More Than Organizational Incantations: The Role of Ritual in Developing Followers
Transcript of More Than Organizational Incantations: The Role of Ritual in Developing Followers
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More Than Organizational Incantations: The Role of Ritual in Developing Followers
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Short Description
A review of ritual and follower theories suggests an intersection valuable for follower
development. Ritual embodies organizational values resulting in stronger social identity.
Effective followers have robust social relationships, specific traits, and display acceptable
behavior. Ritual’s ability to strengthen social identity, practice valued traits, and define
normative parameters suggests ritual is a tool for follower development. Future research includes
development of a ritual measurement, analyzing similar and dissimilar rituals across
organizations, and identifying ritual translation methods.
Brief Abstract
A brief review of ritual and follower theories shows a potentially moderating variable on
follower development. Ritual is designed to take that which is abstract, symbolic, or intangible
and create concrete, involved, and substantial representations, resulting in stronger social
identity. Ritual uses profane participants, objects, places, and times to communicate through
embodiment the cognitive meanings that the ritual represents. The variety of ritual in both
typology (passage, degradation, enhancement, renewal, conflict reduction, and integration) and
dimensions (narrative, corporeal, social, and place/history) suggests a variegated tool applicable
to diverse contexts. Followers are individuals who have agreed to a subordinate position in
relationship to a leader(s) in order to accomplish a common purpose. This gravity around a
common purpose makes social identity an antecedent to followership. Effective followers have
robust social relationships, specific traits, and display acceptable behavior. Ritual’s ability to
identify and strengthen social relationships and boundaries through the strengthening of social
identity suggests that ritual may be an important factor in follower development. Also, ritual’s
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capacity for communicating in embodied form the traits, skills, and behaviors valued by the
organization suggests ritual as a tool for learning the valued traits of the organization. Finally,
ritual’s power to communicate in an observable manner the intangible meaning and purposes of
the organization suggests an instrument for learning pragmatic, problem-solving skills. Thus,
ritual becomes a compelling means of developing followers. Recommended future research
included the development of a ritual measurement instrument. Such an instrument would be able
to discern between ritual and ritual-like activity. In addition, research needs to analyze both
similar and dissimilar rituals across organizational contexts. Similar rituals can contribute to the
knowledge of what communicates specific organizational values in the most effective manner.
Dissimilar rituals can add to understanding which rituals are contextually bound. Finally,
research needs to determine a means of translating historical rituals into contemporary contexts
so that leaders can leverage existing rituals to changing situations.
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More Than Organizational Incantations: The Role of Ritual in Developing Followers
Speak of ritual and most think of incantations droning from an elderly male in some
ancient language to a group of people who participate only for transactional motivations. This is
an unfortunate caricature. Not simply because this is ritual at its most perverse but also because
our lives are filled with ritual. There is a reason why team meetings follow the agenda that they
follow, why certain people sit where they sit, why certain times of the day are designated as
times to conduct business, and why certain information must be presented in specific formats.
While ritual does not answer all these elements in every context, it provides significant insight
into the underpinnings of the organizational culture. The rituals that surround these daily
organizational elements are attempting to communicate deeper purposes and values, whether
explicitly recognized or not.
But if ritual is such a critical feature of the organizational environment, then to what
degree does ritual contribute to follower development? While much of leadership studies have
focused, appropriately so, upon proper leadership, still, one cannot dismiss that an important
element of leadership studies is the study of followership. Without followers, there is no
leadership. Thus, the question of how to develop followers is a critical question of leadership
studies. However, the question runs even deeper: how does a leader develop followers that are
committed to the organization and its unique purposes and values? Ritual may provide an answer
to these questions and as such a study of the intersection of ritual and follower theories is
appropriate.
Ritual Theory
Ritual is designed to take that which is abstract, symbolic, or intangible and create
concrete, involved, and substantial representations. It is uniquely able to distinguish between
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thoughts and actions while integrating them together to embody cognitions (Bell, 1992). It is a
window that sheds light by communicating an expression of beliefs; not only to the participant
but also to the participant’s community and those who observe that community (Bell, 1992). The
embodied expressions of those beliefs are ritualizations, a distinction that is necessary since
rarely do ritualizations purely capture rituals. This makes sense of the flexibility of ritualizations
in different communities attempting to practice the same ritual meaning (Driver, 1991). This also
explains the qualitative distinctions made between sacred and profane elements of rituals (Bell,
1992). In order to embody the abstract beliefs and values, profane participants, objects, time, and
space must be used; but, in using them, they become sacred in their ability to communicate the
purposes and values.
As might be expected from these definitions, sometimes it can be difficult to distinguish
between ritual and ritual-like activities. Smith and Stewart (2011) suggested a measurement of
nine inter-dependent organizational ritual functions: (a) rituals provide meaning, (b) rituals
manage anxiety, (c) rituals exemplify and reinforce the social order, (d) rituals communicate
important values, (e) rituals enhance group solidarity; (f) rituals include and exclude, (g) rituals
signal commitment, (h) rituals manage work structure, and (i) rituals prescribe and reinforce
significant events (p. 117). While ritual-like behavior may include one or more of these
attributes, the more these functions present in an activity the more it approaches ritual activity. In
addition, Smith and Stewart recommended that a time factor be considered such that the less
often that an event happens, the more likely it is to be ritual. Thus, for instance, there is a
significant ritual difference between someone who provides the office with donuts every day, a
birthday gift, and a sweet sixteen celebration. The more often ritual-like behavior occurs the
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more likely it is habitual; the less often ritual-like behavior happens the more likely it is acting as
ritual.
Of course, any time that observation is an important component, as it is in ritual,
perception and interpretation of the ritual must be considered. Anderson and Foley (1998)
provided three possible outcomes to interpretation of ritual. The public meaning of a ritual is
defined by the perception of the ritual that is commonly held by the majority of participants and
observers. The official meaning is the meaning that had originally been bestowed on the ritual or
that which is held by the experts or official documents of the ritual. Finally, there is a personal
meaning that is held by the individual participant but is not shared by a significant number of
other participants or observers. Clearly, this can result in three distinct meanings that are
understood by the same ritual activity.
Types and Dimensions of Ritual
Islam and Zyphur (2009) provided a helpful summary of types of organizational rituals
(as opposed to religious or community rituals). Rites of passage transport an individual from an
existing role through a transitional phase and into a new role. Rites of degradation remove a
stratum of social status from an individual leaving them with a lower status than before the rite.
Rites of enhancement are the mirror activity to rites of degradation; they add a stratum of social
status giving the individual a higher status than before the rite. Renewal rites are designed to
enhance and enforce values of the organization. Rites of conflict reduction are designed to show
that the cultivation of harmony is valued and being pursued. Rites of integration bring together
two groups that would not normally associate.
Each of these rites can exist in four different dimensions: (a) narrative, (b) corporeal, (c)
social, and (d) place and history (Bell, 1992). Ritual can take the form of language. When
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written, the narrative ritual fixes the communication of the ritual in a static format. However,
depending on the culture and the formality of the spoken words, the same can occur in spoken
narrative ritual. This is not to suggest that all narrative is ritual but rather that ritual can use
narrative to cultivate identification with the ritual’s values and beliefs such that the participants
and observers become part of the ritual community (Anderson & Foley, 1998).
One of the primary modes of communication for ritual is embodiment often through the
body of the participant (Bell, 1992). In this sense, ritual has a corporeal dimension. Since the
imagination, experience, and reasoning of the participants are impressed upon the body, this
corporeal dimension can take on special significance (Bell, 1992).
However, as has already been noted, ritual is predominantly social in character, making
up another dimension to be considered in its study. Communities use rituals as social identifiers
of both allegiance and inclusion (Bell, 1992). While sub-groups within the community can have
variety depending on context, the overall ritual acts as a social identifier (Bell, 1992). Thus, the
social dimension of ritual assists in differentiating sub-communities from each other while –
often simultaneously – uniting central social meanings (Bell, 1992).
The variety of social groupings holding to similar rituals necessarily indicates the
dimension of place in ritual. Western philosophy has been comfortable with meaning
transcending space and time and thus often has little to contribute to place (Grimes, 1993).
However, purpose and perspective both have significant impact upon what is understood as
“here” or “there” (Grimes, 1993). While in more naturalistic cultures place is considered
something to be filled, some philosophical research has suggested that place should be thought of
as “part of the active product of intellectual creation” (Smith, 1987, p. 26). Smith noted that Kant
suggested that place can be defined by the totality of our perceptions. As such, anything special
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within that perception becomes potentially valuable to ritual practice. In addition, the historical
feature of ritual also must take into account the perspective of the one recounting the history with
an inclusion of the present (Grimes, 1993). As such, ritual place offers both the past and the
present coming together so that both “occupy the stage at the same time” (Grimes, 1993, p. 85)
When these elements of place are combined together, the ability of place to represent
simultaneously both nature and meaning become evident. It is in this way that ritual place best
represents how the profane is able to represent the sacred (Smith, 1987).
Summary
Ritual theory shows that rituals communicate, perform, and pattern (Martin, 1996). As
these rituals are duplicated over time, a historical narrative develops that brings into the present
the truths of the past. This is not to suggest pure rigidity to the past as present contexts can be
grafted into the ritual. Thus, rituals have the unique advantage of bringing the truth and power of
the past into the present while allowing the present to influence the past (Bell, 1992; Martin,
1996). This communication of established purposes and values cultivates a constancy around the
ritual by adding structure and meaning to the world and causing meaningful actions to occur
(Driver, 1991). The intrinsic constancy of rituals brings people together since ritual is
“interactive and social by nature” (Driver, 1991, p. 154). In this way, profane people, objects,
places, and times are transformed into that which holds meaning and reality (Brown, 2003).
Through the use of rites and ritualizations, the purpose of ritual is to realize that which is
abstract, symbolic, or intangible as concrete, involved, and substantial. Important to this
realization are the words that are spoken, written, or read, what is done, who it is done by, with
what it is done, and where it is done (Guthrie, 1999). The goal of ritual is to be a knowledge-
learning experience not only for the individual but, through observation, for ritual knowledge to
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be transmitted to others (Jennings, 1982). In this manner, ritual becomes a conscious
embodiment of disembodied cognition (Dempsey, 2009). What is perhaps most unique about
ritual is its social context. Vallas (2007) has shown that the pursuit of values and meaning on an
individualistic level is weaker than that same pursuit in a social context. The handling of abstract
cognition through embodied action within a social context creates a social identity transforming
the ritual into a social action (Turner, 1969).
Followership
Leadership studies have extensively researched and defined traits, behaviors, and
relational characteristics of leaders while virtually ignoring one of the most influential
components of leadership – followership (Gini, 1998). Within a Western framework, the
problem is exacerbated since followers are seen as inferior to leaders (Seteroff, 2003). However,
no discussion of leadership is complete without a discussion of followership. This fact is
heightened by the development of more highly relational theories dependent upon follower
reaction and achievement, such as servant and transformational leadership (Kellerman, 2008).
Definitions and Typology of Follwers
Since no single definition of leader or leadership exists, it is not surprising that it can be
difficult to nail down a definition of follower and followership. Some have suggested that it is
related to rank and behavior (Kellerman, 2008). Others that the leader/follower relationship
gravitates around a common purpose (Chaleff, 2003). Thus, a follower could be defined as an
individual who has agreed to a subordinate position in relationship to a leader(s) in order to
accomplish a common purpose. This naturally leads to a definition of followership which
“implies a relationship (rank), between subordinates and superiors, and a response (behavior), of
the former to the latter” (Kellerman, 2008, p. xx).
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Followership typologies have normally followed a quadrant model. Zaleznik (1965)
plotted followers on axes of dominance/submission and active/passive, resulting in four types of
followers: (a) impulsive, (b) compulsive, (c) masochistic, and (d) withdrawn. Impulsive
subordinates are rebellious challengers of authority. Compulsive subordinates seek to control
those in authority. Masochistic subordinates desire to be controlled by authority. Withdrawn
subordinates are apathetic toward authority. While Zaleznik marked one of the first attempts to
better understand the complexities of followership, the negative perspective toward followership
limited the long-term usefulness of this typology.
Kelley’s (1992) quadrant model with independent-critical/dependent-uncritical, and
active/inactive engagement axes produced five typologies: (a) alienated, (b) exemplary, (c)
conformist, (d) passive, and (e) pragmatist. Alienated followers are high in independent and
critical thinking, although they are not actively engaged within their organization. Exemplary
followers are high in independent and critical thinking and high in active engagement.
Conformist followers are high in active engagement but tend to be dependent and uncritical in
their thinking. An inactive level of engagement combined with dependent-uncritical thinking
describes the passive followers. Finally, pragmatist followers tend to be a combination of these
characteristics changing their followership based on circumstances.
Although Chaleff (2003), like other theorists, used a two-axis model that referenced four
typologies, Chaleff’s typology was a unique development in that it focused upon followership
from the follower perspective. The axes that Chaleff plotted on were high/low support and
high/low challenge resulting in implementers, partners, individualists, and resourcers.
Implementers are high in supporting the leader and low in challenging the leader resulting in the
most common type of follower who gets done what is expected from the leader. Partners are high
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in support and high in challenge resulting in followers that tend to come alongside the leader in
decision-making and accomplishment. Individualists are high in challenge and low in support
resulting in followers that are typically marginalized. Resourcers are low in challenge and low in
support resulting in followers that accomplish minimum expectations.
A diversion from this quadrant model was Kellerman’s (2008) continuum-based levels of
follower engagement ranging from no involvement to deep involvement. Along this continuum
were five possible types of follower: (a) isolate, (b) bystander, (c) participant, (d) activist, and (e)
diehard. Isolates characterize detachment by “knowing nothing and doing nothing” (Kellerman,
2008, p. 86), bystanders “observe but do not participate” (Kellerman, 2008, p. 92), participants
are engaged with and on behalf of the leader, activists have a strong emotive connection to the
leader that causes high investment in the leader’s expectations, and diehards are consumed by
their dedication to such a degree that it defines who they are.
Becoming a Follower
While the development of followership through various typologies might be helpful,
perhaps a deeper question is how one becomes a follower. Seteroff (2003) suggested that rather
than thinking in terms of follower and leader that there are many organizational relationships that
represent inverted characteristics (though not in opposition to each other). Thus, the focus was
upon the context in which an individual must lead or follow. Similarly, Kelley (1992) offered
seven pathways to followership: (a) lifeway, (b) dreamer, (c) apprentice, (d) disciple, (e) mentee,
(f) comrade, and (g) loyalist. Those who enter followership through lifeway paths believe
followership is the type of life that their personality and preferences best match. For these, a
follower is an expression of their self-awareness and their help and service to others through
following becomes an indication of who they are as a person (Kelley, 1992). Dreamers are those
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who enter followership through the pathway of their dreams or aspirations. For some, this will
mean remaining in follower roles; for others, it will mean being a follower is only a necessary
part of accomplishing their dream. In either case, followership is pursued for the attainment of
the dream (Kelley, 1992). According to Kelley, apprentices are followers in order to become
leaders. They are “learning the ropes” in order to move along on the continuum of organizational
relationships to the role of leader. Kelley differentiated apprenticeship and discipleship by
defining discipleship as anyone willing to learn from those who are more learned in a group
context. This definition also differs from mentorship, which according to Kelley is similar to
discipleship (group-learning) but consists of a dyadic relationship of learning. Sometimes,
becoming a follower is independent of “getting ahead, personal growth, or intellectual
development. Instead, it may be about the intimacy and social support that develop when people
bond together” (Kelley, 1992, p. 66). This relationship Kelley termed comrade. Finally, Kelley
defined the loyalist as a follower who has taken the path of allegiance that may be either
personally or culturally generated.
Obviously, this all suggests a strong relational dimension to the follower role. Thus,
Hogg’s (2008) suggestion that social identity is an antecedent to followership shows merit. Hogg
theorized that the attribution by followers of proper leadership style to the leader was critical to
leadership. This comports well with Chaleff’s (2003) suggestion that both leader and follower
gravitate around a common purpose. Thus, a beneficial leader-follower relationship may spring
out of the social identity theory in which both the leader and follower recognize “attributes that
define the group one belongs to, one’s ingroup” (Hogg, 2008, p. 268).
Motivations and Ethics for Followership
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It would seem clear at this point that followership is not the derogatory, dirty role that it
is often portrayed to be; thus the topic of motivation for followership can be discussed. Personal
motivations include “personal values, economic status, personal goals or focus, humility, lack of
confidence, fear, ignorance or lack of comprehension, lack of trust, lack of feeling of inclusion,
[and/or] lack of conviction” (Adair, 2008, p. 140). Additionally, Kellerman (2008) suggested that
leaders contribute to this motivation by providing safety, security, a sense of order, and a symbol
of group/community belonging, giving direction to the collective purpose. However, group
motivations should not be discounted either. These include the need for structure, collective
goals, and the group capacity to achieve goals that cannot be achieved individually (Kellerman,
2008).
If Gini (1998) was correct in stating that “the collective and collaborative relationship
between leaders and followers is what makes leadership an ethical practice” (p. 365), then clearly
followership has ethical dimensions as well. Simply being an effective follower does not suggest
a “good follower.” One need look no further than the German nation at the time of the Nazis to
understand that effective followership is not always good in itself (Kellerman, 2008).
Certainly, foundational to the understanding of being ethical is a high degree of
authenticity. This suggests that perhaps authentic leadership has provided insights into authentic
followership (Avolio & Reichard, 2008). “To do nothing . . . to support a leader who is bad . . .
to oppose a leader who is good . . . is to be a bad follower” (Kellerman, 2008, p. 230). The
antithesis of the bad follower is the good follower who does something, opposes bad leaders, and
supports good leaders (Kellerman, 2008). The ability of ritual to embody these ethical
expressions begs the question of the role of ritual in follower development.
Summary
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This overview of followership literature suggests at least three different characteristics
present in effective followers. First, effective followers have strong social relationships. These
relationships are with leaders, others, and the organization. Effective followers create an
interdependent partnership through acknowledging their leaders with trust, loyalty, and
supportiveness, which paradoxically may include challenging the leader (Baker, 2007; Baker,
Mathis, & Stites-Doe, 2011; Dale, 1987; Dixon & Westbrook, 2003; Gilbert & Hyde, 1988;
Johnson, 2011; Latour & Rast, 2004; Robinson, 2012). Effective followers are also collaborative
team members exhibiting reliability, listening skills, tolerance, synergy, and servant posturing
(Antelo, Prilipko, & Sheridan-Pereira, 2010; Cavell, 2007; Miller, Butler, & Cosentino, 2004).
These social relationships are in the greater context of the organization. An effective follower’s
relationship to the organization includes commitment and loyalty to the purpose and values of
the organization (Bjugstad, Thach, Thompson, & Morris, 2006; Dale, 1987; Robinson, 2012).
Clearly, community breeds leadership and followership. As such, social identity and the
transmission of values and meaning are an important variable in understanding followership. The
ability of ritual to identify and strengthen social relationships and boundaries suggests that ritual
may be an important factor in developing the social relationships of followers.
Second, effective followers have specific personalities, skills, and behaviors. Many of the
identified characteristics of effective follower personalities include ethical-oriented
characteristics such as faithfulness, dependability, integrity, honesty, trustworthiness, and
humility (Alcorn, 1992; Barrette, 2010; Lundin & Lancaster, 1990). Behaviors, such as taking
moral action, also have an ethical dimension (Cavell, 2007; Dixon & Westbrook, 2003; Frye et
al., 2007). This moral dimension to follower characteristics is not surprising given the highly
social component of followership and leadership, which necessitates an understanding of the
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right and wrong way to act within social contexts. Once more, there is a unique opportunity
through ritual to develop such ethical dimensions within followers given ritual’s ability to
communicate in embodied forms the purpose and values of an organization. As such, ritual
allows followers to act out the traits, skills, and behaviors that the values of the organization
denote as right or wrong.
Third, an effective follower will understand how to act in varying changing
circumstances. The implicit sensible response associated with pragmatic activity necessarily
requires an understanding of the organization’s perception of reality. This holds true for problem
solving as well (Alcorn, 1992). If followers have no acquaintance with what the organization
considers to be normative, they are unlikely to be able to act pragmatically or solve problems
acceptably. Additionally, circumstances are expected to continually change; thus, followers must
have some form of anchor to root them in the midst of that change. Without a firm grasp on the
purpose and values within the organization, followers will probably fail in situational
effectiveness. Yet again, ritual becomes a tool for follower development given its ability to
communicate in an observable manner the intangible purposes and values of an organization.
It is part of the role of the leader to cultivate in the follower this assimilation into the
values, meaning, and purposes of the organization. This assimilation can be enhanced through
ritual (Garrity, 1993). Ritual is an especially effective tool for follower development as it is
capable of redefining the social identity markers of geographical and socioeconomic boundaries
by placing the follower within the new boundaries identified through the ritual (Cox, Hallett, &
Winter, 1994). This new social identity development through ritual is likely to have a longer
impact upon followers than a disciplinarian approach (Gardner, 1999). Thus, as leaders
encourage followers to experience learning opportunities associated with the social identity of
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the organization, the follower is not only able to learn immediate insights but is able, through
encouraged contemplation, to link the ritualizations with the broader values, purpose, and
meaning of the organization (Densten & Gray, 2001).
Ritual in Organizational Leadership
While organizations can present their objectives, values, purposes, and missions in
statements, without tying those statements to specific activity the statements remain abstract
concepts. Even if the statements suggest proper activity (“we will act in such and such a
manner”) and define social identity (“we are this while others are that”), this will prove
insufficient to actualize these statements in the organization. Any parent can have a conversation
with their child about the importance of showing consideration and courtesy to others. Still, the
conversation alone is insufficient. The parent must have the child say “please” and “thank you”
even if to begin with the child does not understand the underlying consideration and courtesy.
The hope is that through embodying these truths that eventually the child will learn consideration
and courtesy. Similarly, leaders must provide their organizations with more than just statements
and instead make use of activities that embody the purposes and values of the statements. This is
what ritual is required for.
This is not to suggest that leaders create new rituals. As Smith and Stewart (2011) noted
(and nearly every other analysis listed in this article), the creation of new ritual is a pathway that
is fraught with dangers (e.g. if the ritual is rejected, the purposes and values attached to the ritual
may also be rejected) and relies upon a very long term development (i.e. rituals tend to develop
as habitual activities that are shown to have both ritual-like attributes and accurately convey the
purposes and values they are associated with). Rather, the organizational leader should consider
the rituals that already exist within the organization and determine ways of translating that ritual
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to communicate its purposes and values. Early analysis of the translation of historical rituals to
contemporary contexts has suggested that there are ways to do this (Huizing, 2013).
However, when speaking about the translation of purposes and values and the impact
they will have upon both the organization and those that interact with that organization, the
question of ethics must be raised. The annuls of organizational and historical leadership are filled
with people who professed the highest of purposes and values yet reveled in all manner of
unscrupulous and spurious activities. Ritual uniquely allows the testing of the values and
purposes in microcosm. We live in a broken world, so one should not expect that this will protect
against all harm done in the name of the highest purposes and values. However, ritual necessarily
includes the community of people and allows participants to see the outcomes of the purposes
and values that they are holding to. Perhaps, if nothing else, it will open the eyes of some to the
wrong that could be done. This is perhaps one of the most important reasons why ritual is crucial
to follower development. If organizational purposes and values are taught abstractly, then they
will either not be embraced or likely skewed in practice. Neither results in good leadership or
good followership. Thus, ritual is not subordinate to ethical thinking but a complement to it.
Further, the ethical dimension of ritual begins to touch upon any leadership theory that is
dyadic or polyadic in nature since leaders and followers are gravitating around a common
purpose. Ritual establishes the proper activity and shared attributes of leaders and followers
while never laying full power and authority in the leader. Rather, the power and authority lie in
the common purpose and values of the organization. Thus, ritual levels the disparity between
leaders and followers while retaining the unique roles that leaders and followers have.
This theoretical relationship between ritual and follower development opens up many
avenues of potential future research. First, identification of rituals and a measurement of their
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strengths need to be developed. The material that has been provided by Smith and Stewart (2011)
lays the groundwork for the development of a simple instrument that could measure both ritual-
like attributes in activity while balancing that with a temporal item. Secondly, such an instrument
would allow researchers to identify similar rituals across organizational and cultural boundaries
so that rituals associated with the same purposes and values can be compared for effectiveness.
Thirdly, it is presumed that while some rituals will have similarity across organizational or
cultural boundaries, other rituals will be unable to make the leap into different organizations or
cultures because they are so bound to the community of origin. A complete understanding of
rituals in this manner is needed in order for leaders to identify the best means of communicating
organizational purposes and values. Finally, the ability to translate historical rituals into
contemporary contexts will be necessary both to import rituals from other communities and also
to most effectively leverage the rituals within an organization.
Organizational leaders are tasked with getting their followers to “do.” However, just any
“doing” is not sufficient; the “doing” must be within the context of the purposes and values of
the organization. Ritual is the bridge between the “doing” and the values. This goes beyond
training. If training teaches followers how to make particular widgets, it is successful. However,
followers making widgets “excellently” requires a method to teach followers what “excellently”
means; “excellently” is who the follower needs to become. Rituals are the most effective means
of this form of learning. Thus, the question of organizational ritual becomes, “What repeatable
activities or experiences will assist the follower in acting out the types of values that the
organization esteems?”
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