

MIDE WIWIN, 1934Hazel Pete (front row, fourth from left), Mable Morrow (middle row,

far right).

(Photograph courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of Indian

Arts <:7 Culture, Santa Fe, neg. 90MMo.83)

goatskins, and I beaded the front of it. I didn't [really] know how to bead so

I had one of the students from the Dakotas help me with the design."59 The

school principal, J. B. Vernon, wrote a congratulatory note to Pete's father,

informing him that "the excellent handicraft" of his daughter had "brought

her the honor of making a leather coat" for a prominent official.60

Commissioner of Indian Affairs Collier came to the school as well. Pete

remembers him as "a little fellow" who "didn't look important at all" but

who was "always very interested" and "always asking questions," and whose

"word was law." Pete observed that he was "just busy, going from one build

ing to the other, [conducting] meetings and meetings." He once came into

the room where Pete and other students were scraping hides. In her words,

"he talked to each one of us about what we were doing and whether we

liked it or not ... and he'd say, 'Oh, you're doing fine.' We had our work up

on the wall and he'd admire it and just thought we were doing real great." In

Collier, Pete saw a partial reflection of herself.. "He was a hard worker who


knew how to get things done," she asserts while adding ruefully, "That wasn't

always the case with Indian service employees." So intense grew the outside

scrutiny of the art school that students often felt like they had been thrust

under a public microscope. Pete comments: "We met a lot of people. People

were visiting from all over the states. To us, jf they were White, we didn't get

very close to them. We had some Indian people come by and then we would

be more friendly. But if they were white and from Washington, D.C., well,

they were just looking at US."6!

Santa Fe posed an unfamiliar environment that required a gradual ad

justment. By the spring of 1933, however, Pete felt that she was finding her

bearings. In April she manifested sufficient confidence to write J. T. Ryan,

the superintendent of her old school, Chemawa: "I have at last decided that

I've been here long enough to know what everything is about. I love my

desert home very much and just try and 'haul' me out of here!" She reviewed

her plans to remain in Santa Fe for at least another year: "Up until Christmas

I was adapting myself, but now I'm working as though I know how. This is the

best place to study Indian art because we have the articles to look at such as

costumes, pottery, Navajo rugs and painting which are all common objects

around here. The older indians [sic] all dress in typical clothing, and the

younger ones all talk their language and sing Indian songs and dance."6z

The dual tracks for arts and crafts students, as either professional artisans

or teachers in the federal Indian education system, presented Pete with a

surprisingly simple dilemma. The debilitating blow the Great Depression

had dealt to discretionary spending pointed Pete towards the surest route to

financial security. She explains:

I had the choice of entering the Bureau of Indian Affairs system to

become a civil service teacher or to go it in the art world as an Indian

artist. They told me that I could set up a business and sell art-do art

and sell it. [But] this was during the depression years and there was no

soft money for art. I didn't think the market would stand it. I couldn't

see anyone buying art ... [or anyone] making a living at it, and as a

teacher you had an income every month ... so I became a teacher. 63

Cold economics guided her. "I decided to be a teacher not because I thought

I'd like it," Pete admits. "When I was at Tulalip [Indian School], I was a

small person, and a lot of the fellows were older, bigger, and they didn't

[always] mind the teachers, and I always thought, 'Boy, I'll never be a

FALL 2003 COLLINS ~461

JOSEPHINE MYERS WAPP AND HAZEL PETE, 1934Pictured here at the National Girl's Scout Camp in Roswell, New

Mexico, they taught Indian arts and crafts for four weeks.

(Photograph courtesy Josephine Myers Wapp Family)

teacher.'''64 Circumstance, not preference, however, dictated her decision.

Pete contacted Superintendent Ryan again in February 1934. With gradua

tion just months away, Pete reflected on her time in Santa Fe, informing

him of a buckskin dress that she was making-students would attend com

mencement wearing traditional clothing-and, typical of someone having

completed a lengthy regimen of academic training, expressing satisfaction

with her educational accomplishment along with trepidation for the future.

"I can hardly realize this is the last of my course here," she wrote. "Some

times [sic] I feel as though I learned a lot and again [sometimes] I feel ter

rible lost." As with many teachers-in-training, Pete was suffering from a case

of the jitters. "I was anxious about the responsibility," she offers today as the

source of her concern. "I was raring to go, but I didn't know ifI could really

do it." Her closing comment to Ryan indicated expectancy and uncertainty:

"G[ee], I'm ready to go out as a teacher!??"65

Indeed Pete was ready. On 29 May 1934, Pete graduated from the Santa Fe

Indian Art School (now the Institute ofAmerican Indian Arts). Whereas com

mencement exercises in the era of forced assimilation had centered on the

formal reading by students of papers on topics such as patriotism and the

value of work, these occasions were now showcases for displaying Native

arts and crafts. To commemorate the occasion and to celebrate the students'


immersion in Native cultures, the school commissioned a special arts and

crafts project. Morrow allowed each student to "make an outfit that was

beautiful," Pete remembers. "We had a white blouse with Indian designs on

it, and it was hand-woven, and then we had a corduroy jumper to go with it.

And she wanted each one of us to have one." Pete put hers to good use,

adding the garment to her teaching wardrobe.66

Pete accumulated vast knowledge and experience attending school in

Santa Fe. In contrast to her mother's boarding-school experience two de

cades earlier, when learning how to sew, cook, and clean dominated the

curriculum, Pete's resume at the time of commencement in 1934 brimmed

with expertise in Native arts and crafts: weaving on three different looms

(Navajo, bar, and foot); beadwork on both loom and leather; pottery (com

mercial and Pueblo); cross-stitching (Pueblo embroidery and porcupine

quill); tanning (five methods); leather tooling; carding (spinning and dying

wool); design (original, tribal, symbolic, and applied); and painting (earth

color, water color, and oil). In addition she had received training in Indian

songs, dances, archery, legends, and history.

Mter graduation, Pete hoped that she would be placed in the Southwest.

However, a teacher shortage, coupled with the fact that Pete was a Native

from the Pacific Northwest, prompted the BIA to assign her to Warm Springs

Indian School in Oregon. She became a teacher of Indian arts and crafts in

the home education department. The occasion signified yet another in

stance ofexigency trumping personal considerations. Pete had come to adore

Santa Fe. "I wanted to stay there," she laments. "I would have worked any

place in the Southwest, [but] they said, 'No, we brought you from the North

west and we need you back there. We have to have teachers up there.'''67

Pete spent one semester as a student teacher under Morrow, before depart

ing for north-central Oregon in late January 1935.

Other than visits taken with her children in later years, Pete never re

turned to Santa Fe. From an emotional and a methodological standpoint,

however, it was as if she were always there. In her classes she applied a

philosophy that both mirrored Morrow's thinking and embraced the ideals of

the Indian New Deal. After leaving the federal Indian education system, from

Warm Springs she moved to the Sherman Institute in Riverside, California,

and Carson City Indian School in Stewart, Nevada. She devoted herself to

the recovery and dissemination ofChehalis traditions, customs, and history.

Her efforts, multiplied by many others, extended across the United States

and insured for future Native generations a cultural birthright.68

FALL 2003

Pete accomplished this preservation largely through her work as a basket

weaver, which was her primary occupation following the completion of her

BIA career in 1942. She combined the knowledge she acquired at Santa Fe

with childhood observations of her grandmothers and her mother to be

come a master craftswoman. She became a recognized intertribal intercul

turalleader as a result of her renown as an artist and reputation as a Native

activist. She taught Indian arts and crafts, lectured on Indian history and the

cultures of the Pacific Northwest, and mentored students seeking to further

their educations. As a kiyah (grandmother) to a large extended family, she

taught the art of basketry and advised the tribal community in its attempts to

reclaim traditional basketry knowledge and skills. She spearheaded a sub

stantial cultural regeneration movement on the Chehalis and other north

western reservations, casting her in the role of a cultural ambassador.69

Pete's influence extended beyond Indian communities. She also moved

easily among Whites. Straddling Indian and White societies, she engaged

in a process ofselective adaptation, which historian Theda Perdue has termed

"sifting," combining and blending elements old and new, traditional and

modern, and Native and Euroamerican into a cohesive whole. By negotiat

ing both worlds-synthesizing the best ofIndian and White societies - Pete

managed to gain a foothold for introducing Indian cultures to an extensive

public. The result was a greater awareness and appreciation by outsiders of

Native American values, cultures, and life ways.70

Pete's approach was not completely her own making. The course of her

life was a virtual blueprint for the cultural-broker role envisioned for Indian

artists by Morrow and the BIA. In this regard, the cross-cultural training she

received in Santa Fe and the cultural agency the Indian New Deal afforded

Native people intersected in her life at a critical moment in U.S. history.

Without question, the Indian New Deal was an imperfect break with the

past. Assimilation remained a primary goal of Indian boarding-school edu

cation, and, in a larger sense the federal government remained pivotally

involved in Indian affairs. The federal policies of the 193os, however, set the

stage for the eventual repositioning of Indians and their cultures to the cen

ter of Native societies. Those cultures, held in contempt by Whites in previ

ous decades, by the late twentieth century became valued resources worthy

ofpromotion and celebration by Indians and non-Indians alike. In this newly

tolerant atmosphere, tribal art once derided as a symbol ofNative "savagery"

assumed newfound stature as a respected link to the past and an important

bridge to the future.


A debt is owed to those who labored to advance this transition, particularly those who were there at the beginning, during the New Deal years of

the 1930S. Pete, her classmates, and her teachers, although perhaps unlikely

participants, operated as foot soldiers on the frontline of a campaign to winback and revitalize cultures that otherwise may have been irretrievably lost.

Interestingly, Morrow and Dunn's direct involvement at Santa Fe, like Pete's,

proved to be relatively short-lived. Morrow remained the director of the arts

and crafts program until November 1935, when she returned to her oldschool, Flandreau, to head the Home Economics Department. Later, shewas promoted to national supervisor of Indian crafts, a BIA administrative

post that required her to tour the United States as an itinerate teacher. She

held the position until shortly before her retirement from the Indian service

in November 1952. Meanwhile, Dunn left Santa Fe in 1937. Her associationwith the BIA was effectively terminated shortly thereafter, when she failed

to secure an appointment with the Indian Rights Association.7J Even in theirabsence, the influence of these two key figures remained vital in the stu

dents whom they had trained and in the lives that these students touched.The two-and-a-half years that Pete spent in Santa Fe open a window onto

a major shift in Indian affairs. Her experiences add to historians' knowledgeof the Indian New Deal, the Santa Fe Indian Art School, and, most imme

diately, the arts and crafts program supervised by Mable Morrow. Her program has been overshadowed in tlIe historical literature by The Studio, which

has benefited from its more glamorous profile as a center of fine arts. Thisaura has easily captured historians' imaginations but has been erroneously

credited as the starting point for the cultural renaissance that took place at

the Santa Fe Indian boarding school in the early 193os.72Until her death in January 2003, Hazel Pete continued to utilize her

extraordinary education, instilling in the youth of the twenty-first century aknowledge of and a respect for Indian cultures and history. These cultural

elements were denied to her during her childhood, which was spent almostentirely in government boarding schools driven by assimilationist policies.

In 1932 she embarked on a lonely and improbable journey to New Mexico,

in the midst of the Great Depression, with neither food nor money but withan unremitting faith in the hope of a better life.

Notes

1. Hazel Pete, interview by author, Oakville, Wash., 25 December 2001 and 26 Au

gust 1999. Transcripts are in the author's possession. In addition to the many for

mal recorded conversations there were many informal discussions of Indian policy


in general and Indian education in particular. All interviews are with Pete except

where noted.

2. Hazel Pete, "The Indian Child and His Education," (typescript, 1977), 13.

3· Pete, interviews by author, 19 March 1997 and 26 August 1999·4. Ibid.

5. For extensive coverage of Pete's life prior to her enrollment in the Santa Fe Indian

Art School, see Cary C. Collins, "A Future with a Past: Hazel Pete, Cultural Iden

tity, and the Federal Indian Education System," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 92

(winter 2000/z00l): 15-28. A good general history of Indian education is David

Wallace Adams, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the BoardingSchool Experience, 1875-1928 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995). Stud

ies of specific schools include Brenda J. Child, Boarding School Seasons: American Indian Families, 19°0-1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998);Tsianina K. Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco In

dian School (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994); Scott Riney, The RapidCity Indian School, 1898-1933 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999); and

Robert A. Trennert Jr., The Phoenix Indian School: Forced Assimilation in Arizona,

1891-1935 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988). On assimilation policy,

see Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians,

1880-1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984).6. Frederick E. Hoxie, "Exploring a Cultural Borderland: Native American Journeys

of Discovery in the Early Twentieth Century," Journal ofAmerican History 79 (De

cember 1992): 969-95, examines how Indian people "presented themselves to the

non-Indian public as a bridge connecting an ancient past to the modern era" (p.

986). Sally Hyer, "Pablita Velarde: The Pueblo Artist as Cultural Broker," in Between Indian and White Worlds: The Cultural Broker, ed. Margaret Connell Szasz

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 273-93, offers another perspec

tive on the art programs at the Santa Fe Indian School, with a particular empha

sis on the painting program. Pete shared a dormitory room with Pablita Velarde's

sister.

7. Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and theAmerican Indians, vol. 2. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 944. For

more on the Indian New Deal, consult Elmer R. Rusco, A Fateful Time: The Background and Legislative History of the Indian Reorganization Act (Reno: University

of Nevada Press, 2000); Vine Deloria Jr. and Clifford M. Lytle, The Nations Within:The Past and Future ofAmerican Indian Sovereignty (New York: Pantheon Books,

1984); Kenneth R. Philp, John Collier's Crusade for Indian Reform, 1920-1954 (Tuc

son: University of Arizona Press, 1977); and Lawrence C. Kelly, The Assault on

Assimilation: John Collier and the Origins of Indian Policy Reform (Albuquerque:

University of New Mexico Press, 1983).

8. Lawrence C. Kelly, "The Indian Reorganization Act: The Dream and the Reality,"

Pacific Historical Review 66 (August 1975): 292.

9. Margaret Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to SelfDetermina

tion, 1928-1973 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), 50.


10. Deloria and Lytle, The Nations Within, 185; and Elizabeth Manning, "Drought

has Navajos Discussing a Taboo Subject-Range Reform," High Country News, 5

August 1996, 1.11. Dorothy Dunn, American Indian Painting of the Southwest and Plains Areas (Al

buquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1968),224'

12. Lewis Meriam et a!., The Problem ofIndian Administration (Baltimore, Md.: Johns

Hopkins Press, 1928), 125. The Meriam investigation was financed by John D.

Rockefeller Jr. and created by the Institute for Government Research, an indepen

dent organization that became the political division of the Brookings Institution.

13. Joy L. Gritton documents the changing climate in Washington, D.C., following

publication of the Meriam Report, The Institute ofAmerican Indian Arts: Modern

ism and U.S. Indian Policy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000),

34-39. For the impact of Indian arts and crafts on federal Indian policies, see Rob

ert Fay Schrader, The Indian Arts and Crafts Board: An Aspect ofNew Deal IndianPolicy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Winona Garmhausen,

History ofIndian Arts Education in Santa Fe: The Institute ofAmerican Indian Arts

with Historical Background, 1890 to 1962 (Santa Fe, N.Mex.: Sunstone Press, 1988);

and Margaret D. Jacobs, "Shaping a New Way: White Women and the Movement

to Promote Pueblo Indian Arts and Crafts, 1900-1935," Journal of the Southwest 40

(summer 1998): 194.

14. Report of Efficiency Rating of Mable E. Morrow by H. B. Peairs, 1April 1931, Mable

E. Morrow personnel file, National Personnel Records Center, National Archives

and Records Administration, St. Louis, Missouri [hereafter NPRC-NARA]; Dorothy

Dunn, "The Studio of Painting, Santa Fe Indian School," El Palacio 67 (February

1960): 16-27; Garmhausen, History of Indian Arts Education in Santa Fe, 46.15. See "Seek to Save Indian Arts by Education," Santa Fe New Mexican, 23 February

1932, 1; and Susan Labry Meyn, More than Curiosities: A Grassroots History of theIndian Arts and Crafts Board and Its Precursors, 1920-1942 (Lanham, Md.: Lexing

ton Books, 2001), 66.

16. According to a newspaper account, Morrow was sent to Santa Fe to be in charge of

the Arts and Crafts Department. She was also to supervise the Home Economics

Department, the kitchen, the dining room, and spend two days per week in the

northern pueblos overseeing dressmaking, general sewing, and housekeeping among

the Indian women. The Santa Fean, February-March 1975, 7. Morrow said of her

transfer to Santa Fe: "If I do not like it here I guess that I am hard to please. Mr.

Faris told me that I am to be in full charge of the artwork here and responsible to

no one. So I either sink or swim," Morrow to Helen Cahusac, 2 February 1932,

folder 90MMO.051, box 16, Mable Morrow Collection, Museum of Indian Arts

and Culture, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, New Mexico.

17· On 15 March 1932, the Santa Fe New Mexican ran the article, "Indian Students

Here to Learn Arts and Crafts." The author wrote, "Nine Indian girls of as many

tribes are here to study the arts and crafts, and take back their information to vari

ous Indian schools so that other pupils may learn. Miss Mable Morrow, recently

transferred from the Haskell Indian school to the U.S. Indian Industrial school of

FALL 2003

Santa Fe, brought the nine Indian girls who will be teachers. These girls had fin

ished their academic work and already are proving adept pupils in their new field.

The new arts and crafts building at the U.S. Indian school here is nearing comple

tion. It will be under roof before the week is over. This is a $25,000 structure which

is being erected by Welton Brothers of Denver. It has eight rooms and a charming

placita. It is being built of tile, in pueblo style, and is one story high. It will be

completed about May 1 and will be used before the school term is ended."

18. Morrow's development of these fields ofstudy is documented throughoutthe Mable

Morrow Collection. The best history of Santa Fe Indian School is Sally Hyer, One

House, One Voice, One Heart: Native American Education at the Santa Fe Indian

School (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1990). While Pete was there, the

school employed an administrative staff and faculty of sixty-five in support of a

student body of 525 made up of predominantly Pueblos and Navajos in grades six

through twelve.

19. Dunn, American Indian Painting of the Southwest and Plains Areas, 249-313.

20. Only Josephine Myers (Wapp) is still alive at publication.

21. See note 18 above. Although the primary purpose of the arts and crafts program

was to make Indian women economically self-sufficient, Morrow said that "In the

revival of any craft the commercial side should not be overemphasized, instead,

the major emphasis should be placed on the production of an object of beauty

with certain amount of speed, and on the satisfaction, almost a spiritual quality,

that one gets from the production of something beautiful." See Mable Morrow,

"Arts and Crafts Among Indian Women," Indians at Work 3 (1 December 1935): 22.

22. Pete, interview by author, 26 August 1999.

23. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997.

24. Report of Efficiency Rating of Mable E. Morrow, 20 May 1942, Morrow personnel

file, NPRC-NARA. Friend and coworker Oleta Merry Boyce described Morrow as

"very quiet, not talkative at all, very reserved." Boyce, interview by author, 25 May

2002.

25. Pete, interview by author, 2 May 1998.

26. Efficiency Report of Mable E. Morrow by Joseph B. Vernon, 21 March 1934, Mor

row personnel file, St. Louis, Missouri.

27. Dunn's background and the circumstances by which she became involved in In

dian art are chronicled in Jane Rehnstrand, "Young Indians Revive Their Native

Arts," School Arts 36 (November 1936): 137-44.28. Bruce Bernstein and W. Jackson Rushing, Modem by Tradition: American Indian

Painting in the Studio Style (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1995), 10;

and J. J. Brody, Indian Painters <5 White Patrons (Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press, 1971), 131.

29. Quoted in Dorothy Dunn, "Indian Children Carry Forward Old Traditions," School

Arts Magazine 34 (March 1935): 426-27. A condensed version of this article bear

ing the same title appeared in Indians at Work 2 (1 May 1935): 25-30.

30. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997. Dorothy Dunn and The Studio have

attracted considerable scholarly attention. Recent works include Bernstein and


Rushing, Modem by Tradition; Jean Shutes and JiJl Mellick, The Worlds ofP'otsunu:Geronima Cruz Montoya of San Juan Pueblo (Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press, 1996); and Kenneth G. Ulrich, "The Dorothy Dunn Collection of

the Museum of New Mexico," American Indian Art Magazine 5 (winter 1979): 48

53. Much later, Dunn recorded some of her recollections in Dunn, "The Dorothy

Dunn Collection of American Indian Painting," El Palacio 83 (winter 1977): 2-17.

Clara Lee Tanner, Southwest Indian Painting: A Changing Art (Tucson: Univer

sity of Arizona Press, 1973) documents the work of many of the artists who studied

under Dunn.

31. Pete, interview by author, 26 August 1999· In explaining her methods, Dunn said

that beginning students worked alone, but group work was gradually incorporated

as students progressed. Dunn, American Indian Painting.

32- Pete, interview by author, 17 May 1997.

33· Pete, interviews by author, 24 November 1997 and 26 August 1999.

34. Another contentious issue between them may have been that, after Morrow was

hired at Santa Fe, the Indian service considered replacing her with Dunn. See

Edna Groves to Dorothy Dunn, 2 November 1931, folder 93DDK.160, box 13, Dor

othy Dunn Kramer Collection, Museum ofIndian Arts and Culture, Laboratory of

Anthropology, Santa Fe, New Mexico.


36. J. F. Zimmerman et aI., "Twenty-Five Years ofAchievement: Address at the Annual

Meeting of the Managing Committee of the School of American Research," El

Palacio 34 (7-14 June 1933): 175·37. Pete, interview by author, 19 March 1997·

38. Pete, interview by author, 28 July 1999.

39. Ibid.


41. Pete, interviews by author, 24 November 1997 and 22 June 1999.

42. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997·

43. Josephine Myers Wapp, interview by author, telephone, 28 May 2002.

44. Pete, interview by author, 26 August 1999. The Santa Fe New Mexican reported on

3 February 1933 in an article titled "Laboratory Aid to Indians in Studying Tradi

tional Designs" that "This morning a bus load of students from the Arts and Crafts

department of the U.S.I.S. spent several hours in the Laboratory of Anthropology

studying historic designs on silver and blankets in collections there. This group is

one of many from the Indian school that is making use of the facilities of the

laboratory to further their work in their native crafts. At the Indian school they

have a library of reference works from the Smithsonian, Field museum, Southwest

museum and the public museum of Milwaukee. The teachers at the school are

conversant with the old designs and have instilled into their pupils a love of the

work done by their ancestors. But it is a big help to have the collections at the

laboratory so the students can actually see and feel the types of work being studied.

By having access to the finest work of Indian craftsmen they can really gain an

understanding of the objectives for which they are striving. In this way they are

FALL 2003

gaining in appreciation of their own and getting away from the 'ginger bread' or

nateness that was being cultivated in many sections in an effort to appeal to the

ignorance of tourists."

45· Dunn, American Indian Painting, 263, 261.46. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997·

47· Pete, interviews by author, 24 November 1997 and 26 August 1999·48. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997.49. Pete, interview by author, 21 March 1998; and Pete, "The Indian Child and His

Education," 13.

50. Pete, interviews by author, 26 August 1999 and 28 July 1999.51. Pete, interviews by author, 19 March 1997 and 26 August 1999.52. Pete, interviews by author, 24 November 1997 and 26 August 1999.

53· Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997·54- For comprehensive discussion of the concept of the "cultural broker" see the intro-

duction in Connell Szasz, Between Indian and White Worlds: The Cultural Broker.

55. Pete, interviews by author, 24 November 1997 and 26 August 1997·56. Ibid.

57. The mide were priests or shamans; Myers Wapp, interview by author, 28 May 2002.

58. On the Mide Wiwin Club, consult Tequayo, eleventh-grade annual, 1932-1933,Santa Fe Indian School, 23; copy in author's possession courtesy Sally Hyer.

59. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997·60. "Oakville Girl Scores," Portland Oregonian, 18 July 1934, 5.61. Pete, interview by author, 26 August 1999.62. Pete to Ryan, 10 April 1933, Graduate student folder 634, box Case Files, Chemawa

Indian School, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Record Group 75, Pacific

Alaska Region, National Archives, Seattle, Washington [hereafter BlACISj.

63· Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997; and Pete, "The Indian Child and

His Education," 13·

64- Pete, interview by author, 19 March 1997.65. Pete to Ryan, 21 February 1934> folder 634, box Case Files, BJACIS.

66. Pete, interview by author, 24 November 1997.

67· Pete, interview by author, 19 March 1997.68. Collins, "A Future with a Past," 15-28.

69. Ibid.

70. Theda Perdue, ed., Sifters: Native American Women's Lives (New York: Oxford

University Press, 2001).

71. A possible explanation for Dunn leaving the Indian Service may have been her

low opinion of the agency. She once advised a friend seeking federal employment:

"For you to obtain a position of any kind in the Indian Service, you will first have

to write the U.S. Civil Service Commission and ask what examinations for art

positions, if any, are being given. If you take an examination, you sometimes have

to wait a year or two for an assignment. Political backing makes all the difference

in the world, as I have observed, and positions are actually made, sometimes, for

the 'right' people. The Civil Service regulations don't seem to matter in such cases.


I'm saying this in case you have a friend among the senators, cabinet members,

brain trusters, etc. Frankly, the Indian Service in the Pueblo area is practically a

100 % political machine at present, and moreover, a little dictatorship in every

sense." Dunn to Paul Love, 29 March 1938, folder 93DDK165, box 13, Dunn Col

lection, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, New Mexico.

72. Morrow's low-key personality- particularly when contrasted with Dunn's vivacity

may have contributed as well. According to student Josephine Myers Wapp, Mor

row "just wasn't the type of person who advertised herself." Myers Wapp, interview

by author, 28 May 2002. See also note 24.

Review EssayLANE COULTER, ED., NAVAJO SADDLE BLANKETS: TEXTILES TO RIDE

IN THE AMERICAN WEST AND KATHY M'CLOSKEY, SWEPT UNDER

THE RUG: A HIDDEN HISTORY OF NAVAJO WEAVING

Jennifer Nez Denetdale

Navajo-made textiles have enjoyed recognition in Western Europe and

the United States for several centuries. Textiles that were initially

woven for everyday wear by Navajo women quickly became coveted trade

items known for their fine craftsmanship and waterproof qualities. By the

end of the nineteenth century, these textiles were no longer made for Na

vajo use but were popularized as rugs and wall hangings for two primary

audiences: collectors and tourists. Recent publications on Navajo textiles re

flect the continuing interest in and the enduring popularity of these textiles.

Navajo Saddle Blankets: Textiles to Ride in the American West edited by Lane

Coulter and Swept Under the Rug: A Hidden History of Navajo Weaving by

Kathy M'Closkey are two current examinations of Navajo-made textiles.

These works provide considerably different perspectives on the meaning

and significance of Navajo-made textiles. Featuring Navajo saddle blankets

Lane Coulter, ed., Navajo Saddle Blankets: Textiles to Ride in the American West. (Santa Fe:

Museum of New Mexico Press, 2002. 44 pp. 85 color tones, 30 halftones, map, table, notes,

bibliography, index. $5°.00 cloth, ISBN 0-89013-4°6-5, $29.95 paper, ISBn 0-89013-4°7-3), and

Kathy M'Closkey, Swept Under the Rug: A Hidden History of Navajo Weaving. (Albuquerque:

University of New Mexico Press, 2002, xiii + 322 pp. Halftones, line drawings, maps, appendixes,

notes, bibliography, index. $32.95 cloth, ISBN 0-8263-2831-8). Dr. Jennifer Nez Denetdale (Dine)

is Assistant Professor of History at the University of New Mexico. Dr. Denetdale was the 2002-

2003 Katrin H. Lamon Fellow at the School ofAmerican Research in Santa Fe. She is currently

researching Navajo history and examining the legacies of the Navajo leader Manuelito and his 471

wife Juanita.


from the textile collection of the Museum ofIndian Arts and Crafts in Santa

Fe, New Mexico, Coulter's edited collection reflects standard scholarship

in Navajo textile studies and aims to garner public interest in and appre

ciation for these blankets. The contributors, including Bruce Shackleford,

Susan Brown McGreevy, Marian E. Rodee, and Coulter, echo popular in

terpretations of Navajos and the textiles created by Navajo women. Their

perspectives place textiles within accepted frameworks for writing about Na

vajo culture and history: that Navajos are adept at cultural exchange, that

outside influences have created much of what is now considered Navajo, and

that the process of understanding and appreciating Navajo perspectives is

merely an exercise in extrapolating Navajo traditional and cultural values.

Kathy M'Closkey's Swept Under the Rug expands the scope of Navajo tex

tile studies by raising questions about the continued impoverishment of Na

va;os even though Navajo weavers have produced over a million blankets and

rugs over two centuries. Although the market in old Navajo textiles brings in

thousands of dollars for collectors and contemporary weaving generates prof

its for Indian traders and businessmen, few Navajo weavers make enough in

come from their products to provide an adequate standard of living for their

families. M'Closkey seeks to understand the creation of Navajo dependency on

outside markets and how the labor of Navajo weavers has largely been ignored

in studies on the economics, material culture, and art of Navajo textiles.

Setting the theme for the rest of the essays, the introduction to NavajoSaddle Blankets considers how saddle blankets served as major points of

contact in exchanges between Navajo and White cultures. Following a chro

nology established for Navajo history, the textiles are categorized and classi

fied into three periods. The internment of Navajos in Bosque Redondo at

Fort Sumner, New Mexico Territory, from 1864 to 1868, acts as a watershed.'

The Dine have been noted for their abilities to resist the colonization efforts

of Spaniards and then Mexicans. In 1846 Americans claimed the Southwest

for the United States and met fierce resistance from both Navajos and

Apaches. In 1863 the United States declared war on the Navajos and, through

a "scorch and burn" campaign, laid waste to Navajo land. Over twelve thou

sand Navajos surrendered and were forcibly relocated to Bosque Redondo.

Compelled to rely on the U.S. government for their most basic needs, Na

vajos endured starvation, disease, poverty, and violence. Over twenty-five

hundred Navajos died as a result.

The first period, called the "Classic," refers to Navajo textiles created be

fore 1865. Coulter describes the few weavings from the eighteenth century

and earlier as simple in design and largely utilitarian. These early textiles

FALL 2003 DENETDALE ~ 473

show evidence of trade with the Spaniards; Navajo weavers incorporated col

ors and patterns associated with Spanish culture. For example, weavers added

indigo blue and adopted designs such as terraced stepped right angles, or

triangles to their repertoire. In his essay, Bruce Shackleford describes how

Navajos integrated horses into their society and how Spanish riding styles and

horse tack influenced the Navajos' equitation and horse accoutrements.

The next phase of Navajo weaving, the "Late Classic," dates from 1868 to

1880. The Bosque Redondo "experiment" to turn Navajos into civilized,

christianized farmers was a failure, and in 1868 Navajos and the U.S. gov

ernment signed a peace treaty that allowed the Dine to return to their home

land, a portion ofwhich had been turned into a reservation. Although women

found it more difficult to weave during those years at Bosque Redondo be

cause wool was not readily available, they continued to do so by unraveling and

respinning red bayeta cloth, which Indian agents distributed along with com

mercial yarns. This period also marks the introduction ofNavajos into the larger

American market economy. Coulter notes that, during this period, some tribal

peoples may have used Navajo textiles as saddle blankets while American sol

diers and cowboys used American-manufactured saddle blankets.

In her contribution, Susan McGreevy describes the integration of Nava

jos into the market economy. Traders opened posts on or near Navajo land

and began dealing in hides, pelts, livestock, and rugs. They also encouraged

weavers to trade their textiles for sale in outside markets and supplied weav

ers with brilliantly colored Germantown yarn. For a time, weavers used cot

ton string, instead ofwool, for warps. Cotton string allowed for a finer weave

and facilitated the creation of technically perfect textiles. Weavers experi

mented with vertically placed, outlined serrated diamonds, which histori

ans consider an influence of the Fort Sumner experience. Some weavers

produced step-terraced designs that were reminiscent of earlier "chief" style

and serape designs, and dynamic visual and spatial designs that soon be

came known as "eye-dazzlers." During this period, smaller textiles that could

be used as saddle blankets appeared with frequency and Navajo narratives

make note of Navajo use of these weavings. Weavers also occasionally made

few saddle blankets for decorative purposes, embellishing sections that would

be visible under the saddle.

Interestingly, although Coulter and McGreevy touch on the influence

of the Bosque Redondo years on Navajo weaving, they fail to refer to Roseann

Willink's and Paul Zolbrod's discovery that textiles not only embodied

"mythic" time but recorded historical time as well. For some Navajo weav

ers, the textiles from the Classic period both evoked memories associated


with historical events such as the Long Walk and incorporated a sacred

dimension. McGreevy features a rug woven between 1860 and 1880 as an

illustration of a double-tapestry-weave saddle blanket and one made of

handspun and commercial wool (p. 46), but Willink and Zolbrod realize

that, for some weavers, this same rug recalled ceremonies and their accom

panying stories, illustrating that Navajo weavers were knowledgeable about

sacred stories and rituals, and shared them in their weavings. 2

With the arrival of the transcontinental railroad in the Southwest and

the proliferation of trading posts near and on Navajo land after 1880, textiles

took on yet other meanings. Traders, with the aid of entrepreneurs, travel

ers, photographers, and writers, created a national market for Indian arts

and crafts. This phase, "the Transitional period," reflects the emergence of

a national interest in southwestern Indian life and culture. As Coulter notes,

this fascination with Indian arts and crafts, including Navajo textiles, re

flected White middle-class anxieties about changes - particularly industri

alization and urbanization in their own society, including those regarding

proper gender roles) The promotion of Indian arts and crafts paid off for

many businesses as consumers began purchasing Navajo textiles for use as

throw rugs. Smaller pieces sold as souvenirs reminded tourists of their trav

els to the "exotic" Southwest. A select number ofweavers like Elle ofGanado

were able to make a living from weaving, although most were poorly paid.4

Well into the early twentieth century, as Marian E. Rodee narrates in her

essay, textiles showed the influence of traders, especially those who became

associated with regions on and near the Navajo reservation. Traders such as

John B. Moore at Crystal, Arizona, and John L. Hubbell at Ganado, Ari

zona, exercised extraordinary influence over weavers partly by printing sale

catalogs with specific rug designs and sizes catering to outside market tastes.

These traders oversaw the wool-cleaning process, supervised the spinning

and dyeing of wool, and presented weavers with sample patterns. While

weavers churned out textiles for an outside market, they also continued to

create saddle blankets for Navajo use. Saddle blankets, although popular

with Navajos and to some degree with White consumers, did not bring in

much money for weavers.

Presented as a major point of cultural exchange between Navajos and

Whites, saddle blankets have taken on a meaning and significance that

emphasizes the perspectives of non-Navajo collectors, tourists, traders, and

scholars to the detriment of Navajo views. Perhaps as a corrective, contribu

tors Pearl Sunrise and Joyce Begay-Foss share their insights on weaving. In

FALL 2003 DENETDALE + 475

the book's introduction, Sunrise explains that weaving, rooted in traditional

Navajo thought and emphasizing kin relationships, creates continuity with

the past. A company once approached Sunrise to order three hundred saddle

blankets within a limited time frame, but she refused because she eschews

values associated with mass production. Begay-Foss's essay touches upon

Navajo weavers' deeply rooted connections to weaving and then dissects

the textile into its parts. Although Begay-Foss's approach to weaving can be

seen as yet another echoing of standard textile scholarship, her references

to weavers' tools and methods, and the changes that weavers incorporated

provide some additional insights from a Navajo perspective.

In the tradition of feminist scholarship, Kathy M'Closkey scrutinizes the

perspectives presented in Lane Coulter's Navajo Saddle Blankets, firmly

rejecting accepted scholarship as having little or no relevance to Navajo

society and particularly to the lives of the weavers. 5 Views such as those

expressed in Coulter's volume have been instrumental in perpetuating Na

vajo impoverishment by refusing to acknowledge the historic connections

between colonialism and the appropriation of colonized people's resources,

labor, knowledge, and traditions for the colonizers' use and benefit. Further,

categorizations of women's weaving within Western paradigms has rendered

Navajo women's labor invisible, and their knowledge has been pigeonholed

as domestic and therefore inconsequential.

Swept Under the Rug strives to demythologize Navajo textile scholarship

by raising questions about the nature of economic relationships between

traders who bought and marketed Navajo-woven textiles and the Navajo

women who tirelessly wove for a pittance. In her book M'Closkey makes

visible the ongoing devaluation of Navajo weavers' labor and knowledge.

She examines current dialogues between textile scholars, curators, and art

dealers, who have failed to make connections between the systemic poverty

that Navajos experience and their own research and writing on and display

of Navajo textiles, particularly historic pieces. Further, scholars' categoriza

tion of weaving within Western paradigms not only has veiled the links be

tween political economy and the world of arts and crafts, but also has served

to reaffirm the characterization of Navajos as primarily cultural borrowers

who arrived late in the Southwest, claims that contradict Navajo under

standing of their own past and origins.

Historically, Navajo-woven textiles were highly prized as trade items as

sociated with wealth and-prestige. Nevertheless, by the end of the nine

teenth century, Navajo weavers saw little return for their efforts although


over half of all Navajo women wove textiles. In 1890 the annual production

of textiles was valued at twenty-five thousand dollars, and in 1930 annual

production had risen to one million dollars. On average a weaver could

produce approximately fifteen to eighteen single saddle blankets per year,

or eight to ten double saddle blankets, or four to ten rugs per year, depend

ing on the size. Even as the value of these textiles remained high on the

retail market, Navajo women received less and less for the value of their

labor, and their families became more impoverished.

Mter 1864, during their imprisonment at Bosque Redondo and continu

ing into the reservation period, Navajos lost control of the textile trade even

though women still produced the textiles at prereservation levels. By detail

ing the place of these textiles in the Navajo economy and the important

role of women, M'Closkey uncovers the systemic impoverishment of Nava

jos, which began with their surrender to the United States in 1864, metasta

sized during their imprisonment at Bosque Redondo, and has persisted

through the reservation era to the present. Although scholars such as Rich

ard White note that Navajos recovered some measure of their former self

sufficiency in the early reservation period, M'Closkey argues that Navajo

impoverishment has been an ongoing process whose roots lay in the Fort

Sumner experience. 6

Appearing in the early reservation era, traders quickly came to dominate

the Navajo economy through several avenues, including credit saturation,

the use of seea (tin money) in place of money, and taking pawn and charg

ing exorbitant interest rates. For many decades traders assessed textiles by

the pound, even beyond the era that scholars associate with "pound blan

kets." M'Closkey demonstrates a correlation between wool prices and the

prices traders quoted weavers for their textiles. Because wool prices were

low throughout the nineteenth century, traders found another way to mar

ket wool-as woven textiles. M'Closkey's statistics and graphs demonstrate

that textiles were the major source of profit for traders such as Hubbell of

Ganado and make a compelling case for the magnitude ofwomen's labor in

the Navajo textile industry.

Mter tracing the historic processes that moved control of textiles from

Navajos to traders and how these traders came to dominate the textile trade,

M'Closkey examines how Navajo studies scholars, museologists, curators,

and collectors have worked hand-in-glove with traders and other business

men to perpetuate the impoverishment of Navajo weavers and their fami

lies. Present-day attitudes and practices sustain colonial practices. For


example, museums, curators, and collectors still endorse and oversee a mar-

. ket for historic Navajo textiles. Such valuing of "classic" textiles brings au

thority and prestige to a select audience that collects Native American artifacts

to the disadvantage of Navajo weavers, who cannot sell their textiles or must

sell them for very little return. M'Closkey also examines the effect of trade

blankets on Navajo use of their own textiles and the place of "knock-offs" in

the market for Navajo-made textiles.

In the nineteenth century, Navajos increasingly replaced their own tex

tiles with textiles mass-produced by companies such as Pendleton, thus ex

tinguishing an important place for Navajo-woven blankets in their society.

Today, Navajos treasure Pendleton blankets, often using them in ceremo

nies and giving them as gifts at graduations, birthdays, and holidays. Knock

offs, relatively inexpensive imitations of Navajo blankets manufactured in

other countries, are flooding the market and make it difficult, if not impos

sible, for Navajo weavers to sell their textiles.

M'Closkey also devotes chapters to Navajo weavers' own understanding

of and appreciation for their textiles. Navajo artists consider their weavings a

vital connection between oral tradition, daily life, and the continuity of

Navajo traditions and culture. While textile scholars have acknowledged

that many weavers place their work within a context of Navajo tradition,

they have made only cursory references to creation narratives that explain

how weaving came to be a part of Navajo tradition. As M'Closkey notes, the

cultural-adapter and -innovator paradigm still causes scholars to doubt the

veracity of Navajo claims that weaving is a genuine Navajo creation.

In 1999 Maori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith published DecolonizingMethodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, which Native scholars have

reviewed favorably. Smith argues that research on indigenous peoples is

linked to imperialism and Western systems of knowledge and that, by veil

ing these connections, Western scholars have been complicit in the ongo

ing exploitation and destruction of indigenous communities. All research

must be ethical and useful to indigenous communities undergoing studyJ A

blend of several theoretical frameworks including feminist Marxism,

postmodernism, and postcolonial studies, M'Closkey's timely study is in

dicative of the direction ofcontemporary scholarship, a direction that brings

together Native and non-Native researchers to work toward the recovery

and survival of indigenous communities.

A recent issue of the Navajo Times reprinted a New York Times article on

the "Indian Capital of the world-Gallup." The article addresses Gallup's


historic trading relationship to Navajos who travel there every weekend to

spend their money and the changes in trading with the appearance ofArabs

who are gaining control of the Indian trade.8 Since their appearance in Na

vajo land after 1868, Anglo merchants have profited enormously from trade

with Navajos and other Native peoples, who suffer from some of the highest

poverty rates in the United States. Today, most Navajo artists and craftspeople

cannot live off the production and sale of their arts and crafts, for imitations

of Navajo products imported from China and the Philippines have flooded

the marketplace and driven down prices. We (Navajos) have not prospered

from our relationship with the predominately White traders, who control the

Navajo art hade. This article reiterates questions about the creation of Navajo

dependency on outside markets and the historic relationship between traders

and Navajos-so often presented as benign. Who has benefited from the Indian hade? M'Closkey's study certainly provides some provocative answers to

questions about the Navajo trade and particularly about the significance of

Navajo women in the political economy of the West.

Notes

1. See also Ann Lane Hedlund, "'More Survival Than an Art': Comparing Late Nine

teenth- and Late Twentieth-Century Lifeways and Weaving:' in Woven by the Grandmothers: Nineteenth-Century Navajo Textiles from the National Museum ofthe Ameri

can Indian, ed. Eulalie H. Bonar (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press,

1996),47-67.2. Roseann S. Willink and Paul G. Zolbrod, Weaving a World: Textiles and the Navajo Way

ofSeeing (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1996), 38. See especially plate 2.

3. For an analysis of White America's interest in the Indian Southwest during the nine

teenth and early twentieth centuries, see Leah Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the

Southwest: Persistent Visions ofa Primitive Past (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian In

stitution Press, 1996).

4. Kathleen L. Howard, "Weaving a Legend: Elle ofGanado Promotes the Indian South

west:' New Mexico Historical Review 74 (April 1999): 130-31; and Laura Jane Moore,

"Elle Meets the President: Weaving Navajo Culture and Commerce in the South

western Tourist Industry," Frontiers: A Journal ofWomen Studies 22:1 (2001): 21-44.

5. See, for example, Louise Lamphere, "Gladys Reichard Among the Navajo:' in Hid

den Scholars: Women Anthropologists and the Native American Southwest, ed. Nancy

J. Parezo (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 157-88; William H.

Lyon, "Gladys Reichard at the Frontiers of Navajo Culture:' American Indian Quar

terly 8 (Spring 1989): 137-63; and Lessie Jo Frazier, "Genre, Methodology and Femi

nist Practice," Critique ofAnthropology 1H (1993): 363-78.


6. Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and SocialChange Among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Ne

braska Press, 1983).7. Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples

(New York: Zed Books, 1999).8. Charlie LeDuff, "Tensions Over Who Prospers in Indian Capital," Navajo Times, 24

July 2003, AS·

Book Reviews

Only in New Mexico: An Architectural History ofthe University ofNew Mexico: The First Century, 1889-1989. By Van Dorn Hooker with Melissa Howard

and V. B. Price. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000. xxv +342 pp. 16 color photographs, 240 halftones, maps, appendixes, bibliography,

index. $24.95 cloth, ISBN 0-8263-2135-6.)

Van Dorn Hooker concludes Only in New Mexico with a passage from

Dorothy Hughes's Pueblo on the Mesa, written in 1939 to celebrate the fifti

eth anniversary of the University of New Mexico (UNM). Implying that he

cannot predict what UNM will be like one hundred years in the future, he

shares with Hughes a faith that the institution's most striking and timeless

quality, its architectural character, will forever define it as "the pueblo on

the mesa." Hooker's optimism derives from the position he held as univer

sity architect from 1963 to 1987. In that role he was a principal participant in

the planning and building process during a period that defined much of

today's UNM campus. Combining those experiences with his research on

earlier eras ofcampus construction, he presents an account"of the university's

architecture and its overall history.

Both Hooker and V. B. Price, who contributes an eloquent foreword to

the book, celebrate the way in which architects and planners who have

designed UNM's buildings and, more recently, developed master plans for

its multiple campuses, have cultivated a sense ofplace that is unique among

American universities. In the early chapters, Hooker recounts the pioneer

ing and visionary efforts ofWilliam George Tight, the university's third presi

dent, and architect Edward Buxton Cristy to blend the region's Pueblo and

Hispanic building styles in many of the school's early buildings. He illus

trates how these efforts gained impetus in 1927 with the Board of Regents'

decision to commission four new buildings using the Spanish Pueblo Revival

Style. Hooker traces how, during the 193os, Pres. James F. Zimmerman skill- 481fully managed to bring to the campus numerous New Deal construction


projects, many of them designed by John Caw Meem, a leading proponent

of southwestern regionalism in the state's public architecture.

Although the scale and number of projects increased enormously as the

university grew following World War II, the precedent established by these

early efforts to cultivate a sense of place through the use of a regional archi

tecture persisted. After having worked at Meem's firm, Hooker was appointed

university architect, a position of great influence. In this role he determined

the list of architects and planners recommended to the president and, ulti

mately, to the Board of Regents for campus building projects. Central to his

job was working with these designers to reconcile the realities of modern

building technology-new materials and designs, and the feelings they

evoke-with the historic building traditions defining southwestern region

alism. Hooker reveals how these issues were resolved, drawing from the let

ters and reports prepared by the architects who undertook campus projects.

This liberal use of details offers insight into how the university has sought to

adapt itself to the future while it holds on to its past. Buildings such as Popejoy

Hall, the Humanities Building, and the Pit, the development of the North

Campus, and the comprehensive landscaping program that unifies the en

tire campus bear witness to those decisions.

Combined with the close attention Hooker gives to the history of the

campus's earlier eras, this copiously illustrated book offers readers an unprec

edented wealth of details regarding UNM's history. Although the ostensible

focus of the book is the history of the university's built environment, the re

lated issues of allocating resources, lobbying the state legislature for funding,

land swaps, and the efforts of university presidents and other administrators to

shape the physical appearance of the university offer a wide-ranging institu

tional history. Although the book's generosity of information sometimes falls

victim to turgid prose, Only in New Mexico is a welcome volume not only

for those interested in UNM's unique architecture but for those interested

in a broad history of the school's development.

David Kammer

Albuquerque, New Mexico

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS? 483

Facing Southwest: The Life and Houses ofJohn Caw Meem. By Chris Wilson,

photographs by Robert Reck. (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 200l.

178 pp. 100 color plates, 100 halftones, notes, bibliography, index. $60.00

cloth, ISBN 0-393-73067-0.)

The work of New Mexican architect John Caw Meem is synonymous

with the popularization of the Santa Fe style of architecture in the South

west. Long before the current trend of rambling adobe houses with corner

fireplaces and protruding wooden vigas, Meem was the purveyor of a re

gionalized expression of architecture. He was blessed, throughout his thirty

year career, with clients who allowed his experimentation with regionalist

architecture to flourish.

Chris Wilson's Facing Southwest: The Life and Houses ofJohn Caw Meemorients the reader to the particular context in which Meem was working

and that subsequently informed his unique regional expression. Unlike pre

vious books written about Meem soon after his death in 1983, Wilson's work

on the Southwest's most notable architect has the perspective of time that

allows a deeper understanding of his role in contributing to the larger issues

of cultural identity in the Southwest. By concentrating solely on Meem's

residential designs, the book provides an intimate portrayal ofMeem's unique

relationships to his clients, who gave him the freedom to experiment with

this marriage of the design vocabulary of current stylistic trends to an aes

thetic reflective of the region in which they resided.

Facing Southwest, as a monograph about an architect, is also a unique

precedent in its organization and presentation of information in three parts.

Part 1, entitled "Facing Southwest," is a concise biography that interprets

the complex context that defined Meem's influential architectural career.

An early childhood in Brazil, schooling at the Virginia Military Institute,

engineering experience in New York City, service in World War I, and his

contraction of tuberculosis, diagnosed when he was nineteen, set the stage

for Meem's relocation to Santa Fe in 1920 and his quick rise to become the

preeminent architect in an increasingly elite region of the United States.

Throughout his early career, Meem struggled to synthesize his aborted ar

chitectural training, which emphasized a formal "Beaux-Arts" tradition, with

the picturesque Pueblo architecture to which he was now exposed while

recovering in the Sunmount Sanatorium. In his observation and documen

tation of New Mexican vernacular architecture, Wilson links Meem to the

late-nineteenth-century Romantic aspirations to seek inspiration from and


connection to the sublime qualities of nature seen later in Meem's flowing,

asymmetrical plans and picturesque building forms. His career also defines

the development of regionalism as the underlying syntax for what Wilson

describes as Meem's design "idioms."

Meem, who felt compelled to stay current with popular stylistic expres

sions, modified his designs as his career passed from the period revivals of

the 1920S and 1930S to post-World War II modernism. His attempt to marry

the modern movement within a regionalist vocabulary was the most ex

perimental but least successful period of Meem's career. By this later pe

riod, he had established a reputation that led his client base to expect de

signs in his earlier, more romantic idioms. His effort to create a regional

modernism was characterized by a fundamental desire for authenticity.

Meem remained faithful to the perceptual and spatial characteristics of the

regional vernacular without creating a stage set of superficial elements, and

to the honest expression of materials as a tenet of the modern movement.

However, enduring conflict between regionalism and modernism and his

failure to successfully resolve it ultimately led to Meem's retirement in 1959.He dedicated the next twenty-four years of his life to community service and

the preservation of a regional ethic in a New Mexico increasingly influ

enced by a modernist aesthetic.

Part 2 of Wilson's book, "Design Patterns," takes its cue from two highly

influential books: Rexford Newcomb's The Spanish House for America (1927)

and Christopher Alexander's A Pattern Language (1977). Wilson applies his

analytical skills to define and illustrate the recurrent design elements that

define Meem's residential works. This valuable analysis allows the reader to

view Meem's work outside the more typical chronological lens. The ana

lytical structure also reflects the way Meem himself broke down a building

into complementary parts including floor plans, paths, salas, window seats,

fireplaces, ceilings, doors, portales, and terraces, each with its own vocabu

lary ofelements and spatial relationships. Indeed, Newcomb's seminal book

was among a handful of reference sources that Meem used in the develop

ment and articulation of his own derivative design vocabulary. The section

of design patterns in Facing Southwest, an exceptionally rich resource for

contemporary designers, uses text and illustrations to demystifY the Santa

Fe style in a way that parallels popular architectural "style" books currently

occupying many coffee tables in the Southwest.

Part 3, "Design Idioms," expands on the earlier biographical introduc

tion to Meem's three distinct design expressions: Spanish-Pueblo Revival,

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS + 485

Territorial Revival, and Contemporary Southwest. In this section, Wilson

illustrates each idiom with one characteristic residence, interpreting the

stylistic nuances within the context of Meem's relationships with clients.

Wilson concludes with the development of Meem's own Santa Fe residence

in 1937. Here, Meem's attempts to reconcile his desire for the use of a re

gional expression within the emerging stylistic trends is portrayed in richly

illustrated snapshots of an evolving career.

Throughout the book, author Chris Wilson draws from numerous archi

val sources and blends a casual writing style and rigorous scholarship that

allow this book to be read on a variety of levels. Both the rich mixture of

media illustrating Wilson's text and the expert design enhance the readabil

ity of Facing Southwest. Original architectural drawings from the Meem

Collection at the University ofNew Mexico are balanced with prolific docu

mentation and analytical drawings by Albuquerque architect George Clayton

Pearl. Pearl's comparative drawings include a series of plan configurations

of each of the design elements and a composite map of Meem's Santa Fe

residences illustrating orientation strategies. Pearl's illustrations visually con

vey a deeper understanding of Wilson's analysis than could any other me

dia. The photography in Facing Southwest represents the best of western

photographers: Ansel Adams, Laura Gilpin, and Robert Reck, the latter

contributing contemporary color photography. In a graphically enticing man

ner, the omission of color photography from Part 1, Meem's biography, pro

vides a distinction between Meem's past and the houses in the subsequent

two parts used to illustrate contemporary applications of Meem's design

vocabulary.

The story of John Gaw Meem is as mythical and picturesque as the Santa

Fe style he popularized. In Facing Southwest, Chris Wilson has used his skills

as a cultural historian to interpret Meem within the context that created him

and has demythologized his architectural language by providing the reader a

clear and concise vocabulary from which Meem's Santa Fe style was derived.

Wilson also tells the story of regionalism and how it survived various permuta

tions, and frames this book in a light that parallels our refocused attention to

create a regional design vocabulary, most recently in the name of New Ur

banism. The study of Meem's work is as valuable today as it has ever been,

and Facing Southwest is an exceptional tool to understand it.

R. Brooks Teffery

University ofArizona


From Settler to Citizen: New Mexican Economic Development and the Cre

ation ofVecino Society, 1750--1820. By Ross Frank. (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 2000. xxiii + 329 pp. Halftones, maps, charts, tables, notes,

bibliography, index. $45.00 cloth, ISBN 0-520-22206-7.)

A short review cannot begin to do justice to Ross Frank's fine study oflate

colonial New Mexico. Chronologically much fuller than the title suggests,

the book in fact provides readers with the most wide-ranging, complete,

and richly documented study yet of economic life after the Pueblo Revolt.

Frank, who teaches in the Ethnic Studies Department at the University of

California, San Diego, has made skillful use of an impressive array of archi

val material in his study. Culling data from national, regional, and state

repositories in Spain, Mexico, and the United States, he challenges many

of the common assumptions about New Mexico's colonial economy. In so

doing, he invites scholars to reconsider our notions of cultural identity.

Briefly, Frank's argument runs as follows. Two distinct commercial sys

tems held sway in late colonial New Mexico. The first began in the wake of

Spanish resettlement after the Pueblo Revolt and lasted until about the 177os.

This system depended heavily on trade relations between Plains peoples

and the inhabitants ofNew Mexico-vecinos (Hispano New Mexicans) and

Pueblos. Furthermore, the prominent role of Pueblo groups within this sys

tem "set the tone for social relations between the Pueblo and non-Pueblo

communities" (p. 22). The product was greater cooperation and consider

able intermarriage between the two groups. Several circumstances converged

in the 1770S and 1780s, however, to spell fue end of fue first system of com

merce and the world it had wrought. First, a mid-century "defensive crisis"

saw a dramatic upswing in violence between nomadic Native groups (par

ticularly the Comanches and Apaches) and New Mexicans, conflicts that

stymied the province's internal production and disrupted normal economic

activity. Second, the smallpox epidemic of 1780--1781 produced a dramatic

demographic restructuring that made Hispanics the dominant racial group

in the province. Finally, Bourbon colonial administrators began to assume

greater interest in the far north of the Spanish empire. They elaborated a

coherent and effective plan to reduce Indian hostilities, and pumped money

and other resources into New Mexico. The diminished threat of Indian

raids and government financial support enabled New Mexicans to resume,

expand, and reorient their economic activities to other Spanish communi

ties south of the province. This vibrant second commercial system, domi-


nated by vecinos, was well integrated into the greater system of trade and

commerce in the far north. Although cooperation between Pueblos and

vecinos declined, the emerging Hispanic economic elite underwrote a flow

ering of material culture that helped shape a distinctive Nuevomexicanoidentity still in evidence to this day.

From Settler to Citizen offers many surprises, even for experts: New Mexico

was not the economic backwater as typically portrayed; the notorious pesode la tierra existed only in an intermediate stage of New Mexico's transfor

mation from a barter to a money economy; the abusive Chihuahua mer

chants were not all that bad. As is their wont, specialists will find bones to

pick, but they will surely appreciate the author's attention to detail, his in

novative interpretation of data, and his endeavor to link economic and

cultural history. Ross Frank has written an important book, one to be read

and contemplated by every historian of the colonial Southwest.

Charles Cutter

Purdue University

Reimagining Indians: Native Americans Through Anglo Eyes, 1880-1940. By

Sherry L. Smith. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. 273 pp. Half

tones, notes, bibliography, index. $35.00 cloth, ISBN 0-19-513635-7.)

The Plains Indians Photographs ofEdward S. Curtis. By Edward S. Curtis.

(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001. viii+ 178 pp. Halftones, notes,

bibliography. $50.00 cloth, lSBN 0-8032-1512-6.)

These two books attempt to illuminate how people view interpreters and

their images of the American Indians. In Reimagining Indians, Sherry L.

Smith seeks to deepen our understanding oflate-nineteenth- and twentieth

century writers and self-defined experts on the Indians by explaining their

background, politics, and social views. The authors of the three introduc

tory essays to the Curtis book explore the history of photography, the history

of Curtis's career, and the aesthetic aspects of his photographs.

Smith provides an insightful exploration of Charles Erskine, Scott Wood,

George Bird Grinnell, Walter McClintock, Mary Roberts Rhinehart, Frank

Bird Linderman, Charles Fletcher Lummis, Mary Austin, Anna Ickes, and

Mabel Dodge Luhan. She introduces each author's discovery of the West and

the Indians, and the ways those experiences influenced their later writings.


This well written and engaging account puts the authors' writings about

Indians into the context of their lives, often arguing that their products are

often more about other issues (gender, politics, etc.) than about the Indians.

For those scholars who use these authors in the classroom and in their re

search, this type of work is long overdue. Smith's monograph represents a

necessary exploration of how contact influenced context during the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Overall the book reads like a fine symphony plays. Only one sour note

appears in Reimagining Indians. At the end of the chapter on Walter

McClintock, Smith seems to tack on Mary Roberts Rhinehart. Even Smith's

excellent explanation ofthe book's organization deletes Rhinehart and, there

fore, does not explain her importance or why she is separated from the other

women in the study. The role of this section on Rhinehart never seems

clear and does not fit with the overall structure of the book. Although Smith

refers to Rhinehart in later chapters, this discussion is by far the weakest part

of the book.

The Plains Indian Photographs ofEdward S. Curtis provides a selection

ofthe photographer's work supported by three introductory essays. Like Smith's

analysis ofwriters, the Curtis book attempts to put his work into context. Martha

Sandweiss's essay clarifies the history of nineteenth-century photography

and its relationship to Curtis and his work. Mick Gidley examines Curtis's

career and how it shaped his artistic vision and work. Duane Niatum cre

ates an aesthetic lens through which readers may glimpse new aspects of

Curtis. All three essays contribute both to the overall history of photography

and to that of Curtis's photography. Yet they assume more knowledge and

familiarity with the photographs than average and interested readers may

have. First, at several points, the three essayists refer to photographs omitted

from this volume, as if the reader should know them by their title alone.

Second, the essayists mention the long descriptions Curtis wrote on the

back of his photographs. Although the editors justifiably chose to include

only the most important aspects of these long narratives, the essayists refer

to texts as if the reader should know them as well as the authors do. These

moments are frustrating for the reader. The authors' important points re

main hidden behind this lack of information.

In sum, both works represent important turning points in the history of

representations of Indians. Their authors' successful deconstruction of the

images and the image makers helps scholars and readers better understand

the times, the people, and the images produced. While building on the work

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS ~489

of prior authors, they extend our understanding of the historiography of im

age creation and its effects on Indians and the policies that affected them.

c. L. Higham

Texas A6M University

Photographing Navajos: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation, 1948-1953. By C.

Stewart Doty, Dale Sperry Mudge, and Herbert John Benally, photographs

by John Collier JI. (Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 2002. 224

pp. 97 halftones, map. $39-95 cloth, ISBN 0-8263-2438-x.)

This attractive volume makes available for the first time almost one hun

dred photographs taken of Navajo people by John Collier JI. in the post

World War II era. These photographs come from a corpus of nearly one

thousand Collier photographs housed in the Nova Scotia Archives (cour

tesy ofAlexander Leighton) and in the University of Pennsylvania Museum.

The volume also includes several essays. Herbert John Benally, an instruc

tor at Dine College, culturally situates Collier's photography; C. Stewart

Doty provides a historical essay on Collier's work in Navajoland; and Dale

Sperry Mudge discusses the Fruitland photographs of the early 1950S with

interview materials from four descendants of the original farming families.

Some photographic captions are originals penned by Collier; others have

been edited by the current authors.

Collier took the first body of photographs on assignment from the Fann

Quarterly magazine in 1948. Mostly from Arizona, they are very much like

those of other competent but uncritical photographers of the period

cleansed and filled with Western notions of how Navajos were best repre

sented. These images present them as successful adaptors unproblematically

adjusting to their return from World War II. In 1952 Collier joined the Cornell

University Project as photographer for the experiment in Navajo farming at

the San Juan River Irrigation Project just west of Farmington, at Fruitland,

New Mexico. These images document a largely pleasant daily life on the

farms. Also included are a few photographs of wage work in the Four Cor

ners. All photographs in this series are very similar to the images in TheEnduring Navaho, a picture volume published by Laura Gilpin in 1968.But make no mistake: Collier's assignment was specifically one of propa

ganda and surveillance-it was not meant to be a comprehensive photo

graphic survey. There are no images of failures.


Fortunately, for more critical readers, the texts reveal something of the

broad setting of these photographs. There is mention of the devastating stock

reduction program inaugurated by John Collier Sr., the photographer's fa

ther, and ostensibly undertaken because overgrazing led to erosion, a pro

cess blamed for the rapid silting of Boulder (later Hoover) dam. However,

the authors fail to mention that this wisdom is no longer universally ac

cepted, and that stock reduction was not required of non-Navajo ranchers

in the Colorado River drainage, due to the rancher's lobby in Washington,

D.C., stock reduction certainly impeded the traditional Navajo herding

economy.

In the Fruitland irrigation project, the authors call attention to the fact

that Navajo farmers only received half of what the government promised

them (ten acres instead of twenty), and that the Mormon farmers got the

best irrigated land. The government's failure to provide the acreage, com

bined with the stock reduction, actually forced Navajos to seek work off their

farms, making them available as cheap wage labor for the new oil pipelines

and other bourgeoning construction projects in the Four Corners region.

There is no photographic evidence for any of these destructive forces in

Navajo society in Photographing Navajos. Indeed, these proficient classic

photographs, by themselves, do not explain their full context. To their credit

the authors provide some textual materials to flesh out the history that the

photographs do not reveal.

Tames c. Faris

Santa Fe, New Mexico

The Far Southwest, 1846-1912: A Territorial History. By Howard R. Lamar.

Revised edition. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966; reprint,

Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000. xvii + 526 pp. Map,

notes, bibliographical essay, index. $24.95 paper, ISBN 0-8263-2248-4-)

In 1966 Howard R. Lamar published The Far Southwest, 1846-1912, a

landmark work bringing together the territorial political histories of the Four

Corner states of New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Arizona. On a topo

graphical map without state lines, the area covered by these states seems to

be of a single piece. Indeed, much of that land was once considered part of

the Spanish province of New Mexico. The region was also home to the

Utes, Paiutes, eastern and western Apaches, Navajos, and Pueblos. The area

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS ~ 491

must have appeared as a united whole to its American conquerors in the

U.S. Army of the West, which marched down the Santa Fe Trail in August

1846 to begin the process of annexation that would lead to statehood for all

four states by 1912 (Colorado in 1876; Utah in 1896). The Far Southwestexplores this region and ties together the territorial-period histories of each

state, showing how American institutions such as trial by jury and free pub

lic schools took root in a place that lacked experience with them. By treat

ing this region as a whole and emphasizing the similarities of its political

institutions, The Far Southwest can be seen as one of the first works in what

is now called, for good or for ill, the New Western History.

A little more than three decades after its initial publication, the Univer

sity of New Mexico Press has published a revised edition of The Far Southwest with almost forty pages of additions to the bibliographic essay, a new

introduction, and some changes to the text and notes. These additions (especially the new bibliographic essays) are a bonus, in addition to the gift of

having this important book back in print. The work is divided into four

sections, one each for New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Arizona. The

section on New Mexico, the longest in the book, contains two chapters

dealing with four decades of history prior to the territorial period. Since

these territorial histories treat primarily government and economic affairs,

the New Mexico background chapters emphasize the Taos and Santa Fe

merchants, trappers, mountain men, and large landowners, laying the

groundwork for "a conquest by merchants," the title of chapter 3. Unfortu

nately, the new bibliographic essay for the New Mexico section does not

include recent material for the preterritorial period, although citing those

numerous books and articles would enrich this publication.

The territorial period of each state-to-be-a kind of probationary period

through which each had to pass in preparation for statehood - was based on

the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, which provided for stages of frontier ter

ritorial government leading toward statehood. The ordinance sought to bring

law and order to frontier areas and protect private property without seeming

t() impose imperialistic rule. In New Mexico, law and order were brought to

Colfax and Lincoln Counties with a heavy toll ofviolence, and private prop

erty was not uniformly protected. In a masterful chapter entitled the "Santa

Fe Ring," Lamar traces the infiltration of the ring into every corner of gov

ernment, business, and the legal community, showing that both Republi

cans and Democrats were heavily involved. Calling the Santa Fe Ring "a

brilliant frontier technique of exploitation ... a sophisticated combination


of the eighteenth-century speculator and the nineteenth-century business

man" (p. 132), Lamar weaves the story of the Santa Fe Ring into the Colfax

County War and the Lincoln County War. He shows how politicians and

many others from Thomas B. Catron to Billy the Kid got caught up in terri

torial politics and economics. It is a fascinating story, one that was repeated

in the Arizona, Colorado, and Utah territories.

The major theme of these historical accounts is how the "eighteenth

century speculator and the nineteenth-century businessmen" -men such

as Catron, Lucien B. Maxwell, Charles Beaubien, Ceran St. Vrain in New

Mexico, William Gilpin and Jerome B. Chaffee in Colorado, and others

made their fortunes in land grants, banking, merchandising, or lawyering in

the Southwest. Conventional wisdom said that one in ten immigrants to New

Mexico was a lawyer, and the reputation of the legal profession throughout

the Southwest was so poor that Brigham Young's diatribe against lawyers

"men who love corruption, contention [and] broils" -struck a responsive

chord. Lamar tells the story of the coming of these lawyers to a land peopled

primarily by Native Americans and Hispanos from the perspective of the

newcomers. Although Lamar sought "to trace the complex interplay be

tween Euro-American settlers and the original inhabitants of the area" (In

dians and Hispanos), The Far Southwest is less successful in achieving this

goal. The book necessarily views the political power structures and the poli

ticians governing the four territories in greater detail and with more sympa

thy than it examines the governed- "the original inhabitants of the area."

Lamar goes a long way toward correcting this imbalance by means of the

new bibliographic material, although there does seem to be a bibliographic

gap in works dealing with Native Americans and Hispanos. Dissertations

written about these nonelite members of society, who comprised about 95

percent of the population, should be consulted-works such as Maria E.

Montoya's "Dispossessed People: Settler Resistance on the Maxwell Land

Grant, 1860-1901" (1993), recently published as Translating Property: The

Maxwell Land Grant and Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840

1900 (2002), and Anselmo Arellano's history of settlers on the Las Vegas

grant (1990). Two important works published in the New Mexico Historical

Review not mentioned in the bibliography are Robert Shadow and Marfa

Rodrfquez-Shadow's "From Repartici6n to Partition: A History of the Mora

Land Grant, 1835-1916,"(Vol. 70, No. 3, July 1995) and G. Emlen Hall's

article on Juan Estevan Pino (Vol. 77, NO.1, January 1982), both of which


show that land speculation Santa Fe Ring style was going on in the 1820S

well before it reached the scale discussed by Lamar.

These criticisms are not meant to detract from Howard Lamar's accom

plishment in The Far Southwest. It is a superb work of scholarship, and it is

good to have it back in print. It is also good to have the opportunity to reex

amine the southwestern territorial story with historical details from other

perspectives. Historical methods and attitudes are continually changing, as

is the landscape that comprises the Southwest. Names on that topographic

map reveal the nature of some of that change: Painted Desert, First, Sec

ond, and Third Mesas, Defiance Plateau, Canon del Muerto, Glen Can

yon, Paradox Valley, and Disappointment Valley. These names succinctly

note battlegrounds where Anglo Progress and sacred landscapes have been

pitted one against another.

Read The Far Southwest for a master scholar's approach to a rich history

that is still being written.

Malcolm Ebright

Guadalupita, New Mexico

Viva Mexico! Viva La Independencia!: Celebrations ofSeptember 16. Edited

by William H. Beezley and David E. Lorey. Latin American Silhouettes:

Studies in History and Culture Series. (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources,

2000. xviii + 261 pp. Halftones, tables, appendix, notes, bibliography, index.

$60.00 cloth, ISBN 0-842°-2914-1, $21.95 paper, ISBN 0-8420-2915-X.)

Editors William Beezley and David Lorey declare that September 16 has

"long been the most important public festival in the civic ritual calendar"

(p. ix), and has actively contributed to the creation of Mexico and Mexi

cans. Viva Mexico! Viva La Independencia! spans the period from indepen

dence to 1940, with roughly equal emphasis on the nineteenth and twenti

eth centuries. Most contributions are new, but those of Michael Costeloe

and Mauricio Tenorio Trillo are reprints of journal articles.

Isabel Fernandez Tejedo and Carmen Nava Nava open the volume with

a look at the symbolism employed by the insurrectionists themselves, dem

onstrating that the basic elements of the celebration were established by the

mid-182os. Costeloe argues that the Junta Patri6tica that sponsored the festi

val in Mexico City during the republic's first decades was perhaps unique in

its day in being democratic, voluntary, nondiscriminatory, self-financing,


and usually nonpolitical. He reveals an elite already actively seeking to aug

ment national identity and shows that the festivities of the 1820S were occa

sions for manumission and, ultimately, the abolition ofslavery. Javier Rodriguez

Pifia explores conservatives' memories of independence, and considers, in

particular, their championing of Agustin de Iturbide as Mexico's great lib

erator instead of Miguel Hidalgo, the darling of the liberals.

Tenorio Trillo's work on the centennial celebration of 1910 includes a

nice reading of the Paseo de la Reforma, then being created as a path of

power and progress. Elaine Lacy covers the centennial in 1921, for which

the revolutionary government ironically swept the rabble from the city cen

ter to make a good impression, as had Porfirio Diaz in 1910. Lacy finds that

the celebration of 1921 ,included more popular groups than did that of 1910,

but she also points out that its organizers borrowed much from past com

memorations. Lorey's chapter compares celebrations of Revolution Day

November 20-to independence festivities. As he has demonstrated else

where, Revolution Day was characterized by an orderliness absent from

independence celebrations. Lorey believes that the athletes prominent in

the events of November 20 were one means of achieving this orderliness,

with sports representing "well-regulated violence" meant to replace the revo

lutionary violence of the past.

It is intriguing that the recent interest in culture has brought the disci

pline of history to a point that so many historians have something to say

about a single patriotic ritual. Unfortunately, the coeditors have not seized

the moment to suggest where the study of ritual might go next. There is no

conclusion and the introduction breaks little new ground, perhaps because

it is pitched at nonscholarly readers. Lorey's comparative approach is prom

ising, but few other chapters do much in the way of comparison. The chap

ters that consider commemorations outside the capital are generally not

strong, and the volume lacks international comparisons-in fact, evidence

from France is sometimes cited as though it proves the Mexican case. In

short, although this book has something to offer both specialists and a wider

readership, neither constituency will be wholly satisfied.

Samuel Brunk

University ofTexas, El Paso


The Mexican Revolution, 1910-194°. By Michael J. Gonzales. Dialogos Se

ries. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002. xi + 307 pp. 44

halftones, maps, tables, notes, index. $45.00 cloth, ISBN 0-8263-2779-6, $21.95

paper, ISBN 0-8263-278o-x.)

Michael J. Gonzales's history of the Mexican Revolution is the first syn

thesis and general narrative of the Revolution published since the 1980s.

Gonzales summarizes the Mexican Revolution in 270 pages-no small

achievement. He writes in intelligent and clear prose devoid of the preten

tious jargon that mars so much contemporary history. The book includes

five useful maps and forty-four interesting photographs of revolutionary lead

ers and scenes. This book is based on a broad sampling of recent historiog

raphy and Gonzales's own research on the Mexican mining industry and

mine workers. The volume offers an uncontroversial interpretation that in

tegrates the best insights of the older revisionist analysis (which was skepti

cal of the Revolution's achievements) and the now widely accepted popu

list tenet of 1980s (which asserts the genuinely revolutionary nature of the

movement). The book ends with a conclusion that clearly and succinctly

summarizes the key developments of the Revolution and main themes of

the book. It is, in short, an excellent candidate as an assigned text for courses

on the Mexican Revolution, Mexican history, and other relevant courses,

which is precisely its intended purpose as a volume in the University of

New Mexico Press's Dialogos series.

This book is also something of a disappointment. Gonzales has taken no

risks and makes no effort to say anything new or even very interesting. His

book is profoundly traditional. Traditional history is not a bad thing, ofcourse,

especially in the hands of gifted writers like Shelby Foote and David

McCullough, who can take old and oft-told stories, and breathe new life

into them. To take a more relevant example, in The Great Rebellion (1980)

Ramon Eduardo Ruiz produced a provocative, lively, and entertaining syn

thesis and narrative. Gonzales's narrative reads more like a textbook that

attempts to cover all of the main events and historical figures. Although

Gonzales analyzes the popular support that drove the Revolution, the book

rarely explores inside the popular revolution itself. Instead, the narrative

concentrates on the leaders, offering specific chapters on Carranza, Obregon,

Calles, and Cardenas. Perhaps this unimaginative approach has something to

do with the research upon which the book is based. According to his foot

notes, Gonzales depended almost entirely on the work of U.S. and British


historians published in the last twenty years. With this focus, Gonzales has

missed the classic early histories, biographies, memoirs, and collections of

documents produced by Mexicans, and the vast and distinguished works

written by Mexican historians, all of which are inexhaustible sources of in

teresting and pertinent quotations, telling anecdotes, and valuable clues to

new insights.

These criticisms, of course, come from a historian of the Mexican Revo

lution. Specialists who have read more than a few histories of the Revolu

tion generally prefer bold new approaches that challenge and entertain them.

Students, on the other hand, will appreciate a concise and clearly written

history. In fact, as their first book about the Mexican Revolution, it would

be hard to find anything better.

Thomas Ben;amin

Central Michigan University

Pioneer Photographers ofthe Far West: ABiographical Dictionary, 1840-1865.By Peter Palmquist and Thomas R. Kailbourn, foreword by Martha A. Sand

weiss. (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2001. xxi + 679 pp. Half

tones, appendixes, notes, bibliography. $125.00 cloth, ISBN 0-8047-3883-1.)

Dictionaries are fascinating. They contain large amounts of information,

facts, and, in this case, the added plum of pictures, from which interested

readers can form arguments, develop a discourse, or imagine ideas. Biographi

cal dictionaries sketch the lives of both well-known and obscure individuals

who might otherwise be lost to history. Pioneer Photographers ofthe Far West:A Biographical Dictionary is clearly the result of years of collaborative re

search and writing by authors Peter E. Palmquist and Thomas R. Kailbourn.

The book begins with a foreword by Martha Sandweiss, who provides an

overview and brief introduction of the authors, neither of whom are aca

demics. Palmquist is a photographer, and Kailbourn an editor and painting

contractor. Their nonacademic credentials perhaps explain why, as Sandweiss

states, "This dictionary stands as a rare example of a readable and even

entertaining reference book" (p. x). The foreword is followed by a preface,

which carefully details the authors' specific parameters and methodology

and explains their periodization, the earliest years of photography, and the

geographical boundaries of the Far West, "North America west of the Con

tinental Divide and all of Central America" (p. xv).

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS -+ 497

The introduction is informative and full of tales of the deeds and the

struggles-unstable chemicals, intense heat, Indian uprisings, and bank

ruptcy-of the men and women who took up the camera in its earliest pe

riod. The authors also discuss the important differences between the busi

ness of photography and artistic photography. Regrettably the authors repeat

the mistaken belief that photography "was a profession born in that year of

1839 in Paris, when Louis J. M. Daguerre unveiled to the world his discov

ery, the daguerreotype" (p. 1). Recent scholarship has recovered the early

history of the medium and the contributions of such individuals as William

Henry Fox Talbot, Hippolyte Bayard, and Hercules Florence, among others, to the genesis of photography.

Pioneer Photographers contains entries for over one thousand photogra

phers including famous personalities like Desire Charney, Carleton Watkins,and Albert Hawes along with lesser-known practitioners such as WilliamNewby, possibly the first African American photographer to work out Westbefore 1866, and Epifania Vallejo, likely the first woman to make daguerreo

types on the West Coast. Covering roughly the first twenty-five years of photography, this exhaustive survey includes image makers, retouchers, assistants, colorists, developers, and operators, who worked in studios and asitinerants as far away as Mexico, Panama City, western Canada, and Ha

waii. The volume also provides much technical information that is especially germane, for during this period a myriad of photographic processes

were invented, improved upon, perfected, or abandoned. Following the dictionary is a section on anonymous workers, five appendixes, including one

on women photographers, and an extensive bibliography.This textual material provides context and is the necessary backbone for

the pictures that illustrate the book. All images are readable-some are aslarge as seven by nine inches. Thankfully, no photographs are guttered.

The reproduction quality of the pictures is also quite good. It is a delight tobe able to study the details and nuances contained in these fascinating im

ages. The interior of a Montana studio, although staged, shows a femaleretoucher at work, a child sitting for a portrait, the photographer and hiscamera, and, off to one side, an apparatus probably used to steady the pos

ture of a sitter during the prescribed long exposure (Fig. 30)' There arenumerous images of studios or "daguerrian saloons" housed in railroad box

cars or long wagons on wheels, early ethnographic documents of indigenous

groups, and many portraits of children, families, and photographers. A verymemorable image is the triptych of Eadweard Muybridge's self-portrait

dressed as a camera (Fig. 54).


The images provide some sense of what life in the West must have been

like in the not-so-distant past. We have the authors to thank for rescuing so

many previously forgotten and unknown figures. Sandweiss is correct in her

assessment that "Pioneer Photographers of the Far West becomes the standard

that future biographical compendia and photographic history books will as

pire to match" (p. xi). This book is a valuable resource tool to scholars and

historians of many disciplines including photography and western history.

Michele M. Penhall

University ofNew Mexico

Plciticas: Conversations with Hispano Writers ofNew Mexico. By Nasario Gar

cia. (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2000. xii + 210 pp. Halftones, bib

liography, index. $27.95 cloth, ISBN 0-89672-428-x.)

Benigna's Chimay6: Cuentos from the Old Plaza. By Donald J. Usner. (Santa

Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2001. 153 pp. 25 halftones. $39.95 cloth,

ISBN 0-89°13-381-6, $19.95 paper, ISBN 0-89°13-382-4.)

Plciticas is a series of interviews with six contemporary authors: Rudolfo

A. Anaya, Denise E. Chavez, Erlinda Gonzales-Berry, E. A. "Tony" Mares,

Orlando Romero, and Sabine R. Ulibarri. In this volume, the author en

deavors to inform the reading public on notable Hispano writers, to bring

forth new and interesting information on the authors, and to inspire his

audience to read literary works by Nuevomexicano writers. Nasario Garcia

locates and dates the beginning of New Mexico Hispanic literature in Gaspar

Perez de Villagra's La historia de la Nueva Mexico published in Alcala de

Henares in 1610. He also notes the beginning of the state's contemporary

Hispanic literary history with the appearance of Eusebio Chacon's Spanish

language novels in the 1800s.

Each interview, arranged in alphabetical order by author, focuses on the

writer as an individual, a person of letters, and a teacher. The questions in

each interview are the same, except in a few instances where the interviewee's

responses to particular issues raised Garcia's curiosity. The interviews cover

several topics: what it means to be a Nuevomexicano; pleasures enjoyed in

life; philosophy oflife; self-perceptions; how each would like to be remem

bered; the challenges of being a writer; and influences on their work. Lastly,

Garcia asks the writers what they think of the state's educational system and

its impact on Hispanic cultural and linguistic traditions.


Each interview is accompanied by a brief biography, a black and white

photograph of the author, and a selected bibliography. The biographical

entries provide summaries of the writers' contributions to the Chicana/o

literary canon and American literature. Garda includes a short bibliogra

phy for further information about the writers' works, an index, and a fore

word by Francisco A. Lomeli, a renowned scholar and critic of Chicana/o

literature.

Don Usner's Benigna's Chimayo is a tribute to the eight generations of

the Ortega family that settled in Chimayo, New Mexico, to his grandmother,

Benigna Ortega Chavez, and to his mother Stella Chavez. As the family

storytellers, these women kept the oral tradition alive every time they retold

the old cuentos or folktales. The stories, brought from Spain to the New

World of Nueva Mexico, were "filled with medieval images of prjncesses

and castles and kings, and some [were] of Spain's Old World enemies, los

moros" (p. 16).Telling cuentos remains a part of New Mexico's culture and Usner's

wonderful collection of his grandmother's folk stories is a testament to that

practice. The elders passed on their knowledge and wisdom through folk

tales, telling dichos (sayings), versos (verses), adivinanzas (fortunes),

trabalenguas (tongue-twisters), oraciones (prayers), canciones (songs), and

plain old gossip that became part of the people's education, entertainment,

and family history. Usner's "Translator's Note" is a helpful guide to the Span

ish words found in some of the fifteen tales told in English and Spanish. A

brief family vignette precedes each story in English.

Usner, a member of the Ortega family known for its famous weavings, is

an engaging storyteller; he skillfully interlaces the origins of storytelling that

became an Ortega family tradition with the history of the early settlers in the

New World and northern New Mexico. He offers a loving and nostalgic

view of the agrarian and communal life in Chimayo, where he spent many

joyous summers in his grandmother's house surrounded by a spellbinding

landscape. Usner's story vividly transports his readers to a place where "time

moved slowly" and storytellers took pride in stimulating their listeners' imagi

nations through the magic of the oral tradition.

Hostile times, however, were reverberating in Chimayo, and the young

people had to leave their beloved village to survive the social and economic

challenges of the late nineteenth century. One way of coping with family

separations, absences, and alien ways was to tell the old cuentos to alleviate

the hying conditions.


Both books generate interesting questions about how personal experi

ences and memory interlock with cultural history. Garda is an effective

interlocutor who maintains focus on the authors and avoids unnecessary

interjections. He brings together writers who represent important connec

tions with the Hispanic cultural and historical tapestry to share their experi

ences and perspectives on life. The writers come from various geographic

sections of the state, and lend insights into the variegated landscapes that

shaped their writing. Garda allows the writers to reveal their personalities

and to express their views about the Hispanic heritage and the future of

traditional Hispano culture.

The black and white photographs of Don Usner, his grandmother, and

the village of Chimayo augment a portrait tenderly embodied in Benigna'sChimayo. Usner pays homage not only to his beloved grandmother but also

to the cultural customs and storytelling traditions of the region.

Phiticas and Benigna's Chimayo make good companions. Usner's book

will appeal to readers, storytellers, and students of folklore; Garda's text is

valuable to the scholars and students ofliterature written by Nuevomexicano

authors.

Teresa Marquez


Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migration and Transformation.By Andrew I. Duff. (Tucson: University ofArizona Press, 2002. xvii + 233 pp.

Maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index. $48.00 cloth, ISBN 0-8165-2218-9.)

In Western Pueblo Identities, Andrew Duff uses chemical analysis of ce

ramics, evidence of ceramic exchange, occupational history, and demogra

phy to argue that Western Pueblo settlements of the Pueblo IV period (A.D.

1275-1400) may not have been as cohesive on either a local or regional level

as they are commonly portrayed. Although larger, more stable regions such

as Zuni and Hopi lacked internal divisions and possessed strong notions of

local identity (evidenced by homogenous ceramic assemblages), Duff con

tends that the settlements of the Upper Little Colorado region made up a

"regional collective" of quasi-independent communities (pp. 166, 189). Al

though there was a high degree of intervillage contact and individuals of

different villages developed close social bonds as a result of this contact,

distinctive identities were maintained by the different villages.


Divergent demographic and settlement histories explain the differences

between Zuni and Hopi and the Upper Little Colorado region. Individual

settlements of the Upper Little Colorado were too small to sustain them

selves biologically, requiring frequent exogamy to find suitable mates (p.

136). In addition, the peoples of the region had distinct historical origins in

two homelands (Chaco and Mimbres), a division that undermined the ba

sis upon which to build consensus or a coherent sense of identity. The ce

ramic assemblages from the Upper Little Colorado region reflect the main

tenance of social distinction. Duff writes that there is a "persistent pattern of

material difference" in the wares (p. 63) and that heterogeneous ceramic

assemblages can be found in other Pueblo IV period regions with low popu

lation densities and unsettled demographic histories. At Zuni and Hopi,

however, high population densities meant that these communities were bio

logically self-sustaining. There was simply less impetus to build relation

ships outside the walls of the community. This insularity, combined with

longer, more stable settlement histories, meant that the communities of

both Hopi and Zuni were more inward facing and integrated.

In the final chapter of Western Pueblo Identities, Duff argues that the

Southwestern and Kachina cults developed in the Upper Little Colorado

region specifically because of the need to incorporate individuals with dif

ferent histories into local communities (p. 167)' Groups possessing a strongly

developed ritual system would have been a valuable addition to either Hopi

or Zuni, and Duff contends that active recruitment of these individuals oc

curred. By the late Pueblo IV period, the abandonment of a less densely

settled region in favor of larger settlements like Hopi and Zuni had tran

spired.

Duff's findings contribute to debates within southwestern archaeology

about the ways in which social groupings are identified via the analysis of

material remains. They also contribute to our understanding of the devel

opment of ethnicity and identity, especially at Zuni and Hopi. Without the

contributions of ritual from the Upper Little Colorado region, perhaps these

places would be very different today.

This book is not written for a general readership; readers unfamiliar with

technical aspects of ceramic analysis will find the middle chapters on the

subject-especially Duff's discussion of Neutron Activation Analysis and

the statistical procedures involved-difficult to comprehend. This techni

cal information is provided so that other archaeologists can critically inter

pret or recreate his analyses. Readers with a more generalized interest in


pre-Hispanic Pueblo life may find themselves skimming this material and

concentrating on later chapters in which Duff presents and integrates his

findings into a coherent argument about Western Pueblo identity and

ethnicity.

Tracy Brown

Hendrix College

Mojave Pottery, Mojave People: The Dillingham Collection ofMojave Ceramics. By Jill Leslie Furst, photographs by Peter T. Furst. (Santa Fe, N.Mex.:

SAR Press, 2001. xiii + 240 pp. 50 color plates, 23 halftones, maps, color col

lection catalog of Mojave Ceramics (24 pieces), bibliography, notes, index.

$45.00 cloth, ISBN 0-933452-55-1, $24.95 paper, ISBN 0-°933452-65-9.)

Anyone who has seen a Mohave figurine will love this book. The front

cover alone contains 19 figurines. Indeed, this book is a celebration of the

whimsical figural art of Mohave potters. The book commemorates the col

lection made by Rick Dillingham and donated to the School of American

Research in Santa Fe. The collection has 216 pieces, probably the largest

Mohave ceramic collection in any single location. It includes 61 figural

pieces, 3 beaded collars, 4 mini cradleboards, and the remainder is a mix

ture of traditional and made-for-sale vessels.

The introduction explains the author's promise to Dillingham to publish

the collection and provides an overview of his career and contributions to

ceramic arts. Seven chapters compile published data on Mohave culture:

"The Mojave People"; "Origins, Singing and Dreams"; "Family Life"; "Adult

Life"; "Warriors, Scalpers and Shamans"; "Endings"; and "The Mojave

Ceramic Tradition."

Following the chapters are 50 large-format color plates of 52 specimens

selected from the collection. The wonderful large-format photographs are

reproduced with a black background that provides excellent contrast to the

colors of the pottery. The accompanying descriptions provide a descriptive

title; maker, date, and location of production, when known; a single mea

surement, usually height; the SAR specimen number; a paragraph describ

ing the shape and decoration of the object; and comments on possible rela

tions between specimens in the collection.

There are several specimens that, I wish, had been included in this pub

lication and one error that, I hope, can be noted in any future addenda or


editions of the book. First, this volume would have been a logical place to

publish Dillingham's manuscript on contemporary Mohave pottery. After

taking a Mohave pottery-making class from Elmer Gates in 1975, Dillingham

prepared a manuscript with his observations on contemporary Mohave pot

tery. This work is cited as a reference in the present volume, but the work is

difficult for most readers to access. Second, Dillingham assigned probable

dates of manufacture to the unprovenienced pieces in his collection. That

data would have been informative, although, as Furst reports, there is no

information on how or why Dillingham selected these dates. Third, more

complete physical dimensions for each specimen would be helpful. Only

one dimension, usually height, is provided for each, leaving scholars to specu

late on the width or thickness. Another error is a misunderstanding about

the process used to size the clay once it has been ground. Furst cites Malcolm

J. Rogers (Yuman Pottery Making, San Diego Museum Papers No.2, 1973[1936]) as the source for stating that a basketry tray was used to sieve the clay.

In fact, Rogers states that a basket was used to concentrate the clay. In other

words, a basket was rotated in a circular motion, bringing large pieces of

clay to the surface, where they were removed by hand until only fine par

ticles remained.

I would have preferred inclusion of the citations in the text rather than as

endnotes. I found myself flipping constantly between the text and the notes

section, trying to ascertain the source of statements made in the text. More

careful editing would have caught the missing sentence fragment on page

four, the omission of Cocopa in the text on page nine, and the lack of delin

eation of Mohave territory in the map on page twelve.

Photographs of the entire collection are provided as a catalog at the end

of the book, just prior to the index. I wish all had been photographed on the

black background rather than some against a white background complete

with distracting shadows, but I am happy to have this guide to the collection.

Hopefully this volume will expand appreciation of the Mohave craft and spur

those with additional specimens to bring them to our attention as well.

Suzanne Griset

Arizona State Museum, Tucson


America's Second Tongue: American Indian Education and the Ownership ofEnglish, 1860-1900. By Ruth Spack. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,

2002. xii + 231 pp. Halftones, notes, bibliography, index. $45.00 cloth, ISBN 0

8032 -4291-3.)

Histories of the teaching of English as a second language rarely have

examined American Indian education in the nineteenth century. Although

histories ofAmerican Indian education certainly have discussed the effects of

the oppressive and demoralizing English-only education offered to Native

students under assimilationist policies, Jhey have not focused specifically on

the methods of English-language teaching used in this period. Rut~ Spack's

America's Second Tongue fills this important gap. In this well-researched

book, Spack analyzes archival documents to investigate how Euroamerican

and Native American teachers taught English to Native students and the

extent to which Native students acquired and used English. Spack recounts

late-nineteenth-century classroom experiences in the Dakota Mission, in

Quaker-run schools for Caddos and Kiowas, in Richard Henry Pratt's classes

for Native prisoners in Florida, and in classes at the well-known Hampton

Normal and Agricultural Institute. Spack contends that pedagogical meth

ods as well as academic content were driven by ideology and that even well

intentioned teachers still "consciously and unconsciously transmitted their

beliefs and assumptions about language and culture to their students" (p. 48).

The teachers' beliefs, unapologetically ethnocentric, reinforced the prevail

ing racist paradigm of the "white race" as "civilized" and the "red race" as

"barbarous" (p. 72).Spack's contention that the agenda of educators was explicitly designed

to colonize is consistent with the work of many historians of American In

dian education, such as Margaret Connell-Szasz, K. Tsianina Lomawaima,

Sally McBeth, and others. Spack's most important contribution is not her\

discussion of pedagogy but her focus on student response. Many scholars

have relied on Native students' stories as critical sources of data, demon

strating the tremendous complexity ofstudent resistance and response. Spack

carves out a place for herself by rhetorically analyzing the writing of former

students in autobiography, ethnography, and fiction. By "mining" the texts

of numerous Native students, including Charles Eastman, Luther Standing

Bear, and Zitkala Sa, Spack provides examples that show how Native stu

dents ultimately appropriated or subverted English to present a distinctly

Native perspective in the midst of a distinctly colonial context. In short,

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS? 505

Spack demonstrates how Native students "mastered" a language used spe

cifically by colonizers to "master" them. Spack highlights what many schol

ars have found to be the major paradox of English-only education for Ameri

can Indians: "Even as English functioned as a disruptive and destructive

instrument oflinguistic and cultural control, it was also a generative tool for

expressing diverse ways of seeing, saying, and believing" (p. ii).

America's Second Tongue should appeal to a number of audiences. This

volume is an important contribution to the history ofAmerican Indian edu

cation and the history of English literacy instruction in America. The au

thor complicates our understanding of the role of Euroamerican teachers

and Native American teachers as women who served as mediators between

policy and practice. Finally, by focusing on student subversion of linguistic

control, the text adds shading and nuance to what frequently has been a

one-sided depiction ofManifest Destiny and the U.S. West, reminding schol

ars that English is not America's mother tongue, but its second tongue.

Amanda 1- Cobb


Dangerous Dan Tucker: New Mexico's Deadly Lawman. By Bob Alexander.

(Silver City, N.Mex.: High-Lonesome Books, 2001. 191 pp. Halftones, map,

appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $3°.00 cloth, ISBN 0-944383-53-X, $14.95paper, ISBN 0-944383-52-1.)

Florid accounts of the time and later Hollywood portrayals of territorial

lawmen captured the imagination and hearts of the America public. Much

has been written about them. In Dangerous Dan Tucker, Bob Alexander, a

retired U.S. Treasury Department special agent, focuses on the hitherto

unsung Tucker: a contemporary ofWyatt Earp, deputy to SheriffHarveyWhite

hill in Silver City, New Mexico, and the first man to arrest Billy the Kid. The

deputy's six authenticated killings rank him with "Wild Bill" Hickock, ahead

of Billy the Kid, and well above "Doc" Holliday, Pat Garrett, Bat Masterson,

and Earp. Tucker's lack of renown is attributed to his modesty, his geographi

cal location, and the country's then only nascent fascination with gunmen.

Born in Canada in 1849, Tucker was raised in Indiana before moving to

Colorado, where, at the age of twenty-five, he was rumored to have killed a

Black man. He migrated south to New Mexico, and rented an old stage

station at Point of Rocks, north of Las Cruces. That business failed, and by


28 May 1877 he had been deputized by Whitehill, the Grant County sheriff,

and was pursuing horse thieves into Mexico.

From 1877 to 1888 when he left for California, Tucker served in a num

ber of law enforcement positions at the municipal, county, and federal lev

els in Silver City. He also served as express manager for Wells Fargo. The

author defines Tucker's duties and notes the vagaries in remuneration; the

deputy's pay was sometimes late. Tucker was slight-only 5'i' tall-and

relied on a "reputation of fearless aggression" and an "unfettered willing- .

ness to shoot to kill" (p. 161). He adhered to the frontier lawman stereotype

"outwardly devoid of fear; and not only proficient with firearms, but psycho

logically inclined to put them to use" (p. 30).The book's strength lies in Alexander's prodigious research. He brings to

light the Silver City secessionists who wanted to annex New Mexico to Ari

zona because of the Santa Fe Ring, the Fort Bayard soldiers who repre

sented a contingent ofmiscreants for law enforcement to police, and Tucker's

irresponsible leadership of the Silver City Volunteers. They responded to

Sheriff Charles Kerber's request for aid in El Paso County's Salt War.

Alexander notes Kerber's need to turn to New Mexico because ofEl Paso's

isolation from Austin, the Texas capital. He enumerates factors contributing

to the strife: cultural divide, murder, greed, politics, and governmental snafu.

And he holds Tucker accountable for the violent and outrageous sacking of

Ysleta in El Paso County committed by his "hard faced and battle scarred"

recruits, outlaw John Kinney chief among them (p. 37)' Furthermore,

Alexander verifies the number of Tucker's killings.

Unfortunately, poor editing and an apologetic tone detract from the war

ranted attention to Tucker and the diverse cultural history of New Mexico's

southwest quadrant.

Nancy Coggeshall

Reserve, New Mexico

Wagons for the Santa Fe Trade: Wheeled Vehicles and Their Makers, 1822-1880.

By Mark L. Gardner. (Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 2000. xx

+204 pp. 67 halftones, 15 line drawings, appendixes, notes, bibliography, index.

$40.00 cloth, ISBN 0-8263-1846-0, $19.95 paper, ISBN 0-8263-2196-8.)

Concerning the twentieth century, much more has been written about

wheeled vehicles than about the roads they used. The number of books


about automobiles and their manufacturers is impressive, whereas books

devoted to America's developing highway system are uncommon, although

some excellent ones do exist. Ironically, the reverse is true for the nine

teenth century, with historic trails like the Santa Fe occupying center stage

and the vehicles that used them often treated as bit players. Perhaps this

contrast is a matter of symbolism-automobiles and all they connote for

twentieth-century America, and overland trails for the nineteenth century.

One conspicuous exception to this pattern would be the attention paid to

Route 66, probably because the "Mother Road" became invested with con

siderable symbolism of its own following publication in the late 1930S of

John Steinbeck's The Grapes ofWrath.Fortunately, Mark L. Gardner, an independent historian living in Colo

rado, has written a book that goes a long way toward righting the imbalance

between studies ofoverland trails and their representative vehicles. He notes

that while commercial traders used pack animals to open the more than

eight-hundred-mile-long Santa Fe Trail between central Missouri and newly

independent Mexico in 1821, the first wagons followed hard on the animals'

hooves the following year. By 1826 pack animals were no longer part of the

annual caravan, having been supplanted that year by some sixty freight wag

ons. The more goods a trader could haul to Santa Fe, the greater his yearly

profits would be. Wagons formed the common mode of transportation dur

ing most of the trail's long history.

Gardner's careful digging into the historical resources answers several

obvious questions: What did Santa Fe Trail wagons look like? Which firms

supplied them? How were they made? In addition, he studies the draft ani

mals, both mules and oxen, used to pull them. Oxen became the preferred

source of power. A line drawing that shows how draft animals were attached

to the wagons for maximum pulling power is among the many good illustra

tions collected for this book.

Gardner found that an odd assortment of wagons prevailed on the trail,

including, if contemporary images and accounts are correct, the Conestoga

type wagons originally developed as freight haulers by European immigrants

in eastern Pennsylvania's Lancaster County. More often, though, the Santa

Fe Trail wagon came from western Pennsylvania, where Pittsburgh manu

facturers nearly monopolized the trade by the 1840s. Underscoring Pitts

burgh's largely unsung connection to western transportation were that city's

many boatyards, which manufactured numerous shallow-draft steamers that

won the Missouri River trade for St. Louis merchants. Likewise, many of


the West's early railway locomotives came from Pittsburgh, although Gardner

does not address the question of possible technology transfer among manu

facturers of these three distinct modes of transportation.

Another river city, St. Louis, came to dominate the manufacture of wag

ons for the Santa Fe Trail during the 185os, and Joseph Murphy headed

what was by far the best-known firm. However, what Gardner learned was

that much of the lore about the huge Murphy wagons serving as the "stan

dard" vehicle on the Santa Fe Trail cannot be substantiated from the his

torical record. There were actually many Missouri wagon manufacturers.

Apart from freight wagons, there were also various carriages designed for

personnel, and for these vehicles, too, Gardner provides his readers a wealth

of historical information.

The brevity of Wagons for the Santa Fe Trade combined with the wealth

of detail Gardner unearthed will make this book the standard study of the

subject for years to come. In a word, the depth of research, all carefully

documented, and the lucid presentation, often amplified with illustrations,

is impressive.

Carlos A. Schwantes

St. Louis Mercantile Library

Salado. Edited by Jeffrey S. Dean. Amerind Foundation New World Studies

Series, no. 4- (Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 2000. xix + 389

pp. Halftones, maps, tables, bibliography, index. $45.00 cloth, ISBN 0-8263

2169-0.)

The Roosevelt Archaeology Project was a five-year excavation program

initiated to mitigate impacts on archaeological remains from the water level

of Lake Roosevelt on the Salt River in southern Arizona. The project was

located east of Phoenix, in the area known as the Tonto Basin. The Depart

ment ofAnthropology at Arizona State University and three archaeological

contracting firms investigated the proposed research topics, producing

twenty-nine volumes of descriptive reports. In 1995 the Amerind Founda

tion hosted a seminar that brought together twenty-four participants to ana

lyze the Classic period of Tonto Basin prehistory, with particular reference

to the term Salado. The present volume is the publication of those seminar

papers. All but two authors were postprocessual archaeologists, and three

more traditional colleagues evaluated their presentations.


The Tonto Basin has long been thought to be the "heartland" of the

Salado phenomenon, but until recently little work had been done in the

area. The name Salado has been defined variously as a prehistoric people

(perhaps Hohokam or Mogollon-derived), a culture area, an interactive

sphere, and a regional (southern) counterpart of the Puebloan Katsina Cult

called the Southwestern Cult. Some entirely deny its existence.

The discussants reached no consensus, but see page 261 for a thoughtful

summary of the debate. At a minimum Salado is synonymous with a pre

dominance of Roosevelt Red Ware pottery, inhumation burials, and large

enclosures known as compounds, often of adobe construction. All of these

phenomena are found elsewhere but usually not in association. Tempo

rally, the Salado pattern dates between A.D. 1250 and 1450.

The contributors to this volume are specialists who desire to share what

they have learned with other specialists, but archaeologists and other read

ers not immediately familiar with southern Arizona may find the articles

challenging. There are interesting ideas here, but none seem to be new.

The authors interpret and evaluate types of structures, their distribution,

systems for producing and gathering resources, and the social implications

of earth-built platform mounds.

The volume focuses on the Roosevelt (A.D. 1250-1350) and Gila Phase

(A.D. 1350-1450) prehistoric populations of the Tonto Basin. Regional rela

tionships are explored in later chapters. Although not ahistorical, the chap

ters make surprisingly little reference to the early historical Piman farmers

of southern Arizona. This lack of attention may be just as well, for the few

remarks about these farmers are misleading or erroneous. References to grain

amaranth, agave, and cotton are intriguing but another principal foodstuff

in the early historical period-mesquite bread-goes unmentioned. Al

though we are told that almost all Roosevelt Phase structures were burned,

no one suggests a reason for this destruction (warfare?).

Who the Salado were in ethnic terms is unknown. Some believe that

part of the population came from the north and that survivors perhaps re

turned in that direction. When the Spanish explorer, Coronado, visited

Chichilticalli (wherever that was), he learned that it was formerly inhabited

by people who had separated from Cibola Chichilticalli. Coronado noted

that this site "was large and appeared to have been a fortress," but stood

deserted in 1540. An adobe-walled compound might have appeared thus to

a sixteenth-century Spaniard.


One discussant asks what in the volume will be of interest to the general

public. He thinks the most important audience is the textbook writers and

the authors of general syntheses and theoretical works, who might include

the population estimates, significance of irrigation, reconstructions of cli

mate and streamflows, migration theories, and the mechanisms of social

organization and control in their own works. This information in turn, could

expand and enrich our understanding of prehistoric peoples throughout

the Southwest. The volume is primarily text, with maps, tables, charts, line

and reconstruction drawings and an index.

John P. Wilson

Las Cruces, New Mexico

Mexicanos: A History ofMexicans in the United States. By Manuel G. Gon

zales. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000.352 pp. Halftones, notes,

bibliography, index. $29.95 cloth, ISBN 0-253-33520-5, $16,95 paper, ISBN 0-25321400-9.)

Manuel G. Gonzales, a professor at Diablo Valley College and a special

ist in Modern Europe and the American Southwest, is concerned in his

recent book with the way in which scholars closely associated with the Chi

cano Movement of the 1960s have presented the history ofChicanos or Mexi

can Americans. Gonzales considers that much of the history of Mexicanosin the United States results from a particular brand of scholar-activism that

emerged from the Chicano Movement itself. Gonzales opines that those

politics have compromised the objectivity ofscholar-activist histories and stand

at cross-purposes with the aim of rendering a faithful account ofthe past while

working to instill ethnic pride in Chicano readers. Steering clear of the pit

falls of "good guys vs. bad guys" versions of history, Gonzales proffers a more

complete and multilayered synthesis of the Mexican American experience,

one that means to account for the great diversity of that very experience. He

questions the victimization model favored by Rodolfo Acuna and other

scholar-activists. Gonzales calls for a "fresh assessment" that includes the

body of recent scholarship on Mexicanos and its major foci on race, class,

ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and attendant questions about the role ofwomen,

family, immigration, and religion in the history of Mexicanos.

Gonzales argues for a readoption of the term Mexican as a preferred

label that rises above the periodization and politicization triggered by the


word Chicano. The matter of ethnic labeling is thus fundamental to

Gonzales's reorientation of the history he seeks to illuminate. Gonzales ad

mits that his work is not the,result of original research; instead, he aims to

combine recent scholarship with previously published borderlands classics

like David Weber's Foreigners in Their Native Land as a way to get at a

concise and balanced view ofhistory. Gonzales produces a remarkably read

able narrative whose major strength is the access it affords to nonprofes

sional and undergraduate readers.

Gonzales's history begins with the sixteenth-century encounter of Span

iards and Indians in the Valley of Mexico. His boldest move is to look dis

passionately at the consequences of the Spanish conquest of Mexico and

to assert that Indian and Spanish legacies are equally important to under

standing Chicano history. Gonzales's first chapter, "Spaniards and Native

Americans, Prehistory to 1521," offers a wide purview of events in the Americas

and in Spain and goes a long way toward explaining the Indian-European

clash and (later) convergence. Gonzales's middle chapters deal directly with

Mexicanos expanding and residing in what is known today as the U.S.-Mexican

Borderlands. He covers Spanish colonial expansion, Mexican Independence,

and the American period, respectively. Gonzales presents Mexican Ameri

can history in the twentieth century in the last five chapters of the book. He

devotes a chapter to Mexican immigration (1900-1930); one to the Great

Depression (1930-1940); one to World War II and its aftermath (1940-1965);and another to the Chicano Movement (1965-1975). With the exception of

chapter one, the remaining chapters repackage work by authors MacWilliams,

Acuna, Weber, Garda, Gomez-Quinones, and Griswell del Castillo.

Gonzales overlooks the work ofJohn Chavez's The Lost Land (1984), a curi

ous omission given the fact that Chavez in large measure shares Gonzales's

view regarding the need for objectivity.

In his final chapter, "Pain and Promise, 1985-1998," Gonzales attempts to

document the last twenty-five years of Mexicano history in this country. To

deal with the vexing, often contradictory, tally ofgains and losses for this com

munity, Gonzales presents a panoply of issues affecting Mexican Americans

in the post-movement period. Gonzales is only partially successful, for he

tends to thicken his narrative with the contributions of Chicano writers, art

ists, and filmmakers. In a chapter with only thirty-eight pages, cultural work

competes with issues such as NAFTA, the English-only movement, and the

decentering of Catholicism in Mexican American communities. One obvi

ous gap is the failure of the book to historicize the life and times of Mexican


American elected officials. The inclusion of figures like Joseph Montoya,

Edward Roybal, Debbie Jaramillo, Bill Richardson, Linda Sanchez, Henry

Gonzales; and Patricia Madrid might likewise compete for treatment, but

the struggle for voting rights and political enfranchisement that begins with

the signing of the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is indispensable to any

attempt to accurately write the history of Mexicanos in the United States.

Although Gonzales is clearly on the right track, some problems persist inthis book. The mere reshuffling of the work of MacWilliams, Acuna, We

ber, and others is an unsatisfactory substitute for working with primary his

torical documents. Primary research would shed light on the role of theSpanish-language press, the role of Mexican women, religion, and the

struggle for voting and language rights that have been constant features ofthe Mexicano experience. Mexicanos: A History ofMexicans in the UnitedStates is a very useful, well-paced reader that will enliven history and Chicano

studies courses. The book's lasting contribution will be its reconsiderationof the ideological premises that have tended to dominate the writing ofMexican American history in the last thirty years, offering an excellent place

to begin the study of this history.

A. Gabriel Melendez


Greater Mesoamerica: The Archaeology ofWest and Northwest Mexico. Ed

ited by Michael Foster and Shirley Gorenstein. (Salt Lake City: University of

Utah Press, 2000. xvi + 307 pp. Halftones, maps, tables, notes, bibliography,

index. $65.00 cloth, ISBN 0-87480-655-0.)

The region of western-northwestern Mexico has long been a stepchild ofMexican archaeology, which over the past century has focused almost ex

clusively on the ancient societies of central Mexico and the Maya region.Even the concept Mesoamerica, when formally defined by anthropologist

Paul Kirchhoff in 1943, used "diagnostic" traits that were drawn from those

latter areas. Other regions of Mexico, whose past peoples may have beenequally advanced but whose cities and lifeways differed slightly from the"diagnostics," were considered to be "marginal." Thus their cultural devel

opments and contributions have largely gone unrecognized by mainstreamscholarship. Western Mexico is certainly the most glaring victim of that

bias. Library shelves today are laden with summary volumes covering the

prehistory of the Olmecs, the Teotihuacan people, the Maya, and the Az-


tecs. In contrast, the profession has published only three syntheses of west

ern Mexico's prehistory-excluding museum exhibit catalogs and includ

ing the volume under review-in English in the past thirty years.

Fortunately, the rich prehistory ofwestern-northwestern Mexico is finally

beginning to receive the recognition that has eluded it for so long, and Greater

Mesoamerica is a significant step in that direction. The book's chapters are

authored by the leading scholars in the field, and, although their contribu

tions are based on a scholarly conference held a decade ago, they remain

remarkably up-to-date.

The volume presents area-by-area syntheses that illuminate the diversity

and complexity of the ancient societies of western-northwestern Mexico and

demonstrate why they deserve serious scholarly attention. For example, as

the discussions in several chapters indicate, the beginnings of the region's

highly sophisticated Preclassic ceramic vessels, figurines, and jades are as

precocious and ancient as anywhere in Mesoamerica. During the Classic

Period, the dispersed city ofTeuchitlan, Jalisco, with its large circular archi

tectural arrangements and shaft tomb burials, covered a surface area greater

than that of the central Mexican metropolis of Teotihuacan. Equally sur

prising is that Teuchitlan's agricultural support included extensive chinampa

like constructions significantly predating the famous chinampas (floating

gardens) of Aztec-period central Mexico. Such developments outside cen

tral Mexico were seminal, not marginal.

Discussions of similar noteworthy developments, including those at thesites of La Quemada, Zacatecas; Paquime, Chihuahua; and the PostclassicTarascan center of Tzintzuntzan, Michoacan, are found in other chapters.

Readers interested in the Puebloan Southwest and its pre-Hispanic interac

tions with northern Mesoamerica will also find very good coverage of thearchaeology of Sonora and Chihuahua, and of interregional exchange sys

tems including the hypothesized Aztatlan mercantile system. Although thewriting in many chapters presupposes some previous knowledge ofthat area'sarchaeology and various authors sometimes debate fine points, most chap

ters are nonetheless quite readable and understandable.Greater Mesoamerica is the most important and comprehensive treat

ment published so far on western-northwestern Mexico. With the book's

broad coverage and extensive bibliography, it is instantly the major resource

and reference work for the up-to-date prehistory of that region.

David C. Grove

University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

514~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Gold Dust and Gunsmoke: Tales ofGold Rush Outlaws, Gunfighters, Law

men, and Vigilantes. By John Boessenecker. (New York: John Wiley and Sons,

1999. xiii + 367 pp. Halftones, maps, notes, index. $3°.00 cloth, ISBN 0-471

31973-2 .)

Some historians still believe that the American West was not especially

violent; John Boessenecker is not among them. In the opening chapter of

Gold Dust and Gunsmoke, he suggests, "It is fitting at the 150th anniversary

of the California Gold Rush that we look at that pivotal event in frontier

history and ask whether it was a precursor of our modern culture of vio

lence" (p. 12). Given the current debate over handguns and violence in our

society, that question deserves a thoughtful answer.

In a fast-paced, highly readable style, Boessenecker presents the reader

with lynch mob activity against Hispanic bandits such as Juan Flores and

Joaquin Valenzuela; the harsh treatment of Chinese in the gold camps; a

deadly duel between Supreme Court Justice David S. Terry and Sen. David

Broderick of California; Capt. Harry Love's search for the infamous Joaquin

Murrieta; the perseverance of lawmen like Ben K. Thorn of Calaveras

County; the demise of Sheriff James Barton of Los Angeles County in a

dramatic running gun battle; and the escape of William Wells, who killed

three lawmen while being escorted to Sacramento.

Perhaps one story highlights the dramatic level of violence that is dis

cussed in this intriguing book. A popular nineteenth-century ballad about

guns and self-defense closed with the line "I'll die before I'll run." Implicit

in this verse is the "no duty to retreat" doctrine, which suggested the right to

stand and defend oneself. The danger lurking in this doctrine became a

deadly reality when officials tried to evict squatters in Sacramento in 1850.

Mayor Harding Bigelow and SheriffJoseph McKinney approached the squat

ters on horseback and "ordered them to lay down their weapons." Instead,

"the squatters opened fire with a vicious volley from rifles, shotguns, and

revolvers. Four balls blew the mayor out of his saddle" and City Assessor

James Woodland "was killed instantly" (p. 181). In a round of fighting the

next day, She~iff McKinney also received mortal wounds. In two days of

violence at least eight men were dead and many others wounded. This and

other examples reveal that guns and the "no duty to retreat" doctrine proved

to be a deadly mix in nineteenth-century California.

Boessenecker has discovered that nineteenth-century homicide rates dwarf

current rates in Los Angeles and San Francisco, and he shows that similar


violent trends existed in the gold-camp counties. He has uncovered forty

four murders in Los Angeles County between July 1850 and October 1851,

and notes: "This is an extraordinarily high number for a county of only

about 8,5°0 people" (p. 323). Using the Federal Bureau of Investigation

formula for homicide, the author calculated "an annual rate of 414 homi

cides per 100,000"(p. 323)' Similar examples of high homicide rates were

found in Nevada, Monterey, and San Francisco counties, and the author

cites comparable data from previous research in Texas. This study is but

tressed by my research in Homicide, Race, and Justice in the American West,1880-1920 (1997) and the examination of 1,338 cases in seven California

counties in my Race and Homicide in Nineteenth-Century California, (2002)and David T. Courtwright's Violent Land: Single Men and Social Disorderfrom the Frontier to the Inner City (1996). Boessenecker's Gold Dust and

Gunsmoke provides strong and convincing evidence that California was a

dangerous place, especially for young single males wearing guns and drink

ing alcohol. Driven by gun violence high homicide rates reflect this disturb

ing violent trend that began on the California frontier and that continues to

this day. This volume is a welcome addition to scholarship on California and

is highly recommended.

Clare V. McKanna Jr.

San Diego State University

The Wichita Indians: Traders ofTexas and the Southern Plains, 1540-1845. By

F. Todd Smith. Centennial Series of the Association of Former Students,

TexasA&M University, no. 87. (College Station: TexasA&M University Press,

2000. xiii + 206 pp. Maps, notes, bibliography, index. $32.95 cloth, ISBN 0

89°96-952-3·)

This book is the third of F. Todd Smith's histories of the Caddoan-speak

ing peoples of the southern plains. His previous two books dealt with the

Caddo confederacy of the lower Arkansas and Red Rivers from first contact

with Europeans through 1854, and with the combined Wichitas and Caddos

from the early 1850S through allctment in 1901. This volume parallels the

first, focusing on the Wichita confederacy from first contact in 1541 through

the very short-lived truce with Texas in 1845.

All three are welcome volumes; much of the earlier historical literature

on the Caddoans is now long out of print, or otherwise unsynthesized into a

516 -'> NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

single narrative. Moreover, while Smith has called upon and referenced

those earlier studies, he has also cited archival sources unavailable to earlier

researchers.

The book begins with a brief-and perhaps unnecessary, for most of its

details are not referenced again -overview of Wichita culture. Following

that introduction are chapter length narratives of the brief Spanish entradas

of 1541 and 1601, the French entree from Louisiana between 1719 and 1760,

and the parallel relations with Spanish Texas. With the removal of France

as a player in the Americas after 1763, Wichita relations with Spanish Texas

led to a guarded but generally peaceful coexistence with the Spaniards,

who provided trade goods and political gifts in an effort to keep the Wichitas

loyal and use them as allies to keep Anglo Americans out of northern New

Spain. But with the collapse of the Spanish American empire in the 1810S

and the inability of the later Mexican Republic to provide goods as either

trade or tribute, the Wichitas resorted to raiding the new Anglo Texan com

munities for animal stock to trade. (Smith never states with whom or why

the Witchitas traded those animals.) Closing out the narrative, the book's

last chapters chronicle the Wichitas' troubled relations with Mexican Texas

and the Republic ofTexas. This traditional narrative history ofIndian-White

relations makes little reference to wider issues either of history, historiogra

phy, or anthropology.

There are a number of problems with Smith's presentation. He correctly

notes that the tribe known today as Wichita was, ethnographically, com

prised of four politically separate entities (Taovaya, Tawakoni, Guichita

proper, and the related Kichai). However, Smith is inconsistent in what he

calls the whole group: tribe, tribes, Wichita, or Pani Pique ("pricked" Paw

nee, a French appellation for the whole).

Smith posits a population of150,000 as a "reasonable round number" for

the Quivira visited by Coronado in 1541 (p. 160 n.21). This figure is problem

atic for a number of reasons, not the least of which is the absence of ar

chaeological evidence for a population of that size in central Kansas. More

over, in one of his other books, he stated that "the Wichitas lived in about

twenty autonomous villages, each containing about one thousand people"

(The Caddos, the Wichitas and the United States, p. 8); that is, a population

of about twenty-thousand people, only 10 percent of the number given here.

Smith accepts a suggestion by a number of ethnohistorians that Coro

nado's guide on the Plains, The Turk, was trying not to get the Spaniards


lost but to guide them to the great towns on the Mississippi (p. 9)' Indeed,

Smith suggests that The Turk had actually visited those centers on trading

expeditions. Although memory of them may have remained among the

Quivirans, by the sixteenth century all of the major mound centers on the

Mississippi had been long abandoned. IfThe Turk had not been murdered

in Kansas, he probably would have been on the Mississippi among the an

cient mounds of Cahokia.

In his later chapters Smith references, without comment, a number of

late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Texan "Indian depredation

narratives." Unfortunately, many of these narratives were composed years, if

not decades, after their purported events, often with no resources other than

faulty memory as a guide. Indeed, many of their authors blatantly copied

from one another.

This book would have benefited from a closer hand in stylistic copyediting

and fact-checking. Smith only sometimes translates individual Indian names.

When he does insert such a translation, he fails to provide a source for it.

For instance, the name of the Comanche chief Paruakevitsi - that spelling,

and Smith's citation (pp. 122,182 n. 31), comes from a reconstruction in my

Comanche history (Kavanagh 1996)-is misspelled "Parkuakevitsi" both in

Smith's text and in the index. Moreover, the Comanche leader is referred to

as a Penateka (Honey Eater). The earliest documentary evidence of that

ethnonym is from 1846; and using it to refer to people or events in the 1820S

and 1830S is anachronistic. Indeed, David Burnet, provisional president of

the Republic of Texas, stated that Parkuakevitsi was the principal Tenewa

chief. Finally, in the four places that my book is cited (three times in the

notes, once in the bibliography), my name is misspelled twice, once in the

notes, once in t~e bibliography.

Thomas W. Kavanagh

Indiana University

Brand ofInfamy: A Biography ofJohn Buchanan Floyd. By Charles Pinnegar.

Contributions in American History Series, no. 194. (Westport, Conn.: Green

wood Press, 2002. xiii + 235 pp. Halftone, maps, tables, appendixes, notes,

bibliography, index. $64.95 cloth, ISBN 0-313-32133-7.)

With the publication of Charles Pinnegar's Brand of Infamy, historians

at last have a biography ofJohn B. Floyd (1806-1863) - Virginia Democratic


governor, controversial U.S. secretary of war, and disgraced Confederate

general. On Floyd's antebellum cabinet watch, civil violence wracked Kan

sas and Utah, Indian wars ravaged New Mexico and the Pacific Northwest,

and the "Pig War" brought the United States and Great Britain to sword's

point in the Puget Sound. For these reasons westerners may be tempted to

read this book for insights into how Floyd managed these trans-Mississippi

military crises. For many such readers Brand ofInfamy will be meager but

expensive fare. Even worse is that the book is profoundly wrong or fails to

support many of its key conclusions about Floyd's competence, especially

as secretary of war. In the process, Pinnegar has further muddied rather

than clarified the historiographical backwaters into which Floyd's damaged

reputation drifted following his death in 1863 after his controversial abandon

ment of Fort Donelson to Gen. Ulysses S. Grant and the Union Army. Since

decades may pass before a second Floyd biography appears, it is desirable to

understand Pinnegar's study rather than simply to await a better book.

Pinnegar's motives for writing Brand ofInfamy run to the basic need for

a Floyd biography and his belief that, like those of other secondary nine

teenth-century figures, Floyd's reputation has suffered at the hands of hos

tile contemporary journalists. Compounding this initial criticism was a de

cades-long procession of what Pinnegar views as uninquisitive, unfriendly

historians who viewed Floyd through the lense of old newspaper stories and

one another's recycled secondary assessments. Pinnegar has attempted to

remedy these perceived defects by focusing on primary sources. And in

deed he has tapped more of this material than perhaps anyone who has

written about Floyd in periodicals, journals, and monograph chapters. The

author, a retired Ontario high school teacher of math and computer sci

ence, attributes much of his research success to the power of internet search

engines, a fortuitous sign ofour times that should enrich the bibliographies,

if not the wisdom, of virtually every historical study to follow.

In Pinnegar's case, the result of this motivation and methodology is a

ten-chapter, Iso-page biography divided into three sections dealing with

Floyd's upbringing, early business ventures, and meteoric rise to Virginia's

governorship during 1849-1851; his tenure as Pres. James Buchanan's secre

tary of war from 1857-1860; and his 1861-1863 service as a Confederate briga

dier general and Virginia militia major general. Following this material,

Pinnegar provides two appendixes. One is the dull "A Study of the Virginia

Gubernatorial Election of 1848 and Its Consequences," while the other,

"John Buchanan Floyd vs. The Historians," provides the most controver-

FALL 2003 BOOK REVIEWS 4 519

sial, volatile material in the book. Here, Pinnegar provocatively criticizes

the Floyd-related work of the late Roy F. Nichols of the University of Penn

sylvania and Mark W. Summers of the University of Kentucky, the latter an

established historian still seething over the quality of Pinnegar's judgments.

Aside from its extensive use of unexploited sources, the prime value of

this book is the light that it sheds on certain aspects of Floyd's life-his

gubernatorial years, the unexpected pronunciation of his surname (Flood),

and his wife's name. The author invites readers to consider how history is

written and credibly advances the conclusion that Floyd did not benefit

monetarily from public service, notwithstanding persistent accusations of

corruption. What the reader misses from this incomplete biography is an

understanding of Floyd's personal life, his wife's role during their separa

tions and whether or not the couple had children. Also lacking are Floyd's

thoughts during what must have been a humiliating interval between his

relief from command after Fort Donelson in 1862 and his death on 26 Au

gust 1863. Pinnegar treats Floyd's passing abruptly in a single opaque sen

tence preceded only by the comment that "enervating work together with

months of heavy duty in the field under difficult conditions broke Floyd's

fragile health" (p. 147).

Despite the author's extensive research he demonstrates a lack of famil

iarity with the federal scene of the mid-nineteenth century. Uneven edito

rial support contributes to several factual errors in the text. Colorful, volca

nic Brev. Maj. Thomas West "Old Tim" Sherman of the Third U.S. Artil

lery is mistaken for the later-famous William Tecumseh Sherman, a civilian

lawyer seeking to regain his army commission; W. M. F. Magraw, an instiga

tor of the Utah War, becomes "McGraw"; and even this reviewer's middle

initial and surname are misprinted. More substantively, Pinnegar comments

without explanation that, in the face of congressional opposition, Floyd

dropped his efforts to reform the army's promotion system. The author seems

unaware of the "Plucking Board" furor enmeshing President Buchanan,

Secretary of the Navy Toucey, and Congress over a similar issue in Floyd's

sister service. Unfortunately, Pinnegar's accepts Floyd's self-serving argu

ment that his covert irregular financing of the Utah War was essential for

the support of an army in the field. The fact that Floyd met regularly with

Commander-in-Chief Buchanan and his cabinet over lunch without rais

ing this issue undercuts Pinnegar's characterization of Floyd as a compe

tent, successful administrator who was well prepared for his War Department


responsibilities. Pinnegar also accepts the old story that Floyd's indictment

in 1861 for malfeasance in office over the Utah imbroglio justified his fear

that Fort Donelson would be captured and abandoned a year later. This

argument flies in the face of the fact that this indictment had been quashed

several months before the Civil War started.

The fact is that Floyd became secretary of war wholly without military

experience, other than his gubernatorial command of Virginia's militia.

(Jefferson Davis, Floyd's predecessor, at least had commanded a combat

regiment during the Mexican War and was a West Pointer). Furthermore,

Floyd had failed in several early agricultural and commercial ventures, a

record that Pinnegar believes was offset by Floyd's epiphany-like discoveryofa "golden thread," i.e., the value of northern business methods. The biog

rapher asserts that these methods led to unspecified successes in mining

and other ventures. Even as he took office in March 1857, Floyd made amajor executive misjudgment-one corrected four years later by PresidentLincoln - by not insisting that General-in-ChiefWinfield Scott of the U.S.

Army return his headquarters to Washington from New York, where Scotthad entered a peevish self-exile after Zachary Taylor's election.

Among the most stunning of Pinnegar's misjudgments is his unsubstantiated belief in the "success" of John B. Floyd's management of the UtahWar and the Buchanan administration's flawed attempt to suppress a per

ceived Mormon rebellion. Missed in the process is an appreciation of Floyd's

own pessimistic view of the campaign's outcome, a position he expressed inhis December 1858 annual report to Congress. The author also fails to analyze Floyd's role in the persistent, multiple conspiracy theories that first

welled up during the Civil War to explain why and how the Utah campaignwas prosecuted. Emblematic of Pinnegar's handling of Floyd as Utah War

manager is the fact that, although he is resourceful enough to have read

General Scott's prescient 26 May 1857 memo counseling Floyd for a year'sdelay in launching the Utah Expedition, he fails to cite President Buchanan's

complaint that he never saw this document. The author also misses the factthat several weeks after Scott wrote the memo, Bvt. Brig. Gen. William S.

Harney, the Utah Expedition's first commander, offered essentially the same

advice. Without documentary support Pinnegar concludes, "Since the ad

ministration wanted to end the Mormon insurrection quickly, Floyd spurned

Scott's advice" (pp. 55,186 n. 17) -an important but typically unsupportedconclusion.

In summary, Charles Pinnegar finds John B. Floyd to have been a compe

tent, successful administrator blessed with an appreciation of effective busi-


ness methods but burdened by a fractious, difficult Congress. Although Floyd

was prone to laudable excesses in party and personal loyalty as well as in

patronage dispensation, the author finds neither trait corrupt or uncom

mon. For each of the imbroglios in which Floyd became engaged, his biog

rapher judges him to have been right or, at least, not wrong. The author

always finds an explanation for each misstep or someone to blame other

than Floyd. This reviewer remains skeptical, and, consequently, is unwill

ing to join Pinnegar in minimizing the significance of Floyd's decision to

reauthorize shipment oflarge cannons from the U.S. arsenal in Pittsburgh

to southern fortresses on the day of South Carolina's succession. Similarly

unacceptable is the author labeling merely "obtuse" Floyd's remarkable

comments to a Virginia audience in January 1861, only days after he re

signed from the. cabinet: "I undertook to dispose of the power in my hands,

that when the terrific hour came you, and all ofyou, and each ofyou, should

say this man has done his duty" (p. 106). Charles Pinnegar is willing to go so

far as to describe these acts, intentions, and words as helpful to the seces

sionist cause, but revealingly he cannot bring himself-as Floyd's defender

to condemn them for what they were: appalling, treasonous behavior for a

sworn secretary of war.

William P. MacKinnon

Bloomfield Hills, Michigan

Book Notes

Contentious Lives: Two Argentine Women, Two Protests, and the Quest forRecognition. By Javier Auyero. Latin America Otherwise Series: Languages,

Empires, Nations. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003. xv + 230pp. Halftones, maps, graph, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $18.95

paper, ISBN 0·8223-3U5-2.)

Estevan Jose Martfnez: His Voyage in 1779 to Supply Alta California. Edited

and translated by Vivian C. Fisher. (Berkeley: The Bancroft Library, Univer

sity of California, 2002. xiv + 269 pp. Halftones, maps, charts, tables, appen

dixes, glossary, notes, bibliography, index. $50.00 cloth, ISBN 1-893663-15-9.)

Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies: Chicana Literature and the UrgencyofSpace. By Mary Pat Brady. Latin American Otherwise Series: Languages,

Empires, Nations. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003. xiii + 274

pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $54-95 cloth, ISBN 0-8223-3°05-9, $18,95 pa

per, ISBN 0-8223-2974-3.)

The Gold and Silver ofSpanish America, c. 1572-1648; Tables Showing Bullion Declared for Taxation in Colonial Royal Treasuries, Remittances to Spain,and Expenditures for Defense of Empire. By Engel Slutter. (Berkeley: The

Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, 1998. vii + 191 pp. 48 tables, charts,

appendixes, notes. $50.00 paper, ISBN 1-893663-00-0.)

Guide to the Manuscripts Concerning Baja California in the Collections ofthe Bancroft Library. Compiled, edited, and introduction by Rose Marie

Beebe and Robert M. Senkewicz. (Berkeley: The Bancroft Library, Univer

sity ofCalifornia; Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico: Ediciones de la Noche, 2002.

xxxviii + 587 pp. Maps, notes, bibliography, index. $75.00 paper, ISBN

1.893663-14-3. )

Land As Far As the Eye Can See: Portuguese in the Old West. By Donald 523Warrin and Geoffrey 1. Gomes, foreword by Eduardo Mayone Dias. Western


Lands and Water Series, no. 21. (Spokane, Wash.: The Arthur H. Clark

Company, 2001. 352 pp. Halftones, maps, notes, bibliography, index. $39'95

cloth, ISBN 0-87°62-3°6-0.)

The Mass Migration to Modem Latin America. Edited by Samuel L. Baily

and Eduardo Jose Miguez. Jaguar Books on Latin America Series, no. 24.(Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 2003. xxv + 293 pp. Maps, graphs,

tables, notes, bibliography. $65.00 cloth, ISBN 0-842°-2830-7, $19.95 paper,

ISBN 0-842°-2831-5.)

The Maya and Teotihuacan: Reinterpreting Early Classic Interaction. Ed

ited by Geoffrey E. Braswell. The Linda Schele Series in Maya and Pre

Columbian Studies. (Austin: University ofTexas Press, 2003. xvi + 423 pp. 14halftones, 55 line drawings, maps, notes, bibliography, index. $4°.00 cloth,

ISBN 0-292-70914-5.)

Muddied Waters: Race, Region, and Local History in Columbia, 1846-1948.By Nancy P. Appelbaum. Latin America Otherwise Series: Languages,

Empires, Nations. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003. xvii + 297pp. Halftones, maps, notes, bibliography, index. $64.95 cloth, ISBN 0-8223

3080-6, $21.95 paper, ISBN 0-8223-3092-X.)

Natural and Moral History of the Indies. By J6se de Acosta, edited by Jane

E. Mangan, introduction and commentary by Walter D. Mignolo, trans

lated by Frances M. L6pez-Morillas. Chronicles of the New World Encounter

and Latin America in Translation/En Traducci6n/Em Tradw;ao Series. (1590;reprint, Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002. xxviii + 535 pp. Half

tones, maps, notes, bibliography, index. $74.95 cloth, ISBN 0-8223-2832-1,

$24.95 paper, ISBN 0-8223-2845-3.)

The Pacific Slope: A History ofCalifomia, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah,and Nevada. By Earl Pomeroy, foreword by Elliott West. (New York: Knopf,

1965; reprint, Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2003· xxv + 433 pp. 31 half

tones, map, notes, index. $21.95 paper, ISBN 0-87417-518-6.)

Simon Bolivar's Quest For Glory. By Richard W. Slitter and Jane Lucas De

Grummond. Texas A&M University Military History Series, no. 86. (Col

lege Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2003. xiv + 344 pp. Halftones,

maps, appendix, glossary, bibliography, index. $39.95 cloth, ISBN 1-58544

239-9·)

FALL 2003 BOOK NOTE:S ~ 525

Wandering Paysanos: State Order and Subaltern Experience in Buenos Aires

During the Rosas Era. By Richard D. Salvatore. (Durham, N.G: Duke

University Press, 2003. xiv + 523 pp. 25 halftones, 22 tables, notes, glossary,

bibliography, index. $59.95 cloth, ISBN 0-8223-3°86-5.)

Wildfire. By Scott Thybony. (Tucson, Ariz.: Western National Parks Asso

ciation, 2002. 48 pp. Color plates. $8.95 paper, ISBN 1-58369-024-7.)

News Notes

Grants, Fellowships, and Awards

The California Mission Studies Association announces its new refereed jour

nal, Bolet(n. The publication is available to members of the California Mis

sion Studies Association. For information about CMSA membership and/or

institutional subscriptions, contact Bob Senkewicz, Department of History,

Santa Clara University, 500 El Camino Real, Santa Clara, CA, 95053,

e-mail: [email protected]. Institutional subscriptions and CMSA mem

bership both cost $35.

Archives, Exhibits, and Historic [Web) Sites

Scholars and buffs of New Mexico history should check out the H-New

Mexico network, where academic and nonprofessional historians, writers,

artists, teachers, and state enthusiasts exchange information, proposals, and

inquiries on-line. To subscribe to the network, send the following command

bye-mail to [email protected]: sub H-NEWMEXICO your name,

institution (example: sub H-NEWMEXICO Jane Smith, New Mexico State

University).

The Museum of Spanish Colonial Art presents "El Brillo de la PlatalThe

Shimmer of Silver," an exhibit of silver objects dating from the colonial

period through the twentieth century. The exhibit runs through 2 February

2004.The MSCA is located at 750 Camino Lejo, Santa Fe, NM, 87505. For

more information, call (505) 982-2226, or e-mail: [email protected].

The Bessemer Historical Society in Pueblo, Colorado, recently acquired

the archives of the Colorado Fuel & Iron Corporation. The collection con-

tains over twenty thousand cubic feet of material spanning the history of the

CF&I from its creation in 1872 to its dissolution in 1993. The collection

includes untapped documentation related to labor relations, engineering, 527


steel production, and company personnel. For more information, visit the

website: http://www.efisteel.org or contact Jay Trask, Bessemer Historical

Society, 1612 East Abriendo, Pueblo, CO, 81004.

Calendar of Events4-6 March 2004: The Texas State Historical Association will hold its 108th

annual meeting at the Renaissance Austin Hotel in Austin, Texas. For more

information, contact the Texas State Historical Association, University Sta

tion D0901, Austin, TX, 78712-°332, (512) 471-1525 phone, or visit the asso

ciation website: www.tsha.utexas.edu.

4-6 March 2004: The forty-seventh annual Missouri Valley History Confer

ence will be held at the Embassy Suites Downtown/Old Market Hotel in

Omaha, Nebraska. The Society for Military History will sponsor several

sessions at the conference. For more information, visit the website

www.unomaha.edu/Unolhistory/mvhchome.htm. Direct inquiries to Prof.

Tom Buchanan, Missouri Valley History Conference, Department of His

tory, University of Nebraska, Omaha, NE, 68182, or e-mail: mvhc

@unomaha.edu.

10-13 March 2004: The Rocky Mountain Council for Latin American Stud

ies (RMCLAS) will hold its fifty-second annual conference at the El Dorado

Hotel in Santa Fe, New Mexico. For more information, contact Theo R.

Crevenna, RMCLAS Conference, Latin American and Iberian Institute,

MCS02 1690, 1 University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, 87131-0001,

(505) 277-2961 phone, (505) 277-5989 fax, or e-mail: [email protected].

11-13 March 2004: The Nineteenth-Century Studies Association will hold

its twenty-fifth annual conference in St. Louis, Missouri. The conference's

organizing theme is "Cultural Imperialism and Competition: Travel, World's

Fairs, and National/Colonial Image." For more information, contact Prof.

Robert Craig, College of Architecture, Georgia Institute of Technology,

Atlanta, GA, 3°332-0155, or e-mail: [email protected].

11-14 March 200+ The Journal ofBaseball History and Culture announces

its eleventh annual Spring Training Conference in Tucson, Arizona. The

conference will examine the historical and sociological impact of baseball.

The keynote speaker will be Eliot Asinof, author of Eight Men Out. Direct

FALL 2003 NEWS NOTES ~ 529

inquiries to the NINE Spring Training Conference, #444, 11°44-82 Av

enue, Edmonton, Alberta, T6G oT2, Canada, or visit the website:

www.ninejournalofbaseball.com.

17-20 March 2004: The Southwestern Historical Association will hold its

annual conference in Corpus Christi, Texas. For more information, e-mail:

[email protected] or visit the URL: swhistorical.uta.edu.

7-10 April 2004: A joint annual conference of the Southwestffexas Popular

Culture Association and the American Culture Association will be held at

the Marriott Rivercenter in San Antonio, Texas. The associations invite panel

and paper proposals examining the popular culture of the American high

way. For more information, contact Jay M. Price, History Department,

Wichita State University, 1845 Fairmount, Wichita, KS, 67260-°°45, (316)

978-7792 phone, (316) 978-3473 fax, or e-mail: [email protected].

21-24 April 2004: The Western Social Science Association will hold its forty

sixth annual conference at the Sheraton City Center in Salt Lake City, Utah.

Direct inquiries bye-mail to [email protected], or visit the website:

http://wssa.asu.edu/wssa_conference.htm.

22-24 April 2004: The Historical Society of New Mexico will hold its annual

conference in Los Alamos, New Mexico. The society invites proposals on

any aspect of New Mexico history, the Borderlands, or the greater South

west. For more information, contact Maggie McDonald, (505) 864-3612

phone, e-mail: [email protected] or Richard Melzer, (505) 925-8620

phone, e-mail: [email protected].

22-24 April 2004: The Arizona Historical Society will hold its forty-fifth an

nual Arizona History Convention at the Quality Inn and Suites Conference

Center in Safford, Arizona. Direct inquiries to Bruce Dinges, clo Arizona

Historical Society, 949 East Second Street, Tucson, AZ, 85719, (520) 628

5774 phone, or visit the website: www.arizonahistory.org.

22-24 April 2004: The Economic and Business History Society will hold its

twenty-ninth annual conference in Anaheim, California. For information

regarding the conference, visit the website: http://www.ebhsoc.org.


20 September 2°°3-25 April 200+ The Visual Arts Program at the National

Hispanic Cultural Center presents "Cuentos y Encuentros: Paintings by

Ray Martin Abeyta." The exhibit runs at the NHCC, 1701 4th Street SW,

Albuquerque, NM, 87102. For more information, call (505) 246-2261.

29 MaY-5 December 2004: The Visual Arts Program at the National His

panic Cultural Center presents "Corridos sin Fronteras: A New World Bal

lad Tradition." The exhibit recreates the historical development of the corrido

(ballad) in Mexico and the southwestern United States over the past two

hundred years through recordings, broadsides, and musical instruments.

The exhibit can be viewed at the National Hispanic Cultural Center, 1701

4th Street SW, Albuquerque, NM, 87102. For more information, call (505)

246-2261. \

7-11 September 2004: Annual conference of the Mountain-Plains Museums

Association in Casper, Wyoming. For more information, contact the asso

ciation at 7110 West David Drive, Littleton, CO, 80128, (303) 979-9358 phone,

e-mail: [email protected].

7-9 October 2004: The Latin American Studies Association will hold its

2004 conference in Las Vegas, Nevada. For more information, visit the

website: http://lasa.international.pitt.edullasa2004-3.htm.

13-16 October 2004: The forty-fourth annual conference of the Western His

tory Association, "Representing the West in Image and Record," will be held

at the Riviera Hotel in Las Vegas, Nevada. For more information, contact

the Western Historical Association, MSC06 3770, 1 University of New

Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, 87131-0001, (505) 277-5234 phone; e-mail:

[email protected]; or visit the association's website: www.unm.edu/~wha/

5-7 November 2004: Fort Craig, New Mexico, will celebrate its 150th Anni

versary. For information about the anniversary and its commemorative ac

tivities, e-mail [email protected].

12-13 November 200+ The Center for the History of Business, Technology,

and Society will hold a conference, "Consuming Experiences: The Busi

ness and Technologies of Tourism" at the Hagley Museum and Library in

Wilmington, Delaware. The center will accept paper proposals by regular

FALL 2003 NEWS NOTES ~ 531

mail and as e-mail attachments until 1 March 200+ Direct inquiries and

proposals to Dr. Roger Horowitz, Hagley Museum and Library, P.O. Box

3630, Wilmington, DE, 198°7, (302) 655-3188 fax, e-mail: [email protected].

15-17 July 2005: To mark the sixtieth anniversary of the detonation of the

first atomic bomb at Trinity Site in New Mexico, the Center for the Study of

War and Society and the University of Tennessee Press will host a confer

ence to assess the impact of the development of nuclear weapons on Ameri

can society and culture. For more information, contact [email protected],

or visit the website: web.utk.edu/~csws.

Index

A"Abalone Shell Buffalo People: Navajo

Narrated Routes and Pre-ColumbianArchaeological Sites," by Klara Kelleyand Harris Francis, 29-58

Abiquiu, N.Mex.: Ute raids on, 294;witchcraft trial in, 285, 287

Ablard, Jonathan D., revs. City ofSuspeets: Crime in Mexico City, 1900-1931,by Pablo Piccato, 362-64; revs. Crimeand Punishment in Latin America: Lawand Society Since Late Colonial Times,ed. Ricardo D. Salvatore, CarlosAguirre, and Gilbert M. Joseph, 362-64

Adams, Ansel: as photographer for Arizona Highways, 434

Adams, William Y, 81, 127, 176Afton, Jean, Cheyenne Dog Soldiers: A

Ledgerbook History of Coups andCombat, revd., Wr51

Agriculture: Native American and Anglotechniques of, contrasted, 157

Aguirre, Carlos, Crime and Punishment inLatin America: Law and Society SinceLate Colonial Times, revd., 362-64

Albuquerque, N.Mex. See New MexicoTerritorial Fair; Rodeos

Albuquerque Browns. See BaseballAlbuquerque City Council, 254Albuquerque Street Railway Company, 246Aldred, Lisa, revs. The Changing Presen-

tation of the American Indian: Muse-

ums and Native Cultures, ed. W. Richard West, et aI., 211-12

Aldrich, Stephen, 126Alexander, Bob, Dangerous Dan Tucker:

New Mexico's Deadly Lawman, revd.,

5°5-6Allantown, 38America's Second Tongue: American In

dian Education and the Ownership ofEnglish, 1860-1900, by Ruth Spack,revd., 504-5

Amerind Foundation, 48Anasazi: farming by, 40; Fremont and

southern Utah, 39, 44; and status burials of, 47; use of herbs by, 40

Anaya, Rudolfo A, 280Anderson, Benedict, 389, 410

Antelope Mesa (Awatobi), 29, 33Anthropology: postmodern, 177Anthropometry, 400Apache Kid, 426Apaches, 152, 154, 164, 396, 400; repre

sentation of, in Arizona Highways, 426Apaches de Navajo: Seventeenth-Century

Navajos in the Chama Valley of NewMexico, by Curtis F. Schaafsma, revd.,9C)-100

Apache Voices: Their Stories ofSurvivalas Told to Eve Ball, by SherryRobinson, revd., 346-47

Archaeology: of Basketmaker material,43; of bells, 35; and estimating mile

533

534~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

equivalent of the league, 163; of greatkivas, 33; at Hohokam sites, 47; of LostCity site, 44; and relationship to Nava jo narrated routes, 47-49; and relationship of historical documents to,152, 163; of shell ornaments, 35, 160; atSobaipuri-Pima sites, 147; of turquoise,35; of whetstone plain sherds, 160

Archbishop Lamy in His Own Words, ed.and trans. Thomas 1. Steele, revd.,112-14

Architecture: art-moderne, 406; at California-Pacific International Exposition, 1935-1936,4°1-8; mission style,392, 406; modernism in, 406; atPanama-California Exposition, 19151916, 389-4°1; Pueblo Revival, 392,406; Sobaipuri Indian adobe, 154;Spanish colonial, 392, 406

Arellanes, Emiterio, 268Arellanes, Paula, 268Argentina: American steer ropers in, 261Arizona Boundary Bill, 75Arizona Highways: back cover of, 428;

entertainment tourism in, 435; originsof, 421; Apaches in, 426; Arizona in,431, 434; Arizona's Spanish heritagein, 427-29; Native Americans in, 422;Navajos in, 424-26; Southwest in, 432;photography in, 434; as tourismbooster, 421; use of blood quantumsbY,426

Armendariz grants, 254, 260Armijo, Ambrosio, 246Army of Israel: Mormon Battalion Narra

tives, ed. David L. Bigler and WillBagley, revd., 360-61

Arnold, Albert, Jr.,141Amy, William F. M., 11, 12

Arredondo, Isabel, Palabra de mujer:Historias oral de las directoras de cinemexicanas, 1988-1994, revd., 364-66

Art: Santa Fe Movement in, 443"Art Crafted in the Red Man's Image:

Hazel Pete, the Indian New Deal, andthe Indian Arts and Crafts Program atSanta Fe Indian School, 1932-1935,"by Cary C. Collins, 439-70

Ashurst, Merrill, 17Aspaas, Frank, 141Atcheson, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway,

246Athabascans: links of, to Navajos, 49

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Automobiles: Dine use of, 79; tourismby, in the Southwest, 419-22

Auyero, Javier, Poor People's Politics:Peronist Survival Networks and theLegacy ofEvita, revd., 368-69

Avella, Steven M., revs. Religion in theModem American West, by FerencMorton Szasz, 199-201

Awatobi,40Axtell, James, 177Aztecs, 29; architecture of, 393, 406

\

BBaca, Santiago, 246Bagley, Will, ed., Army of Israel: Mor

mon Battalion Narratives, revd., 36061

Bahl, Ida, 81Balboa Park, San Diego, Calif., 392, 401,

402Balloons: at the Territorial Fair of 1882,

247Barbour, Bart, review essay of The Jour

nals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 13 vols., ed. Gary E. Moulton,189-98

Baseball: Albuquerque Browns in, 247; inTerritorial Fair entertainment, 260

Bat Cave, 39Battle of San Diego Pond. See Tomas

Velez CachupfnBaxter, John 0., "Sport on the Rio

Grande: Cowboy Tournaments at NewMexico's Territorial Fair, 1885-19°5,"245-61

Beauregard, Donald, 392Beezley, William H., ed., Latin Ameri

can Popular Culture: An Introduction,revd., 222-23; ed. Viva Mexico! VivaLa Independencia! Celebrations ofSeptember 16, revd., 493-94

Begay, Fleming, 41Begay, Harrison, 446Behind Painted Walls: Incidents in South

western Archaeology, by Florence C.Lister, revd., 101-2

Belcher, Frank. See California-Pacific International Exposition, promotion of

Benally, Herbert John, PhotographingNavajos: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation, 1948-1953, revd., 489-90

Benedict, Kirby, 17, 19

FALL 2003

Benigna's Chimayo: Cuentos from theOld Plaza, by Donald J. Usner, revd.,

498-5°°Benjamin, Thomas, revs. The Mexican

Revolution, 1910-1940, by Michael J.Gonzales, 495-96

Bensen, Robert B., Children of the Dragonfly: Native American Voices onChild Custody and Education, revd.,

348-49Bernal, Cristobal Martin, 163Bernstein, Bruce, 448Bigler, David L., ed., Army ofIsrael:

Mormon Battalion Narratives, revd.,360-61

Big Mountain Trading Post, Ariz. SeeTrading Posts

Billy the Kid. See William BonneyBinder, Melissa, revs. Mexican Ameri

cans and the U.S. Economy: Quest forBuenos Dias, by Arturo Gonzalez,

35<r60Black, Nellie Damon, 141Black Cowboys ofTexas, ed. Sara R.

Massey, revd., 225-26Blackhawk, Ned, revs. Boundaries Be

tween: The Southern Paiutes, 17751995, by Martha C. Knack, 106-7

Blake, Frank, 254Boessenecker, John, Gold Dust and

Gunsmoke: Tales of Gold Rush Outlaws, Gunfighters, Lawmen, and Vigilantes, revd., 514-15

Bojorques, Francisco, 252, 261Bokovoy, Matthew, "Peers of Their

White Conquerors: The San DiegoExpositions and Modern SpanishHeritage in the Southwest, 18801940," 387-418; revs. Seeing and BeingSeen: Tourism in the American West,ed. David M. Wrobel and Patrick T.Long, 339-40

Bonito Trading Store, 141Bonney, William (Billy the Kid), 434Book Notes, 115-17, 235-37, 379-80Book Reviews, 96-114, 199-234, 339-78,

481-52 5Bosque Redondo, N.Mex., 71. See also

DineBoundaries Between: The Southern

Paiutes, 1775-1995, by Martha C.Knack, revd., 106-7

INDEX~535

Bouvier, Virginia M., Women and theConquest of California, 1542-184°:Codes of Silence, revd., 356-57

Bradley, Ronna Jean Earthman, 45Brand of Infamy: A Biography of John

Buchanan Floyd, by Charles Pinnegar,revd., 517-21

Breckner, Gary: as publicity director forSan Diego exposition, 405

Breeden, William, 17Bristol, Warren, 9, 10, 18Broca, Paul, 399Brodie, Mike, 141Brody, J. J.: on Dorothy Dunn's teaching

philosophy, 448; revs., Behind PaintedWalls: Incidents in Southwestern Archaeology, by Florence C. Lister, 101-2

Bronco busting, 260. See also RodeoBroussard, Ray F., revs. News of the

Plains and the Rockies, 18°3-1865:Original Narratives of Over/and Traveland Adventure Selected from theWagner-Camp and Becker Bibliography ofWestern Americana, vol. 5, J:"Later Explorers, 1847-1865:' ed.David A. White, 229-31; revs. News ofthe Plains and the Rockies, 18°3-1865:Original Narratives of Over/and Traveland Adventure Selected from theWagner-Camp and Becker Bibliography ofWestem Americana, vol. 4, G:"Warriors, 1834-1865" and H: "Scientists, Artists, 1835-1859:' ed. David A.White, 229-31

Brown, Tracy, revs. Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migrationand Transformation, by Andrew I.Duff, 500-502

Brugge, David M., 66, 68, 69, 70, 84, 141;revs. Apaches de Nava;o: SeventeenthCentury Nava;os in the Chama Valleyof New Mexico, by Curtis F.Schaafsma, 99-100; revs. HealingWays: Nava;o Health Care in theTwentieth Century, by Wade Davies,204-5

Brunk, Samuel, revs. Viva Mexico! VivaLa Independencia! Celebrations ofSeptember 16, ed. William H. Beezleyand David E. Lorey, 493-94

Bryant, Keith L., Jr., Culture in theAmerican Southwest: The Earth, theSky, the People, revd., 201-4

536 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Buffalo, 39Buffalo-bead corridors: map of, 34Buffalo Bill Cody. See William F. CodyBuffalo Springs Trading Post, Ariz. See

Trading Posts.Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), 79, 81,

171, 173, 443, 449; recruitment of Navajo workers by, 128; and Trade and Intercourse Act of 1834, ]3

Burge, Moris, ]29Burke, Charles, 423Burnham, George, 404

CCabrillo, Juan Rodrfguez, 394Cachupfn, Felipe Velez: donation of, to

Convent of San Francisco of Laredo,Spain, 290; Francisco Velez Cachupfnheir, 304; sketch of, 289---9°

Cachupfn, Francisco Velez, 304Cachupfn, Manuel de Velez: manipula

tion of Tomas Velez Cachupfn's willby, 304-36. See also Casas Cachupines

Cachupfn, Tomas Velez: bachelorhoodof, 299; at Battle of San Diego Pond,288, 292, 297; coat of arms of, 302;concern of, for family name, 302-3;exchange of Comanche captives by,296-98; family history of, 299-307; inHavana, Cuba, 289; home of, inLaredo, Spain, 303; last will and testament of, 293, 305, 307-16, 315; inMadrid, Spain, 288; relations of, withComanches, Utes, and Navajos, 29198; second term of, as governor ofN.Mex., 296-98; signature and rubricof, 298; witchcraft trial presided overby, 285. See also Casas Cachupines;Gliemes y Horcasitas, Antonio de;Laredo, Spain.

Calderon, Roberto R., Mexican CoalMining Labor in Texas and Coahuila,1880-1930, revd., 227-28

Calgary Stampede, 261. See also RodeoCalhoun, James S., 3; federal offices of,

in New Mexico, 2; policies of, towardPueblos, 4-6

California-Pacific International Exposition (1935-1936): architecture in, 406;California State Building at, 405; commercial influences on, 404; congressional funding for, 404-5; exhibitions

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

at, 405; federal building at, 407; Federal Housing AdministrationModeltown at, 406-8; Ford MotorCompany's Roads of the Pacific at, 4089; Mexican participation in, 4°5-6; origins of, 404; plan for; 404; promotionof, 404; Spanish Fantasy Heritage in,405. See also Fairs; Panama-CaliforniaExposition; San Diego, Calif.

Canyon de Chelly, Ariz., 38Capone, Patricia, Makers and Markets:

The Wright Collection ofTwentiethCentury Native American Art, revd.,

352-53Captured in the Middle: Tradition and

Experience in Contemporary NativeAmerican Writing, by Sidner Larson,revd., 208-9

Carillo, Leio, 403Carleton, James H., 70Carlos III of Spain: Tomas Velez

Cachupfn appointed gov. of N.Mex.by, 296

Carroll, J. Ellison, 257, 258Carson, Stokes, 127Casas Cachupines: history of, 300-304;

multiple meaning of, 301-2. See alsoManuel de Velez Cachupfn; TomasVelez Cachupfn

Casas Grandes, 38Casa Torre del Hoyo 0 de Velez

Cachupfn, Laredo, Spain: history of,3°0-301,3°3; Tomas VelezCachupfn's bequest to, 301. See alsoTomas Velez Cachupfn

Cassidy, Gerald, 392Castaneda, Carlos, 427Cebolleta, N.Mex.: Spanish mission at, 69Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de:

Cachupines mentioned in DonQuixote by, 300

Chaco, 29, 35, 38Chamberlain, Kathleen P., Under Sacred

Ground: A History ofNavajo Oil,1922-1982, revd., 102-3

Champagne, Duane, 61The Changing Presentation of the Ameri

can Indian: Museums and Native Cultures, ed. W. Richard West et aI.,revd., 211-12

Chapman, Kenneth C., 392; participation of, in Indian Arts and Crafts program, 453

FALL 2003

Chavez-Garda, Miroslava, revs. Womenand the Conquest of California, 15421840: Codes of Silence, by Virginia M.Bouvier, 356-57

Checkerboard, 171Chehalis Reservation, Ore., 440-41, 451Chemehuevi, 171Cheyenne Dog Soldiers: A Ledgerbook

History of Coups and Combat, by JeanAfton, David Fridtjof Halaas, and Andrew F. Masich, revd., 34<)-51

Cheyenne Frontier Days, 259, 261. Seealso Rodeos

Chicago World's Fair, 71, 398,4°5; WhiteCity in, 392

Chief Coro (Chief of the Pimas), 151Children of the Dragonfly: Native Ameri

can Voices on Child Custody and Education, ed. Robert Bensen, revd.,

348-49Chinle watershed, <-<)-58Chiricahua Mountains, 152The Church in Colonial Latin America,

by John F. Schwaller, revd., 221-2<City of Suspects: Crime in Mexico City,

19°0-1931, by Pablo Piccato, revd.,362- 64

Civilian Conservation Corps (CCG), 75Civil Rights Movement, 409Civil War in the Southwest: Recollections

of the Sibley Brigade, ed. Jerry Thompson, revd., 323-27

The Civil War in West Texas and NewMexico: The Lost Letterbook of Brigadier General Henry Hopkins Sibley, ed.John P. Wilson and Jerry Thompson,revd., 323-27

Clarkin, Thomas, revs. The Urban Indian Experience, by Donald L. Fixico,103-4

Cobb, Amanda J., revs. America's SecondTongue: American Indian Educationand the Ownership of English, 18601900, by Ruth Spack, 504-5

Codallos y Rabal, Joaquin: as governor ofNew Mexico, 290

Cody, William F., <-51Coggeshall, Nancy, revs. Dangerous Dan

Tucker: New Mexico's Deadly Lawman, by Bob Alexander, 505-6

Collier, David C., 391. See Panama-California Exposition.

INDEX" 537

Collier, John, 77, 176; efforts of, to segregate and preserve Navajo culture, 75;Indian policy under, w; Navajo attitudes towards, regarding Livestock Reduction Program, 443; opposition toreforms created by, 76, 176; influenceof, on Navajo representation strategiesin Arizona Highways, 424; standoff of,with Clinton Crandell over peyoteuse, 4<-3; visit of, to Santa Fe Indianschool,459

Collins, Cary C., "Art Crafted in the RedMan's Image: Hazel Pete, the IndianNew Deal, and the Indian Arts andCrafts Program at Santa Fe IndianSchool, 1932- 1935:' 439-70

Collins, James, 7Colorado River Indian Reservation, 171Colored Mountain Trading Post. See

Trading PostsComanches: in Battle of San Diego

Pond, 288, 297; exchange of Spanishcaptives by, 296-98; Tomas VelezCachupin's relations with, 287, 289,291-<]8; trade of, with Spanish, 294--98

Coming ofAge in the Great Depression:The Civilian Conservation Corps Experience in New Mexico, 1933-1942, byRichard Melzer, revd., 217-18

Conchas River, N.Mex., 266-67Congressional Civil Rights Act of 1968,

168Contention City, Ariz., 156, 157, 160, 161Convent of San Francisco of Laredo. See

Felipe Velez CachupinCornell, Stephen, 61Coronado, Francisco Vazquez de, 394Cortez, N.Mex., 172Cotton, C. N., 71Cotton, Oscar. See California-Pacific In

ternational Exposition, promotion of,

4°4Coulter, Lane, ed., Nava;o Saddle Blan-

kets: Textiles to Ride in the AmericanWest, revd., 471-79

Cowboy Park: steer roping at, in CiudadJuarez, Mex., 260, 261

Cowboys: drawing of, 433; in TerritorialFair tournaments, 245-61; transitionof, from laborer to performer, 253. Seealso Rodeos

Cowgirls: in steer-roping tournament,

254


Crandall, Clinton, 422-23Crawford, Harry, 252Crawford, Jack, 252Crime and Punishment in Latin America:

Law and Society Since Late ColonialTimes, bd. Ricardo D. Salvatore,Carlos Aguirre, and Gilbert M. Joseph, revd., 362-64

Cromwell, Lucretia, 258Cromwell, Oliver E., 247, 256Cruz, Geronima, 446Cruzat, Gen. Domingo Jironza Petris de,

152

Culture in the American Southwest: TheEarth, the Sky, the People, by Keith L.Bryant Jr., revd., 201-4

Curcio-Nagy, Linda A, ed., Latin American Popular Culture: An Introduction,revd., 222-23

Curtis, Edward S., The Plains IndianPhotographs of Edward S. Curtis,revd., 487-89

Cutter, Charles, revs. From Settler toCitizen: New Mexican Economic Development and the Creation ofVecinoSociety, 1750-1820, by Ross Frank,486- 87

DDale, Edward Everett, 75Damon, Charles, 141Dangerous Dan Tucker: New Mexico's

Deadly Lawman, by Bob Alexander,revd., 505-6

Davidson, Gilbert A, 404-5Davies, Wade, Healing Ways: Navajo

Health Care in the Twentieth Century,revd., 204-5; revs. Under SacredGround: A History ofNavajo Oil, 1922

1982, by Kathleen P. Chamberlain,102-3

Davis, William W. H., 7; opposition of,to Pueblo welfare statute of 1847, 3-4

Dawes Severalty Act, 74, 75Dawson, Joseph G., III, review essay

("Waging the Civil War in the Southwest") of The Civil War in West Texasand New Mexico: The Lost Letterbookof Brigadier General Henry HopkinsSibley by John P. Wilson and Jerry D.Thompson; Civil War in the Southwest: Recollections of the Sibley Brigade, ed. Jerry Thompson; and When

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

the Texans Came: Missing Recordsfrom the Civil War in the Southwest,1861-1862, ed. John P. Wilson, 323-27

Dean, Jeffrey S., 46; ed., Salado, revd.,5°8-10

Dedman, Clitso, 127Deloria, Vine, Jr., 443Denetdale, Jennifer Nez, review essay of

Navajo Saddle Blankets: Textiles toRide in the American West, ed. LaneCoulter; and Swept Under the Rug: AHidden History of Navajo Weaving, byKathy M'Closkey, 471-79

Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums,and Heritage, by Barbara KirshenblattGimblett, revd., 233-34

The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920, by Andrew C. Insenberg, revd., 353-54

Diamond A See Victorio Land andCattle Company

Dick Greer, 249Dieguefios, 402Dillion, Richard c., 427Dilworth, Leah, 422, 423Dine, 396, 400; acculturation of, 172,

173,174, 178; in Albuquerque, 174; andAnasazi, 67; and Anglo American culture, 60; archaeological record of, 48;and assimilation of Pueblo culture, 59,67,69; Blessingway among, 69, 178;and boarding schools, 173; burial practices of, 84; capitalism among, 61; andceremonialism, 48; Christian missionaries to, 73; citizenship of, 170; clansamong, 31, 170, 171; contributions toAnglo society by, 178; demographicsof, 80-81; diaspora of, 173, 175;Dinetah, 180; ethos of, 62; gamingamong, 168; and Great Society policies, 173; and Havasupais, 70; andhealth care, 81; higher education of,82; hogans of, 63, 68, 82, 178, 396,425;homestead farming by, 74; homicide/suicide rates of, 169; impact of, onpost-WWII Anglo America, 175; impact of Anglo curriculum on, 83; impact of New Deal on, 76; languageamong, 64, 65, 83; and time, 65; linksof, to Athabascan culture, 49, 59; literacy rates among, 127; and matrilineal society, 170; and medicine men,175, 178, 179; and mining, 80; and the

FALL 2003

Native American Church (NAC), 77;Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild, 424; andNavajo Tribal Council, 129, 168, 169;on-reservation livestock raising by, 137;and maps, 33,48; origins of, 31; oralmapping by, 48; and the PeacemakerCourt, 169; philosophy of, 60; politicalstructure of, 167-83; pottery history of,73; on-reservation economy, 137; andsheep overgrazing, 82; silversmithingby, 73; sovereignty of, 169; andTachii'nii clan, 40; and tension between capitalism and tradition, 129,130; Tomas Velez Cachupin's war andpeace with, 291-<)8; trek from Canadaby, 60; tribal law code of, 168; urbanlife of, 174; and Ute Indians, 70; vocational training of, 173; voting rights of,80; wage work by, 128-30, 173; andwelfare, 137; work habits of, 78; WorldWar II enlistment of, 77. See also Taboos; Polygamy; Trading Posts; Traders; Two Grey Hills Trading Post;Teller, Sam Kent; Veterans Adrriinistration; Wool; Weaving; Athabascans;Pueblos

Di Peso, Charles C., 148, 150, 151, 162;Quiburi site placement by, 149; andSanta Cruz de Gaybanipitea site, 150

Dixon, David, revs. To Hell With Honor:Custer and the Little Bighorn, by LarrySklenar, 231-32

Dodge, Chee, 126Dodge, Henry Linn, 73Dominguez-Escalante Expedition, 33;

archaeological site of, 39, 41Donald, H. '1'., 126Doty, C. Stewart, Photographing Nava

jos: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation,1948-1953, revd., 489-<)0

Doyle, David E., 151Dozier, Edward, 398Drooker, Penelope Ballard, Makers and

Markets: The Wright Collection ofTwentieth-Century Native AmericanArt, revd., 352-53

Drugan, Frank. See California-Pacific International Exposition, plan for

Dubin, Margaret, revs. Makers and Markets: The Wright Collection ofTwentiethCentury Native American Art, byPatricia Capone and Penelope BallardDrooker, 352-53; revs. Navajo Spoons:

INDEX ~ 539

Indian Artistry and the Souvenir Trade,1880-1940, by Cindra Kline, 98-99

Dueling Eagles: Reinterpreting the U.S.Mexican War, 1846-1848, ed. RichardFrancaviglia and Douglas W. Richmond, revd., 224-25

Duff, Andrew I., Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migrationand Transformation, revd., 500-502

Dunn, Dorothy, 453, 464; conflict of,with Mable E. Morrow, 453-54; earlyteaching experience of, 448; hired bySanta Fe Indian School, 445-46; relationship of, with Hazel Pete, 450; atSanto Domingo Pueblo Day School,444; teaching philosophy of, 448, 449,450, 454. See also Morrow, Mable E.;Santa Fe Indian School

Dunnington, Jacqueline Orsini,Guadalupe: Our Lady of New Mexico,revd., 108-<)

EEbright, Malcolm, revs. The Far South

west, 1846-1912, rev. ed., by Howard R.Lamar, 490-93; "Tomas VelezCachupfn's Last Will and Testament,His Career in New Mexico, and HisSword with a Golden Hilt," 285-316;Witchcraft in Abiquiu: The Governor,the Priest, and Genizaro Indians, andthe Devil, 285

Economy: on Navajo reservation, 134,137. See also Dine; Native Americans;Two Grey Hills Trading Post

EI Cerrito, N.Mex.: homesteading at,265-83

Elementary and Secondary EducationAct, 82

Elkins, Stephen B., 17Ellis, Clyde, review essay of Nuevo

Mexico Profundo: Rituals ofan IndoHispano Homeland by MiguelGandert, Enrique Lamadrid, RamonA. Gutierrez, Lucy R. Lippard, andChris Wilson, 185-88

EI Morro (N.Mex.): as tourist attraction,

421

El Paso Herald, 253EI Paso Mid-Winter Carnival, 253EI Paso Natural Gas Company, 171Encinal, N.Mex.: Spanish mission at, 69


Escudero, Teresa, ''Tomas VelezCachupfn's Last Will and Testament,His Career in New Mexico, and HisSword with a Golden Hilt," 285-316

Ethnohistory, l77Eugenics, 399Europeans: Indian influence on, 177Evarts, William M., 17-18Expositions. See Panama-California Ex

position, 1915-1916; California-PacificInternational Exposition, 1935-1936;Fairs

FFacing Southwest: The Life and Houses of

John Gaw Meem, by Chris Wilson,revd., 483-85

Fairs: See Expositions; New Mexico Ter-ritorial Fair; Roswell Fair

Fall, Albert, 74Farella, John, 64, 66, 69, 77, 175Faris, Chester E., 445, 455Faris, James C., revs. Photographing Na

va;os: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation, 1948-1953, by C. Stewart Doty,Dale Sperry Mudge, and Herbert JohnBenally, 489-9°

Farmington, N.Mex., 139, 172The Far Southwest, 1846-1912, rev. ed., by

Howard R. Lamar, revd., 490-93Federal Housing Administration (FHA):

Modeltown exhibit of, at CaliforniaPacific International Exposition, 19351936,4°6

The Federal Landscape: An EconomicHistory of the Twentieth-Century West,by Gerald D. Nash, revd., 228-29

Fernandez Amendment, 79Figures: Genealogy of the Sixteen

Cerritefio Homesteaders at Variadero/La Garita, 269

The Five Crows Ledger: Biographic Warrior Art of the Flathead Indians, byJames D. Keyser, revd., 2°7-8

Fixico, Donald L., The Urban Indian Experience in America, revd., 103-4

Flagstaff-Bellemont, Ariz., 172Flores, Dan, The Natural West: Environ

mental History in the Great Plains andRocky Mountains, revd., 24-15

Fontana, Bernard L., 151Food Plants of the Sonoran Desert, by

Wendy C. Hodgson, revd., 374-75

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Ford Motor Company: Roads of the Pacific exhibit of, at California-PacificInternational Exposition, 408

Fort Defiance, Ariz., 71; first trading li-cense at, 125

Fort Sill, Okla., 423Fort Wingate, N.Mex., 77Foster, Michael, ed., Greater

Mesoamerica: The Archaeology ofWestand Northwest Mexico, revd., 512-13

Four Civilized Tribes: cotton farming by,61

Francaviglia, Richard, ed., Dueling Eagles:Reinterpreting the U.s.-Mexican War,1846-1848, revd., 224-25

Francis, Harris, 36; "Abalone Shell Buffalo People: Navajo Narrated Routesand Pre-Columbian ArchaeologicalSites," 29-58

Franciscans: Andres Varo, 290-91; conflict of, with Spanish civil authorities,289-91; Felipe Velez Cachupfn's relationship with, 290; role of, in theSouthwest, 394; Tomas VelezCachupfn's relationship with, 287

Frank, Ross, From Settler to Citizen: NewMexican Economic Development andthe Creation ofVecino Society, 17501820, revd., 486-87

Fred Harvey Company, 422; at Panama-California Exposition, 396

Frisbie, Charlotte 1-, 67, 74, 176Fruitland, N.Mex., 171, 176Fryer, E. Reeseman, 128Fuente, Juan Fernandez de la, 152Furst, Jill Leslie, Mo;ave Pottery, Mo;ave

People: The Dillingham Collection ofMo;ave Ceramics, revd., 502-3

GGallo, presidio of, 152Gallup, N.Mex., 172Gambling. See RodeosGandert, Miguel, Nuevo Mexico

Profundo: Rituals ofan Indo-HispanoHomeland, revd., 185-88

Garceau, Dorothy C., revs. Women andNature: Saving the "Wild" West, byGlenda Riley, 218-21

Garda, Ignacio M., Viva Kennedy: Mexican Americans in Search ofCamelot,revd., 357-59

FALL 2003

Garcia, Mario T, Luis Leal: An Auto/Biography, revd., 369-71

Garcia, Nasario, Pldticas: Conversationswith Hispano Writers of New Mexico,revd., 498-500

Gardenshire, Emilnie, 249Gardner, Joe, 253, 254Gardner, Mark L., Wagons for the Santa

Fe Trade: Wheeled Vehicles and TheirMakers, 1822-1880, revd., 506-8

Geronimo (Goyathley), 423, 426Gibson, James, 133Gill, Sam D., 174Gleason, Betty, 124Gleason, Dorothy, 124Gleason, Tillie, 124Gobernador Canyon, 179Gold Dust and Gunsmoke: Tales of Gold

Rush Outlaws, Gunfighters, Lawmen,and Vigilantes, by John Boessenecker,revd., 514-15

Goldtooth, Frank, 141Gonzales, Manuel G., Mexicanos: A His

tory of Mexicans in the United States,revd., 510-12

Gonzales, Michael J., The MexicanRevolution, 1910-1940, revd., 495--96

Gonzales, Phillip B., review essay of TheSpanish Redemption: Heritage, Power,and Loss on New Mexico's Upper RioGrande by Charles Montgomery, 32937; revs. Culture in the AmericanSouthwest: The Earth, the Sky, thePeople, by Keith L. Bryant Jr., 201-4

Gonzalez, Arturo, Mexican Americansand the U.S. Economy: Quest forBuenos Dias, revd., 359-60

Goodhue, Bertram G., 392,4°6Goodluck, Charles T, 141Gorenstein, Shirley, ed., Greater

Mesoamerica: The Archaeology ofWestand Northwest Mexico, revd., 512-13

Gorman, Nelson, 127Gould, Anne, 136Gould, Arch, 136Gould, Marie Louise, 124Graves, Edmund D., 5, 7Graves, Julian, 13Grayson Cattle Company (John Cross

outfit), 252, 261Greasewood Trading Post, Ariz. See

Trading Posts

INDEX + 541

Greater Mesoamerica: The Archaeology ofWest and Northwest Mexico, ed.Michael Foster and ShirleyGorenstein, revd., 512-13

Green, George, revs. Mexican Coal Mining Labor in Texas and Coahuila, 18801930, by Roberto R. Calderon, 227-28

Greer, Dick, 250Greer, Nat: Cowboy Park opened by, in

Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, 260; participation of, in cowboy tournament at NewMexico Territorial Fair, 250, 251, 252.See also Rodeos

Greer, Thomas L., 249Greer, Tom (son of Nat Greer), 260Greer, William H.: business affairs of, in

New Mexico, 254, 256; cattle-ropingexhibition ban introduced by, in NewMexico Territorial Legislature, 25960. See also New Mexico MountedPolice; Rodeos

Griffin-Pierce, Trudy, Native Peoples ofthe Southwest, revd., 206-7

Griset, Suzanne, revs. Mojave Pottery,Mojave People: The Dillingham Collection of Mojave Ceramics, by JillLeslie Furst, 502-3

Grove, David c., revs. GreaterMesoamerica: The Archaeology ofWestand Northwest Mexico, ed. MichaelFoster and Shirley Gorenstein, 512-13

Guadalupe: Our Lady of New Mexico, byJacqueline Orsini Dunnington, revd.,108-9

Giiemes y Horcasitas, Antonio de: TomasVelez Cachupfn's bequest to, 289

Giiemes y Horcasitas, Francisco de: asConde de Revilla Gigedo and viceroyof New Spain, 288-89; relationship of,to Tomas Velez Cachupfn, 287-89,291, 294, 296

Guevavi settlement, 157Gulliford, Andrew, Sacred Objects and

Sacred Places: Preserving Tribal Traditions, revd., 104-6

Gutierrez, Ramon A., Nuevo MexicoProfundo: Rituals of an Indo-HispanoHomeland, revd., 185-88

HHagan, William T, revs. Navajo Trad

ing: The End ofan Era, by WillowRobert Powers, 96-97

542 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Haile, Berard, 64, 83, 84Halaas, David Fridtjof, Cheyenne Dog

Soldiers: A Ledgerbook History ofCoups and Combat, revd., 349-51

Hale, Albert, 167-68Hall, Linda B., revs., Guadalupe: Our

Lady of New Mexico, by JacquelineOrsini Dunnington, 108-9

Hall, Thomas D., 61Hamilton, Wallace, 405Hanks, Nancy, Lamy's Legion: The Indi

vidual Histories of Secular Clergy Serving in the Archdiocese ofSanta Fe from1850 to 1912, revd., 232-33

Hardy, Rox, 249, 250, 261; cowboy tournament for New Mexico TerritorialFair sponsored by, 247-48, 251

Hashknife Cattle Company, 249Haury, Emil, 150Havana, Cuba. See Tomas Velez

CachupfnHavasupais, 70Healing Ways: Navajo Health Care in

the Twentieth Century, by WadeDavies, revd., 204-5

Hearst, William Randolph, 256; visit of,to Albuquerque, 258. See also ClayMcGonagill

Heflin, Reuben, 127To Hell With Honor: Custer and the

Little Bighorn, by Larry Sklenar, revd.,231-32

Henderson, Eric B., 174Henderson, Irma, 131Henderson, John D., 15; accusations of

fraud against, 4; encroachments onPueblo lands reported by, 5-6

Hendricks, Rick, "Tomas VelezCachupfn's Last Will and Testament,His Career in New Mexico, and HisSword with a Golden Hilt," 285-316;Witchcraft in Abiquiu: The Governor,the Priest, and Genfzaro Indians, andthe Devil, 285

Hernandez, Rebecca, revs. DestinationCulture: Tourism, Museums, and Heritage, by Barbara KirshenblattGimblett, 233-34

Hewett, Edgar L., 397,4°1; PanamaCalif9rnia Exposition praised by, 392,393, 394; southwestern exhibits andbuildings designed by, for Panama-

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

California Exposition, 390-91. Seealso AleS Hrdlicka

Higham, C. L. Noble, Wretched, and Redeemable: Protestant Missionaries tothe Indians in Canada and the UnitedStates, 1820-1900, revd., 212-4; revs.Reimagining Indians: Native Americans Through Anglo Eyes, 1880-1940,by Sherry L. Smith, 487-89; revs. ThePlains Indian Photographs of EdwardS. Curtis, by Edward S. Curtis, 487-89

"High Roads and Highways to Romance:New Mexico Highway Journal and Arizona Highways (Re)Present the Southwest," by Scott C. Zeman, 419-38

Hispanos: and Homestead Act of 1862,268; homesteading by, 265-83; andland grants, 267, 275, 278; representation of, by Arizona Highways and NewMexico Highway Journal, 426-29; represented as Spanish, 427; settlementof, at EI Cerrito, N. Mex., 265-67.

Historic preservation, 410; in Californiaduring the 1930S, 401-3

Hodge, William H., 174Hodgson, Wendy C., Food Plants of the

Sonoran Desert, revd., 374-75Hohokam: pre-Columbian turquoise

trade by, 41Holbrook, Ariz., 172Holmes, William H.: exhibits for

Panama-California Exposition designed by, 393-94; pledge of assistanceto Panama-California Exposition by,390. See also Hewett, Edgar L.;Hrdlicka, AleS

Holy, Alexandra New, revs. Where theTwo Roads Meet, by ChristopherVecsey, 111-12

Holy Twins, 64Homestead Act of 1862, 268Homesteading. See Hispanos"Homesteading by EI Cerrito's

Quintanas near VariaderolLa Garita,"by Richard L. Nostrand, 265-83

Hooker, Van Dorn, Only in New Mexico:An Architectural History of the University of New Mexico: The First Century,1889-1989, revd., 481-82

Hoover, Herbert: Indian policy createdby, 441

FALL 2003

Hopis, 396, 400; trade by, in Moqui jurisdiction, 40

Horowitz, Joel, revs. Poor People's Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and theLegacy of Evita, by Javier Auyero, 36869

Horses: Dine use of, 68; raced at NewMexico Territorial Fair, 247

Houghton, Joab, 17, 18House, Deborah, 83Houser, Allan, 446Howard, Melissa, Only in New Mexico:

An Architectural History of the University of New Mexico: The First Century,1889-1989, revd., 481-82

Howe, Oscar, 446Hozhooji (happiness), 66, 69Hrdlicka, AleS: education and career of,

399; travels of, in Mongolia, 400; atPanama-California Exposition, 390;physical anthropology practiced by,400. See also Hewett, Edgar L.;Holmes, William H.

Hubbard, Elbert, 398Hubbell, J. Lorenzo, 71, 72Hubbell, Lorenzo, Jr., 140Huckell, Bruce B., 151Hudson, Linda S., Manifest Destiny: A

Biography of Jane McManus StormCa:meau, 1807-1878, revd., 372-73

Hughes, Thomas, 246

II'll Go and Do More: Annie Dodge Wau

neka, Navajo Leader and Activist, byCarolyn Neithhammer, revd., 341-44

Incas: architecture of, 393Indian Arts and Crafts program: aided by

Laboratory of Anthropology, 453;building at, 455; curriculum of, 453;Dorothy Dunn's "Studio" in, 446; establishment of, by W. Carson Ryan,444-45; as Indian New Deal program,441-44, 450, 451, 452, 453, 463-64;Mide Wiwin club at, 458, 459; NativeAmerican women in, 445; Whitewomen as teachers at, 443. See alsoDunn, Dorothy; Morrow, Mable E.

Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978, 168Indian Gaming Act, 168Indian Gaming: Tribal Sovereignty and

American Politics, by W. Dale Mason,revd., 210-11

INDEX ~ 543

Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978,168

Indian Reorganization Act, 75, 442Indian rights, 391. See Lummis, Charles

F.; Jayme, Luis; U.S. v. FelipeSandoval

Indians. See Native Americans; specificNative nations

Indian Self-Determination Act of 1972,82

Indian Self-Determination and Educational Assistance Act of 1975, 168

Insenberg, Andrew c., The Destructionof the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920, revd., 353-54

Introcaso, David M., revs. Ogallala, Water for a Dry Land, by John Opie, 345

46Irwin, Charles B., 259I Will Tell ofMy War Story: A Pictorial

Account of the Nez Perce War, by ScottM. Thompson, revd., 349-51

JJack, Nelson, 133Jacobs, Margaret, revs. Apache Voices:

Their Stories of Survival as Told to EveBall, by Sherry Robinson, 346-47

Jano, presidio of, 152Janos, 152, 153, 164Jayme, Luis, 394Jeffery, R. Brooks, revs. Facing South

west: The Life and Houses of John GawMeem, 483-85

Jelinek, Lawrence 1., revs. The FederalLandscape: An Economic History ofthe Twentieth-Century West, by GeraldD. Nash, 228-29

Jocomes, 152, 153, 164John Cross outfit. See Grayson Cattle

CompanyJohnson, William Templeton, 402Johnston, Philip, 73Johnston, William R., 73Jones, Jesse H. See California-Pacific In

ternational Exposition, promotion ofJorgensen, Joseph, 61Joseph, Gilbert M., Crime and Punish

ment in Latin America: Law and Society Since Late Colonial Times, revd.,

362- 64Journal of Navajo Education, 83

544" NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 13 vols., ed. Gary E.Moulton, revd., 189-98

Jumanos,42

KKabotie, Fred, 426The Kachina and the Cross: Indians and

Spaniards in the Early Southwest, byCarroll L. Riley, revd., 1°9-10

Kailbourn, Thomas R., Pioneer Photogra-phers of the Far West: A BiographicalDictionary, 1840-1865, revd., 496-<)8

Kammen, Michael, 401Kammer, David, revs. Only in New

Mexico: An Architectural History of theUniversity of New Mexico: The FirstCentury, 1889-1989, 481-82

Kanuho, Marcus, 140Kavanagh, Thomas W., revs. The Wichita

Indians: Traders ofTexas and theSouthern Plains, 154°-1845, by F. ToddSmith, SIS-17

Keams Canyon, 140Kelley, Klara, 36, 126; "Abalone Shell

Buffalo People: Navajo NarratedRoutes and Pre-Columbian Archaeological Sites," 29-S8; revs. NavajoLifeways: Contemporary Issues, Ancient Knowledge, by Maureen TrudellSchwarz, 9S-<)6

Kelley, Lawrence C., 44"Kessell, John L., 290Keyser, James D., The Five Crows Led

ger: Biographic Warrior Art of the Flathead Indians, revd., 2°7-8

Kicza, John E., revs. The Church in Colonial Latin America, by John F.Schwaller, 221-22

Kidwell, Clara Sue, revs. Sacred Objectsand Sacred Places: Preserving TribalTraditions, by Andrew Gulliford, 1°4-6

Kinaalda (women's puberty rite), 84Kino, Father Eusebio, ISO, lSI; account

of Quiburi by, IS3; description ofQuevavi by, IS7-S8; description ofSanta Cruz de Gaybanipitea by, 16263; maps drawn by, IS2; visit of, to SanPedro de Quiburi, 47; written recordsof, IS2

Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara, Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums, andHeritage, revd., 233-34

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Kline, Cindra, Navajo Spoons: IndianArtistry and the Souvenir Trade, 18801940, revd., 98-99

Kluckhohn, Clyde, 78, 171Knack, Marth C., Boundaries Between:

The Southern Paiutes, 1775-1995,revd., 106-7

Kunitz, Stephen, 81, 176

LLaboratory of Anthropology (Santa Fe,

N.Mex.). See Indian Arts and Craftsprogram

La Cuesta, N.Mex, 26SLaDonna Harris: A Comanche Life, ed.

Henrietta Stockel, revd., 341-44La Farge, Oliver, 176La Garita, N.Mex., 278. See also

Variadero, N.Mex.Laguna Pueblos: in Wild West shows, 2S1Lake Athabasca, 179Lamadrid, Enrique, Nuevo Mexico

Profunda: Rituals of an Indo-HispanoHomeland, revd., 18S-88

Lamar, Howard R., The Far Southwest,1846-1912, rev. ed., revd., 490-<)3

Lamphere, Louise, 78, 174, 175Lamy's Legion: The Individual Histories

ofSecular Clergy Serving in the Archdiocese ofSanta Fe from 18so to 1912,by Nancy Hanks, revd., 232-33

Landmarks Club, 391Lane, Kris, revs. Tales ofTwo Cities:

Race and Economic Culture in EarlyRepublican North and South America,by Camilla Townsend, revd., 366-67

Language and Art in the Navajo Universe, 62

Laredo, Spain: home of Tomas VelezCachupfn in, 303; present-day vista of,299; Tomas Velez Cachupfn in, 287,289, 299-307; Velez Cachupfn namein, 300-301

Largos, Zarcillos, 70Larrinaga, Juan: designs of, at California

Pacific International Exposition, 406Larson, Sidner, Captured in the Middle:

Tradition and Experience in Contemporary Native American Writing, revd.,208-9

Latin American Popular Culture: An Introduction, ed. William H. Beezley andLinda A. Curcio-Nagy, revd., 222-23

FALL 2003

Lavorio, Jose, 250LeBlanc, Steven A., 46Leckie, Shirley A., revs. Manifest Des

tiny: A Biography ofJane McManusStorm Cazneau, 1807-1878, by LindaS. Hudson, 372-73

Leighton, Marie, 131, 133Leighton, Willard, 131, 133Levy, Jerrold K, 66, 174, 176Lewis, David, revs. Indian Gaming:

Tribal Sovereignty and American Politics, by W. Dale Mason, 21o-11

Lippard, Lucy R., Nuevo MexicoProfundo: Rituals of an Indo-HispanoHomeland, revd., 185-88

Lister, Florence C., Behind PaintedWalls: Incidents in Southwestern Archaeology, revd., 101-2

Little Mustache, 126Littlewater Trading Post, N.Mex. See

Trading PostsLivestock: quality control of, 140; trans

port of, to and from reservation tradingpost, 134. See also Rodeos.

Long, Baron. See California-Pacific International Exposition, promotion of

Long, Patrick T, ed., Seeing and BeingSeen: Tourism in the American West,revd., 339-40

Lorey, David K, ed., Viva Mexico! VivaLa Independencia! Celebrations ofSeptember 16, revd., 493-94

Los Pastores, 427, 429Lowitt, Richard, revs. Coming ofAge in

the Great Depression: The CivilianConservation Corps Experience in NewMexico, 1933-1942, by RichardMelzer, 217-18

Lucero, Delfina, 275, 276Luis Leal: An Auto/Biography, by Mario

T Garcia, revd., 369-71Lummis, Charles F., 400; background of,

391; founding of Southwest Museumby, 390

Lyon, William H., "Social and CulturalChange Among the Navajo, Part I,"59-<)3; "Social and Cultural ChangeAmong the Navajo, Part II," 167-83

Lytle, Clifford M., 443

MMacDonald, Peter, 80, 169MacKinnon, William P., revs. Brand of

Infamy: A Biography of John

INDEX ~ 545

Buchanan Floyd, by Charles Pinnegar,517-21

Madrid, Spain. See Cachupin, TomasVelez

Makers and Markets: The Wright Collection of Twentieth-Century NativeAmerican Art, by Patricia Capone andPenelope Ballard Drooker, revd., 352

53Manifest Destiny: A Biography of Jane

McManus Storm Cazneau, 1807-1878,by Linda S. Hudson, revd., 372-73

Manje, Juan Mateo, 150, 152, 154, 163; ac-count of Quiburi by, 153

Manouvrier, Leonce, 399Mansos, 164Manuelito, 70Maps: The Corridor of Public Domain

at Variadero, 267; General Locationsof Sobaipuri Sites Along the UpperSan Pedro River, 149; Initial CerritefioHomesteads Near Variadero Filed Between 1882 and 1924, 274; Navajo Reservation, 130; The Quintana Homeson or Near the Initial 16o-acre Homestead Filed for by Juan N. I, Vibian,and Fernando, 279; Trade-Item SourceAreas and Major and MinorEntrep6ts, 36

Marques de Rubi: inspection of NewMexico by, 297

Marquez, Marfa Teresa, revs. Luis Leal:An Auto/Biography, by Mario TGarcia, 369-71

Marquez, Teresa, revs. Benigna'sChimayo: Cuentos from the Old Plaza,by Donald J. Usner, 498-5°0; revs.Plciticas: Conversations with HispanoWriters of New Mexico, by NasarioGarcia, 498-5°0

Marston, George, 401-3Martin, Craig, Quads, Shoeboxes and

Sunken Living Rooms: A History of LosAlamos Housing, revd., 215-17

Martinez, Crescencio, 396Martinez, Florentine, 396Martinez, Julian, 396, 398Martinez, Maria: in Indian Arts and

Crafts program, 453; at the PanamaCalifornia Exposition, 396, 398

Masich, Andrew K, Cheyenne Dog Soldiers: A Ledgerbook History of Coupsand Combat, revd., 349-51


Mason, W. Dale, Indian Gaming: TribalSovereignty and American Politics,revd.,210--11

Masse, W. Bruce, 151Massey, Sara R., ed., Black Cowboys of

Texas, revd., 225-26Matthews, Washington, 64Matthews-Lamb, Sandra K., revs. The

Kachina and the Cross: Indians andSpaniards in the Early Southwest, byCarroll L. Riley, 109-10

Mayas: architecture of, 392, 406Mayers, Abraham G., 4, 7, 15McGonagill, Clay, 257, 258; horse sold to

William Randolph Hearst by, 256; riseof, as rodeo st~.r, 253; rodeo competitions of, 253-54. See also Rodeos

McKanna, Clare v., Jr., revs. Gold Dustand Gunsmoke: Tales ofGold Rush Outlaws, Gunfighters, Lawmen, and Vigilantes, by John Boessenecker, 514-15

M'Closkey, Kathleen, Swept Under theRug: A Hidden History of NavajoWeaving, revd., 471-79; "Trading Accounts: Sam Teller of Two GreyHills," 123-46

McSparron, Leon "Cozy," 72McWilliams, Carey: Spanish Fantasy

Heritage critiqued by, 387, 388, 410Melendez, Gabriel, revs. Mexicanos: A

History of Mexicans in the UnitedStates, by Manuel G. Gonzales, 510--12

Melzer, Richard, Coming ofAge in theGreat Depression: The Civilian Conservation Corps Experience in NewMexico, 1933-1942, revd., 217-18

Mendinueta, Pedro Fermin de: as governor of New Mexico, 288, 298

Mendoza, Mateo Antonio de: conflictsof, with Comanches, Utes, and Navajos,295-96

Meriam, Lewis, 74Meriam Report, 443-44Meriwether, David, 8; opposition of, to

act of 1847; on Trade and IntercourseAct in New Mexico, 5; Pueblo citizenship opposed by, 6,7

Merriam, Frank: as governor of California,404; promotion of California-Pacific International Exposition by, 404

Mexican Americans and the US.Economy: Quest for Buenos Dfas, byArturo Gonzalez, revd., 359-60

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Mexican Coal Mining Labor in Texasand Coahuila, 1880-1930, by RobertoR. Calderon, revd., 227-28

Mexicans: heritage of, in California andNew Mexico, 403; and Pasatiempo,Santa Fe, N.Mex., 403; rejection ofSanta Fe Fiesta by, 403. See alsoCarey McWilliams

Mexicanos: A History of Mexicans in theUnited States, by Manuel G.Gonzales, revd., 510--12

The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940, byMichael J. Gonzales, revd., 495-96

Mexican Springs Experimental Station,141

Mexico City, Mex.: Tomas VelezCachupin in, 289, 294, 298. See alsoCachupin, Tomas Velez

Meyers, Josephine. See JosephineMeyers Wapp

Meyers Wapp, Josephine, 446, 461Mide Wiwin Club, 459; at Santa Fe In

dian School, 458Miera y Pacheco map, 33Miller, Darlis A., revs. Texas and New

Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War:The Mansfield and Johnson Inspections, 1859-1861, ed. Jerry D. Thompson, 377-78

Mohaves, 171Mojave Pottery, Mojave People: The

Dillingham Collection of Mojave Ceramics, by Jill Leslie Furst, revd., 502-

3Montgomery, Charles, The Spanish Re-

demption: Heritage, Power, and Losson New Mexico's Upper Rio Grande,revd., 329-37

Montoya, Atelano, 396Moore, John B., 71, 72Morgan, Jacob, 75, 77· See also Native

American ChurchMorgan, William, 83Mormons, 249Morris, John Miller, A Private in the Texas

Rangers: A.T. Miller ofCompany B,Frontier Battalion, revd., 375-76

Morrow, Mable E., 444, 459; classroomof, 455; early teaching experience of,444; establishment of Indian Arts andCrafts program at the Santa Fe IndianSchool by, 444-45; later teaching career of, 464; relationship of, with stu-

FALL 2003

dents at Santa Fe Indian school, 457;relationship of, with Hazel Pete, 44648, 450, 451; teaching philosophy of,446, 449, 450, 452, 453· See also Dunn,Dorothy

Moulton, Gary E., ed., The Journals ofthe Lewis and Clark Expedition, 13vols., revd., 189-<}8

Mudge, Dale Sperry, Photographing Navajos: John Collier Jr. on the Reservation, 1948-1953, revd., 489-9°

Muench, Joseph: as photographer forArizona Highways, 434

Mummy Cave, 38Museum of New Mexico (MNM), 391,

397; assistance of, to PanamaCalifornia Exposition, 390, 392;Southwest culture presented by, 401,403. See also Hewett, Edgar L.;Nusbaum, Jesse

NNash, Gerald D., The Federal Landscape:

An Economic History of the TwentiethCentury West, revd., 228-29

Nat Greer, 249Native American Church (NAC), 176;

attacked by Jacob Morgan, 75-76;peyote rituals of, 76-77; theology of,77. See also Peyote; Indian ReligiousFreedom Act of 1978; Sa'ah naaghiabik'eh hozhoon

Native Americans: at boarding schools,173; and cultural resource management (CRM) projects, 32; drawing of,433; economic incorporation of, 61;English-French influence on, 177; oraltradition among, 31; influence of, onEuropeans, 177; New Deal educationpolicy toward, 439-70; pre-Columbiantrade of, 29-58; tax status of, 170; andwelfare, 137. See also Dine; Two GreyHills Trading Post; Athabascans; specific Native nations

Native Americans for Community Action(NACA),172

Native Peoples of the Southwest, by TrudyGriffin-Pierce, revd., 206-7

The Natural West: Environmental Historyin the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains, by Dan Flores, revd., 214-15

Navajo Agricultural Products Industry,172

INDEX -7547

Navajo Code Talkers, 78Navajo Community College (Dine Col

lege), 82Navajo Dam, 172Navajo-Hopi Claims Settlement Act of

1974, 168Navajo-Hopi Long Range Rehabilitation

Act, 79, 80, 82Navajo Indian Irrigation Project, 171, 172Navajo Lifeways: Contemporary Issues,

Ancient Knowledge, by MaureenTrudell Schwarz, revd., 95-96

Navajo Ordnance Depot, 78, 141Navajos. See DineNavajo Saddle Blankets: Textiles to Ride

in the American West, ed. LaneCoulter, revd., 471-79

Navajo Spoons: Indian Artistry and theSouvenir Trade, 1880--1940, by CindraKline, revd., 98-99

"Navajos' Shogun": as term for trader, 125Navajo Trading: The End ofan Era, by

Willow Robert Powers, revd., 96-97Navajo Tribal Council, 168; origins of,

74Navajo Tribal Council Civil Rights Act

of 1967, 168Neithhammer, Carolyn, I'll Go and Do

More: Annie Dodge Wauneka, NavajoLeader and Activist, revd., 341-44

Neils, George, 141Neutra, Richard: entry of, in Modeltown

exhibit at California-Pacific International Exposition, 4°7-8

Newcomb, N.Mex., 132New Deal, 404; Indian education policy

of, 439-70; Native American opinionof, 442-43; policy of, affecting NativeAmerican women, 445

New Mexico Agricultural, Mineral andIndustrial Exposition and Driving ParkAssociation, 246

New Mexico Highway Journal. See NewMexico Magazine

New Mexico Magazine: cover, 420, 425;coverage of Santa Fe Fiesta by, 42930; and entertainment tourism, 435;and Indian arts and crafts, 424; originsof, 419; portrayal of Indian ceremoniesby, 424; representation of Pueblo Indians by, 422-23, 431; Hispanic Christmas celebrations in, 426-27; NewMexico as blend of cultures in, 429;

548 .. NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the Old West in, 433-34; unchangingNew Mexico in, 431; New Mexico'sSpanish heritage in, 427; Southwestin, 419, 435; Southwest as America'sOrient in, 432-33; Taos in, 430--31; Native Americans in, 422; retitled andnew editorship, 434; as tourismbooster, 421, 427; Spanish female stereotypes in, 427; cultural preservationpromoted by, 429

New Mexico Mounted Police: enablinglegislation for, introduced by WilliamH. Greer, 259

New Mexico Territorial Fair, 252; advertising for, 254-55, 255; entertainmentat, 247, 249, 260, 261; origins of, 246;popularity of, 245; promotion of, 24748; William R. Hearst at, 246. See alsoCromwell, Oliver K; Green, Nat;Green, William H; Hardy, Rox;McGonagill, Clay; Rodeos.

Newspapers: Albuquerque Citizen, 246;Albuquerque Evening Democrat, 24850, 251; Albuquerque Journal, 251; Albuquerque Morning Journal, 256, 258

News Notes, 119-22, 239-43, 381--86, 527-31News of the Plains and the Rockies, 1803

1865: Original Narratives of OverlandTravel and Adventure Selected from theWagner-Camp and Becker Bibliography ofWestern Americana, vol. 5, J:"Later Explorers, 1847-1865," ed.David A. White, revd., 229-31

News of the Plains and the Rockies, 18031865: Original Narratives of OverlandTravel and Adventure Selected from theWagner-Camp and Becker Bibliography ofWestern Americana, vol. 4, G:"Warriors, 1834-1865" and H: "Scientists, Artists, 1835-1859," ed. David A.White, revd., 229-31

New York Times, 249Nilch'i, 63, 65Niza, Marcos de, 394Noble, Wretched, and Redeemable: Prot

estant Missionaries to the Indians inCanada and the United States, 18201900, by C. L. Higham, revd., 212-14

Noel, Thomas J., A Pikes Peak Partnership: The Penroses and the TUffs, revd.,

371-72Nolen, John, 402; San Diego Plan of

1908 created by, 403

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Norman, Cathleen M., A Pikes PeakPartnership: The Penroses and theTuffs, revd., 371-72

Norris, Jim, revs. Archbishop Lamy inHis Own Words, ed. and trans. Thomas J. Steele, 112-14

Nostrand, Richard, "Homesteading by ElCerrito's Quintana near VariaderolLaGarita," 265-83

Nuevo Mexico Profundo: Rituals ofanIndo-Hispano Homeland, by MiguelGandert, Enrique Lamadrid, RamonA. Gutierrez, Lucy R. Lippard, andChris Wilson, revd., 185-88

Nunez, Alvar, 394Nusbaum, Jesse, 390, 396-98. See also

Hewett, Edgar L.

oOffice of Navajo Economic Opportunity,

173Ogallala, Water for a Dry Land, by John

Opie, revd., 345-46Old Fort Stockton. See Presidio HillOld West: idea of, as tourist attraction,

433; New Mexico and Arizona as, 433Only in New Mexico: An Architectural

History of the University of NewMexico: The First Century, 1889-1989,by Van Dorn Hooker, MelissaHoward, and V. B. Price, revd., 481-82

Opie, John, Ogallala: Water for a DryLand, revd., 345-46

Oral tradition: information preserved by,

49Oriental ism: and the Southwest, 391, 432Otero, Mariano S., 246

pPainted Desert: at Panama-California Ex

position, 392, 395-<;8, 397Paiutes: basketweaving of, 73Palabra de mu;er: Historias oral de las

directoras de cine mexicanas, 19881994, ed. Isabel Arredondo, revd., 36466

Pala Indians: eagle dance of, 398Palatkwapi Trail, 33Palmquist, Peter, Pioneer Photographers

of the Far West: A Biographical Dictionary, 1840--1865, revd., 496-<;8

Panama-California Exposition (1915-1916): Science of Man exhibit at, 390,

FALL 2003

399-4°0; California Building at, 39395, 395; promoted by David C.Collier, 389-9°; facade of CaliforniaBuilding at, 394; murals at, created byCarlos Vierra, 392, 393; New MexicoState Building at, 390, 392, 393; opening day of, 392; origins of, 389-90;Painted Desert exhibit at, 390, 395,397; Pueblo artisans at, 396-97; Indian ceremonies at, 397-98; Spanishcolonial art at, 392; Spanish ColonialRevival architecture at, 390, 392. Seealso Hewett, Edgar L.; Holmes, William H.; Hrdlicka, AleS; Nusbaum,Jesse; Martinez, Maria

Papago Indian Pottery, 151Paquette, Peter, 74Parsons, Elsie Clews, 67Patagonia: and Sobaipuri, 49Peabody Coal Company, 169Pecos, Tex., 249Pecos Pueblo (N.Mex.), 38"Peers of Their White Conquerors: The

San Diego Expositions and ModernSpanish Heritage in the Southwest,1880--1940," by Matthew Bokovoy,

387-418Penhall, Michele M., revs. Pioneer Pho-

tographers of the Far West: A Biographical Dictionary, 1840-1865, byPeter Palmquist and Thomas R.Kailbourn, 496-98

Perdue, Theda, 463Pete, Hazel, 441, 459, 461; and Chehalis

Indian culture, 451; as a cultural broker, 463; daily routine of, at the SantaFe Indian School, 456; early teachingcareer of, 460--63; early years of, onChehalis Indian Reservation, 440--41;experience of, in Dorothy Dunn'sclass, 453; relationship of, with Dorothy Dunn, 450; relationship of, withMable Morrow, 446-48, 450; role of,in Chehalis Indian cultural revitalization, 463. See also Chehalis Reservation, Ore.; Santa Fe Indian School;Indian Arts and Crafts Program

Peterson, Charles S., revs. Army of Israel:Mormon Battalion Narratives, ed.David L. Bigler and Will Bagley,revd., 360-61

Peterson, Herman, 40

INDEX ~ 549

Peyote, 75. See also Native AmericanChurch; Sa'ah naaghai, bik'ehhozhoon

Phillips, Kelly, 256Phoenix Basin, 38Photographing Navajos: Tohn Collier Tr.

on the Reservation, 1948-1953, by C.Stewart Doty, Dale Sperry Mudge, andHerbert John Benally, revd., 489-9°

Piccato, Pablo, City ofSuspects: Crime inMexico City, 1900--1931, revd., 362-64

Pickett, Bill, 261Pie Town, N.Mex., 39A Pikes Peak Partnership: The Penroses

and the Tutts, by Thomas J. Noel andCathleen M. Norman, revd., 371-72

Pimas: resistance of, in Sonora, 152Pinnegar, Charles, Brand of Infamy: A

Biography of Tohn Buchanan Floyd,revd., 517-21

Pinon Co-Operative Association, 41Pinxten, Rik, 63, 65Pioneer Photographers of the Far West: A

Biographical Dictionary, 1840--1865,by Peter Palmquist and Thomas R.Kailbourn, revd., 496-98

The Plains Indian Photographs of EdwardS. Curtis, by Edward S. Curtis, revd.,

487-89Plains Indians: Tomas Velez Cachupfn's

relationship with, 291-98; in WildWest shows, 251

Plants, 40; datura, 40; tobacco, 40Pldticas: Conversations with Hispano

Writers of New Mexico, by NasarioGarcia, revd., 498-500

Plummer, E. H., 71Polygamy: practice of, by Dine, 82Polzer, C. W., 152, 156; account of

Quiburi by, 153Poor People's Politics: Peronist Survival

Networks and the Legacy ofEvita, byJavier Auyero, revd., 368-69

Portillo y Urrisola, Manuel del: conflictsof, with Comanches, Utes, and Navajos, 295-96; as governor of NewMexico, 296

Portola, Gaspar de, 394Post, Thomas D., 246Pottery: among Navajos, 68, 73; organic

tempered redware, 49; SobaipuriPlain sherds, 151, 160; Whetstone Plainsherds, 151, 160

550 + NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Powers, Willow Roberts, 126; Navajo Trading: The End ofan Era, revd., 96--<}7

Pre-Columbian ceremonial site, 30Presidio Hill Park (San Diego, Calif.),

401, 402-3, 409Preston Beck Jr. Grant, 278Price, V. B., Only in New Mexico: An Ar

chitectural History of the University ofNew Mexico: The First Century, 188C)1989, revd., 481-82

A Private in the Texas Rangers: A. T.Miller of Company B, Frontier Battalion, by John Miller Morris, revd., 375-

76Pueblo Colorado watershed: ancestral

Navajo trade in territory of, 29; lack ofceramic production in area of, 41; Nava jo stories about, 32; population of,during 700s-800s, 46

"Pueblo Indians and Citizenship in Territorial New Mexico," by Deborah A.Rosen, 1-28

Pueblo-Revival Architecture. See Architecture

Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 290Pueblos, 400; citizenship of, in the

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, I, 2, 5,7, 9; citizenship status of, as a tool ofcolonialism, 20; citizenship status of,debate over, 12, 13; citizenship statusof, and allotment, 18-19; citizenshipstatus of, and New Mexico territoriallawyers, 15, 16, 17; as creators of culture, 59; cultural exchange of, withNavajos, 67; mediation of, betweenSpanish and Navajos, 60; as tourist attractions, 422-26. See also Calhoun,James; Davis, William W. H.; UnitedStates v. Joseph; United States v.Lucero; United States v. Ortiz; UnitedStates v. Sandoval; Panama-CaliforniaExposition; Meriwether, David

QQuads, Shoeboxes and Sunken Living

Rooms: A History of Los Alamos Housing, by Craig Martin, revd., 215-17

Quiburi: artifact density at, 160; artifactsfound at, 149; drawing of possible fortification walllearthen enclosure at, 162;European glass beads found at, 158,160; European metal objects found at,159; evidence for new site of, 150; ex-

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

cavation of, 148; flaked-stone debitageat, 160; fortification of, 154-55, 161; historical documentation of, 152-53;housing outlines of, 160-61; population density of, 159; as rancherfa, 159,163; search for, 150; shell ornamentsat, 160; size of, 154, 158-61; stone toolsfound at, 160

Quintana, Anastacio, 268Quintana, Cliofes, 278Quintana, Epitacio, 267, 268, 273, 278;

homesteading strategies of, 267Quintana, Fernando, 266; homesteading

strategies of, 267-68, 273,278; settlement of, at EI Cerrito, 266

Quintana, Heliodoro, 268, 278Quintana, Hipolito, 278Quintana, Jesus Maria, 266; homestead-

ing strategies of, 273, 280Quintana, Jose Manuel, 275, 280Quintana, Juan N., 273Quintana, Luciano, 268Quintana, Luis M., 278, 280Quintana, Phicido, 268Quintana, Vibian, 272; homesteading

strategies of, 268, 273, 278Quintana, Juan N., 1,276; homesteading

strategies of, 273, 278; recollections of,

275Quintana, Juan N., II, 278

RRael, Anastacio, 275Railroad: employee benefits of, 137Rapp, Rapp, and Hendrickson architects,

392

Rashkin, Elissa]., Women Filmmakers inMexico: The Country ofWhich WeDream, revd., 364-66

Recollections of Western Texas, 1852-1855:By Two U.S. Mounted Rifles, ed. Robert Wooster, revd., 354-55

Reconstruction Finance Corporation(RFC),4°4

Redinger, Matthew A., revs. DuelingEagles: Reinterpreting the U.S.-MexicanWar, 1846-1848, ed. RichardFrancaviglia and Douglas W. Richmond,224-25

Reichard, Gladys A., 64, 174Reimagining Indians: Native Americans

Through Anglo Eyes, 1880-1940, bySherry L. Smith, revd., 487-89

FALL 2003

Religion in the Modem American West,by Ferenc Morton Szasz, revd., 199201

Requa, Richard, 406; designs of, atCalifornia-Pacific International Exposition,408

Returned Students Association, 76Rhoades, Charles J.: Indian policy un-

der, 444Ribera, Adela, 266Ribera, Antonia, 266Ribera, Cleofas, 272Richmond, Douglas W., ed., Dueling

Eagles: Reinterpreting the U.S.-MexicanWar, 1846--1848, revd., 224-25

Riley, Glenda, Women and Nature: Saving the "Wild" West, revd., 218-21

Riley, Carroll L., The Kachina and theCross: Indians and Spaniards in theEarly Southwest, revd., 1°9-10

Rio Arriba, N.Mex.: Ute raids on, 294Rio de San Joseph de Terrenate, 47Rio Rico: Sobaipuri along, 149Rios, Domingo Teran de los, 152Rio Terrenate, 153Roberts, Willow. See Powers, Willow

RobertsRobinson, Jack Clark, revs. Lamy's Le

gion: The Individual Histories of Secular Clergy Serving in the Archdiocese ofSanta Fe from 1850 to 1912, by NancyHanks, 232-33

Robinson, Sherry, Apache Voices: TheirStories of Survival as Told to Eve Ball,revd., 346-47

Rodeos: ban on cattle-roping exhibitionsat, 259; burro and goat roping at, 260;calf roping at, 260; early broncobusting contests in, 250; gambling at,252; introduction of bulldogging eventto, 261; mistreatment of livestock during, 258; ranch cowboys at, 249; as representation of heroic past, 253; steerroping at, 250, 259; steers used at, 248.See also Cowboys; Cowgirls; Greer,Nat; McGonagill, Clay

Roosevelt, Franklin D.: promotion ofCalifornia-Pacific International Exposition by, 405

Rosen, Deborah, "Pueblo Indians andCitizenship in Territorial NewMexico," 1-28

Roswell Fair, 254

INDEX~551

Rothman, Hal: periodization of tourismby, 421-22

Roybal, Alfonso Cruz, 396Roybal, Juan Cruz, 396Ruffing, Lorraine Turner, 81Ruia, Dante: drawing by, 302Rushing, W. Jackson, 448Ryan, J. T., 460, 461Ryan, W. Carson: Indian policy changed

by, 444. See also Indian Arts and CraftsProgram

SSa'ah naaghai, bik'eh hozhoon (SNBH)

[old age, strong forward going, in herway/along her path, in a beautiful/good/orderly way]: Changing Womanas example of, 66; concept of, affectedby traders, 72; as concept to reverselanguage shift, 83; English translationof, 64; expanded definition of, 179; asfoundation of Navajo thought, 62; inLaughing Boy by Oliver La Farge, 176;as paradox, 65; preservation of, 175,178, 180; relationship of, to NativeAmerican Church and peyote religion, 76-77. See also Dine

Under Sacred Ground: A History ofNavajo Oil, 1922-1982, by Kathleen P.Chamberlain, revd., 102-3

Sacred Objects and Sacred Places: Preserving Tribal Traditions, by AndrewGulliford, revd., 104-6

Said, Edward: on orientalism, 432Saint, Joseph E., 251Salado, ed. Jeffrey S. Dean, revd., 508-10Salmon, Enrique, revs. Native Peoples of

the Southwest, by Trudy GriffinPierce, 206-7

Salt River-Mimbres, 38Salvatore, Ricardo D., Crime and Pun

ishment in Latin America: Law andSociety Since Late Colonial Times,revd., 362-64

Sanchez, Donicio, 396San Diego, Calif.: Historical Society of,

402; historic preservation in, 401-3;Museum Association of, 401; SerraMuseum in, 402. See also CaliforniaPacific International Exposition;Panama-San Diego Exposition

San Felipe Hotel, 251


San Francisco, Calif.: expositions in,

389, 396San Francisco Peaks, 35, 38San Ildefonso Pueblo (N.Mex.): artisans

from, at Panama-California Exposition, 396-98

San Juan College, 139San Juan River, 35San Miguel, N.Mex., 265San Miguel del Vado Land Grant, 265,

281; impact of "Sandoval Decision"on, 275

San Pablo de Quiburi. See QuiburiSan Pedro del Tubutama, 154San Pedro River, 48Santa Cruz de Gaybanipitea, 154, 162, 163;

European glass beads found at, 158;European metal objects found at, 159

Santa Cruz del Pitaitutgam, 162-63Santa Cruz River Valley, 157Santa Fe, N.Mex.: cultural revival of,

392; fiestas in, as tourist attractions,429-30; Native artists in, 450--51; StateArchives in, 285; as "The City Different," 429, 430

Santa Fe Fiesta, 403, 423, 429-30Santa Fe Indian School, 440, 441, 445;

John Collier's visit to, 459-60. See alsoIndian Arts and Crafts Program

Santa Fe Movement, 443Santa Fe Railway, 422; Painted Desert ex

hibition of, at Panama-California Exposition, 392; unemployment benefitspaid to Navajo workers by, 128

Santo Domingo Pueblo Day School,444; Dorothy Dunn at, 448

San Xavier del Bac, Ariz., 154, 427-29Sapir, Edward, 83Sarah Winnemuca, by Sally Zanjani,

revd., 341-44Sasaki, Tom T., 171, 176Schaafsma, Curtis F., Apaches de Na

vajo: Seventeenth-Century Navajos inthe Chama Valley of New Mexico,revd., 99-100

Schmedding, Joseph, 40School of American Archeology, 390, 401Schudson, Michael, 430Schwaller, John F., ed., The Church in

Colonial Latin America, revd., 221-22Schwantes, Carlos A., revs. Wagons for

the Santa Fe Trade: Wheeled Vehiclesand Their Makers, 1822-1880, by MarkL. Gardner, 506-8

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Schwarz, Maureen Trudelle, NavajoLifeways Contemporary Issues, AncientKnowledge, revd., 95-96

Schweitzer, Marjorie M., revs. Childrenof the Dragonfly: Native AmericanVoices on Child Custody and Education, ed. Robert Bensen, 348-49

Science of Man. See Panama-CaliforniaExposition

Seeing and Being Seen: Tourism in theAmerican West, ed. David M. Wrobeland Patrick T. Long, revd., 339-40

Serra, Junfpero, 394, 408, 409; museumdedicated to, 402, 402

Serra Museum, 402, 409. See alsoJunfpero Serra

From Settler to Citizen: New MexicanEconomic Development and the Creation ofVecino Society, 1750--1820, byRoss Frank, revd., 486-87

Seymour, Deni J., "Sobaipuri-Pima Occupation in the Upper San Pedro Valley: San Pablo de Quiburi," 47-66;survey of Sobaipuri-Pima sites by, 148

Sheep: bighorn, 39. See Weaving;Sheepherding; Dine

Sheep Is Life conference, 139Shelton, Kee, 40Sherman, William Tecumseh, 170Sherow, James, revs. The Natural West:

Environmental History in the GreatPlains and Rocky Mountains, by DanFlores, 24-15

Shonto: Adams-Ruffing study of, 177Shonto Trading Post, Ariz. See Trading

PostsSierra de Chiricahua, 153Silentman, James, 141Silversmithing, 73Sinagua,47Sklenar, Larry, To Hell With Honor:

Custer and the Little Bighorn, revd.,231-32

Slough, John N.: judicial decisions of, 9,10,18

Smith, Duane A., revs. A Pikes Peak Partnership: The Penroses and the Tutts, byThomas J. Noel and Cathleen M.Norman, 371-72

Smith, F. Todd, The Wichita Indians:Traders ofTexas and the SouthernPlains, 1540--1845, revd., 515-17

Smith, Sherry L., Reimagining Indians:Native Americans Through Anglo Eyes,

FALL 2003

1880-1940, revd., 487-89; revs. I'll Goand Do More: Annie Dodge Wauneka,Nava;o Leader and Activist, byCarolyn Neithammer; LaDonna Harris: A Comanche Life, ed. HenriettaStockel; and Sarah Winnemuca, bySally Zanjani, 341-44

Smith, Thomas T., revs. Recollections ofWestern Texas, 1852-1855: By Two U.S.Mounted Rifles, ed. Robert Wooster,

354-55Snaketown, 43SNBH (sa'ah naaghai, bik'eh hozhoon).

See Sa'ah naaghai, bik'eh hozhoonSobaipuri-Pima: agricultural techniques

of, compared to Euroamericans, 157;archaeological sites of, 160; housingof, 47; material culture identificationof, 151; material culture of, lSI. Seealso Quiburi

"Sobaipuri-Pima Occupation in the Upper San Pedro Valley: San Pablo deQuiburi," by Deni J. Seymour, 47-66

"Social and Cultural Change Among theNavajo, Part I," by William H. Lyon,

59-93"Social and Cultural Change Among the

Navajo, Part II," by William H. Lyon,167-83

Social Security: for seasonal workers, 137Southwest: archaeology in, 2<}-S8; image

of, shaped by world fairs, 388-89; water tables in, 46

Spack, Ruth, America's Second Tongue:American Indian Education and theOwnership of English, 1860-1900,revd., 504-5

Spain: colonial art and architecture of,392; contributions of, to Dine culture,60

Spanish Fantasy Heritage, 409; CareyMcWilliams on, 387-88; and historicpreservation, 401-2; origins of, 388; rejected by Mexican communities, 403;shaped by San Diego expositions,388-89; caricatures of, at the California-Pacific International Exposition,

4°5Spanish missions, 431; architecture of,

390, 392; models of, at CaliforniaPacific International Exposition, 405;Presidio Hill, San Diego, Calif., 4023; restoration of, 391, 401-2; San Diego

INDEX-+553

Mission de Alcala, 401, 40S; SanXavier del Bac, Ariz., 427-29;Tumacacori, Ariz., 429

The Spanish Redemption: Heritage,Power, and Loss on New Mexico's Upper Rio Grande, by Charles Montgomery, revd., 32<}-37

Sparks, Ralph c., Twilight Time: ASoldier's Role in the ManhattanPro;ect at Los Alamos, revd., 215-17

Spicer, Edward H., 61, 62, 178"Sport on the Rio Grande: Cowboy

Tournaments at New Mexico's Territo-rial Fair, 188S-190S," by John O.Baxter, 24S-61

Spreckel, John D., 392Stacher, Samuel, 74Steele, Thomas J., ed., Archbishop Lamy

in His Own Words, revd., 112-13Stein, Clarence, 392Stephen, Alexander, 67St. Louis Exposition (1904), 398. See also

Fairs; ExpositionsStock, Derrold, 131, 133Stockel, Henrietta, LaDonna Harris: A

Comanche Life, revd., 341-44Stockling, George, Jr., 399Stock Raising Homesteading Entries

(SRHE),273Stover, Elias S., 246Strock, Glenn: drawing by, 286Strong, William, 18Suma Indians, 164Swept Under the Rug: A Hidden History

ofNava;o Weaving, by KathyM'Closkey, revd., 471-79

Szabo, Joyce M., revs. Cheyenne DogSoldiers: A Ledgerbook History ofCoups and Combat, by Jean Afton,David Fridtjof Halaas, and Andrew F.Masich; and I Will Tell ofMy WarStory: A Pictorial Account of Nez PerceWar, by Scott M. Thompson, revd.,34<}-51; revs. The Five Crows Ledger:Biographic Warrior Art of the FlatheadIndians, by James D. Keyser, 2°7-8

Szasz, Ferenc M., Religion in the Modem American West, revd., 19<}-201;revs. Noble, Wretched, and Redeemable: Protestant Missionaries to the Indians in Canada and the UnitedStates, 1820-1900, by C. L. Higham,212-4; revs. Quads, Shoeboxes and


Sunken Living Rooms: A History of LosAlamos Housing, by Craig Martin,215-17; revs. Twilight Time: A Soldier'sRole in the Manhattan Pro;ect at LosAlamos, by Ralph C. Sparks, 215-17

TTables: Cerritefio Lands Patented in the

EI Cerrito Area, 1917-1961, 277;Cerritefio Lands Patented in theVariadero/La Garita Area, 1885-1931,270; Sources, Minor Entrepots, andMajor Entrepots for Exotic Items, 37

Taboos: among the Dine, 68, 79, 84Tales ofTwo Cities: Race and Economic

Culture in Early Republican Northand South America, by CamillaTownsend, revd., 366-67

Taos, N.Mex.: as tourist attraction, 431Taos Pueblo (N.Mex.): trade fair in, 295Tapia, Andres, 268Tapia, Maria de la Cruz, 271Tauglechee, Daisy, 136Teller, Barbara, 137, 138Teller, Clara Mae, 124Teller, Ernie, 132 , 135Teller, Lynda, 138Teller, Nellie Peshlakai, 131Teller, Paul, 131Teller, Roseann, 124, 132, 135Teller, Ruth (Shorty), 124, 125; rug by,

137, 138Teller, Sam Kent, 124; bilingual skills of,

40; biographical data of, 131; childrenof, 132; as cultural broker, 132, 139;customer service/conflict resolutionskills of, 137; employment history of,137-38; income of, 133; interview of,by Kathleen M'Closkey, 133-37; managerial duties of, at Two Grey HillsTrading Post, 132; railroad employment of, 133; retirement of, 138; rugappraising by, 138; tutoring by, 138;wagework of, 123-46. See also TwoGrey Hills Trading Post

Teller family: home of, in Newcomb,N.Mex., 138; sheep holdings of, 135

Termination: for American Indians, 79Terrenate, presidio of, 48, 150Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the

Civil War: The Mansfield and JohnsonInspections, 1859-1861, ed. Jerry D.Thompson, revd., 377-78

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Thompson, Jerry D., Civil War in theSouthwest: Recollections of the SibleyBrigade, revd., 323-27; The Civil Warin West Texas and New Mexico: TheLost Letterbook of Brigadier GeneralHenry Hopkins Sibley, revd., 323-27;Texas and New Mexico on the Eve ofthe Civil War: The Mansfield andJohnson Inspections, 1859-1861, revd.,377-78

Thompson, Scott M., I Will Tell of MyWar Story: A Pictorial Account of NezPerce War, revd., 349-51

Tijuana, Mex.: participation of, inCalifornia-Pacific International Exposition, 4°5-6

Tobacco branch, 40Tohatchi, N.Mex., 141Tohono O'odhams (Popagos), 151''Tomas Velez Cachupfn's Last Will and

Testament, His Career in NewMexico, and His Sword with a GoldenHilt," by Malcolm Ebright, TeresaEscudero, and Rick Hendricks, 285-

316Tompkins, Richard H., 17Tourism: stages of, 421-22; Hispanic cul

ture in, 426-27, 429-30; Indian ceremonies as attractions for, 398, 424; asmiddle-class phenomenon, 422; Pueblos in, 422; railroads in, 421-22. Seealso Arizona Highways; New MexicoMagazine; Expositions

Townsend, Camilla, Tales of Two Cities:Race and Economic Culture in EarlyRepublican North and South America,revd., 366-67

Trade: of big game, 39; bonds requiredfor, with Navajos, 126; of copper bells,31; of exotic medicinal plants, 31, 40;licensing for, 140; Navajos in, 126; Navajo women in, 141; of pottery, 31; ofshell ornaments, 38; of textiles, 31; ofturquoise, 40-41. See also Two GreyHills Trading Post

Trade and Intercourse Act of 1834: application of, to Pueblo Indians, 4-5, 8, 9,12; Bureau of Indian Affairs in, 13; lawyers financial benefit from, 15; andnon-Indians settling on Pueblo land,10, 11; opposition to application of, toPueblo Indians, 18

FALL 2003

"Trading Accounts: Sam Teller of TwoGrey Hills," by Kathleen M'Closkey,123-46

Trading posts: Big Mountain, 140; Buffalo Springs, 131, 132; Colored Mountain, 131; construction and layout of,126; Cove, 131; ethnic employmentrates of, 129; government control over,125; Greasewood, 40; Littlewater, 131;obstacles to Navajo ownership of, 129;off reservation, 125; number of, 125;owned or clerked by Navajos, 40-42.See also Two Grey Hills; Teller, SamKent; Shonto

Treaty of 1868, 167, 169Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868), 170Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), 11,

275; provisions of, for Pueblo Indiancitizenship, 1-2, 9

Treaty of Medicine Lodge (1867), 170Truman, Harry S., 79Tsosie, Denet, 41Tulalip Indian School, 440-41Tumacacori, Ariz., 429Twilight Time: A Soldier's Role in the

Manhattan Project at Los Alamos, byRalph C. Sparks, revd., 215-17

Twitchell, Ralph Emerson, 392Two Grey Hills Trading Post: centennial

celebration at (1997), 139; credit practices at, 137; life at, 134; location of,130; name derivation of, 130; operational details of, 134; owner absenteeism at, 134; owners of, 131; workingconditions at, 133. See also Teller, SamKent

UUnderhill, Ruth, 62, 125Union Park Driving Club, 253United States Indian Policy. See specific

legislation; PueblosUnited States National Museum

(USNM), 390, 392, 400United States v. Joseph, 1, 18-19; New

Mexico territorial lawyers in, 17; andPueblo Indian title to land, 10; Pueblocitizenship status in, 11, 20-21; and theTrade and Intercourse Act (1874), 9

United States v. Lucero: description of, 9;and John Watts, 18; Pueblo legal statusin, 10; New Mexico territorial lawyersin, 17

I NDEX ~ 555

United States v. Ortiz: description of, 89, 10; New Mexico territorial lawyers111,17

United States v. Felipe Sandoval, 16, 391The Urban Indian Experience, by Donald

L. Fixico, revd., 103-4Uruguay: American steer ropers in, 261Usner, Donald J., Benigna's Chimayo:

Cuentos from the Old Plaza, revd.,

498-5°0

Utes, 70; basketweaving of, 73; Spanishtrade with, 294-98; Tomas VelezCachupfn's war and peace with, 291-

98Utley, Robert M., 71

VVaca, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de, 394Valle, Francisco Antonio Marin del: con

flicts of, with Comanches, Utes, andNavajos, 295-96; as governor of NewMexico, 294

Van Tassell, P. A., 247Vargas, Diego de: commemoration of re

conquest by, 429Vargas, Zaragosa, revs. Viva Kennedy:

Mexican Americans in Search ofCamelot, by Ignacio M. Garda, 357-

59Variadero, N.Mex., 274, 275, 276; map of,

267Varo, Andres: conflict of, with Spanish

civil authorities, 290-91Vaughan, Jim: as director of Serra Mu

seum, 409Vecsey, Christopher, Where the Two

Roads Meet, revd., 111-12Velarde, Pablita, 446Veterans Administration: recruitment of

Navajo workers by, 128Victorio Land and Cattle Company

(Diamond A), 254, 259Vierra, Carlos, 392, 393Vigil, Jennifer, revs. Captured in the

Middle: Tradition and Experience inContemporary Native American Writing, by Sidner Larson, 208-9

Vigil, Ramon, 268Vigil, Santiago, 268Villalpando, N.Mex.: Comanche raid

on, 296-97Villa Nueva, N.Mex. See La Cuesta,

N.Mex.


Viva Kennedy: Mexican Americans inSearch of Camelot, by Ignacio M.Garcia, revd., 357-59

Viva Mexico! Viva La Independencia!Celebrations ofSeptember 16, ed. William H. Beezley and David E. Lorey,revd., 493-94

Vizcaino, Sebastian, 394Vogt, Evon, 61, 78, 175Volcanos: eruption of, at Sunset Crater,

4°Volunteers in Service to America

(VISTA), 173

W"Waging the Civil War in the South

west" (review essay), by Joseph G.Dawson III, 323-27

Wagons for the Santa Fe Trade: WheeledVehicles and Their Makers, 1822-1880,by Mark L. Gardner, revd., 506-8

Waldo, Henry L., 17Wallace, Henry A: visit of, to Santa Fe

Indian School, 458Ward, Pearl, 254Watts, John S.: on misappropriation of

government Indian funds, 13, 4; ruling of, in United States v. Lucero, 9,10,18

Weaving: appraisals of, at Two Grey HillsTrading Post, 138; first Crystal style of,72; influence of, on sheep raising, 134;initial trade in, between Navajos andsutlers, 125; international market in,72-73; negotiation of, between Navajos and traders, 136; quality control of,134, 40; regionalism in, 72; wholesalecost of, 136

Weiss, Harold J., Jr., revs. A Private in theTexas Rangers: A T. Miller of Company B, Frontier Battalion, by JohnMiller Morris, 375-76

West, Dennis, revs. Palabra de mujer:Historia oral de las directoras de cinemexicanas, 1988-1994, ed. Isab~1Arredondo; and Women Filmmakers inMexico: The Country ofWhich WeDream, by Elissa J. Rashkin, 364~66

West, W. Richard, ed., The ChangingPresentation of the American Indian:Museums and Native Cultures, revd.,211-12

VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migration and Transformation,by Andrew I. Duff, revd., 5°0-5°2

Wheelwright, Mary Cabot, 72When the Texans Came: Missing Records

from the Civil War in the Southwest,1861-1862, by John P. Wilson,revd.,

32 3-27Where the Two Roads Meet, by Christo

pher Vecsey, revd., 111-12White, David A, ed., News of the Plains

and the Rockies, 1803-1865: OriginalNarratives of Over/and Travel and Adventure Selected from the WagnerCamp and Becker Bibliography ofWestern Americana, vol. 5, J: "LaterExplorers, 1847-1865," revd., 229-31;ed., News of the Plains and theRockies, 1803-1865: Original Narratives of Over/and Travel and AdventureSelected from the Wagner-Camp andBecker Bibliography ofWestern Americana, vol. 4, G: "Warriors, 1834-1865"and H: "Scientists, Artists, 1835-1859,"revd.,229-31

The Wichita Indians: Traders ofTexasand the Southern Plains, 1540-1845, byF. Todd Smith, revd., 515-17

Wild West shows, 251Wilson, Chris, Facing Southwest: The

Life and Houses of John Gaw Meem,revd., 483-85; Nuevo MexicoProfunda: Rituals ofan Indo-HispanoHomeland, revd., 185-88

Wilson, John P., The Civil War in WestTexas and New Mexico: The LostLetterbook of Brigadier General HenryHopkins Sibley, revd., 323-27; revs.Salado, ed. Jeffrey S. Dea~, 508-10;When the Texans Came: MissingRecords from the Civil War in theSouthwest, 1861-1862, revd., 323-27

Wilson, Les, 131Wilson, Leslie, revs. Black Cowboys of

Texas, by Sara R. Massey, 225-26Windham, Trav, 249Wingfield, Edward H., 7Winslow, Ariz., 172Witchcraft: trial of, 285Witchcraft in Abiquiu: The Governor, the

Priest, the Genf:zaro Indians, and theDevil, by Malcolm Ebright and RickHendricks, 285

FALL 2003

Witherspoon, Gary, 62, 64, 65, 83Wolff, Larry, 432Women: influence of, on banning cattle

roping exhibitions, 258; Navajo, 83Women and Nature: Saving the "Wild"

West, by Glenda Riley, revd., 218-21Women and the Conquest of California,

1542-1840: Codes of Silence, by Virginia M. Bouvier, revd., 356-57

Women Filmmakers in Mexico: TheCountry ofWhich We Dream, byElissa 1. Rashkin, revd., 364-66

Wool: cost of, per fleece, 136; Navajo acquisition of, 136. See also Weaving;Teller, Sam Kent; Two Grey HillsTrading Post; Sheep; Women

Wooster, Robert, ed., Recollections ofWestern Texas, 1852-1855: By Two U.S.Mounted Rifles, revd., 354-55

Wrobel, David M., ed., Seeing and BeingSeen: Tourism in the American West,revd., 339-40

INDEX ~ 557

yYazzie, Maxwell, 41Yetmen, David, revs. Food Plants of the

Sonoran Desert, by Wendy C.Hodgson, 374-75

Young, Robert W., 83

ZZanjani, Sally, Sarah Winnemuca, revd:,

341-44Zeman, Scott C., "High Roads and

Highways to Romance: New MexicoHighway Journal and Arizona Highways (Re)Present the Southwest," 419-

38Zia Pueblo: sun symbol of, on N.Mex.

flag, 429Zolov, Eric, revs. Latin American Popu

lar Culture: An Introduction, eds. William H. Beezley and Linda A.Curcio-Nagy, 222-23

Zozobra, 430

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0-8263-3118-1 paperback $23.95

Four Corners

Debra Bloomfield"In Debra Bloomfield's southwestern landscape photographs, colorand light glow with a luminosityreminiscent of a Rothko painting.Her images, which transcend thevisible, reflect the eternal spirit andenergy found in these sacredplaces."

-Judith Golden,professor emerita, photography,

University of Arizona, Tucson.

11 X11, 168 pages, 65 !Olor plates

0-8263-3223-4 hardcover $45.00

Indian Country

Travels in the AmericanSouthwest, 1840-1935Martin PadgetIndian Country analyzes the worksof Anglo writers and artists whoencountered American Indians inthe course of their travels in theSouthwest during the onehundred-year period beginning in1840.

0-8263-3028-2 hardcover $37.95

New BuHaloJournals from a Taos CommuneArt KopeckyArthur Kopecky's journals take us back to the beginningsof New Buffalo, one of the most successful of the communesthat dotted the country in the 1960s and 1970s, where he andhis comrades encountered magic, wisdom, a mix of people,the Peyote Church, planting, and hard winters.

0-8263-3395-8 hardcover $24.95

New Mexico Historical Review - UNM Digital Repository

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Transcript of New Mexico Historical Review - UNM Digital Repository