IntroductionThe Dundee edition of the People's Journal from 25 June 1887 contained a panoramicsketch of the city and, quoting Queen Victoria's diary Our Life in the Highlands,remarked that ` Dundee is a very large place, and the port is large and open; thesituation of the town is very fine''. The sketch, readers are told, ` affords an idea ofthe natural beauties of the site. Spreading along the northern banks of the Tay, andclimbing up the slopes of the Law Hill in the centre, Balgay to the west, and Craigieto the east, few cities have a finer or more healthful location.'' Taken from the Fife sideof the River Tay, with the Law Hill providing the central axis, the panoramic sketchprovided a pictorial background to an article that reflected on the city's `most rapid'progress over the previous fifty years. Aligned with the riverbank, the sketch showedthe busy harbour traffic and, beyond the river, the ` second town in Scotland inCommercial importance'' with its ` numerous chimney stalks ... the majority of largedimensions, [that] indicate how busy are its manufacturers.'' By positing an image ofDundee's modernity, this promotional piece attempted to capture the city's progressand achievement through representing its physical landscape both in written and invisual form. In the words of Barke and Harrop (1994, page 96), ` The message wasclear: progress, wealth creation, vigour and excitement were interrelated with growthand industrialisation.'' The article contributed to a wider discourse on the city'sprogress, industrial importance, and place in national and imperial contextsöaprocess increasingly occurring in industrial towns and cities at the time, includingStaffordshire, Preston, and Middlesbrough. Such `tentative' self-promotion was com-mon at this time, reflecting 19th-century Britain's fascination with the ` magic ofindustry'' (Briggs, 1968), coupled with ` fears that the growth would no longer beas spontaneous and self-sustaining as it had been in the past'' (Ward, 1994, page 66),

Manufacturing space: gendered cityscapes and industrialimages in Dundee

Emma WainwrightCentre for Human Geography, Brunel University, Uxbridge UB8 3PH, England;e-mail: Emma.Wainwright@brunel.ac.ukReceived 22 August 2007; in revised form 15 December 2007; published online 3 December 2008

Environment and Planning A 2009, volume 41, pages 336 ^ 352

Abstract. Recent interest in the material and discursive construction of built environments has largelyfocused on the iconic skyscraper as a symbol of `modern' global and corporate power. Within thistheoretical frame, industrial landscapes are given short shrift. I seek to redress this by taking theexample of Victorian and Edwardian Dundee and exploring the construction of a specific manufactur-ing space by the city's industrial elite. Moreover, this paper moves beyond traditional analyses to takea specifically gendered look at this process. I argue that, while women numerically dominatedDundee's jute industry, it was men as jute-company directors who laid claim to place through theirrole in image making. The paper starts by looking at the processes of building and elaboratingindustrial space and power through an investigation of the fabric of the city. It then explores howsuch materiality was accompanied by and represented in a range of industrial imagery. Unpacking thislandscapeöpointing to the construction and subversion of gendered binaries and the recursiverelationship between the material and immaterialöhelps us see how industrial elites fashioned andreaffirmed their identity and power through the mobilisation of a set of representational tactics,creating a particularly gendered manufacturing (of ) space.

doi:10.1068/a40206

and hence was essential in the process of discursively constructing the city and itsindustry as modern and progressive.

This paper has as its focus a detailed exploration of Dundee's industrial landscapeand the way it was discursively created by a jute-manufacturing elite as a means ofasserting a particular industrial identity during its jute heyday. However, more than areflection on the city's modernity and progress, I argue the importance of takinga gendered look at this discursive process. Though Wilson (1991) and Felski (1994),among others, have made the link between modernity, masculinism, and the city, howthis is played out through the production and subversion of industrial cityscapes andimages warrants further discussion. I suggest that, whilst Dundee and its jute industrywere numerically dominated by women, prompting the label `woman's town' to beascribed to the city, it was men, as jute-company managers and directors who laidclaim to place through their formal role in image making. Reflecting in detail on thisdiscursive process, this paper is informed by the (interrelated) literature on civicidentity, place promotion, and landscape, as outlined below.

Creating place identitiesThe mid-19th century saw renewed interest in the creation and promotion of the civic'in towns and cities across Britain (Gunn, 2000; Joyce, 1991; Stobart, 2003; 2004;Vernon, 1993), with civic identity manifested in architectural form, including townhalls, libraries, and public parks; and through cultural activities, such as learnedsocieties, museums, and voluntary organisations. Hill (1999) has interpreted this intwo distinct ways: as a means of celebrating democratic local government and asan instrument of social control. To this, Stobart (2004) adds a third interpretation: itsrole in the construction and projection of place identities. In a paper focusing on civicspace' and culture in Burslem, Stobart suggests the presence, scale, and symbolismof the Staffordshire town's cultural infrastructure enhanced its self-image and projecteda vision of dynamism and importance to neighbouring towns and the wider world.Through the creation of civic culture, elite groups signalled their power and worthto ordinary people of their own area and, perhaps more importantly, to elite groupsin other towns. This was particularly pertinent in Burslem, as one of six potterytowns in the immediate area. Civic culture and thus creation of a civic landscape'(Joyce, 1991) were central to place promotion and civic boosterism, as well as toemphasising social divisions and bolstering the power and status of the town's elite(see also Holcomb, 1993; Philo and Kearns, 1993).

Whilst civic identity and the role of social elites in producing a landscape in theirown classed image has been of continued interest for urban historians, other than thework of Morris (2000), limited attention has been afforded to manufacturing spaces,which have remained the preserve of industrial archaeologists with a chronologicaldetailing of architectural form (Stratton and Trinder, 1997; Trinder, 1982; Watson,1990). This literature, though, is useful for understanding the construction andpromotion of manufacturing spacesöof mill and factory buildingsöand how thesewere shaped by appeals to national and imperial audiences beyond, and to competitorsand employees within, the city. Moreover, this literature places class and location at itscentre with a gender dimension lacking. In particular, the unspoken link between image-making and masculinism needs to be teased out and is vital for a fuller understandingof the construction of urban landscapes.

In offering a reading of manufacturing space, I draw on discursive readings of thelandscape, imagery, and written form, and use Barnes and Duncan's (1992) term `text'to denote sketches, photographs, and lithographs as well as material landscapes andsocial institutions. This broadened interpretation refers to immaterial representations

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 337

and to very real materialities (Duncan and Duncan, 1991; 1996), aimed at ascribingspecific discursive place meaning to Dundee. This too is used to avoid the dematerialisingof the discursive (Philo, 2000): the concern that binary oppositions of materiality ^discourse and reality ^ representational obscure how representations and materialitiescreate and build upon one another. This has been reiterated by King (2004) in relationto the construction of the iconic skyscraper as a symbol of `modern' global and corporatepower. King's main concern lies with the neglect of the material (see also Crilley, 1993),arguing that the building and its physical presence ` is usually mysteriously absent'' indiscursive writing:

` It is this very materiality, physical-spatial and visually symbolic element of thebuilding, and building form, which is insufficiently captured by the loosely theorized`spatial' which too frequently circulates in the discourses of geography or culturalstudies'' (2004, page 4, original emphases).Echoing concerns among urban geographers, it is necessary to explore the recur-

sive relationship between the material and immaterial rather than setting them inopposition to one another (Latham and McCormack, 2004). And it is this relationship,though often not articulated, that is especially pertinent in thinking through theprocesses and desired outcomes of place promotion in its various guises (Ball, 1995;Philo and Kearns, 1993). Through close reflection on workplace geographies, thematerial and immaterial of the discursive is an important theme here as I trace builtform and its (re)production through visual and written imagery.

However, more must be said about landscape and feminist critiques of its deploy-ment within a highly visual and masculinist modern geographical tradition. Thatlandscape implies a specific way of looking, which reflects the gaze of the powerful,is an important point made by cultural and feminist geographers. More than merepower, Rose (1993; 1999) and Ford (1991), amongst others, have critiqued the landscapetradition, arguing that it represents a specific masculine way of seeing. Drawing onBerger's (1972) arguments about the female nude in Western art, Rose explores the wayin which women's passivity and `gazed' status are assumed, hence recreating mascu-line ^ activity ^ gazer/feminine ^ passivity ^ gazed dichotomies. In response, Nash (1996,page 149) reassesses women's place in these binaries and argues for an engagementwith images which ` disrupt[s] their authority ... and open[s] up possibilities for differ-ence, subversion, resistance and reappropriation of visual traditions ... .'' Using theseideas, coupled with feminist writings on women's presence in public space (Nead, 2000;Wilson, 1991), I attempt to dislodge and disrupt the vision of Dundee as presentedby the city's `juteocracy'.

After giving context to the city of Dundee, pointing particularly to its differencefrom other industrial towns, I draw on a range of sources to look at the processesof building and elaborating industrial space and power through an investigation ofthe city's fabric. I then explore how such materiality was represented in a rangeof industrial imagery, including booster literature, contemporary journal articles, andphotography.

Juteopolis: the `woman's town'Raw jute arrived in Dundee in 1822 and, with the rapid expansion of the carryingtrade, transformed the city into `juteopolis' (Walker, 1979). As jute became `the world'scarrier', its manufacture in the city grew into one of the most spectacular boomindustries of 19th-century Britain (Turner, 1966). However, Dundee was simultaneouslya `woman's town'as the advent of jute created high demand for workers, and in-migrationsof labour created a gender imbalance in the city with, in 1901, 17421 more women thanmen over the age of 20 (Lennox, 1905). Expressing patriarchal concern, a philanthropic

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organisation in the city, the Dundee Social Union (DSU), noted, ` Between the ages of20 and 45, Dundee has three women for every two men, and around this significantfact hang some of the most serious problems'' (1905, page xii). Here, I reflect onDundee's dual and interrelated identities, setting the scene for a fuller examination ofhow the creation and promotion of a masculine cityscape to promote `juteopolis'worked in conjunction with and contradistinction to this `woman's town'; to simulta-neously reinforce and contravene the male ^ female binary. As Philo and Kearns (1993)stress, deconstructing dominant discourses in the city is vital, yet so too is recognisingplaces and spaces that belong to `others' and that offer different attachments to place.

Dundee and its place in Empire were eagerly promoted within and beyond the city.When the British Association for the Advancement of Science met in Dundee in 1912,a Handbook and Guide to Dundee and District was produced for its delegates (Patonand Millar, 1912). This sought to provide ` a bird's-eye view of the City's life andinterests'' and incorporated a broad range of articles. One, by H T Templeton of theDundee Courier, was entitled ` What Dundee contributes to Empire''. ` The City'',Templeton wrote, ` is no mere parochial community, sleeping on a river bank andknowing nothing of the mighty ocean beyond. Dundee's interests are world-wide''(Templeton, 1912, page 98). Templeton recited Dundee's role as shipbuilder, naval base,and centre for army recruitment. However, he gave prominence to the city's juteindustry and its importance to Empire.

That Dundee's jute industry was important to Britain cannot be doubted. Beyondits economic importance, the jute industry was strategically significant: the provisionof sandbags, canvas, and tarpaulins was crucial during successive wars. However, thisrhetoric was not matched by contemporary concern. It was the cotton industry, ratherthan jute, which was seen by policy makers as more economically and politicallyimportant. Indeed, the cotton industry was far larger and covered a wider area thanthat of jute and was able to muster the support of more than sixty members ofparliament to further its interests. In contrast, the jute industry was almost exclusivelyconfined to Dundeeögeographically marginal with limited representation in parliament.As Stewart (1998) suggests, no cabinet minister in Whitehall between the 1890s and1947 ever thought that Dundee industrialists were significant for the well-being of theempire, and no government helped Dundeeöapart from decisions to place largeorders for sandbags when war threatened. This marginal statusögeographically andin the minds of policy makersöis central in understanding the desire and necessity feltby the city's manufacturing elite to promote their industry (Ball, 1995).

The historical geography of Dundee is deeply intertwined with that of Calcutta.Although raw jute had been cultivated in India for many years, the first Indian jutemill was not established until 1855 (Turner, 1966, page 40). The Calcutta industry devel-oped quickly at the end of the 19th century, and in 1885 rough jute goods from Calcuttawere put on the British market in direct competition with Dundee wares. This com-petition was acknowledged by Dundonians and in 1894, after a visit to Calcutta, thenewspaper proprietor John Leng remarked, ` I must confess that my visit to Calcuttahas been an eye-opener, and no one who knows anything about the jute industry can visitthe mills here without coming to the conclusion that as regards the common run ofhessians and sackings Dundee's position is seriously threatened'' (Dundee Year Book1894, page 113).Writing at a time when the Dundee and Calcutta industries were roughlyeven in output, Leng's remarks were a timely warning as the 1890s saw Calcutta finallybecome the world's dominant production centre of jute. Leng's confidence that ` theability and enterprise of [Dundee's] capitalists will rise to the occasion'' was thwarted,as by 1913 Calcutta's production had risen to four times that of Dundee (Stewart, 1998,page 3) as fears that growth would not be self-sustaining were realised (Ward, 1994).

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 339

Against this backdrop of economic concern, in 1905, in his thesis on working-classlife, Lennox commented that ` Dundee is a woman's town and most of its productivelabour is in her hands.'' This label, regularly repeated in histories of the city andindustrial Scotland, was derived from real and imagined geographies as women wereseen (both physically and through journalistic appraisals) at, and going to and from,work and, more generally, moving `freely' through urban spaceövery much againstVictorian middle-class notions of respectability and femininity, and understandings ofpublic and private space (Wilson, 1991).

Women dominated work in the jute industry and were primarily confined, througha rigid vertical segregation, to the tasks of spinning and weaving (Wainwright, 2005).This was in contrast to other textile towns across Britain in which women were largelyrestricted to weavingöspinning remaining the preserve of men (Joyce, 1980; Morgan,1997; Winstanley, 1996). The industry, then, was by far the most significant employer offemale labour in Dundee. The 1901 Census showed that 31% of the total femalepopulation was employed in the mills and factories, with 27635 out of the 39752 textileindustry operatives being women. Moreover, in 1901, ` the proportion of marriedwomen who had remunerative occupations was exceptionally high''öat least 24.1%compared with 6.1% in Glasgow and 5.6% in Edinburgh (Walker, 1979, pages 86 ^ 87).Recognising the importance of women's labour for economic prosperity, the DSU(1905) noted:

`Without women's labour the city would sink to the level of a small burgh: as amanufacturing centre it would possibly cease to exist. No other community ... hasa more vital interest in everything pertaining to the welfare of women.''Women were not prevented from working but, rather, a range of procedures were

implemented aimed at scrutinising and improving their conditions. This notion ofa `woman's town' (discussed in Wainwright, 2007a) worked simultaneously withand against the creation and propagation of the discernibly masculine landscape of`juteopolis', and this relationship is teased out through this paper.

Building powerDuring its textile-manufacturing years, there were more than 120 jute works across thecity (Watson, 1990). This formidable concentration of industrial power and the imposingscale of many of the works dominated the cityscape. In 1881 one visitor noted:

` I was wonderstruck at the great mills and factories, so much larger and morebeautiful than our old village church ... . Great tiers of windows in successive storeys,finely ornamented gateways, pilasters and architraves, statues and fountains wereall to me new and striking objects'' (People's Journal 14 May 1881).The comparison between mill and village church was no coincidence, for ` the

owners could cover their values into industrial capitalism with the physical andsymbolic veneer of a religious presence and purpose'' (Zonderman, 1992, page 235).As Jones (1985, page 142) notes, ` Just as a steeple marked the site of a church, they [thechimneys] could contribute to a dramatic scene.'' With real and imagined religiousresemblance, jute works were a reminder of how much this ` one-industry city''(Checkland and Checkland, 1997, page 45) relied upon the industry for employmentand economic stability. Reinforcing the vast social divide between the `juteocracy' andworkers (Morgan and Trainor, 1990), mills and factories were created as monuments ofwonder, with their male owners austere and reverent figures. (1)

(1) In Dundee in 1861, 11.6% of the occupied population had been in a middle-class occupation.By 1911 this had risen to 17.8%, much closer to the Scottish average of 25.1% (Morgan and Trainor,1990, page 106).

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In contrast to other textile industries, the jute industry was so localised that therewas no scope for the great mill architects of England to contribute their expertise(Watson, 1990). Dundee's mills and factories were, instead, designed by the firmsthemselves and this visual was used as a means of building power both in a physicalsense (producing ornate, lavish, and imposing structures), and in an imaginative sense(impressing power and authority upon observers, workers, and competitors alike).

This architectural embodiment of capitalist power and class difference was notconfined to mills and factories. The juteocracy created public buildings, providing thecity with ` an impressive core where an urban culture could express itself, [although]it was exclusively middle-class'' (Checkland and Checkland, 1997, page 47). Suchvisible expressions on the landscape, which often go unnoticed, ` commemorate whatwe value and ... instruct us in our heritage'' (Monk, 1992, page 124). Although manu-facturers in Dundee did not enter local or national politics to the extent that they didelsewhere (Koditschek, 1990; Morris, 1990; 2000; Trainor, 1993), they contributed topublic life by imprinting their reputations on the landscape (Miskell, 2000). The cultof the civic' nurtured by local elites, including industrialists, fashioned a civic spacewhich included the construction of public parks and gardens, a town hall anduniversity, and other public places. Such spaces were not simply inert backdropsagainst which civic events took place: rather, they were ` politicised themselves ... thecivic landscape represented the town to itself '' (Vernon, 1993, page 49). In the samevein, then, as some of England's prominent mill owners (Morris, 2000), through theappropriation of space in the form of mills, factories, `public', and `quasi-public' sites,Dundee's juteocracy created a built environment in its own classed, but also, impor-tantly, gendered, self-image. It is this gendered self-image, perpetuated through theprocesses of elaborating, boostering, and exploring industrial space, that is articulatedhere.

Elaborating industrial spaceThat buildings carry symbolic meaning was demonstrated across Britain's textileindustry in the form of externally ornate and refined mills and factories (King, 1980;Morris, 2000). For example, Stanley Mill in Gloucestershire and Staverton in Wiltshireare seen as examples of elaborately designed buildings whereby ` the language ofarchitecture was employed to make statements of the same kinds as those conveyedby town halls, castles churches or art galleries'' (Stratton and Trinder, 1997, page 59).The 1860s saw the most elaborate and ornate period of building in Dundee, with belltowers and chimney stacks receiving the most lavish designs (Watson, 1990). Italianatearchitecture established a powerful hold over the minds of mill and factory designers,becoming more ornate and richly expressed in the second half of the 19th century(Jones, 1985; Morris, 2000). However, it was the chimney stacks, the most materiallysubstantial part of industrial architecture, that gained attention. ``[T]hey were visibleand obvious landmarks and, like the buildings themselves, they reflected changesin popular taste'' (Watson, 1990, pages 141 ^ 142). Cox's Stack, based on a renaissancecampanile, and described as ``Dundee's great landmark, the finest chimney inScotland'' (Watson, 1990, page 155), provides the most grandiose example of thiselaborate styling. Although most jute works had chimneys of various sizes, thatbuilt by Cox Brothers was larger than anything seen before in Dundee or elsewherein Britain (figure 1).

Messrs Cox Brothers owned Camperdown Works, situated in Lochee, beyond theLaw Hill to the northwest of the city. The works, constructed between 1850 and 1865,covered an eventual area of 35 acres and, at their peak at the end of the 19th century,employed approximately 5000 people. The works have been described as ` an outstanding

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 341

monument to the era of Juteopolis, 70 feet high and 500 feet long, with a 100 foot towerand cast iron cupola at the eastern end'' (Sim, 1969, unpaginated). The stack, for whichCamperdown was famous, was constructed in 1865 ^ 66 and replaced three earlier chim-neys. Designed in Italianate style, it consisted of two principal sectionsöa square towerof bands of red and white brick supporting an upper octagon with an ornamental ironbalcony at the meeting pointöand provides a good example of the polychromy of Italianarchitecture used in the second half of the 19th century. At 282 feet, its verticality wasemphasised by tiny false windows and striped angle pilasters (Watson, 1990, page 155).What was significant was that Cox's Stack was taller than existing iconic chimneys inEngland: for example, the Stack of Saltaire in Bradford stood 250 ft tall (Trinder, 1982,page 207). However, it would be succeeded by the likes of India Mill in Darwen,Lancashire, with a stack of 303 feet (King, 2004), signalling the competitive edge to buildupwards.

When it was built, it was the tallest chimney stack in Britain and generated greatinterest in Dundee and beyond. Consuming over a million bricks and costing »6000,it provided ` a strong contrast to its cheerless-looking neighbours around it'' (BuildingNews 5 October 1866) and served as a strong reminder to nearby residents, workers,and the rest of Dundee, of the presence, power, and success of the Cox Brothers. As ameans of marking place, Cox's Stack provided a clear spatial focus for the city and fora certain part of it which, because of its peripheral location beyond the Law Hill, couldotherwise go ignored. Contrasting readings of the stack have been offered, with one

Figure 1. Cox's Stack (source: Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monumentsof Scotland, SC101923).

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history describing it as a `utilitarian symbol of capitalist achievement' and anotheras a `grim reminder of capitalist servitude' (see Whatley, 1992). However, by entwiningfunctionalism and capitalism, it can be interpreted as a desire for recognition andsupremacy within and beyond the city in a highly competitive, male-led industryöthemanifestation of an aggressive masculinism.

The attention posited on the skyscraper is useful here. Marchand (1985) hasdemonstrated how modern manufacturing establishments and commercial skyscrap-ers assume the iconography of `cathedrals of commerce' and render a `fairytalevision'öa dominating presence that erases problems of capitalist accumulation.Working through binary modes of thought, Lefebvre (1991, page 98) refers to a`phallic verticality' which became more prevalent with the development of modernbusiness districts:

`The arrogant verticality of skyscrapers ... introduces a phallic or more precisely aphallocratic element into the visual realm; the purpose of this display, of this needto impress, is to convey an impression of authority to the spectator.''In an examination of the increasingly pronounced business landscape of late-19th-

century New York, Domosh (1992) suggests that skyscrapers reflected the instabilityand diversity of New York's business class. The city's elite continually strived forbuilding and business supremacy, looking to every possible invention or gimmick togain a competitive edge. Skyscrapers became status symbols, providing a lucrativeinvestment and a very legible advertisement for new and competitive industries. Takinga step forward and looking through an acutely feminist lens, Weisman (2000, page 1)suggests:

`The twentieth-century urban skyscraper, a pinnacle of patriarchal symbology, isrooted in the masculine mystique of the big, the erect, the forcefulöthe full balloonof the inflated masculine ego. Skyscrapers in our cities compete for individualrecognition and domination.''This literature can be usefully juxtaposed with a reading of late 19th-century

industrial landscapes. In creating increasingly elaborate and magnificent buildings,this phallic verticality can be used to interpret competition between jute manufacturersfor visual and business prominence, directing eyes skywards rather than down tothe embodied dynamics on the ground, reproducing the masculine-mind ^ productionconnection.

In relation to the development of the factory, Tann (1970) suggests a desire toimpress as ever-increasing competition meant that the firm which appeared by itsfac° ade to be the most successful would attract customers. This process of elaboratingindustrial form extends beyond and outlives its immediate function:

`However irrelevant to the conduct of business, a company's investment in bricksand mortaröits buildingöinevitably says something about its culture ... . [M]ostsenior managers recognise that the buildings will likely outlive them; thus they tryto create a setting that makes a statement to the world about their company, bothdeliberate and otherwise'' (Deal and Kennedy, 1982, pages 129 ^ 130).Built form and its elaboration were vital, as Stobart (2004) suggests, in relation to

the construction and projection of place identities: a process that occurred at acitywide scale and within the city to define certain locales (see also Crilley, 1993).But this elaboration was also an important means of exerting personal identities thatwere gendered as well as classed and, in so doing, of constituting and reflecting thepredominantly masculinised landscape of power and authority.

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 343

`Boostering' the industryIt was not just the visual experience of building that was important, but how this wasaccompanied by dissemination of imagery. As jute complexes impressed themselvesupon the city's space, an array of texts was created to enhance the prestige of specificworks and the city as a whole. Working through discourses of industrial power,progress, and efficiency, mid-19th-century firms created an image of proficiency andstrength through commissioned lithographs. Through examples of this `booster litera-ture', companies constructed a partial way of seeing and knowing the city and itsdominant industry. Hence, in this and the next section, I consolidate the case for anuanced gendered reading of the landscape. Rather than reiterating the male ^ viewer/female ^ viewed binary that many readings of modernity reproduce, I show that, whilstthese images were aimed at control, maintaining boundaries, and asserting a `knowl-edgeable' masculine gaze over the city and its jute industry, they could not erase thewomen workers willing and eager to defy normative codes of behaviour.

According to Alessio (1992, page 443), industrial booster literature exaggerates thesize of factory edifices ` to give precedence to the actual building. At the same time,the people are diminished, making them appear merely secondary in importance.''Figures 2 and 3 are examples of booster literature generated by Dundee firms. Closeinspection reveals that the majority of workers are absent, although smoke fromfactory chimneys suggests that the working day is in progress. Apart from a fewisolated figures, the only movements are those of horses and carts delivering raw juteand leaving with finished boxed productsöletting the viewer know that the worksare productive. This presents a highly sanitised view of the city's industry wherebythe processes going on inside and `in between'öthose of actual manufacture and

Figure 2. Artistic view of Lower Dens Mills, 1866 (source: Baxter Brothers & Co., MS11D/27,Dundee University Archives).

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labouröare denied. In this boosterist vein, the workplace is also depicted with amplespace for future expansion, emphasising economic potential, speaking not only ofpresent `realities' but of future possibilities.

Perspective depictions were also common, inflating size and scale, particularly ofchimneys. Referring to landscape, Cosgrove (1984) notes how perspective was employedto control space and direct it towards the external spectator. The people who occupy thelandscape do not participate as subjects, but are controlled by the artist:

`The experience of the insider, the landscape as subject, and the collective life withinit are all implicitly denied. Subjectivity is rendered the property of the artist and thevieweröthose who control the landscapeönot those who belong to it'' (Cosgrove,1984, pages 25 ^ 26).In these booster images, the use of perspective was an increasingly common means

of control. Artistic and technical conventions of perspective created a gap between theviewer, who could, as in figure 2, hover above and see all, and the viewed, who wereunaware of this holistic view and were either caught in the image and used to representindustrial efficiency (figure 3) or made invisible, even if their absent presence was feltby the size of the works (figure 2). Lithographs therefore provided a `snapshot' land-scape controlled by their producers and a means of boostering industrial edifices andefficiency in an imaginary sense.

These images worked in contradistinction to a range of other images of workersdefying normative boundaries and thronging the streets before and after work andduring lunch hour. By the end of the 19th century Dundee's working women hadbecome increasingly visible, inverting the seemingly one-way male gaze of theseimages. During strike periods, movement through the city was made explicit as womenmarched on the Cowgate area; an example of their capacity to ridicule and harassemployers. Rose (1995, page 216) notes that 19th-century thought was ` haunted bythe spectre of the crowd, the mob, the mass, the riot, the multiplication of forcesof rebellion which could be brought into being by the concentrations of persons in space.''

Figure 3. Camperdown Works, c. 1880 (source: Cox Brothers Ltd, MS66/II/12/1(1), DundeeUniversity Archives)

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 345

Given this, the presence of a crowd comprised largely of women who were defyingnormative codes of behaviour would exaggerate these concerns (Wainwright, 2007a).

In leisure time, too, this gaze was inverted as women spectated upon others. Asremembered, ` If you had no money you used to say to your chumö`Come on, we'll godown the Overgate and see how many fights there are tonight' '' (in Gordon, 1991,page 162).Women were not necessarily ` passive victims of a voracious male gaze, but ...enjoyed and participated in the `ocular economy' of the city; they were women wholooked at and returned the gazes of passers-by'' (Nead, 2000, page 71). Women chal-lenged dualistic thinking through their performances and reterritorialisations (howeverfleetingly) of urban space. By omitting this agency, the images reflected on in this paperworked to erase this interaction of bodies and city/workspaces.

Exploring industrial spaceImages of outside' were complemented with those of the inner workings of the industry aslithographs and, later, photographs, were used in journalistic appraisals of industrial space.Articles which appeared in general middle-class texts such as The Gentleman's Journal,journals specific to industry such as Building News, The Builder, and Australian TradingWorld, and local annuals such as the Dundee Year Book, offered a seemingly comprehen-sive guide to jute manufacture. In Great Industries of Great Britain, Camperdown Workswere described as a ` model establishment'' having been ` constructed on a regular and well-considered plan'' (Bremner, c. 1880, page 163). Similarly, projecting an image of efficiency,productivity, and progress, the Australian Trading World (12 August 1887) reported:

`The arrangement of the works is so skillfully contrived that the various processesregularly succeed each other without the least obstruction, loss of time, or unnecessarylabour.''Juxtaposed with the lithographs of the works (figure 3), this and other articles

highlighted temporal and spatial efficiency. The article also included a brief biograph-ical account of the Cox family's pioneering male members, with their portraits placedalongside images of the works exterior. Buildings became the material manifestation oftheir owners, with many jute works known not by their official names, but by thoseof their owners.

Figure 4. Drawing warp yarns through reeds and cambs, Aston & Craigie Works (source:The Gentleman's Journal 15 March 1913).

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An article, accompanied by a series of photographs (figures 4 and 5) on Ashtonand Craigie Works, employed modernist rhetoric:

` It needs only a visit to such Works as these to upset the popular fallacy of thelittleness of man ... . It is stupendous to think that a brain should have planned, andsmall hands made the gigantic fly-wheels, and should have fashioned the enginesthat set them whirring to drive and countless frames and looms that throb andgrind through the rooms and sheds. The feeling is deepened as one realises theuntiring precision, the almost conscious action and the transforming, creating forceof these pulleys and cogwheels, shaftings and shuttles, for it is not merely manu-factureöit is art magicöcreation by evolution, set not in the primaeval silence thatin the Stone Age brooded over this very country, but framed in a rushing, pulsing,clicking, buzzing storm that deafens, dumbs and amazes'' (The Gentleman's Journal15 March 1913).Trading on the awe and fear of the technological sublime (Nye, 1994), the photo-

graphs explored the interior of the works, showing various stages of production. Suchscenes were either devoid of workers or contained isolated individuals, normallyforeman or managers, or workers contentedly performing their duties.

The use of photography warrants comment here. From 1900 onwards, photog-raphy became a new mode of communication that made possible ``a new geographyand economy of knowledge'' (Golinski, 1998, page 182). Lithographs were replacedby photographic `evidence' wherein the internal workings of factory and mill couldbe made visible, with each successive stage of production captured on camera.Photography became an important tool of documentation, enhancing journalists'project of showing `truth' (Tagg, 1988), and consolidated the modernists' rhetoric ofefficiency, forward movement, and technical advancement, alluding to a competentcompany working at or towards maximum output.

These written and pictorial descriptions of Ashton and Craigie Works, andCamperdown Works, demonstrate the preeminence of a masculinised disembodiedvision; a vision articulated through planning, efficient construction and management,and one which works on the necessary bodily exertions needed to ensure they ranproductively. The jute industry, it seems, was run by the efficient and progressive

Figure 5.Weaving shed, Ashton & CraigieWorks (sourceThe Gentleman's Journal 15 March 1913).

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 347

deployment of technology and scientific management. Images of the ancient andmodern were conjured up and compared: ` the former where brawn was king, the latterwhere brain is the ruler'' (Gentleman's Journal 15 March 1913). The mind, envisionedas definitively male, was heralded and pronounced, whereas the largely female bodiesengaged to operate the machinery were ignored. Again, such descriptions andlanguage offer a sanitised account of work, with the workers silenced and invisiblised.

These passages are indicative of the overall rhetoric used in such articles. Theyprovide a type of `factory tourism', producing new forms of knowledge. The language,and the use of impersonal pronouns, demonstrates what was and was not made visible.Workforce culture and social relations of production were concealed, and aestheticsaccentuated, with little or no mention of the exertion and incursion which the produc-tion process had on the body. The language of movement, of not `ever turning back',produces the image of a forward thinking, modern, progressive industry. Such articlesalso demonstrate the importance of public opinion. That journalists and others weregiven access to jute works to report on their inner workings reflected the need toproduce and legitimise the discourse of the factory system. As Schaffer (1994,page 220) writes, such triumphal passages were ` at once a claim about the machinetool system, and thus the control of matter by human intelligence, and a claim aboutlabour discipline, and thus the control of the workforce by its masters.'' Articles suchas these accumulated knowledge and intelligence on the factory system, heralded itsachievements, and pointed to its wider virtueögiving a sense of manufacturing spaceinseparable from workplace technology.

Although the inside of mill and factory were keenly interpreted through technologyby the modernists' gaze, alternative stories can be offered. Despite these visual andwritten tactics, in a city where strikes were commonplace, the images of workplacesegregations and groupings hint at potential disruptions. For example, groupingsencouraged tight networks and identities to form among the workers and couldengender solidarity and resistance. Trade unions used moments of stoppage andinformal gatherings to disseminate information and extend membership, and womenworkers used lip-reading to communicate and imbue the workplace with their ownmeaning (Wainwright, 2007b). The perceived `unruly feminine' could and did impingeon the production process, its discipline, and technology for its own purposes.

Although jute manufacturers were unable to directly control the content of thesearticles, they did exert influence by choreographing journalistic visits. Visitors werenot allowed to wander at will. The writer would have been invited in, shown around,and allowed to reproduce only an official knowledge: a privileged knowledge that wascreated in conjunction with jute firms. For example, the visitors book at BaxterBrothers' Works stipulated a specific set of instructions for entering the works:

`Walk slowly through the following Departments but no other without SpecialOrders ... . Go to factory by way of Lower Calender, visit Packing, Stamping &Lapping Rooms; walk up main pass of SouthWeaving Shed & on to Picking Room& up to the Calender. From the Calender proceed to Foundry by way of ponds,visit Erecting Shop, Blacksmith Foundry & Joiners. If the School is open visit it.The Guide to offer no information only answering questions politely. All visitorsmust enter their names in Visitors Book kept by Porter at the Princes Street Office''(Baxter Brothers, 4 September 1901).Articles that appear as descriptive accounts were highly choreographed, constructed

through specific workplace performances; a reflection of the secretive manner in whichcompanies operated, protecting their own knowledge and permitting only officialknowledges to extend beyond the workplace.

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Visitors to Baxter Brothers' textile works included one from John Lee Williams, ajournalist for the Gentleman's Journal, in October 1912. The article published after hisvisit was one of the few to make note of the workforce:

`We failed to see the wan `slaves', of whom certain writers, from their imaginationshave given the world such pathetic descriptions. What we saw at Messrs Baxter'sMills were hundreds of neatly-dressed and apparently well-nourished people, onwhose faces we read of comfort and content'' (Gentleman's Journal 15 March 1913).The knowledge that informed the articles in the array of middle-class journals was

not neutral. It had been sanctioned by management and constituted a formal knowledgewith only `official' sections of the workplace opened to scrutiny. Despite the appearanceof completeness, the knowledge was cosmetic and partial, as the geography of move-ment was subject to close control. Although it is difficult to infer their exact `geographyof reading' (Livingstone, 2002), these journals would have travelled far, reaching beyondthe city to an international readership of similar middle-class social and industrialelites, and hence were a significant form of knowledge creation and dissemination.

ConclusionsAs Latham and McCormack (2004, page 704) argue, ` paying increased attention to thematerial actually demands that we begin to take seriously the real force of the imma-terial.'' In this paper `manufacturing space' refers not only to actual industrial spacesbut to the processes of discursively creating a particular landscape. From the panora-mic sketch of Dundee and accompanying description with which this paper opened,I have worked through a number of different texts; from material built forms to writtenaccounts, lithographs, and photographs. These have all been used to form a particularway of seeing and knowing which created a certain normalising vision that pervadedthe city's sense of self and industrial prowess. Through a substantive focus on Dundee'sjute industry, then, this paper stresses the importance of an engagement with anditerative relationship between the material ^ immaterial in producing industrial land-scapesöa relationship especially important in Dundee given its geographical isolationand political marginalisation.

For Dundee, the promotion of the city, its industry, and its manufacturing elitewere vital at the turn of the 20th century as the manufacture of jute slowly andirrevocably shifted to Calcutta. However, the success of this promotion is difficult togauge. It perhaps helped prolong the presence of jute in Dundee, but this could not besustained in the long termöa fact that the city's manufacturing elite themselvesrecognised and even precipitated. Chakrabarty (1989) notes that there is an elementof irony in that the eventual supremacy of Calcutta over Dundee owed a great dealto its Dundee connection. As a number of Dundee's manufacturers shifted to Calcutta,a ` thick network of communications'' came to link the two cities (Stewart, 1998, page 19).Through both manpower and expertise, Dundee helped shape the early Calcuttaindustry.

Further, by offering a rereading of these varied sources, I have attempted tointerrupt the imposing discourse on modernity and progress of Dundee's industriallandscape, highlighting the neglected gendered aspect of its formation which (re)pro-duced binary positions of male/female, viewer/viewed, and mind/body. The productionof this sanitised discourse of juteopolis was in response to, interrupted by, and hintedat Dundee as a woman's town. Through a rereading of images, the large number ofwomen workers silenced, erased, or controlled by this manufacturing space did maketheir presence felt in various ways. This rereading, though not limited to Dundee,has particular currency in a city renowned for its peculiar reliance on women workers,and usefully extends readings premised on class and location.

Gendered cityscapes and industrial images in Dundee 349

Further, the discourse of juteopolis could scarcely conceal the many problemsassociated with industrial ^ urban development so common in textile regions at thistimeöproblems of overcrowding, poor housing, and ill health. This disjuncture ofthe so-called `progressive' and `degenerative' can be interpreted through the followinggendered dichotomy:

`The city is `masculine' in its triumphal scale, its towers and vistas and aridindustrial regions; it is `feminine' in its enclosing embrace, in its indeterminacyand labyrinthine uncentredness. We might even go so far as to claim that urbanlife is actually based on the perpetual struggle between rigid, routinised order andpleasurable anarchy, the male ^ female dichotomy'' (Wilson, 1991, pages 7 ^ 8).From the texts explored here, this binary struggle was reproduced in Dundee.

Through architecture, commentary, and imagery, urban `problems', often linked toand blamed on working women, were set in opposition to the juteocracy's exaltedmills and factories and triumphal chimneys. However, by reading the gaps, we cansee how the desire for growth, efficiency, scale, and size rebounded on the city and itsresidents in acutely problematical ways (Wainwright, 2003), complicating and blurringthe gendered binaries offered.

Acknowledgements. This paper developed from PhD research undertaken in the School ofGeography and Geosciences, University of St Andrews. As always, thanks to Dan Clayton forhis supervision during this time. Thanks also to Monica Degen for reading through an earlydraft, Michael Bolik from University of Dundee Archives for tracking down the images, andEileen Moran from Dundee Local Studies Library for assistance with references. Final thanksto reviewers for insightful and encouraging comments.

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