Jakub Tugendhold and the First Maskilic Defence of Hasidism

F

MAB.ctr{ woDzŃsKI

JAKUB TUGENDHOLD AND THE FIRST MASKILICDEFENSE OF HASIDISM-

Tb animosity between the hasidic camp and the so-called progressive Jews in

tb first decades of the nineteenth century is well known to histońans of Polish

Jt*ry, and a number of important observations on the subject have already

ba made. Warsaw, as capital first of the Duchy of Warsaw and then of the

rĘdom of Poland, was the primary battleground of this struggle, for it was

i Ybsaw that the first gloups of Jewish 'progressive' bourgeoisie and youth

o lpear introduced elements of German religious reform and haskalah to the

fuct€ss Kingdom. The hostility of those early progressives to hasidism was

ctr s early as the latter part of the eighteenth century and reached its peak

i tb fusc decades of the ńneteenth. It was especially evident in the activities

- 1ńłicarions of Antoń Eisenbaum. Eisenbaum was editor of the first Polish

biÓ pcr'iodical, Dostnegacz Nadwiśknóski (1823-Ż4), the first and longtime

cEn of tbe Warsaw Rabbinical School, and ńe unquestioned leader of the

5 fuion of an assimilating group of young Warsaw Jews.l

. llE I'.-l Bańal' Moshe Rosman, shaul stampfer Theódore weekŚ, shmuel werses,

d scŃ Ury for reading earlier drafls of this paper. Tharrks also to IJon chamaides

L E cisooce wiń the En8lish text.

r l-nlĘ tbe lerm applied to members of this grouP in the literafurc on the subject

a diŁl This is most unfortunat€' because as Raphael Mahlef has pointed out' the

U3r d rtis group in the Kingdom of Poland was not tbat of the haskala but of

-Ę.il rttd assimilation. Ther€fore in older to avoid terminologicłl confusion,

l- c |b Ems 'pro8l€ssives'' and 'progressive organization'. I will use the term

t ddy il rcfetence to lhose r€pres€ntatives of the progressive movemen! like Jakub

ĘrrB' fu cxample' who wer€ mlly follo$Jęrs of lhe haskalah ideology. I use the

. F _ibiŚ' for members of the progtessive movement in the s€cond half of

"-. -d o-ruy, when that telm took on the explicit me$ing of acculturation and

*rD'tion on ,uJłalał and hasidism al the end of ńe eightęenth cenfury

E - E Ringelblum, 'Hasidęs un baskole in Vanhe in l8_tn yorhunden',

E r:t $y3t)|l24-32. For essential literature on the conflict betwe€n the

diłin in Central Poland see I. Schiper' 'Pocz4tki haskali na ziemiach

l3

Marcin Wodziński

The attifude of Eisenbaum's group towald hasidism was not at all surpńsing

since it resulted from a well-established tradition of hostility between hasidism

and haskalah, which had its roots in the beginnings of both movements. That

tradition was embodied in the writings of Salomon Maimon, Josef Perl, and

above all, as far as the early Polish masłilirn are concemed, Jacques Calmanson.

The unequivocal enmity toward hasidism was the dominant attitude of the Polish

pro$essives until the late 1850s and early 1860s, when it was revised by some

of the most inffuential members of Jewish commuńty in the Kingdom ofPoland, including Daniel Neufeld, Marcus Jastrow Samuel Henryk Peltyn' and

Aleksander Kraushar.

However, the change of attitude on the part of the Polish progressives toward

hasidism did not occur suddenly or unexpectedly' Jakub Tugendhold, one of the

most influential and active members of the Warsaw Jewish community, appears

to have played a key role in the change in attifude toward łasidim and hasidism

in the second half of the nineteenth cenfury' He was a well_known masłil,

one of the earliest assimilationists, but at the same time he was a defender ofhasidism.

Ttrgendhold is worth mentioning for at least two reasons. The first, mentioned

above, is that Tugendhold's religious and social views played an important role in

shaping the moderate 'progressive' movement in the Kingdom of Poland, which

predominated in the second half of the nineteenth century. The second reason,

whose significance extends beyond ńe borders of the Kingdom of Poland' is

that the change in anitude toward hasidism demonstrated by Tugendhold as

early as the 1820s was one of the earliest among progressive Jews, even outside

Poland. This attitude was contemporary with the well-known 'apostasy' ofJacob Samuel Byk and preceded the publications of Eliezęr Złłeife| (pńmarily

Shalom aI Yisrael), which heralded a change of attitude toward hasidism among

the moderate łas&alał of the Russian Empirc by almost fiĘ years. The writings

and activities of Byk and Zweifel are today relatively well known,2 but those of

centralnej Polski (do roku l83o\' , Mieśięcznik żldowski al 0932\|3|l-27; R. Mahleą

HaHasid.ut tehaHaskolah beaalitsirah uvePolin haKongresa'it baMaharsit haRishonah

shel hąMe'ah haTesha-esreh: haYesodol hasotsiyarliyim vehaMedinłi,n ' Merhavia l 9ó l '

(English version: Has idim and the ler/ish Enlighten r0nt, Thei conf,ontation in GaliciaaĄd Poland in the First Half of the Ninereenth cen ury' l(anslalęd by E. orenstein and

A. Klein, Philadetphia 1985).

2 on Jacob Byk sęe sh. Werses, 'Bein shenei olamot: Ya'akov shemu'el Bik bein

t4

Jałub Tugeldbold a'd rbc Ftt'

TugendboĘ wboeercl€ ia&was somewhat similarto hrbe due to certain feanles oflarm ofthe progressives ad e,

traditionalist canp. Tugcailespecially in posrcrity, wr aas a civil servant and censrmorc rcspecrcd lat€r in lifątraditionalists (because be r|he had maintained an indegsome time). He was also rlhe was a hardened loyalislthe Polish conservativcs (hpersonal ambitions and to soinfamy. Thus the opinions oflatteńng clichćs, were quitcnegative judgements uncrithrhis important and complex ireven apologetic, opinion ofTiremained a solitary voice. Anto p€rceive that he was an Ęin tlre history of tbe pręress

haskalah l€HasiduL lyun dańicle one can ńnd nuEEsame author. on Eli€z.f ztdand the Intellectul DcfarĘbeHa'arachat hal{asióE Ei5ll2 (1986):167-210. Sc. *Jerusal€m l92.

3 Th€ best example of hor ea.tivities influenced rhc hildHis study ofthe ręlatic barcentury co ains ó€ Ńoideas. Numerous qand.r aMahler could noa ay(il dhirn as a politica.l aod sail nMahler suspe€lcd D.lbiE253-56 @nglish cditio' p- ł

Jakub Tugendhold and the First Maskilic Defense of Hasidism

Tugendhold, whose role in the Kingdom of Poland as early as the 1820s and 1830s

was somewhat similar to that ofZweifel, have not been properly studied. This may

be due to certain features ofTugendhold's character that repelled both the radical

arm of the progressives and a considerable part of both the hasidic and nonhasidic

traditionalist camp. Tlrgendhold's unusual and undeserved lack of populariĘ,especially in posterity, was also affected by his very conEoversial political role

as a civil servant and censor for the tsarist regime. Despite the fact that he was

more respcted later in life, Tugendhold never won general popularity among

traditionalists (because he was a maskil) or among the progressives (because

he had maintained an independent position with respect to their opinions forsome time). He was also unpopular among the Polish progressives (because

he was a hardened loyalist) and even, although to a lesser extent, among

the Polish conservatives (because he was a Jew!). No doubt.'his excessivepersonal ambitions and to some extent his opportunism also contributed to his

infamy. Thus the opinions of Tugendhold's contemporaries, except for some

flatteńng clichćs, were quite often unfavorable; future historians adopted these

negative judgements uncńtically and projected them onto the entire activity ofthis important and complex individual.3 A somewhat more moderate, sometimes

even apologetic, opinion ofTugendhold was expressed by Ignacy Schiper, but his

remained a solitary voice' All of these reasons contributed to histońans' failureto perceive that he was an important though not necessarily an agreeable person

in the history of the progressive camp of Jews in the Kingdom of Poland and

haskalah leHasidut Iyun mehudash', Gal-Ed' 9 (1986):2'l_7ó. In the footnotes of thisarticle one can frnd numerous references to the earlier literature on Byk, mainly by the

same author. on Eliezrr Zweifel se€ first of all G. wiederkehr-Pollack' Eliezer Zweifelaud the lwtellectual Defewe Ę Hasidism, Hoboken, NJ 1995; sh. Feiner' 'HaMifnehbeHa'arachat haHasidut: Eliezer Zweifel vehaHaskalah haMetunah beRusiyah', Zion5ll2 (1986).167 _2lo. see also Elięzer zweifel, Shalom al Ytsra'el, ed. A. Rubinstein,Jerusalem 1972.

3 The best example of how a politically biased persPctiv€ of Tugendhold's life and

activities influ€nced the historica| literature can bę found in the work of Rafael MahlerHis sfudy of the rclations between hasidism and łOJłarał in thę first half of the nineteenthcenfury contains the most compfehensive and interesting descńption of Tugendhold'sideas. Numęrous examples of valuable activities undeńaken by Tugendhold' whichMahler could not avoid mentioning, did not change his severely negative opinion ofhim as a political and social rcactionary. Morcoveą even in evidendy positive activitiesMahler suspected malicious intentions. s€€ Mahleą HąHąsidut vehaHaskalah' pp,253-56 (English edition, pp. 410-14).

15

Marcin wodziński

that some of his views have left an indelible and positive stamp on the attitudesof its moderate arm. Thus the need for a revision of existing judgments aboutTugendhold seems to be obvious.

A revision of opinion on Tugendhold's attitudes toward hasidism is not easyfor yet another reason - he was a very sober observer of the Hasidic movementand did not glońfy it. His numerous writings contain words ofcriticism but nevera condemnation of the hąSidim. Moreover, unlike Eliezer Zweifel, hasidism wasonly one of the subjects with which Tugendhold dealt, and he did so onlymarginally at that. Thus it is difficult to compare the intellectual contribution ofthe two wńters in revising attifudes toward hasidism. Tugendhold's significanceis not necessarily based on his writings but rather on the influence his wńtingsand his activities exerted on the younger generation of Warsaw's progressives.

The social effect ofTugendhold's opinions and attitudes is the very reason thata critical analysis of his writings and views on hasidism is not only historicallyjustified but critical for the understanding of an important period in the historyof the Jewish community in nineteenth century Poland.

Tugenhold's Life

Jakub Tugendhold was born in 1794 tn Dzialoszyce, a town in central Poland.aHis fatheĘ Isaiah, came to Działoszyce from Breslau and belonged to the firstgeneration of Polishmąskilim. Unnl the end of his life in l83l, Isaiah maintainedStrong ties with members of the Berlin hąskąlah. He left behind many literaryworks and an abundant correspondence, most of which was destroyed.5 So far

4 The best biograńical sketch of Jakub Tugendhold can b€ found in Mahler, HaHasidutvehąHaskalah, pp.253_54 (English edition p. 410)' Interesting details can be found inJ. Nimstein' ed., Proveńią Salomanis: Pląsłowia Salonon& |łyjqtek z Pisma śułiętegoz hebąjskiego tekstu spolszczył wierłz.m''-, Wanaw 1895' pp. l-7. This source s€emsto be rcliable' as the author was Tugendhold's nephew and while wńting the biographyhad access to his uncle's personal papers' See also S. H. Peltyn: 'Ś p. Jakób Tugendhold(wspomnienie pośmienne)', Izrąelitą 6tl6 (l871):l30_3l; schiper, 'Początki haskali,' p.324;M.Fllks, Żydzi w warszawie: życie codzienne, wydaneni.ą ludzie' Poznań_Dasz€wice1992' pp' 90-9l; A. Iźvinson, Toledot yehudei Varshąh, Tel Aviv 1953, pp. ll7_l8; Zdziejów gminy staro7akonnych w wafizpwie w XIX Etukciu, v. l: Szłolnictwo' Warsaw1907; I. Tugendhold' Divrei Yeshayahu,Klaków l89ó; J. Shatzky, Yidishe bildungs-politikin Poyln fun 1806 biz 18óó, New York |943' w.236_31.

5 A small colfection of surviving letters has been published in Tugendtald, Divrei Yeshoyahu-This is an indispensable source of information on lsaiah's son, Jakub Tugendhold.

16

J.tub TElcodbold .Dd rh. Ft l

as is bową Jatub receivcd:a local rabbi n fu bit midtlknowledge and had an opp<

well-known for tbei. plety arthar tll€ fifteen-year-old Tugc

Very little is krown aboufrom rcmarks made by histhe Tugendhold family venTugendhold, an advocare ofattached geat importance tohimself uught them Bible a\leslr,m haskaląh in Breslaul8l I or 1812. Therc he snrdiewhich he completed in 1814.to work as a private tutor fc I

about wbom he would oftcn qunsccessful anempt to ob(aitsoon aft€rwards. At th€ €ndemp|oyed as a private teacb€f,iEpstein.

In l8l9 Tugendhold fmschool for Jewish childrea iby the government of óe lAccudingly, tbe Govemlshblic Enlighrcnment (i.e. dcommissioned T[gendbold toschmls. opening cer€moni€s

ó J_ Tugedholą obrona lzrdlcgoŁ darra uczoĄarn i dogoizo tzu tiw I zrae l itom cł1tiol5łzalz!.ie k a'i chrvcaj@ź'ki.j I

|żylka plzcL--' wal!.w l83l ' I7 |t sho| d be notcd lE€ lh.i r ówas in erisr.rcr in Brcsla-

t For mor€ oo Jes,ish eląffysee S. lłwią 'Barci baScfa hbevarshah l8l8- l83O'. C,or-E

Jakub Tugendhold and rhe First Maskilic Defense of Hasidism

as is known, Jakub received a tradition al hed.er education and later studied witha local rabbi in the beit midrash. There he acquired a relatively broad talmudicknowledge and had an opportunity to meet the ,leaders of traditional Jewrywell-known for their piety and fanaticism,' namely hasidim.'lt was at that timethat the fifteen-year-old Tugendhold had his first conflict with hasidic circles.

Very little is known about Jakub's early years. It can be deduced, however,from remarks made by his nepheq Joachim Nirnstein, that relationships inthe Tugendhold family were far from peńect' It is also known that IsaiahTugendhold' an advocate of moderate hasklląh of the Mendelsohnian type,attached great importance to the religious education of his children and that hehimself taught them Bible and the Hebrew language. Jakub first encounteredwestem haskąląh in Breslau, where he moved against his father's wishes inl81l or 1812. There he studied at the St. Elisabeth's protestant grammar school,which he completed in 1814.7 After his retum from Breslau Tugendhold beganto work as a private futor for the wealthy merchant Józef Grunbaum in Kraków,about whom he would often speak with the greatest respect. In 1g l7 he made anunsuccessfirl attempt to obtain a position as a censor in Lwów and left Galiciasoon afterwards. At the end of the year he settled in Warsaq where he wasemployed as a private teacher in the home ofone of the richest polish Jews, JakubEpstein.

In l8l9 Tugendhold founded, at his own expense, the first elementaryschool for Jewish children in Warsaw. That initiative coincided with plansby the govemment of the Kingdom of poland to reform Jewish schools.Accordingly, the Government Committee for Religious Denominations andPublic Enlightenment (i.e. the ministry of education and religious affairs)commissioned Tugendhold to establish tfuee govemment-controlled elementaryschools. Opening ceremonies for these schools took place on 29 August lg20.g

6 J. Tugendhold, obrona lzrąelitów pąez Rąbbi Małąsse ben lzrąel, c4ii oĘowkdztegoz dona uczonemu i dontojnemu Anglikowi ,1A kilka jego z(]pytań w4!ędem niektórychzarzutó\ł lzraelhom czynionych oraz Roplrawa, o cłnion m ludowi rtaro41konnemuzarzucie krwi chąeścijańskiej do jakiego obn4dku retigijnego, cq też do inneło jeszczeużytku przez.,., warsaw l83l, pp. Iv-v.

7 It should b€ noted here that at that time the renowned Jewish lyc elm,the withelmsschuk,was in existence in Breslau.

E For more on Jewish elementary schools and the role ofTugendhold in rheir establishmentsee s. Le\łin, 'Batei hasefer haElementariyim haRishonim leYeladim benei dat Moshebevarshah l8l8-1830', Cat-Ed I (1973):63-l0O; idem, perakim beToledot haHinuch

t7

Marcin Wodziński

At the same time a Board ofElementary Schools was established.Its firstpresidentwas Salomon M. Posner; his deputy was Abraham Stern, and Tugendholdbecame its secretary. Tugendhold's major thrust was to increase the budget ofthe elementary schools from the kosher tax, which led to a deepening conflictwith Warsaw's Community Board, both with its progressive and traditionalistrepresentatives. In l823 this conflict forced the ministeńal authorities to dismissTugendhold from the Board of Elementary Schools and to transfer him to theCommittee for the Censorship of Hebrew Books. However, this move did notend the conflicts surrounding Tugendhold. In 1826 his most hardened opponentsfrom the conservative camp put a curse on him, 'threatening him with death, fromwhich he is protected by the Municipal Council.'e It appears that about that timeTugendhold was also, for several years, a member of the council of the JewishCommunity Board of the Warsaw Distńcts.|0

As a young censor and a zealous civil servant Tugendhold found himselfin intense conflict both with the traditionalist camp and with the progressives.Letters of complaint against Tugendhold were sent by Warsaw's nasłilimto the leaders of Berlin's haskalah and to his father Several years later, in1831, Tugendhold wrote that he almost completely severed relations withthe religious comrnunity and that 'except for the fundamental religious laws,hardly any relations bind me to my coreligionists.' ll Subsequent campaignsagainst Tugendhold were undertaken by his opp,onents in 1837, 1841, and later12It appeals that the majońty of these campaigns were connected with his activitiesin the Citizen's Committee for the Distribution of the Classical Tax and withthe accusations about the burden of these payments. As Tugendhold himselfobserved, those 'persecution attempts' came predominantly 'from some wealthycoreligionists because I faithfully carried out my various duties to the letter.'13

haYehu.di bePolin baMe'ąh haTeshą-esreh uveReshit hąMe'ah htEsrim' Tel Aviv 1997'pp. 27 -37 -

9 Nimstein, Płoveróta, p. 3.lo Tugendhold' Divre i Yeshayahu, p.79., Peltyn' 'Ś .p. Jakób Tugendhold', p. l30.ll Tugendhold, oómna lzruelitów, p.Iv,12 see J. shatzky, 'Der kamf arum 8eplante tsaytshńftn far Yidn in Kon8res-Poyln

(1840-1860)'' YNo Bleter 6 (1934):óól also Der ońenl 45 (1844):35l-52 ('EinWarschauer').

13 Intelesting material relatęd to the complaints about Tugendhold has been collected in thefile of his papers now in possession of central Archiv€s for the History of the JewishPeople (CAHJP), PU82, nlb.

l8

Jałub Tugendhold and thc Firg

Althou8i with time Tugendbołuntil the end of his life his ousfutof opinion. In many contsov€':riers differcnt from those ofthar r'ariance wiń the majority wl

During the November inpartŁipated in ńe rcvolutionarto i'n ńe Nationat GuaIą wtofficer. In addition. he workedd was the exp€It on Jewish ldEuments of th€ tsar's polioof a monument honońng BertPatriotic Society. Beginning inand s€cretary in Warsaw's Jewiprevious experience, he was sai

After the defeat of ńe insurrtoew tsarist authońties with a drdurbg tfrc revolution. He denbr even having participated in dhe becarne a member of the inswill. Thar false statement was areinŚated as a censor'ls He cotrlCensorship of Hebrew Book fadE position of dircctor of te Wahis fonner revolutionary activitiin various denunciations againsappears to speak against rne [cm|ife, as well as to save my nłion fwhen he was makin8 efforts to Óa

14 ln the same yąr' l83l' hc łr*opinions of my coreIigioniŚs. r dcontempt'. Tugendhold. oblołą l

l 5 lł8ę excł.pts from th€ tĘorr ]

Polskiego w dobie powstanio tigtló 'Do Jaśnie Melmożnego G.tEl

cAHĘ PU82, nlb.


Although with timeTugendhold's relations with the comrnunity improved greatly,until the end ofhis life his outsider status allowed himto maintain an independenceof opinion. In many controversial matters he was able to hold often unpopularviews different from those ofthe majońty.14 one ofthe issues over which he wasat vańance with the majoriĘ was his opinion about hasidism'

Duńng the November insurrection of 1830-31 Tugendhold activelyparticipated in t-he revolutionary activities. He was one of only a very few Jewsto join the National Guard, where he received the rank of a noncommissionedofficer In addition, he worked as a translator for the insurrectionary authońtiesand was the expert on Jewish matters in the Identification Committee studyingdocuments of the tsar's police. He conducted a campaign for the erectionof a monument honoring Berek Joselewicz and played an active role in thePatriotic Society. Beginning in February l83l he served as an associate judgeand secretary in Warsaw's Jewish Community Board, where, in contrast to hisprevious experience, he was said to have been generally respected.

After the defeat of the insurrection in October l83l Tugendhold presented thenew tsarist authońties with a detailed, self_deprecating account of his activitiesduring the revolution. He denied having supported the insurrection in any wayor even having participated in the activities of the Patriotic Society, stating thathe became a member of the insurrection organization by chance and against hiswill. That false statement was accepted by the authorities, and Tugendhold wasreinstated as a censor.l5 He continued to be employed by the Committee for theCensorship of Hebrew Book for the rest of his life, even after 1853, when he tookthe position ofdirector ofthe Wanaw Rabbinical School. Accusations concerninghis former revolutionary activities would, however, surface again several timesin various denunciations against him. Tugendhold replied by saying that 'whatappea$ to speak against me [constitutes things] I had to do in order to protect mylife, as well as to save my nation from the severest persecution.' ló In the late l840s,when he was making efforts to obtain noble rank, he even claimed that he had saved

14 In the same year, 1831, he wrote: 'At least I am not dependent on the [good] will andopinions of my coreligionists. I do not ask nor curry their favors, nor am I afraid of theircontempt'. Tugendho|d, obruna lzruelitów, p' lv.

15 Larye excerpts from the report have been published by I. Schiper' Żydzi kólesrwaPolskiego w dobie powsrania listopadoweqo, Warsaw 1932, pp. 149-151.

1ó 'Do Jaśnie Melmożnego Generał Adjutanta' Dyrektora Główn. KRswDioP'' n. d',cAHĘ PU82' nlb.

t9

Marcin Wodziński

43 civil servants from the Chancellery of Senator Novosiltsev, the personal envoyof the tsar to Poland, and 8-9 other Russian citizens from the insurgents.

In the Censorship Committee Tugendhold initially performed the function ofa member secretary and junior censor Later he became a senior censor. Duńngthe entire time that he served on the committee he was also actively involved insocial and charitable work. For example, beginning in the early 1830s he wasan honorary member of the Citizen's Committee of the Warsaw Magistrate. In1840 he organized a poor-house for elderly and handicapped Jews and sat onits board from 1843. In 1847 he personally operated the interdenominationalCholera Hospital. He was also publicly recognized for his activities in fightingantisemitism.!7 He was twice decorated with high-ranking tsarist medals of meńtfor his government service and charitable work.

In the l8zl0s and 1850s relations between Tugendhold and the various factionsof Warsaw's Jewish community greatly improved, and he sat once again on theCommunity Board.l8 In 1853 he served as the Board's acting president, and in1855 he was formally chosen for the position. Often he represented the JewishCommunity on the occasion of the most important community celebrations andat various social functions.re He maintained relations with the most eminentrepresentatives of all Jewish political parties, both at home and abroad, includingthe most famous Russian masłil, Isaac Baer Levinsohn; the German historianIsaac Marcus Jost] the famous Bńtish philanthropist Moses Montefiore; the

author Solomon Cohen; and the Gerer rebbe, Isaac Meir Alter.2o He was

17 see D. IQndel: 'z papieńw Jakuba Tugendho|da', Kwanalnik poświęcony badałiuprzeszłości Żydów w Polsce l/3 (l9l3):l84-85; idem' 'o pamflecie Serafimowicza',Kwanalnik poświęcony badaniu pąes7łości Ży&5w w Potsce l/2 (l912): l06- l l.

18 CAHJP' PU82i Mahle1 Hasidism' p.2l0; J. Shatzky' Gesńr'łł te lun Yidn in Varshe,NeslYork 1947 -53, zil'I'l .

19 D. Kandel, 'Montefiore w Warszawie', Kwaltalżik poświęcony badałiu pnesz}ościŻydów w Polsce ul (l9l2)|94.

20 on lJvinsohn see B. vy'ęinryb' 'Toledot Rival', Tańiz 5 (l934):l99-2o7: l, zinbeĘ'A History of Jewish Literątlre, y. ll:. Hasidism and Enlightenment (1780-1820),NewYork 1976, pp.54' 59' . on Jost see B. weinryb: 'Aus Marcus Josts Bńefwechsel''Zeitschrifr frir die Geschichte der Juden in DeurschLt td 4 (1932),2O2-2(N. Sce also Jost'sletters to Tugendhold in CAHJP, PU82; draft of the Thgendhold's letter to Montefiore inthe same file. on cohen se€ J. L. Landau' srDrt kctures on Modcm Hebrcw Literarurefrom M.H- Luzzotto to S.D. Luzzątto,loharesblurl and London 1923, pp. 116, 125. OnIsaac Meir Alter see below.

20

J.lub Tutendhold aDd thc Fi.e

also often called by rbe Govato conduct inspections ofJ€*'iand an expen on Jevish scnoband charact€r of óe ,rasidin- ]

be panicipated in rhe activilof Jewish Censorship in tbebc mrintained clos€ rcladoos

'rhtrities of tbe Kingdom ofof its saial and cultural life. AYremcevica Henryk Rzewrslof Yarsaw, Minist€r of Fdu-hince Golisyą and nany oÓc

ln 1853' aft€f ńe deaó of Aof tbe director of the Wa]s|tdirEdor of th'r in$innłn_ tfsdid mł iĘrove conditłns: inctced3

fuĘ óc lasl r,ears of lisb H bc.n cond.inĘ 8

:l Tbfiry dtlcF->-D'łĘr*liĄłoidła6trtl lra- ła-=. sr h

= !a B&. ?c-r*ttaa7-Ętla.c.rŁŁŁ(*-ĘHtlel.'lrłirł-'{- G;* lĘr qr l*lrr t-'- Ea.!'lJlt!ł

3

--t*TE

ltll.ś_b--ll.gt--*l-i.fE--a-. c.s..-.ra-L.EĘb-Effir-E*-tlrt A.lĘ' b-tIfuĘi'.rLd#i,ąHi-Ę'tl-lB-Ir.


also often called by the Govemment Committee for Religious Denominationsto conduct inspections ofJewish schools as a consultant on educational projects

and an expert on Jewish scholarship and religion, as well as to assess the loyaltyand character of the hasidim. In 1852 he was called to St. Petersburg, wherehe participated in the activities of the Committee for the Reorganizationof Jewish Censorship in the Russian Empire.2l From as early as the 1820she maintained close relations with the most influential representatives of theauthorities of the Kingdom of Poland and with the most eminent personalitiesofits social and cultural life. Among them were stanisław staszic, Julian UrsynNiemcewicz, Henryk Rzewuski, Pńnce Adam czartorysk, Bishop Woroniczof warsaw, Minister of Education stanisław Grabowski, senator Novosiltsev,Pńnce Golitsyn, and many others.22

In 1853, after the death of Antoni Eisenbaum, who had performed the dutiesof the director of the Warsaw Rabbinical School, Tugendhold became the

director of that institution. His not very radical attempts to reform the schooldid not improve conditions; in l8ó3 the Warsaw Rabbinical School was finallyclosed.23

During the last years of his life, overwhelmed by bad health (about whichhe had been complaining as early as the 1830s) and poverty, Tugendhold

The history ofthe committe€ and Tugendhold's role in it have been descńbed in detail byD. A. Elyashevich' Pravitelstvenńąya politikĄ i yevreyskaya pechat v Rossiy 1 797 _ 1 91 7:Ocherb istorii tsenzury, St. Petersburg and Jerusalem 1999, pp. 248-55,627 -30.M. Bałaban, 'Polnische tjbersetzungen und Editionen der werke Moses Mendelssohn',Zeitschrift fir die Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland.l (1929):263-ó5. An intęrestingdedication by Henryk Rzewuski to Tugendhold has been found by H. Datner, 'Inteligencjażydowska: czynnik postępu czy rozkładu? Z dyskusji nad inteli8encją żydowskąw Kró|estwie Polskim', Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego 45-4614-Ż(1994-95\124.Information on the role Tugendold played in the Rabbinical School, even before1853' can be found in A. Sawicki, 'Szkoła Rabinów w Warszawie 1826-1863(na podstawie źródel archiwalnych)', Miesięcznik Żydowski 3 (1933):Ż44_74', z.Borzymińska' Szłolzicrwo żydowskie w Warszawie ]83 ]-t870'Warsaw 1994; S. l,ewin:'Bet-hasefer leRabanim b€-va$hah baShanim l826-l863', Gal-Ed |I (1989):35-58.For the most recent study on the matter, containing also some information on Tugendhold,see A. Polonsky' 'wa$zawska szkoła Rabinów: orędowniczka narodowej integracji wIGólestwi€ Polskm', in M. Galas' ed., Duchowość żrdowska w Polsce: MateriałJ zmiędzynorodowej konferencji deĄkowanej pałnięci Pmfesora Chone Shmeruka,Kraków2000' pp. 281 -3O7 .

2t

Ż1

Marcin wodziński

withdrew from public activity. The most conspicuous proof of his poverty wasthe pawning in 1868 of the gold medals with which he had been decorated bythe tsar. He died in Warsaw on 20 April 1871. He left his wife Salomea, sevenchildren, and several publications in Polish, Yiddish, and German.

Tugenhold's Views

Tugendhold's point of view and philosophy as reflected in his publicationsand activities have until now been the subject of radically differing opinions.For the most part judgments have been critical, in as much as Tugendhold'sopinions and his life itselfwere full of intemal contradictions and did not containmany praiseworthy activities. Undoubtedly he was a faithful advocate of thehaskalah tdeology, although of a very conservative interpretation. Furthermore,Tugendhold's conservatism became considerably deeper with time. He wasalso an advocate of the acculturation of the Jewish people, although, again,in moderation. Tugendhold has been called a traitor-careerist (a label hedeserved) and a man ready for the greatest sacrifices (also a true description),a champion of progress and a prison guard of thought, a moderate liberal anda reactionary in disguise. His political attitudes, especially toward authoriryevoked the most significant controversies. Clear evidence of his opportunismcould be found in the 'Russian ultrapatńotism'za that this former revolutionaryguardsman of the November insurrection manifested after 1831. However, suchan opinion, although seemingly obvious, turns out not to be entirely justified.For Tugendhold throughout his life held a strictly loyalist position, alńough ina very odd sense: he was loyal to any regime. His publications from the 1820spaid homage to 'the greatest of all Polish monarchs and Tsars of Russia'. Duringthe November insurrection, ever the loyalist, he eagerly subjected himself to thenew authońty, whereas after its fall he praised the next govemment and the tsar'sgovemor with equal zeal.

However we assess this conduct, Tugendhold was faithful to the traditionalprinciple ofJewish neutrality in the fieldofpolitics, which had been reformulatedby the Berlin haskalah, and he was indifferent to whichever authority he paidhomage. That attitude, reduced to absurdity in its extreme, caused Tugendhold to

24 Mahler, Hasidism, p. 2ll.

2Ż

,.tub Tugcodhold rDd Óc Fi]l

deny his prcviołls activity andti[tes- And altbough in ńc eTugendhold indeed did li€ byit a.lso seems Fobable rh.r o.a &ir€ to 'protect my natiriś int€rests. Tugendhold a.e'rcrłilns with tbe authoritiescuEligionists effectively. lr 4z nvlpm shmdlan, and survithg-rerrrt civil service and pldcfender of the Jewish poplead Polish society. As an exta8ailE accusations of ńtual meus:rtions, his wort in tyinlsith tbe aurhorities of rhe Kińmds for tbe Jewish commrmvgŁ Hoshen Mishpat' and fu.it, which will be discussed bct

Tbat the accusation ofopport(.hbongfr it is also not entirclnmained faithful to the Polishlo}Łlty was ueither politicallydvanageous since he would bme rsily if he had publisherboth laguages). It was not srft9

'ewish wTiter-publiciŚ ro

fu rm "^<ily- The fact is śgnbocusc he paved the way faKralsbar, and Hilary NussbaurTugendbold was conscious tb25 on óe blood libel see e_g' o{

N tytułern: 'Sło*łliL Hcbra-dobiaśniorty: pfzcz A. L chi@iand of colleciors for thc Jcrccensoring llosńcłr lłLłhp gWl2.lre Wyaaniovc (CWW\


deny his previous activity and submit false and self-deprecating reports seyeral

times. And although in the above-quoted statements to the tsar's authońties

Tugendhold indeed did lie by diminishing his contribution to the insurrection,

it also seems probable that one of the incentives for his political activity was

a desire to 'protect my nation from the severest persecution' and to protect

its interests. Tugendhold deemed it his duty to maintain proper, even close,

relations with the authorities in order to represent and protect his Jewish

coreligionists effectively. It appears as if Tugendhold considered himself to be

a modem shtadlan, and surviving sources and publications confirm that in his

long-term civil service and public activity he was an effective and consistent

defender of the Jewish people before the authorities of the Congress Kingdomand Polish society. As an example one can point to his rising to the defense

against accusations of ritual murder, his campaign against Chiarini's anti-Jewish

accusations, his work in trying to abolish the kosher meat tax, his intervention

with the authorities of the Kingdom of Poland in defense of Jews collectingfunds for the Jewish community of Jerusalem, his call for the revision of the

work Hoshen Mishpat, and the defense of hasidism in the investigation against

it, which will be discussed below.25

That the accusation ofopportunism against Tugendhold is not entirelyjustified(although it is also not entirely groundless) can be seen from the fact that he

remained faithful to the Polish language and culture throughout his life, and this

loyalty was neither politically advantageous nor an obvious choice. It was not

advantageous since he would have gained the favor ofthe tsar's governors much

more easily if he had published his works in Russian or even German (he knew

both languages). It was not such an obvious choice since Tugendhold was the

first Jewish wńter_publicist to write in Polish. Tugendhold's critics forget that

fact too easily. The fact is significant not only b€cause he was the first but also

because he paved the way for writers such as Abraham BuchneĘ AleksanderKraushar, and Hilary Nussbaum, who would succeed him. Even morc important,

Tugendhold was conscious that the texts he was publishing were basically the

25 on the blood libel see e'g' ()brona lzraelitliw' ABainst chiadni see Recenzya dziełapod tytułem: 'Słownik Hebrayski i pokrew. Ąalekomi arab- chald. i sryackim po krótceobiaś iony; pnez A. L chiarini ..,,warsaw l830. on ńe defense of koshel tax lesse€s

and of collectors for the Jerusalem community see in CAHJP PU82. On the case ofcensońng l'osń"rt Mishpat s@ Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych (AGAD)' centralnewładze wyznaniowe (cww)' 1435.

Marcin wodziński

only reliable source of information about Judaism and Jewish culture accessibleto a Polish reader and that those texts could be used at any time as a meansof accusing or defending the Jewish people in poland. Even in prayerbooks forJewish children or in 'catechisms' for Jewish state-controlled schools in Warsawwe find numerous remarks that point to the fact that Tugendhold was constantlyconcerned in preparing these texts with the polish and Christian reader. Thisawareness produced a strong and entirely proper self-censorship in the author,the traces of which can be encountered in all his writings. Thus Tugendholdpresented a polished picture ofJudaism and the Jewish world, and even when heacknowledged the existence of some intemal divisions and negative tendenciesin the heart of Judaism, he hastened to add that those tendencies were a sadproduct of history and that even in the darkest comers of the Jewish faith onecould find sparks of the divine wisdom given to Moses on Mt. Sinai. Thus itappears evident that Tugendhold's defense of Judaism was total; he defendedall its branches, including the hasidic movement.

Thus for Tugendhold a change of the attitude toward hasidism, which isthe subject of this paper, was nothing more than another form of apologia forJudaism in its multiform unity. When, for example, he admitted that ,in thecourse of those dark ages fanaticism prevailed among the Israelites, and lateĘdue to a rise in superstition, it grew even more intense,' he quickly added, .Andthis did not just happen without a reason, as that evil resulted from neglectof their education, thus leaving them to their own self_willed deeds.' He alsohastens to inform us that if the gracious govemment would only atEmpt toeducate these darkest, fanatic strata of the Jewish people, it would fulfil .the mosttender wish of that class of inhabitants of poland.' 26 That flagrant confabulationwas aimed at gaining the favor of the government, which was planning reformsfor the hasidic segment of the Jewish community.

His social and religious conservatism strengthened Tugenhold's sense ofsocial solidarity. In one of his works he wrote that God had created diversityso that man could better praise God's unity, and the beauty of unity is achievedthrough diversity. Continuing that train of thought, he observed that .diversity

of classes in human society has been the cornerstone of its existence and peacefor the longest time. For each class always had and continues to have its value,

26 J. Tugendhold, "fu robaał czyli mowa o Żydach, nnPisaną z powodu wys7łego be2imktnie

pisemka Pt. 'Sposób na Żydów',|Narsaw l8l8' p. l9.

Ż4

|eTĘ*U-dtLFrr

b ppre. d is &obde cmgvrirc positim fud gira to sairy Ę Goąircnal divusity, includbg J6Tugcndbold Egardcd ail Ętit'prrticing and believing nasblbe raised to tlr poper level o

e.ł.-'^.io' However, as long as

s, aitugdin and hasidin), thd bc qu6tioned.

Fołitical consewatism' wticrcfigin- lcd Tugendhold to tbeilftrrc were much grcatr dl_bown r€pon for dre aTęńold wrote, 'It is an ir

lrir of fact over the crnturiescor.cTf'Ęes botb for monanb fz grearer measure than exaa-v rcligion whatsoever.'a Ttirclrively late, had in facr bccin l8l8 and must b€ rcgard€dof, rcligious traditionalism, inczrying on a controversy widrłely being able to hear the*iń 'the religiously ronen rscakly swaying' (i.e. radicattb former could still accept dńe latter' 'rcjecting clrldrrs s

of religion, especially wben fir

27 J' Tugendhold' ss m'tśli płł'zo*ladon dobtrz.vrorya i sqitobywatela poczemego i btłitą

2t Fof foagrnertś of the rędr sc.zcnsut bci d.rt Jttd.n fu hł.!lud.ni.ńs n (1933|:294_ Tb q


its purpose, and its absolute destiny.'27 This was an unequivocal declarationof a conservative position that acknowledges social class structure as eternal

and given to society by God, while at the same time it is a legitimization ofinternal diversiry including Jewish diversity. Obviously this does not mean that

Tugendhold regarded all options as equal. All his writings confirm that he was apracticing and believlngmaskil and considered that Jewish traditionalists couldbe raised to the proper level of civilization through a gentle and unrestrained

education. However, as long as conservative and reactionary groups exist (such

as mitnagdim and hasidim), their validity from the perspective of religious lawcannot be questioned.

Political conservatism, which also implied a conservative approach towardreligion, led Tugendhold to the conviction that radical rationalism and religiousindifference were much greater threats to Judaism than dark fanaticism. In

a well-known report for the authońties in st. Petersburg, composed in 1852,

Tlgendhold wrote, 'It is an inefutable truth, which finds its confirmation inpoint of fact over the centuries, that any rationalism, no matter how slight, has

consequences both for monarchism and for society that are evil and harmfulin far greater measure than exaggerated zeal or superstitious belief linked withany religion whatsoever.'28 This assumption, although wntten in expresis verbisrelatively late, had in fact been present in Tugendhold's earliest publicationsin l8l8 and must be regarded as a comerstone of his approach to all shades

of religious traditionalism, including hasidism. Even when simultaneouslycarrying on a controversy with 'hardened fanatics, caught in a web of bias,

rarely being able to hear the voices of truth and reason' (i.e. hasidim) andwith 'the religiously rotten who thirst for novelty but whose position isweakly swaying' (i.e. radical assimilationists), his arguments assumed that

the former could still accept the enlightenment provided by education, whilethe lattet 'rejecting customs sanctified by time, slowly undermine the roots

of religion, especially when freethinking and their own perspectives are their

J. Tugendhold' Ęs myśli poważłych poświęcony pamięci osób ąasĘch, zaslużonychzakładom dobtoc7ynnym i spitalom bez różtlic, wlzn rnia, a między niemi I. S. Rozenaobylłatela poc7esnego i bąnkeru wafszlwskiego pneL-.,wafizw 1848, p' 5.

For fragments of the rcpo.t see B. Weinryb, 'Zur Geschichte des Buchdruckes und derZensur bei den Juden in Po|en'' Mońatsschrifr fir Geschichte und Wssenschafi des.ludentuns'l'l (1933\:294. The quotation follows Mahler, llardlsm, p. 2l l.

25

Marcin Wodziński

main foundation.'2e Tugendhold's slowly evolving but very clear rapprochementwith traditionalists in the later years of his public activity stemmed from hisassumption that socially they were relatively harmless and perhaps even usefulin the battle against revolutionary, radical rationalism or religious indifference.

All this drew Tugendhold closer to an understanding and appreciation of therole that hasidism played in the Jewish community of the Kingdom of poland.

Tugendhold's Attitude toward Hasidism - His Wńtings

Tugendhold's hrst remarks on hasidism, although indirect and marginal, appearedin the above-quoted brochure written inhis youth, Jerobaał czyli mowa o Żyd'ach(Jerobaał, or a Treańse on Jews), published in 1818 in connection with a publicdebate conceming the so-called Jewish problem. A flood of anicles, brochures,leaflets, and press articles appeared as a result of the approaching session of thefirst Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland. That Sejm, in accordance with previouslyannounced plans, was to discuss the social and legal status of the Jewish people.Jerobaął, written by the young Tugendhold, was a fiery ńposte to accusationsagainst the Jewish community made by an anonymous author of a brochure entitledSposób na żydów czyli Środ.ki niezawodne zrobienią z nich ludzi uczciwych idobrych obywateli (Dealing with Jews, or Sure Methods by which They Can beMade into Honest People and Good Citizens),3o which had been published sometime earlier. In an extensive discussion on the religious and social conditions ofPolish Jews, Tugendhold acknowledged that .rather stubbom idols of fanaticismstir and trouble the clear waters of this precious religion of mine, formulated by thesacred Patriarchs,' and that 'some of my polish coreligionists are wandering in thewilderness of superstition.' Immediately he added that .in the course of the dark

Jakub Tugendhold and the Firsr

ages, fanaticism prevailed arnola result of the rise of supemitiowhile the language and style oftexts of the contemponły haskawas therefore in no way diffarWarsaw's progressive Jews witera. One could hardly have exgsentence of his polemic, excrsoeducation, to be ońginal. A nraein the work of the young Tugeoenńre public activity, inclu.ling h

One of the libelous accusŻydów agunst traditional Jewsorganizations, held 'secrcr rnea

unknown to anyone'.ll Ttesefrom a brochure by Gen. Winceia fact acknowledged by the audóe estate of oPinogóra' a getKingdom of Poland, was the sciFolish aristocratic families. Dtltb darling of French Emperori'ł''pdiarely gained favor withb was one of ńe closest assorr minated to be the manhXrsfufuti's excellent contacB rts Ęb position in the Masonid tb Rcc Cmss and secretary

-1uw*c of his literary salon-

tąffi' IerofuaĄ pp. 6' 19-l!Ęr{has of Tugendhold girlTE m4 confirmed by his or@aŻ9n,p.ł.Y- Xrsnfoti,4pełpł sur les !li$Itl&S- Kbicvicą 'Ikaliński w_ln1970, rp. 195-98.

J. Tugendhold, słazówki prawdy i ąody wzg!ęden różnicy wyznań, ze starożytnych dziełhebrajskich, pou)ag7 Eligijnę majgcych' 7ebrane, tłumaczone i uwagami powiękzonepąez''.,wusaw l8,l4, pp. II_I[.sposób na żydóu) czyti Środki niezatłodne zrobienia z nich ludzi uczciv),)ch i dobmchobywateli: D2iełko dedykowane posłom i deputowanym na Sejm /s/i ł, twarsaw]l8l8. Estreicher and other Polish bibliograph€rs attribute the authorship of Sposóó łaŻydów to'Wincenty Ktasiński. However' analysis of the text contradicts ihis atiribution.For a broader treatment of the l8l8 debate se€ N. M. Gelber .she'elat haYehudimb€Polin beshenot l8l5_|83o', Zon l3_l4 ( 1948_ 1949): l0ó- l43; A. Eisenbach, 7łeEmancipation of the Jews in Polan4 1780-1870, ed. A, polonsky, Oxford 1991, pp.181-96.

tlp

3L

26


ages, fanaticism prevailed among the Israelites and later grew even more intense asa result ofthe rise of superstition.'3 | Undoubtedly both remarks refer to hasidism,while the language and style of the accusations refer directly to other antihasidictexts ofthe contemporary hasknlah. Tugendhold's stand on hasidism at that timewas therefore in no way different from the opinions that were expressed amongWarsaw's progressive Jews with whom he was close, and they were typical of hisera. One could hardly have expected a 24-year old writer32 who, in the very firstsentence of his polemic, excused himself for his young age and lack of a propereducation, to be ońginal. A more thorough analysis however, enables us to discernin the work of the young Tugendhold indications of the eventual direction of hisentire public activity, including his anitude, innovative in his day, toward hasidism.

one of the libelous accusations leveled by the author of Sposób naŻydów against traditional Jews was that they maintained secret, quasi_Masonicorganizations, held 'secret meetings,' and were controlled by secret .leaders,

unknown to anyone'.33 These accusations were an almost verbatim quotationfrom a brochure by Gen. wincenty Krasiński published in the same year (l8l8),a fact acknowledged by the author.3a Wincenty Knsiński (l782-l858), heir tothe estate of opinogóra' a general later to become a senator-wojewoda of theKingdom of Poland, was the scion of one of the wealthiest and most influentialPolish aristocratic families. During the period of the Duchy of Warsaw he wasthe darling of French Emperor Nap,oleon I, but after Napoleon's downfall heimmediately gained favor with the Russian Tsar Alexander I. From 1815-30he was one of the closest associates of Grand Duke Konstantin. In 1818, hewas nominated to be the marshal of the first Sejm of ńe Kingdom of Poland.Krasiński's excellent contacts within the government were due in addition tohis high posińon in the Masonic order (among his other titles were Bachelorof the Rose Cross and secretary of the Slavonic Unity lodge) as well as to theimportance of his literary salon.35

3t32

34

35

Tugerdhold, Jeroboal pp. 6, 19.

Biogralhies of Tugendhold give his year of birth variously as 1791, ljg4, and l'195-The second' conńrmed by his own personal statement, s€ems thę most p[obable.Sposób na Żydów, p. 4-w. Kfasiński, Ape'fll sut leł Juifs de Pologne par w oficier Gćnćral Polonąis,wa$aw1818.S. Kieniewicz' 'Icasiński wincenty,' Polski stownik Biołrąfc2ny 15' Wroclaw-Warsaw1970, pp. 195-98.

Ż7

Marcin wodziński

Krasiński expressed his interest in the issue of the settlement of the Jewishpeople in Poland not only in the aforementioned pamphlet but tfuough hisinvolvement in the government's efforts in this area, including the work ofthe famous Committee on the Jews. There is no doubt that Krasiński, informulating his anti-Jewish accusations, utilized information on hasidism thatcame either direcdy from the govemment archives or from civil servants whoat that time were working on the first phase of the 'case of the hasi.dim.'36The accusations of 'secret meetings' (that is, the creation of hasidic słribleŁń[small prayer houses]) and of visiting secret 'leaders' (that is, pilgrimagesto tsądikim) constifuted two of the fundamental charges by representativesof the govemment and provincial voivodship committees against the hasidicmovement. In 1818, stanisław Staszic wrote the following about the so-calledChinamen (Kitajowcy), which is how he referred to the hasidim: .The sect ofthe Chinamen is no different, as far as religion is concemed, from other Jews.They can participate in synagogue services together with the others. Thus, ifmeetings are held in private homes under the guise of religious services andare against police regulations, the Chinamen can make no religious claim asjustification for demanding permission to organize prayer meetings in pńvatehouses.'37

What was Tugendhold's answer to those antihasidic arguments? Silence.Tugendhold quoted an extensive exceĘt, including the aforementionedaccusations, from Sposób na Żydów' stating simply that they are untrue, afact that even the most hardened enemies of Judaism, converted Jews, wouldacknowledge. He declared that Jews have no 'secret authority or clubs that mightoppose the policies of the Govemment.' In his entire argument, meant to refutethe accusation, Tugendhold did not understand, or pretended not to understand,that the accusation was formulated against hasidism, and he regarded it as being

36 Informańon conceming Jewish religious laws and ńfuals that lfuasiński mentioned inAperyu sur les tuifs de Polo?ne prcve thathe must have been familiar wiń govemmentńles. See, for examp|e, his information on łerern,. IGasiński, Aperyu sur les Juifs dePologne, p.331cf. AGAD, CWW 1409, 1424 (files from the years l8l7- l8l8).

37 AGAD' cww 1869: Ats. sekty stalozakonnych kitajowcami zwanych. ogólne. 1818;fol. l2_l3. For more on the so-called case of the łaJtim se. M. wodziński, ,,,sprawa

chasydymów'': z mateńałów do dziejów chasydyzmu w Kńlestwie Polskim', in K.Matwijowski, ęd.' z ,' istoii ludllości łdowskiej i) Polsce i na ŚWku (Acta Universitatisr}ły'ratislaviensis No l 568), wroclaw 1994, pp. 221 -42,

Ż8

Jalub Tugendhold and rhe First l

tie same as earlier accusationsand thercforc disloyal ro tlr ntthat Tugendhold honesdy did trand the anonymous autha ofFrom his arrival in Warsaw ir\łith the most influential rePrewith the government, especiall;Denominations and Public Enlentire investigation. Moreover,early as l8l8 he was in coouaccusations against hasidism-rconsciously remained silent in.ła-od the accusations against dnhis conscious solidarity wirh fucncompassed all Jews. Prmf of r

lirtrar.v works by TugendhoĘJudaism and fiery polemics agai

Tugendhold's most interestinlof hasidism was contained in a I

b tb introduction to the Fokfare oJ the Israelites' wbicł.m óc mid_seventeenth cenfury (

Irrish use of the blood of Chł.r..ręive innoduction to th€ tra!rirel mmder charges that badtuv pblished his wort. Orebod. hn only some Jewish seo

-tariteą including the prieshd- 'mw state that tbe rcquirr

-Ą&ĄD- cww !87l: Ats. YcYfuiring ],olemics cont.;ńngL-*L. aributed to Karol SurorT> d.. of prepafing aDd FółiE Evofutio.l of l83l TĘrt

Even rDor€ rtitĘFta!. drnoś no fufffEtetio o


the same as earlier accusations about Jews being subject to a secret authorityand therefore disloyal to the national govemment. But it seems highly unlikelythat Tugendhold honestly did not realize that the accusations by Gen. Krasińskiand the anonymous author of Sposób na Żydów referred solely to hasidism.From his arrival in Warsaw in l8l7 he had maintained close relations bothwith the most influential representatives of the Jewish community as well aswith the government, especially with the Government Committee for ReligiousDenominations and Public Enlightenment, which was after all conducting theentire investigation. Moreover, from his subsequent reports it seems that asearly as l8l8 he was in contact with the govemment investigation into theaccusations against hasidism.38 It should rather be concluded that Tugendholdconsciously remain ed silentin Jerobaal about the foublesome issue of hasidismand the accusations against that movement. This silence was an expression ofhis conscious solidańty with the 'stubbom idols of fanaticism,' a solidarity thatencompassed all Jews. Proof of this interpretation can be found in all subsequentliterary works by Tugendhold, works that consist above all of apologetics forJudaism and fiery polemics against earlier and contemporary antisemitic wńters.

Tugendhold's most interesting and most extensive pronouncement in defenseof hasidism was contained in a few sentences that he devoted to that movementin the introduction to the Polish translation of Menasseh Ben Israel,s InDefence of the Israelites, which was published in 1831.3e This treatise, writtenin the mid-seventeenth century ( l65ó), was devoted to refuting accusations aboutJewish use of the blood of christian children in religious ńtes. Tugenhold'sextensive introduction to the translation focused on presenting arguments againstritual murder charges that had been brought after Manasseh Ben Israel hadalready published his work. One such charge held that not all Jews used Christianblood, but only some Jewish sects. Tugendhold noted that modern, .enlightened'

antisemites, including the priest Professor Luigi Chiarini, whom Tugendholdhated, 'now state that the requirement to use blood in malsol by traditional Jews

38 AGAD, CWW 1871: Ars. Yevreiskoi sekty nazyvayemoi Chasidim; fol. 13l_164.Fascinating polemics containin8 these accusations can also b€ found in an anonymousbooklet attńbuted to Karol surowiecki' G/os /!d, izruelskie|o,waĄawt 18l8, pp. 24-28.

39 The date of prepańng and publishing the book is quite significant. At the time of thePolish revolution of 183l Tugendhold found his most imponant task in wńting Jewishąpologetics. Even more striking is the fact that despite numerous references to thepresent, almost no information on cuarent events or the revolution appeared in the book.

29

Marcin wodziński

is a secret known to a small number of certain sects.' Tugendhold refuted thisaccusation by asserting that contemporary Judaism had no sects. Developingthis thesis further, Tugendhold mentioned several Jewish sects of the past

- Pharisees, Saducees, Essenes, Sabbatians, Karaites, and Frankists. He thenadded that all of these sects had long ago ceased to exist and that most of theFrankists had converted to Christianity:

The hasidim who exist today cannot be regarded as a sect if one considersthe true meaning of that term in relation to the essence of religion. Forthese hąsitlim do not deviate in any way from the essential laws andregulations of the Old Testament, the Talmud, or other subsequent worksthat are esteemed by the nation of Israel for their religious value. Indeedit is the duty of every hasid to obey all such laws and regulations muchmore scrupulously than the law requires.o

Tugendhold then recalled that the name ńasjd is derived from the Hebrewword for 'pious person,'adding that ,hąsidim is the plural form.' He alsomentioned that it would be absurd to assume that hasidim, whose aim is tobecome especially devout and ,zealously to fulfill all religious regulations,,would use blood for any rites, since they observe more thoroughly than othersand obey the religious laws forbidding Jews to 'murder, to use even the smallestparticle of blood, or to use any substance that may cause fermentation duringtheir festival of Passover'

This defense of hasidism had two dimensions. One was external, namelydefense against the accusation of using Christian blood. Such defense was areal need, for in ńe Russian Empire in the first decades of the nineteenthcentury there did indeed appear statements to the effect that a cenain Jewishsect used Christian blood in its rites. In lg2g, for example, three years beforethe publication of the polish translation of Menasseh Ben Israel,s book, TsarNicolas I actually ordered a search of hasidic homes for books that commandedthe followers of hasidism to commit ritual murders.ar The second, much more

40 Tugendhold' Obfoną lzraelitów, pp. XX I-XXM see also the authońzed Germantranslation: Der abe Wahn vom Blutgebrauch dcr Israeliten am Osterfeste,tserlin lg56,p. 14.

4l v.Hitereł 'Tsensory i tsensura yevreiskikh religyoznykh knig v Rosii', yerusatimskiybibliofil: Almąnach l (1999):l0. on 18 Malch ń:s, ń u

"o.-."nt".y to the veralct in

the famous blood libel trial of velizh' Tsar Nicholas I acknowledgj ńu, p.opl" *ho

30

Jakub Tugendhold and rhe First

interesting dimension, lies in 'lcharacteństics of a sect. that lother groups within Judaism :

religious options of the mimalto overestimate the significancremember that Tugendhold forpreYious statements by progrexclude the hasidic doctrine I

hasidim as equal coreligionircommandments. He even pnirtheir special piety and their de

The opinion that he prcs€Isrąelites would often be repe\ł_ritings as well as in vadous oof Judaism; he considered anłs alsuments 'within the fami]shen, from the 1840s, he be'religious rationalism' or indiflto the intemal unity of JudaisEom that perspective, hasidistńe anitudes of a moderate rzal

Tugendhold adhered strictlyprblished Skązówki prawdy iwork of a religious nature, in I

wonhippers) did not apply rotolerance and even respect for l

this occasion Tugendhold rcpxnaming them as such) for ńeirAt the same time, though, hof deep mystical knowledge

had already spent nine years in Iexamples of similaf mud€fs_.-fanatics or sectarians who consiHisrory ofthe Jeh,s in Russia @tvol. 2: From the Death of ALtPhiladelphia 1918, p. 83.


interesting dimension, lies in Tugendhold's claim that hasidism did not have the

characteristics of a sect, that with respect to doctrine it was no different from

other groups within Judaism and that it was equally legitimate with the other

religious options of the mitnagdim and maskilim. In my opinion, it is difficultto overestimate the significance of this truly revolutionary statement. We must

remember that Tugendhold formulated this view in 1831. In contrast to all other

previous statements by progressive Jewish writers, Tlgendhold did not try toexclude the hasidic doctrine from the bosom of true Judaism; he recognized

hasidim as equal coreligionists in Judaism, who obey the same religious

commandments. He even pointed out their merits in some respects, including

their special piety and their desire to fulfil religious regulations scrupulously.

The opinion that he presented in his introduction to In Defence of the

Israelites would often be repeated by Tugendhold in subsequent years. In his

writings as well as in vańous other activities, Tugendhold emphasized the unity

of Judaism; he considered any potential cńticisms of the hasidic movemenl

as arguments 'within the family.' This approach became especially significant

when, from the 1840s, he began to direct the edge of his criticism against

'religious rationalism' or indifference, which he perceived as a far graver threat

to the intemal unity of Judaism than the existence of the hasidic movement.

From that perspective, hasidism, although somewhat fanatic and even alien to

the attitudes of a moderate mąskil' was by no means dangerous.

Tugendhold adhered strictly to this attitude in his later wńtings. In 18ll4 he

published Skazówki prawdy i wirrry (Guidelines of Truth and Faith) a small

work of a religious nature, in which he tried to prove that the term akłm (idol

worshippers) did not apply to Christians, that the spińt of Judaism is full oftolerance and even respect for the believers of other monotheistic religions. On

this occasion Tugendhold repeatedly criticized the hąsidim (without however

naming them as such) for their 'mean conceit,' their 'ignorance and fanaticism.'

At the same time, though, he regarded the kabbalistic tradition to be fullof deep mystical knowledge 'that used to breathe with a certain kind of

bad already spent nine years in pńson were innocent. Nevertheless he wlote, 'Numerousexamples of similar murders... go to show that among the Jews there probably existfanatics or sectarians who consider chństian blood nęcessąry for their ńtes.' s. DubnowHistory of the Jews in Russia and Poland from the EartiestTimes Until the Present Day,vol.2. From rhe Dearh of Alexander I until the Death of Alemnder III (1825-1894),Philadelphia 1918, p. 83.

3l

Marcin wodziński

saintliness' and had preserved for ages the precious religious traditions inJudaism. Hasidism, he claimed, was the rightful heir to this tradition. Thisconclusion is important in as much as it proved once again that Tugendholdregarded hasidism as a legitimate Jewish religious expression. This statementwas not weakened even by the critical remark that .nowadays many followers ofthat teaching, particularly among the hasidim. have distanced themselves fromthe proper aim of that teaching, and create in its name the most shallow andstrange explanations.'42 More significant than those words of mild reprimandwas the fact that in the section devoted to Jewish sects Tugendhold describedonly Sabbatianism and Frankism, omitting hasidism completely. In this way hediverged from the practices of previous authors of the lrasłcloń. What is more,when mentioning in a footnote 'the so_called sect ł asid.im,' he c|early distancedhimself from acknowledging that movement as a sect.

Tugendhold's Activities Conceming Hasidism

The attifude of internal Jewish solidarity became the most characteństic featureof Tugendhold's philosophy of life and encompassed all spheres of his publicactivity. During the ensuing years Tugendhold wrote and worked for therehabilitation of the hasidic movement in the eyes both of the government andof Polish public opinion.

Unfortunately, reports about Tugendhold's activities are very fragmentary.In 1858 Ozjasz Ludwik Lubliner, who was ill-disposed toward Tugendhold,mentioned the close relations between the Warsaw censor and theloca| hąsidim.Lubliner's testimony is not very credible, howeveą since both Tugendholdand the hąsidim were, in his eyes, the embodiment of evil (he called hasidimthe 'Jewish Jesuits'). Reviewing the report made by Tugendhold for TsarAlexander II in 1857, Lubliner stated that Tugendhold's animosity to religiousreforms resulted from his 'allowing himself to be led by the hasid.im.'a3 lt42 Tugendhold' sł'zdwłi, pp. X, XV | l0l.43 o.L. Lubliner o, rołw Żydów zamieszkaĘch w krajach polskich od nieslusznych ząrzutów

i fahzywych oJłaż"i, Brussels 1858, p. l0: ,The same Tugendhold, who, wanting toportay himself as an ardent patriot during the revolution published in the Warsaw papersthe meditations of a Jew standing guard, returned later to his post as a censor and allowedhimself to be guided by rhe very same hasidim against whom he protested so eagerlyin 1831. ln accordance with their persuasion, he recently p."r"nt"d to the tsar (who

32

Jakub Tugendhold and the First !

is known that Tugendhold's i

ideological basis than that sug

does not change the fact ńaq alrepresentatives of the hasidic oThese gradually closer relłionsas l 84l , together with the rsadrłand Isaac from Warka, Tugexto begin farm work.a5 The afqTugendhold and representati ves

contacts with the leader of Warsirebbe. At that time, the rebbe

Warsaw's Jewish community,progressives.a6 When in l8ól --'l

reform the Jewish community ir

constantly informed Rabbi Isaar

be able to countelact plans thź

wanted to initiate a reform in fa'any reform, that they are very 14II had had any chance to read o

he would probably have favorcdreport instead of the order of SL .

Emphasis in source.44 H. Nussbaum, Szkice historyc:,

pobylu ich w tem mieście do cltvł45 About the declaration' si8n€d by

the distinguished members of (

Rosęn, and tsadik Isaac Meir Althe Deputy Board of the Comml!'shtadlanut veońodoksiya: TsadTsądikim vąAnshe mą'ase: MchlShmeruk, Jerusalem 1994, p. 7!N. M. Gelber, HaYehudim ectplmiYme hąMered haPolani bóllatand, I .H. z,agorcdski, Di famili. 1

46 See, for example, D. Neufel4 'l'Bibliografia'' Jutąenka 3ll (lEperiod before the 1863 up.ising s

Kwartalnik pośv]ięcon, lrobli1Shatzky, C e s hikhte, 31356-6L


is known that Tugendhold's antirationalistic attitudes had a much deeper

ideological basis than that suggested by the vicious Lubliner; however, this

does not change the fact that, at that time, Tugendhold's bonds with influential

representatives of the hasidic community in Warsaw were growing stronger.Ł

These gradually closer relations can be accounted for by the fact that, as early

aS l841, togethel withthe tsadikim Isaac Meir Alter from Ger (Góra Kalwaria)

and Isaac from Warka, Tugendhold signed an appeal for the Jewish people

to begin farm work.as The aforementioned improvement of relations between

Tugendhold and representatives of Warsaw's Jewish community included close

contacts with the leader of warsaw's łasidim, Rabbi Isaac Meir Alter, the Gerer

rebbe. At that time, the rebbe was a very active personality in the life ofWarsaw's Jewish community, popular and respected even by the so-called

progressives.46 When in 186l-62 the government took various initiatives to

reform the Jewish community in Poland, Tugendhold, their regular consultant,

constantly informed Rabbi Isaac about these intentions, so that the latter would

be able to counteract plans that might have proved harmful for the hasidic

wanted to initiate a reform in favol of thę Jews) a report statin9 lhat Jews do not vłant

any reform' thą, they are l)ery haPpy in the present political sirldri'n. If TsaI AlexanderII had had any chance to read one of the German newspape.s ridiculing Tugendhold,

he would probab|y have favored him with dismissal, honorary of course, for biŚ falŚe

report instead ofthe order of St. Andrew, for which our dear censor longed for so long.'

Emphasis in source.H. Nussbaum, szkice historyczne z życia Żydów w ||arszawie od pierwsłch śladów

pobytu ich w tem mieście do chwili obeLnej' Warsaw l881' p. 73.

About the declaration, signed by Rabbis Dawidsohn, Muszkat, and lsaac of Warka, by'the distinguished members of our community Salomon M. Posner, Jakub Epstein, I.

Rosen, and tsadik Isaac Meir Alter of Góra Kalwańa' as well as by all the members ofthe Deputy Board ofthe Community (including Tugendhold)" see D. Assafand I. Bartal'

'shtadlanut veońodoksiya: Tsadikei Polin beMifgash im haze manim haHadashim', in

Tsadikin vaAnshe ma'ase: Mehkarim beHasidut Polin, ed. R. Elior, I. Bartal, and Ch.

Shmeruk, Jerusalem 1994' p.19' A full transcńpt of the declaration can be found in

N. M. Gelber' Hayeł udim vehaMered haPolani: zichfunotav shel Ya'akov Hąlevi levinmiYme haMercd haPolani biShenat I830_I8Jr, Jerusalęm 1953, pp. 38-39; E. N. Fręnk

and J.H. zagorodski, Di fąmilie Davidsohn,wańaw 1924' pp' xu-xx.See, for example, D. Neufeld, 'Wiadomości bież4ce', Jutnenka 3ll5 (l863):l52; idem'

'Bibliograna', Jutrzenką 3ll (1863):7. For more on the role of the Gerer rebbe in the

peńod before the l8ó3 uprising see D. Kandel, 'Kariera rabiniczna cadyka Icie Majera''

Kwąrtalnik poświęcony badaniu Przeszłości Żydów w Polsce ll2 (1912\|13l_136;

Shatzky, G e s hi kht e, 3 :3 56 - 62.

-t-t

Marcin Wodziński

movement.4? Howevet this situation took place in the 1860s, when other activistsin the moderate 'progressive' movement were using Tugendhold as an exampleand trying to improve relations with the hasidic movement.

The only more complete testimony about Tugendhold's activities with regardto the hąSidim comes from his 1824 appeal related to the govemment'sinvestigation into the legality of the 'sect of Chinamen or hąsidim' andtheir religious practices, which was a continuation of the already-mentionedinvestigation begun in 1818.48 As had been the case in 1818, the problembegan with a denunciation, this time in a letter written by Colonel Dulfus,the Chief of the Gendarmeńe in Parczeq who complained about what inhis opinion was the illegal gatheńng of hasidim in private houses for prayer.

Dulfus sent his denunciation to the viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland, DukeJózef Zającztk, who, on 29 september 1823, asked the Government committeefor Religious Denominations and Public Enlightenment (i.e. the Ministry ofEducation) to investigate the matter thoroughly. The Government Committee, inturn, submitted a request to the Voivodship Commission, to the Jewish ReligiousBoard in Warsaq and to the Committee for the Censorship of Hebrew Books fordetailed information about this sect, which was unknown to it. The report of theCensorship Committee arrived on 29 January 1824, and, in addition to a reminderof an analogous investigation in 1818, it included a dissertation by AbrahamStem, a hardened enemy of hasidism, who noted that hasidism was 'a voluntaryassociation under the guise of alleged piety, which leads to idleness, deception,fraud, leading astray the naive; that it leads to contempt for all morality and aims todestroy all praiseworthy intentions of the govemment in relation to the educationof youth.'ae The report was signed by Abraham Stem and A. Chmielewski, butTugendhold's signature was missing. Soon another dissertation by Stern, equallycritical ofhasidism, arrived at the Government Committee for Intemal Affairs andPolice (i.e. the Ministry of Intemal Affairs). After obtaining additional reports,

41 Shatzky, ceshikhte, 3:359.48 AGAD' cww l87l. The investigation is comprchęnsively descńbęd in Wodziński,

'Sprawa chasydymów'; see also Mahler, Hasidut, pp' 4'I5-5o2,, l. Schipet, Przyczynkido d7iejłiw chasydyzmu w Polsce' ed' Z. Targielski' wa$aw 1992, pp. Io2-lo3; F.Gtesnet, Polnische Juden im 19, Jahrhundert: kbensbedin7ungen, Rechtsnotmen undOrganisation im Wandel, Kó|n-weimar-vienna l998' pp. 2ó5_269.

4e AGAD. CWW l87li tol.4t,42,41.

34

-lelub Tugendhold and rhe Firsr Mt

Vieroy Zajączek decided on l 5 lin private homes.

The affair did not end wińGovemment Committee for Relilin his role as censor to explain rhdo not know which). As can bepublication in question was a praythe passages prompted the Goverreligious intolerance. The Govenask Tugendhold whether thar bqJuly 1824, Tugendhold submiuollrc' hasidim' In clańfying the afifollowing answer:

The above prayers arE not I

devout lklassę tak zwaną i

Talmudists wbo are usualllprayers are said by the lztraditional Jews. The r€asomorally prepared for such :

Being.The present circumstanceconviction about the insokby those exceedingly devto hasidism. A large numlanention of the High Gov(by a praisewońhy unity anthemselyes to be subdued I

favor of the High GovemmI dare to think that if rhe llreform of Jews, it should bewould surely prove mfie s0

In the next part of the rcpo(rwhich the report of the Comminetby Stem, was made, as well as h!


Viceroy Zajączek decided on l5 March 1824 to prohibit hasidic prayer meetings

in pńvate homes.

The affair did not end with this decision, however. In July 1824 the

Govemment Committee for Religious Denominations summoned Tugendholdin his role as censor to explain the 'scandalous passages' in a Jewish book (we

do not know which). As can be deduced from Tugendhold's explanation, the

publication in question was a prayerbook ofthe Ashkenazic ńte, in which one ofthe passages prompted the Government Committee to inquire whether it spread

religious intolerance. The Government Committee also took the opportunity to

ask Tugendhold whether that book was also used by hasidim. In reply, on 13

July 1824, Tugendhold submitted an extensive report in which he defended

the hąsidim. In clarifying the aforementioned book, Tugenhold presented the

following answer:

The above prayers are not used by lhe hasdim but by the so-called verydevout [klassę tak zwaną bardzo nabożng), who are primarily zealous

Talmudists who are usually opposed to the hąsidim. Even regular dailyprayers are said by the hasidim at a much later time than by other

traditional Jews. The reason for this is that one must be physically and

morally prepared for such a solemn activity as worshipping the HighestBeing.The present circumstance forces me to present my own opinion, myconviction about the insolent intolerance displayed almost exclusivelyby those exceedingly devout, zealous Talmudists who are opposed

to hasidism. A large number of hasidim in Poland should attract the

attention of the High Government, for hąsidim, who are distinguishedby a praisewonhy unity and mutual brotherly bonds, who do not allowthemselves to be subdued by the zealous Talmudists, deserve the noblefavor of the High Oovernment in regard to their beneficial enlightenment.I dare to think that if the High Govemment should undertake a general

reform of Jews, it should begin with the class of zealous Talmudists, whowould surely prove more stubborn than the others.

In the next part of the report Tugendhold explained the circumstances inwhich the report of the Committee for the Censorship of Hebrew Books, signed

by Stem, was made, as well as his own attitude toward that report:

35

Marcin Wodziński

I wanted to present these short remarks abont the hąsidim, together withvarious other additions, to the Government High Committee six monthsago in reply to their question onthe hasid.im. However, since only a fewmembers of the Committee, particularly one [Abraham Stem], contrary toany formality and order, decided to present their own arbitrary opinions,which were not tbe product of any meeting, and until this very time havenot forwarded them to the files of the committee but have submitted themwithout the knowledge of several other members of the Govemment HighCommittee, I was unable to act upon this matter.so

The significance ofTugendhold's words lay not only in the fact that it was oneof the factors that led to the resumption of the investigation into the ,matter ofthe hąsidim' and eventually to a beneficial settlement granting them freedom ofreligion in their private homes. It seems more crucial that this was the first appealof a hąskalah representative in defense of the hasidic movement, an appealthat was innovative and brave.sl Retrospectively it was very important in thetransformation of attitudes on the part of the Polish progressive Jews toward thehasidic movement. Here Tugendhold contrasted the pious, noble hasidim, whowere obedient to the government, with the intolerant, insolent, and anogant'zealous Talmudists' ot mitnagdim. This was a most unusual reversal of theaccusations usually leveled against the advocates ofhasidism by their opponentsamong the mimagdim. What is more, according to Tugendhold, the real threatto the reform of Jews in Poland was n ot the hąsi.dim but the mimagdim, and thegovernment should thus protect the hasidic movement and direct its efforts atreform toward the intolerant 'zealous falmudists.'

Tugendhold's reply may have been an emotional reaction to Stem'sunfortunate arbitrary pronouncement, which, on behalf of the entire Committeefor the Censorship of Hebrew Books (and thus also on behalf of Tugendhold),expressed a very negative opinion toward hasidism and called for a ruthlessbattle against it. Tugendhold not only contradicted Stern's accusations but alsodirected govemment suspicions away from the hąsidim toward the mitnagdim,

50 The original writing of Tugendhold has been lost; excerpts of the repoń are found inAGAD, CWW l87ll' tol. 162-I&.

5l About the c.iticism and even persecution that Tugendhold encountered in rcturn for hishaving nice things to say about these 'ignorant, fanatical Jews,' see Shatzky, ,Der kamf,'p. 66.

36

.Erb Tugendhold and the Fi.st M

rto were favored by Stern. Tlcivil servants working for the (ttat by drawing the governrnen

m ima g dim, Tugendhold's intent

government's attention from an

by raising the case of the mirnal

However, more important thatr I

mitnagdim that he supported rhasidic movement was equivocal

views in his wńtings. He defend

although not a flawless religiots

Tugendhold, Baiter of the Hasid

There is, howeveą one documhis profile as a defender of ththat allegedly occurred in l&in 1858 by Ozjasz Ludwik Ldinsurgent of the l830_31 revoł!klewel in Brussels.s2In this pam

when Lelewel became miniser c

one of his first decisions was Eof Hebrew books. In LubliElthe Censorship of Hebrew Boroccupation. Tugendhold was thdemocratic insurrecńonist Parqltwo activists maintained rafher <

cńtical of Tugendholą tJbłiran unemployed Tugendbold viśdissolution of the office of ccaso

52 For more on LubIiD€r st. L Laeńgr acji'' B iule tyn ŻfułłżgC

53 on Tilgęndhold's membąsbb - !Towar4)strvo Patiot cot IElr-Królestwa Polskiego' pp. lŻrq-l'


who were favored by Stern. This then was a personal conflict between two

civil servants working for the Censorship Committee. Thus it seems obvious

that by drawing the govemment's attention to the alleged intolerance of the

mitnagdim,Tugendhold's intent was only a tactical move aimed at diverting the

government's attention from any possible plans about reforming the hasidim

by raising the case of the mitnagdim. That move proved completely effective.However, more important than the personal animosities toward Stern and the

mitnagdim that he supported was the fact that Tugendhold's defense of the

hasidic movement was equivocal and conformed with his previously mentioned

views in his writings. He defended hasidism as a ńghtful, noble, and valuable,

although not a flawless religious movement within Judaism.

Tugendhold, Baiter of the Hasidim?

There is, however, one document concerning Tugendhold that does not fithis profile as a defender of the hasidic movement. It relates to an episode

that allegedly occurred in 1831 and was noted in a brochure published

in 1858 by Ozjasz Ludwik Lubliner 'a Pole of the Mosaic persuasion,' an

insurgent of the l830_31 revolt, later an emigró and close associate of Joachimklewel in Brussels.52In this pamphlet Lubliner mentioned that during the revolt,when Lelewel became minister of education in the insunectionary government,

one of his first decisions was to abolish censorship, including the censorshipof Hebrew books. In Lubliner's opinion, the abolitiÓn of the committee forthe Censorship of Hebrew Books deprived Tugendhold of a very lucrative

occupation. Tugendhold was then a member of the Patriotic Society, a radicallydemocratic insurrectionist party presided over by klewel.53 It appears that the

two activists maintained rather close contact at that time. In a spińt extremelycńtical of Tugendhold, Lubliner reported that after the abolition of censorship

an unemployed Tugendhold visited Lelewel and tried to convince him that the

dissolution of the office of censor of Hebrew books was a mistake, as it 'would

For more on Lublinef see L. Lćwinzon, 'ozjasz Ludwik Lublin€I i jego działalność na

ęfiigracji', Biulety\ Żrdowskiego Inst tutu Historycale4o 8123 (1957')|3-33'

on Tugendhold's membership in Wanaw Patriotic society, se€ E. oppmul, wąrszawskieTbwarrystwo Patńotyczne 1830-]831, warsaw 1937' p. 1o8. see also Schiper. ŻydziKńlest\ła Polskiego, pp. l49- l5l.

37

Marcin Wodziński

open th€ way for the hasidim and the Talmudists to spread their fanatical ideasagainst the gorim.' klewel, an ardent advocate of freedom of speech, was saidto have replied, 'You also have freedom of the press in order to defeat the falsetdeas of the hasidim.'sa

Is this story true? The fact that Ludwik Lubliner was one of Lelewel'sclosest associates in Brussels makes the report believable.ss The detailsthat it contains, howeveą force us to examine it critically. First of all we knowthat Tugendhold was not obsessed by the mania of possessing things; heconducted extensive charity work and many times was capable of self-sacrifice,especially for the Warsaw Charity Society and the Shelter for the MosaicPoor and Oryhans in Warsaw.56 That Tugendhold did not accept the annualsalary of 1,000 rubles to which he was entitled as secretary of the Board ofElementary Schools and instead donated this money for a translation of theMendelssohn Bible into Polish proves that these types of base impulses werealien to him.s7 Furthermore, it is known that Tugendhold was not particularlyaftached to the position of censor of Hebrew Books; he accepted that positiononly because pressure from the kahal forced the Govemment Committee forReligious Denominations and Public Enlightenment to dismiss him from the postof secretary ofthe Board of Elementary Schools.58

None of the aforementioned facs allows us to dismiss the truthfulness ofLubliner's report, of course. This episode remains the most enigmatic elementin the accounts of Tugendhold's relationship with the hasidic movement.Nevertheless, whatever the facts, the report on the meeting with Lelewel did notquestion the significance of Tugendhold's writings of support for the hąsidim

54 Lnbline4 obloną Żyd5w' p. l0.55 For coEespondence bętween Lubliner and Irlewel from the period before Lubliner's

senlement in Brussels and remafks on their political collaboration' see M. Bałaban,'Korespondencja Lublinera z Lelewelem,' M,'"Jięcuik Żydowsk 3 (lg33)|289_32l.

56 J. Tugendhold' s/owo w $ułoirn czasie, czyli rzecz na uczczenie dnią w kórym założonyzosrał ięgielny kąmień nov,ej budowli, rou)Ęesląeniajqcej Dom Pratulku sierot iUboqich wuania Mojżes\ovego w Wars7qwi?, warsaw l847. Data on morc significantdonations by Tugendhold have been published in Nimstein, proverria, pp. 3_4. See also'obraz statystyczny Głównego Domu schronienia tJbogich i sierot stalozakonnych wwuszawię' , Jutfzenkl a43 .l862):358iBer'-Izak' .List otwańy Il. Do obywate|a JakóbaIówenbł,rga', J utrzewka 31 4l (1863):48 _4l2.

57 Nussbaum' szłr'ce historyczne, p. l4l 's8 lbid., p. 143.

38

Jakub Tugendhold and the First I

and the importance of the ac{i'

l850s and 18ó0s.

Conclusion

Jakub Tugendhold's attitude toiJews. Hitherto hasidism had hthe archenemy and the incarnari

of the rightful segments of Jr.rda

was not a sect and that it did

particular importance when cowriters of the haskalah and

hasidism from the bosom of mxmaskil, rep,atedly pointed out

its sense of solidarity, concanfu lfi lling religious regulańons.

and hasidim before the goverr

afterwards he published commthe hasidic movement from acamp.

To maintain a proper persp(

was not an apologist for the tunfavorable and cńtical opinil

accused its adherents of fatrati(

of Tugendhold's defense of bhe expressed, because in tlnsfrom non-Hasidic traditionaliŚopińon. For example' in the am

for the so-called case of the ivery often favorable remarts

as questions about the legitim

the late 1820s a Galician natthan Tugendhold, went so fhis contemporary maskilin p

never a]lowed his opińons ro


and the importance of the activities he undertook in their defense during the

1850s and 1860s.

Conclusion

Jakub Tugendhold's attitude toward hasidism was innovative among progressive

Jews. Hitherto hasidism had been presented h the haskąlah commentaries as

the archenemy and the incamation ofevil, whereas Ttrgendhold treated it as one

of the rightful segments of Judaism. Tugendhold also emphasized that hasidism

was not a sect and that it did not deserve total condemnation. This view has

particular importance when compared to opinions expressed by contemporary

wliters of lhę haskalah and the pro-Polish assimilationists, who excluded

hasidism from the bosom oftrue Judaism. Furthermore, Tugendhold, the atypical

maskil, repatedly pointed out the positive aspects of the hasidic movement,

its sense of solidarity, concem for religious education, and scrupulousness in

fulfilling religious regulations. In 1824 Tugendhold openly defended hasidism

and hasidim before the government of the Kingdom of Poland. In 1831 and

afterwards he published comments (albeit marginal ones) in which he defended

the hasidic movement from accusations common within his own ideological

camp.

To maintain a proper perspective it must not be forgotten that Tugendhold

was not an apologist for the hasidic movement, that he repeatedly expressed

unfavorable and critical opinions about that movement, and that he always

accused its adherents of fanaticism and ignorance. Furthermore, the ońginalityof Tugendhold's defense of hasidism did not lie necessarily in the ideas that

he expressed, because in those days we find very similar statements coming

from non-Hasidic traditionalists and even in some expressions of Polish public

opinion. For example, in the archives containing opinions on hasidism gathered

for the so-called case of the hasidim that took place in 1818-24 there appear

very often favorable remarks about hasidic piety or 'brotherhood' as well

as questions about the legitimacy of regarding them as a sect. Moreover, in

the late 1820s a Galician maskil, Jacob Samuel Byk, who was a little older

than Tugendhold, went so far in the direction of pro-Hasidic revisionism that

his contemporary maskilim plainly accused him of 'apostasy.' Tugendhold

never allowed his opinions to become so radical. His ostensibly revolutionary

39

Marcin Wodziński

contribution depended instead on the fact that he was the first progressive Jewwhose positive opinions about hasidism were absorbed by his fellows.

Ultimately this proved the most important aspect of Tugendhold's wńtingsabout hasidism. Although his was an isolated voice in the l820s, it eventuallyfound its way into the consciousness of the next generation's moderatelyprogressive Jewish circles in the Kingdom of Poland. In a manner differentfrom Byk, whose ideas were commonly rejected and did not bring aboutany visible social changes, Tugendhold's opinions were eventually victorious.In the 1850s ald l8ó0s there was a clear turn among Warsaw's proglessiveJews from the confrontational attitudes prevalent during the time of AntoniEisenbaum and the early years of the Rabbinical School toward Tugendhold'sposition. For example, Marcus Jastrow the preacher at the so-called Germansynagogue on Daniłowiczowska Street in Warsaw, the leading protagonist ofthis trend, noted in 186l that among hąsid.im there are vińues worń followingif they are carefully and knowingly applied.se The editor of the assimilationistweekly lzraelita, Samuel Henryk Peltyn, emphasized the numerous positivevalues maintained by the hasidim,like 'sincere honesty, a readiness to becomeinvolved if someone needs help, sensitivity to whatever is good and lofty,and above all a strong religious foundation..., the rare readiness to sacńficethemselves for their own, that sincere collegiality, that glońous unselfishnessin their interpersonal relations.'s Daniel Neufeld, the publisher of the evenmore assimilationisI wńodl'ca]' Jutrzenka, generally questioned the supeńorityof progressive Jews over hasidim.6l

Of course, the aforementioned change of attitude toward hasidism amongsuch a broad social group could not have been and was not the result onlyof one person's efforts. Essentially it was possible due to a deeper ideologicaltransformation that took place during the 1850s and 1860s among the moderateprogressives in the Kingdom of Poland. The spread of feelings of solidaritybetween Poles and Jews in the era before the January insurrection, known asthe great peńod of 'Polish_Jewish brotherhood,' must surely have influenced

59 M. Jastrow, 'Lejbe i siora, czyli listy dwóch kochanków Romans przez J. U'Nliemcewicza]'' fu'ĘenkA Il3 (186l)|28.

60 s. H. Peltyn' 'chasydyzm'jego istota i stosunek do rabanizmu' ,Izrąelita 3t2't (1868):218.ól se€ especially D. Neufeld, 'Urządzenie Konsystorza Żydowskiego w Polsce. VIl.

Gmina',.]utąenka u40 (l 8ó2):326-30'

40

Jakub Tugendhold and the First

internal Jewish solidadty; he

Also significant was the growi

at last ceased to perceive has

able to abandon the aggressivr

of basidism were seen morcbackground of an increase in rin Jutrzenka, and laaer in laracand the Jews than 'obscuranti

beliefs and even fascinated banicle entitled 'Hasid' that b

V, 186l) was probably the fir

hasidism among secular Jewr

century before Y. L. Pereu rluIt is true that the change ol

only one of the elements of dprogressive camp, and it was

that entire process. Furthermor

never quoted Tugendhold as tJ

that he represented a radically (

between the views on hasidispresented a few dozen years

colleagues is so stńking that i

ideas (even if not he himsellsegment of their ideology. Onefforts in the late l8ó0s and l

Neufeld or Jastrow came durilconsiderable number of the yostudents at the Rabbinical Sclfact that these influences werc

There is a paradox in ńat Tpńmarily' if not solely, addres

response not from his Christilchange of attitude within this sof his long productive life.


internal Jewish solidarity; hence the search for a common ground with hasidism.Also significant was the growing strength of the progressive movement, whichat last ceased to perceive hasidism as a threat to its very existence and was

able to abandon the aggressive rhetońc of confrontation. The positive features

of hasidism were seen more clearly by moderate assimilationists against the

background of an increase in religious indifference, which, according to writersin Jutrzenka, and later in lzrąeLi'ą, represented a much graver threat to Judaismand the Jews than 'obscurantist' hasidism. Neufeld was also interested in folkbeliefs and even fascinated by the persistence of folk forms of religion. Thearticle entitled 'Hasid' that he published in Encyklopedia Powszechna (vol

Y l8ól) was probably the first testimony to the fascination exeńed by folkhasidism among secular Jews in the Kingdom of Poland, almost half of a

century before Y. L. Peretz made hasidism fashionable.

It is true that the change of attitude toward hasidism duńng the 1860s was

only one of the elements of the general ideological transformation within the

progressive camp, and it was in perfect harmony witb the general direction ofthat entire process' Furthermore, the assimilationists of Jutrzenką and Izrąelitąnever quoted Tugendhold as their ideological patron (probably due to the factthat he represented a radically different political option). HoweveĄ the similaritybetween the views on hasidism proclaimed by Tugendhold and the opinionspresented a few dozen years later by Neufeld, Jastroq and their youngercolleagues is so striking that in pńnciple there is no doubt that Tugendhold'sideas (even if not he himself.; were decisive for the ultimate shape of that

segment of their ideology. On the other hand, the fact that Tugendhold's lastefforts in the late l8ó0s and the most important publications in that field byNeufeld or Jastrow came during the same time peńod, as well as the fact that a

considerable number of the young members of the progressive movement were

students at the Rabbinical School under Tugendhold's direction, point to the

fact that these influences were quite direct.

There is a paradox in that Tugendhold's wńtings and activities, which were

pńmarily' if not solely, addressed to the external, Christian world, received a

response not from his Christian but from his Jewish compatriots and that the

change of attitude within this segment of Polish society was the greatest success

of his long productive life.

4t

Reprinted from

..GAL-ED''On the History of the Jews in Poland

Vol. XVIII 2002

Diaspora Research Institute

Tel Aviv University

Jakub Tugendhold and the First Maskilic Defence of Hasidism

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Transcript of Jakub Tugendhold and the First Maskilic Defence of Hasidism