ИЗБРАННАЯ БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ ПО ИСТОРИИ И КУЛЬТУРЕ ДРЕВНЕЙ...

ИЗБРАННАЯ БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ ПО ИСТОРИИ И КУЛЬТУРЕ ДРЕВНЕЙ СПАРТЫ

ANCIENT SPARTA : SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cост. Μ. Эд. Курилов(2005)

ADAM J. (1886)Rev.: Bazin, H. La République des Lacédémoniens de Xénophon . Étude sur la situation intérieure de Sparte an commencement du IVe siècle avant J.-C. Paris:Leroux, 1885 // The English Hstorical Review 1, 3 (Jul., 1886) 545-546

ADLER, A. (1919)Karneios // RE (=Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft) 10 (1919) 1989-1992

AFRICA, Thomas W. (1961) PHYLARCHUS AND THE SPARTAN REVOLUTION. Berkeley, 1961

ALCOCK, Susan E. (2003)Researching the helots: details, methodologies, agencies // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. - p. 3-11

ALCOCK, Susan E. (2002)A simple case of exploitation? The helots of Messenia // MONEY, LABOUR AND LAND. Approaches to the economies of ancient Greece. Ed. by Paul Cartledge, Edward E. Cohen and Lin Foxhall. London and New York: Routledge. - 2002. - S. 185-199

ALLISON, J. W. (1984)Sthenelaides’ Speech: Thucydides I,86 // Hermes 112 (1984) 9-16

AMIN, Ibrahim (2005) ٭Rez. Thomas J. Figueira (ed.), Spartan Society. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales, 2004. Pp. 389. ISBN 0-9543845-7-1 // Bryn Mawr Classical Review. (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr). - Vol. 2005.02.07 (2005).

ANDERSON, J. K. (1974)The Battle of Sardis in 395 B. C. // California Studies in Classical Antiquity 7 (1974) 27 -53

ANDERSON, J. K. (1970) MILITARY THEORY AND PRACTICE IN THE AGE OF XENOPHON. Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1970

ANDERSON, J. K. (1964)Xenophon “Respublica Lacedaemoniorum” 1.11.10. // Classical Philology 59, 3 (1964) 175-178

ANDREOTTI, R. (1935) Sull' origine della patronomia spartana // Athenaeum 13 (1935) 187-194

ANDREWES, Antony (1978)Spartan Imperialism? // IMPERIALISM IN ANCIENT WORLD. The Cambridge Univ. Research Seminar in Ancient History / Ed. P.D.A. Garnsey, C.R. Whittaker. Cambr.: Univ. Pr., 1978. P. 91-102 (302-306)

ANDREWES, A. (1971) Two notes on Lysander // Phoenix 25 (1971) 206-226

ANDREWS, A. (1967) The Government of Classical Sparta // ANCIENT SOCIETY AND INSTITUTIONS. Studies presented to V. Ehrenberg. N.Y., 1967. Pp. 1 – 20 (repr.: SPARTA. Ed. M. Whitby. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. P. 49-68)

ANDREWES, A. (1965) ٭Rez. D. Lotze. Lysander und der peloponnesische Krieg. Berlin: Akademie-Verl., 1964 // JHS 85 (1965) 224-225

ANDREWES, A. (1954) PROBOULEUSIS: SPARTA’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE TECHNIQUE OF GOVERNMENT. Oxf.: Clarendon Pr., 1954

ANDREWES, A. (1952) Sparta and Arcadia in the early Fifth Century // Phoenix 6 (1952) 1-5

ANDREWES, A. (1938)Eunomia // Classical Quarterly 32 (1938) 89-102

ANELLO, P. (1997)L’ambasceria di Lisandro a Siracusa: Plut. Lys. 2, 7-8 // Hisperìa 9 (1997)

ANTONAKOS, S. P. AMYKLAI. Athen, 1982

ANTONETTI, Claudia (1995)Alcmane e l’ occidente greco (nota al fr. 24 Calame) // Hisperìa 5. Studi sulla greci tà di occidente Acura di L. Braccesi. Venezia-Padova, 1995 (?)

ARAPOGIANNI, X. (2002)The Doric Temple of Athena at Prasidaki // Excavating Classical Culture. Recent archaeological discoveries in Greece. (Studies in Classical Archaeology I.). Ed.by Maria Stamatopoulou, Marina Yeroulanou. Oxford: Archaeopress. (BAR International Series 1031). - 2002. - p. 225-228

ARMSTRONG P., W. G. CAVAGNAGH, G. SHIPLEY (1992) Crossing the rivers observations on routes and bridges in Laconia from archaic to Byzantine periods // Annual of the British School at Athens 87 (1992) 293-310

ARMSTRONG P. (1992)Zeuxippus Derivative Bowls from Sparta // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. <?>

ASHERI, David (1999)Al di la di Atene e di Sparta: la "polis normale" e il "terzo mondo" greco // POLIS E PICCOLO STATO tra Riflessione Antica e Pensiero Moderno. Atti delle Giornate di Studio 21 - 22 Febbraio 1997 Firenze. A cura di Emilio Gabba e Aldo Schiavone. Como: Edizioni New Press. (Biblioteca di Athenaeum. 43.). - 1999. p. 32-47

ASHERI, D. (1961)Sulla legge di Epitadeo // Athenaeum 39 (1961) 45-68

AUSBUTTEL, Frank (1990) Das Leben der Manner und Frauen in Sparta [Unterricht Sekundarstufe I/II] // Geschichte lernen 16 (1990) 68-

AUCELLO, E. (1965)La genesi della Pace di Antalkida // Helikon 5 (1965) 340-380

AUERBACH, L. (1863) DE LACEDAEMONIORUM REGIBUS. Berlin, 1863

AVERSA, Gregorio (2000) ٭Rez. Amalia Faustoferri. Il trono di Amyklai e Sparta. Bathykles al servizio del potere. Perugia: Universita degli Studi (1996), 383 S. 33 Abb. 23 Taf. (Aucnus. Collana di studi di antichita del' Ist. di studi comparati sulle societa antiche. 2.) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. (C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung Munchen). - Vol. 72 (2000), Fasc. 5. - p. 443-447

BADIAN, E. (1967)Agis III // Hermes 95 (1967) <?>

BAITINGER, H. (1999)Die Waffen aus dem Lakedaimoniergrab im Kerameikos // Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Athenische Abteilung) 114 (1999) 117-126, Taf. 14

BALCER, J. M. (1970)The Medizing of the Regent Pausanias // ACTES DU PREMIER CONGRESS INTERNATIONAL des Études Balkaniques et Sud-Est Européennes (Sofia) (1970) 105-114

BALL, A. J. (1989) Capturing a Bride: Marriage Practices in Classical Sparta // ANCIENT HISTORY. Resources for Teachers (Macquarie University, NSW) 19, 2 (1989) 75-81

BALL R. (1977) ‘Menelaos’ in the Spartan Agiad King-List // The Classical Quarterly 27, 2 (1977) 312-316

BALTRUSCH, Ernst (2001) ٭Rez: Annette Hupfloher, Kulte im kaiserzeitlichen Sparta. Eine Rekonstruktion anhand der Priesterämter, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 2000 // Plekos 3, 2001 [10. 3. 2001] URL: http://www.plekos.uni-muenchen.de/

BALTRUSCH, Ernst (2001) ٭Rez: M. Dreher, Athen und Sparta. Munchen, 2001 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 06. 11. 2001.<http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensio/buecher/2001/BaEr1101.htm>

BALTRUSCH, Ernst (2001)Mythos oder Wirklichkeit? Die Helotengefahr und der Peloponnesische Bund // Historische Zeitschrift 272 (2001) 1-24

BALTRUSCH, E. (1999)Leonidas und Pausanias // GROSSE GESTALTEN DER GRIECHISCHEN ANTIKE / Hrsg.K. Brodersen. München 1999. S. 310-318

BALTRUSCH, E. (1998) SPARTA. GESCHICHTE, GESELLSCHAFT, KULTUR. München: Beck, 1998. - 128 S. 2 Ktn. - (C.H.Beck. Wissen in der Beck'schen Reihe; 2083) EUR 7,.90 (repr. 2003; Bologna 2002 (it.); Athen 2003 (griech.); (im Druck ist eine spanische Ubersetzung).

Im hier vorliegenden Buch hat Ernst Baltrusch versucht, auf der Grundlage des erhaltenen Quellenmaterials Geschichte, Gesellschaft und Kultur des antiken Sparta von 900 - 146 v. Chr. in lakonischer Kürze,aber wahrheitsgetreu zu beschreiben. Ob dieses Ziel erreicht wurde oder nicht, könnten eigentlich nur die alten Spartaner selbst entscheiden. Wären sie unzufrieden, dürften sie sich nicht beklagen. Sie haben es den Historikern nicht leicht gemacht. Schon Sokrates vermutete, dass sie absichtlich ihre Umwelt über sich täuschen wollten; denn durch die Bekanntmachung ihrer Stärke und Weisheit würden sie andere zu deren Nachahmung herausfordern und damit ihr eigenes Gemeinwesen schwächen. Den Leser erwartet eine informative und anregende Darstellung des Aufstiegs und Falls einer antiken Großmacht.

BALTRUSCH, E. (1994) SYMMACHIE UND SPONDAI. Untersuchungen zum griechischen Völkerrecht der archaischen und klassischen Zeit (8.–5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.).Berlin, 1994

BANN, Stephen (2001)"The Other in the Note": Chateaubriand's Rediscovery of Ancient Sparta // PAUSANIAS. Travel and Memory in Roman Greece. Ed. by Susan E. Alcock, John F. Cherry, & Jas Elsner. Oxford: Oxford University Press. - 2001. p. 240-246

BAR-HEN, E. (1977)Le parti de la paix a Sparte a de la guerre du Peloponnese // Ancient Society 8 (1977) 21-32

BARELLO, A. (1996)Il processo di Cleomene e la crisi dinastica di Sparta // PROCESSI E POLITICA NEL MONDO ANTICO. Milano, 1996. P. 19 – 27

BARELLO, F. (1993)Il rifiuto della moneta coniata nel mondo Greco. Da Sparta a Locri Epizefiri // Rivista Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze Affini 95 (1993) 103-11

BARIGAZZI, A. (1951)Contributo al vero Tirteo // La Parola del Passato 17 (1951) 102-115

BARNES, C. L. H. (2002) ٭Rev.: P. Cartledge, Spartan Reflections. L.: Duckworth, 2001 // BMCR (=Bryn Mawr Classical Review) 2002 02. 13

BARRIO VEGA, M. del (2002)Remarques sur une inscription de Sparte (MΣ 6747) // Die Zeitschrift fürPapyrologie und Epigraphik (Bonn) 141 (2002) 134-136

BARROW, Robin (1975) SPARTA. L.: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1975

BARTHÉLEMY, J.-J. (1996) L’ESERCITO DI SPARTA / A cura di S. Valzania, con una nota di L. Canfora. Palermo: Selleria, 1996. – 130 pp. (La città antica, 25)

BARTON, L.M. (1972)Trianio’s Laconian key // Greece and Rome 19 (1972) 25-31 {cf. Whitehead 1990}

BAUMBACH, Manuel (2000) "Wanderer, kommst du nach Sparta ...". Zur Rezeption eines Simonides-Epigramms // Poetica. Zeitschrift fur Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft. (Munchen: Wilhelm Fink Verlag). - Vol. 32 (2000) 1-22

BAUNACK, J. (1883)Über das lakonische Wort kasshratÒrin und die qhromac…a bei den Griechen // Rheinisches museum für philologie 38 (1883) 293-300

BAUSLAUGH, Robert A. (1990)Messenian dialect and dedications of the ‘Methanioi’ // Hesperia 59 (1990) 661-668

BAZIN, Hippolyte (1885) LA RÉPUBLIQUE DES LACÉDÉMONIENS DE XÉNOPHON . Étude sur la situation intérieure de Sparte an commencement du IVe siècle avant J.-C. Paris: Leroux, 1885

BEARZOT, Cinzia (2004)Spartani "ideali" e Spartani "anomali" // CONTRO LE »LEGGI IMMUTABILI«. GLI SPARTANI FRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE. A cura di Cinzia Bearzot e Franca Landucci. (Contributi di Storia Antica. 2.). Milano: Vita e Pensiero. - 2004. - p. 3-32

BEATTIE, A. J. (1951)An early Laconian Lex Sacra // Classical Quarterly 45 (1951) 46-58

BECK, F. A. (1993)Spartan education revised // History of Education Revew 22 (1993) 16-31

BECK, H. (2001) “The Laws of the Fathers” versus “The Laws of the League”: Xenophon on Federalism // ClPh 96 (2001) 355-375

BECKETT, D. A. R. (1996) SOCIAL MOBILITY IN CLASSICAL SPARTAN SOCIETY [PhD London, Royal Holloway]

BELOCH, Karl Julius (1900)Zur Geschichte des Euripontidenhause // Hermes 35 (1900) 254-267

BERKEY, David (1999) THE STRUGGLE FOR HEGEMONY: THE STRUCTURE OF INTERSTATE RELATIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY, 404-371 B.C. [PhD Yale University]

BERNHARDT, Rainer (1987)Die Entstehung der Legende von der tyrannenfeindlichen Aussenpolitik Spartas im sechsten und fünften Jahrhundert v. Chr. // Historia 36, 3 (1987) 257-289

BERNINI, Ughetto (1994) ’Marginalia’ al ‘Preface’ a The Spartan Army di J.F. Lasenbi // Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 47 (1994) 157-166

BERTHIAUME, Guy (1976) Citoyens spécialistes à Sparte. Réponse à R.T. Ridley // Mnemosyne 29, 4 (1976) 360-364

BERTHOLD, Richard M. (2002)The Athenian embassies to Sardis and Cleomenes’ invasion of Attica // Historia 51, 3 (2002) 259-267

BERVE, Helmut (1941)Vier Sparta-Bücher // Gnomon 17 (1941) 1-11

BERVE, H. (1937) SPARTA. (Meyers kleine Handbücher 7). Leipzig, 1937

BERVE, H. (1931)Sparta // SPARTA. Hrsg. Karl Christ. Wege der Forschung Bd. 622. Darmstadt, 1986. S. 195-216

BETHE, E. (1907)Die dorische Knabenliebe, ihre Ethik und ihre Idee // Rheinisches museum für philologie 62 (1907) 438-475

BEUL, E. (1855) L’art a Sparte // ETUDES SUR LE PELOPONNESE. Paris, 1855

BILIK, R. (1999)Hippias von Elis als Quelle von Diodors Bericht über den elisch-spartanischen Krieg? // Ancient Society (Leuven) 29 (1999) 21-47

BILLHEIMER, A. (1947)Age-classes in Spartan Education // Transactions of the American Philological Association 78 (1947) 99-104

BILLHEIMER, A. (1946)T¦ dška ¢f' ¼bhj // Transactions of the American Philological Association 77 (1946) 214-220

BINGEN, J. (1958)TRIETIPHΣ (IG V 1, 1120) // L’antiquite classique 27 (1958) 105-107

BIRGALIAS, Nicos (2002)Helotage and Spartan Social Organisation // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Edd. A. Powell; S. Hodkinson. Swansea: The Cl. Pr. of Wales; L., 2002. P. 249-266

BIRGALIAS, N. (1999) L'ODYSEE DE L'EDUCATION SPARTIATE. Athens, 1999

BISCHOFF, H. (1919)Karneios. 4 // RE 10 (1919) 1992-

BLAMIRE, Alec (1970)Pausanias and Persia // Greek, roman and byzantine studies 11 (1970) 295-304

BLECKMANN, Bruno (1993)Sparta und seine Freunde im Dekeleischen Krieg. Zur Datierung von IG V.1, 1 // Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik (Bonn) 96 (1993) 297-308

BLOEDOW, Edmund F. (2000) Spartan naval command: from secretary to “vice-admiral’ // Scholia. Natal Studies in Classical Antiquity, 9 (2000) 12-19

BLOEDOW, E. F. (2000) Why did Sparta rebuff the Athenians at Ithome in 462 BC? // AHB (=The Ancient History Bulletin) 14, 3 (2000) 89 – 101

BLOEDOW, E. F. (1987)Sthenelaidas the Persuasive Spartan // Hermes 115 (1987) 60-66

BLOEDOW, E. F. (1983)Archidamus the ‘intelligent’ Spartan // Klio 65, 1 (1983) <?>

BLOEDOW, E. F. (1981)The Speeches of Archidamus and Sthenelaidas at Sparta // Historia 30 (1981) 129-143

BLUMENTHAL, A. von (1942)Zur lykurgischen Rhetra // Hermes 77 (1942) 212-215

BOARDMAN, John (1992)For You Are the Progeny of Unconquered Herakles // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. P. 25-29

BOARDMAN, J. (1963) Artemis Orthia and Chronology // Annual of the British School at Athens 58 (1963) 1-7

BOCKISCH, G. (1980)Das Spartabild in der bürgerlichen Literatur // Miszellen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Altertumskunde 38 (1980) -8-

BOCKISH, Gabriele (1965)Harmostai (431-386) // Klio 46 (1965) 129-139

BOCKISH, G. (1965)Die Lakedaimonier auf Lesbos // Klio 43-5 (1965) 67-

BOEDEKER, D. (1987)The two faces of Demaratus // Arethusa 20 (1987) 185-201

BOER, Wan Den (1954) LACONIAN STUDIES. Amsterdam, 1954. –313 p.

BOMMELAER, Jean-François (1981) LYSANDER DE SPARTE: HISTOIRE ET TRADITIONS. Paris, 1981

BONIAS, Z. (1998) ENA AGROTIKO HIERO STIS AIGIES LAKONIAS. Athens: Ypourgeio Politismou, 1998. - Pp. 230, 67 pls. (rev: SHIPLEY 2000)

BORING, Terence A. (1984) STUDIES IN SPARTAN HISTORY. Zugl.: Athens, Ohio, Ohio State Univ., Diss., 1972 Ann Arbor, Mich.: Univ. Microfilms Internat., 1984. - IV, 366 Bl.

BORING, T. A. (1979) LITERACY IN ANCIENT SPARTA. Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): E. J. Brill, 1979. –xii, 114 p. (rev. JANNI 1982)

BONNECHÈRE, Pierre (1998)Le Rituel Samien décrit par Hérodote, III, 48 et la bomolochia Spartiate // Les Études Classiques. Revue Trimestrielle de Recherche et d' Enseignment (Namur) 66 (1998) 3-21

BONNECHERE, P. (1993) Orthia et la flagellation des ephebes spartiates. Un souvenir chimerique de sacrifice humain // Kernos 6 (1993) ?

BONNER, Robert J.; Gertrude SMITH (1942)Administration of Justice in Sparta // Classical Philology 37, 2 (1942) 113-129

BOURGUET, Émile (1927) LE DIALECTE LACONIEN. P.: Champion, 1927. –170 p. {cf. Müllensiefen 1882}

BOURRIOT, F. (1996)Kaloi kagatoi, kalokagathia a Sparte aux époques arhaique et classique // Historia. Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte (Stuttgart) 45, 2 (1996) 129-140

BOWERSOCK, G. (1961)Eurycles of Sparta // Journal of Roman Studies 51 (1961) 112-118

BÖLTE, Felix (1929)Zu Lakonischen Festen // Rheinisches Museum für philologie 78 (1929) 124 – 143

BÖLTE, F. (1929)Sparta (A. Literatur. B. Namen und Ableitungen. I. Benennungen von Stadt und Gebiet: a) Lakedaimon. b) Sparta. c) Bedeutung. d) Die ubrigen Benennungen: Lakonike etc.. II. Die Ethnika. a) Lakedaimonios.b) Lakon. c) Spartiatis. III. Die Ktetika. C. Geographie. I. Lakonien: a) Physische Geographie. b) Historische Geographie. 1. Grenzlandschaften. 2. Das ubrige Perioikenland. 3. Das Spartiatenland. 4. Verkehrslinien. 5. Erzeugnisse. II. Sparta (Topographie): a) Das Gelande. b) Geschichte der Stadt. c) Ruinen nebst Ausgrabungen. d) Die Periegese des Pausanias. e) Ergebnisse und Einzelfragen. f) Klima und landschaftlicher Charakter) // RE 2 Riehe, Bd. 3, Hbbd 6 (1929) 1-1373

BÖLTE, F. (1914)`Uakinqˆj ÑdÒj // RE 9 (1914) 4

BRACCESI, Lorenzo (1999) L' ENIGMA DORIEO (Hesperia 11) <?>, 1999. – 98 p.

BRADFORD, Alfred (2000) ٭Rez. M. Meier: Aristokraten und Damoden. Untersuchungen zur inneren Entwicklung Spartas im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und zur politischen Funktion der Dichtung des Tyrtaios. Pp. 347. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner (1998) // The Classical Review. Published for the Classical Association by Oxford University Press. - Bd. 50 (2000), Heft 2. - S. 641-642

BRADFORD, A. S. (1994)

The duplicitous Spartan // SHADOW OF SPARTA / Ed. A. Powell, S. Hodkinson. L.: Routledge, 1994. P. 59 – 85

BRADFORD, A. S. (1991) [Review:] Hellenistic and Roman Sparta // AHB 5, 5-6 (1991) 170 – 178

BRADFORD, Alfred S. (1986)“Gynaikokratoumenoi”: Did Spartan Women Rule Spartan Men? // The Ancient World 14, 1-2 (1986) 13-18

BRADFORD, A. S. (1977) PROSOPOGRAPHY OF LACEDAEMONIANS FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, 323 BC, TO THE SACK OF SPARTA BY ALARIC, AD 396. Vestigia Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, vol. 27. München, 1977

BRAUN, B. E. (1958) Das Lob Spartas in der Nikomachischen Ethik // JOEAI (=Jahrschefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts) 43 (1958)132-138

BRAUN, E. (1956) DER KRITIK DER LAKEDAIMONISCHEN VERFASSUNG IN DEN POLITIKA DES ARISTOTELES. Klagenfurt, 1956

BREITHOLTZ, L. (1960) DIE DORISCHE FARCE. Uppsala, 1960

BRELICH, A. (1969) PAIDES E PARTHENOI. Vol. I. Incunabula Graeca, vol. 36. Rome, 1969

BREMMER, Jan N. (1997) Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta // Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik (Bonn) 117 (1997) 9-17

BRESSON, A. (2002)Un Athénien à Sparte ou Plutarque lecteur de Xénophon // Revue des études grecs 115 (2002) 22-57

BRINGMANN, Klaus (1999)Lykurg // GROSSE GESTALTEN DER GRIECHISCHEN ANTIKE. 58 historische Portraits von Homer bis Kleopatra. Herausgegeben von Kai Brodersen. Munchen: Verlag C.H.Beck. - 1999. - S. 72-78

BRINGMANN, K. (1986) Die Große Rhetra und die Entstehung des spartanischen Kosmos // SPARTA. Hrsg. K. Christ. (Wege der Forschung Bd. 622.) Darmstadt, 1986. S. 351-386

BRINGMANN, K. (1980) Die soziale und politische Verfassung Spartas – ein Sonderfall der griechischen Verfassungsgeschichte? // Gymnasium 87 (1980) 465-484 (=SPARTA. Hrsg. K. Christ. Darmstadt, 1986. S. 448-469)

BRINGMANN, K. (1975)Die Grosse Rhetra und die Entstehung des spartanischen Kosmos // Historia 24 (1975) 513-538

BRINGMANN, K. (1971)Xenophos Hellenika und Agesilaos: Zur ihrer Entstehungsweise und Datierung // Gymnasium 78 (1971) 224-241

BROCK, Roger; Stephen HODKINSON (2000)

Introduction: Alternatives to the Democratic Polis // ALTERNATIVES TO ATHENS. Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece. Ed. byRoger Brock and Stephen Hodkinson. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Pr. 2000. Pp. 1-34

BRULÉ, P., L. PIOLOT (2002)La mémoire des pierres à Sparte: Mourir au féminin: couches tragiques ou femmes piérai (Plut. Lyc. 27, 3)? // Revue des études grecs 115 (2002) 22-57

BRUCE, I. A. F. (1987) Theopompus, Lysander and the Spartan Empire // AHB 1, 1 (1987) 1-5

BRUIT, L. (1990)The meal at the Hyakinthia: ritual consumption and offering // SYMPOTIKA: a symposium on the Symposion. Ed. O. Murray. Oxf., 1990. P. 162-174

BRUNI, G.B. (1979)Mothakes, Neodamodeis, Brasideioi // ATTI DEL COLLOQUIO INTERNATIONAL. Bressanone, 1976. Roma, 1979. P. 21-31

BRUNI, St. (1995)Orthia, Aristaios e il pittore della Caccia // Ostraka 4, 2 (1995) 213-228

BRUNT, P. A. (1965)Spartan policy and strategy in the Archidamian War // Phoenix 19 (1965) 255-280

BUCKLER, John (1980)The Alleged Theban-Spartan Alliance of 386 B. C. // Eranos 78 (1980) 179-185

BUCKLER, J. (1980)Plutarch on Leuktra // Symbolae Osloenses 55 (1980) 75-93

BUCKLER, J. (1980) THE THEBAN HEGEMONY, 371-362 B. C. Cambridge, Mass., 1980

BUCKLER, J. (1978)The Alleged Achaian Arbitration after Leuktra // Symbolae Osloenses 53 (1978) 85-96

BUCKLER, J. (1977)Plutarch and the Fate of Antalkidas // Greek, Roman, and Bysantine Studies 18 (1977) 139-145

BUCKLER, J. (1977)Land and Money in the Spartan Economy – A Hypothesis // Reserarch in Economic History 2 (1977) 249-279

BULLE H. (1937) DAS THEATER ZU SPARTA. Münich, 1937

BULTRIGHINI, Umberto (2003)Cleomene, Erodoto e gli altri // Storiografia e regalità nel mondo greco. Colloquio interdisciplinare. Cattedre di Storia della storiografia greca e

Storia greca. Chieti, 17 - 18 gennaio 2002. Emma Luppino Manes (Ed.). Alessandria: Edizioni dell' Orso. (Università degli studi »G. D'Annunzio« Chieti. Collana del Dipartimento di scienze dell' antichità. Sezione storica.). - 2003. - p. 51-119

BURCKHARDT, Leonhard (2000)Mora, eine Gliederung des spartanischen Heeres // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Band VIII. Mer - Op. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. - 2000. - S. 392

BURKERT, W. (1974)Apellai und Apollon // Rheinisches Museum für philologie 117 (1974) 1- 21

BURKERT, W. (1965)Demaratos, Astrabakos und Herakles. Königsmythos und politik zur Zeit der Perserkriege (Herodot 6,67-69) // Museum Helveticum 22 (1965) 166-177

BUSCHOR, E.; Von MASSOW, W. (1927)Vom Amykleion (Übersicht) // Athenisches Mittheilungen 52 (1927) 1-85

BUSOLT, Georg; Η. SWOBODA (1926) GRIECHISCHE STAATSKUNDE. 3 Αuf. Zweite Hälfte. München: Beck, 1920-1926 (S. 633-737: “Der Staadt der Lakedaimonier”)

BUSOLT, G. (1905)Spartas Heer und Leuktra // Hermes 40 (1905) 387-449

BUSOLT, G. (1878) DIE LAKEDÄMONIER UND IHRE BUNDESGENOSSEN. Bd. I. Leipzig, 1878

BUTLER, D. (1962)Competence of the Demos in the spartan Rhetra // Historia 11 (1962) 385-396

BUTTI DE LIMA, Paulo Francisco (1987)Sui sacrifici spartani ai confini // IL CONFINE NEL MONDO CLASSICO. A cura di Marta Sordi. Contributi dell' Istituto di storia antica. Volume tredicesimo. Milano: Vita e Pensiero. Pubblicazioni della Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore. (Scienze storiche. 40.). - 1987. p. 100-116

CALDERÓN DORDA, E. (2003)Alcmán y la mousike techne // LÓGOS HELLENIKÓS. Homenaje al Professor Gaspar Morocho Gayo. Jesús-Ma.Nieto Ibáñez (Coord.). León: Universidad de León; Secretariado de Publicaciones y Medios Audiovisuales. - 2003. - p. 233-241

CALLIGAS, P. G. (1992)From the Amyklaion // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992.(?)

CARAPANOS, C. (1878) DODONE ET SES RUINES, <?>, 1878

CARLIER, Pierre (2004)Cleomene I, re di Sparta // CONTRO LE »LEGGI IMMUTABILI«. GLI SPARTANI FRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE. A cura di Cinzia Bearzot e Franca Landucci. (Contributi di Storia Antica. 2.). Milano: Vita e Pensiero. - 2004. - p. 33-52

CARLIER, P. (1977)La vie politique àSparte sous le règne de Cléomene Ier: essai d' interpretation // Ktema 2 (1977) 65-84

CARTER, Jane B. (1998) ٭Rev: Faustoferry, A. Il trono di Amiklai e Sparta: Bathyklos al servizio del potere (An. 2: Collana di studi di antichistica, Univ. degli studi di Perugia). Napoli, 1996 // American Journal of Archaeology 102, 1 (1998) 217-218

CARTER, Jane B. (1988)Masks and poetry in early Sparta // EARLY GREEK CULT PRACTICE. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29June, 1986. Stockholm, 1988. P. 89-98

CARTER, J. B. (1987)The Masks of Ortheia // American Journal of Archaeology 91 (1987) 355-383

CARTLEDGE, Paul A. (2004)What have the Spartans done for us ? Sparta's Contribution to Western Civilization // Greece & Rome. (Second Series). Published for the Classical Association. Oxford University Press. - Vol. 51 (2004), Fasc. 2. - p. 164-179

CARTLEDGE, Paul A. (2003)Raising hell ? The Helot Mirage - a personal re-view // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. - p. 12-30

CARTLEDGE, Paul А. (2003) THE SPARTANS: The World of the Warrior-Heroes of Ancient Greece, from Utopia to Crisis and Collapse. Publisher: Overlook Press(1st ed. May 15), 2003. - 304 p. ISBN: 1585674028

CARTLEDGE, P. (2002) THE SPARTANS: AN EPIC HISTORY. L.:”4 books”, 2002. –XIV, 285 p. (16 p. of plates) (EUR 34, 25)

An epic history of the ancient city state of Sparta and its inhabitants, which ties in with a three-part Channel 4 documentary series. The definitive book on a civilisation whose codes of conduct andmorality have played a huge part in shaping the ethics of the Western world. The series is presented by Bettany Hughes, who Channel 4 are building as their new history "star", and this should give a boostto the series profile. Synopsis: This title attempts to deconstruct the image of the Spartans as mythical and unknown, to present them as they say themselves - as warrior heroes, living exemplars of the values of self-sacrifice, communal endeavour and achievement against all odds. Paul Cartledge examines the evolution of their ancient society and culture, one that was significantly masculine but that allowed women an unusually dominant and powerful role. The history of this people, whose ideas have attracted many societies over the centuries, is defined in this book. In The Spartans: An Epic History, the book of the Channel 4 series, Paul Cartledge paints a vivid picture of one of the most extreme civilisations ever known--one whose ethos married the highest levels of societal and philosophical advancement with the most repressive and warlike of regimes. These ancient Greeks lived, breathed and slept "hard". They also happened to influence much of subsequent Western civilisation. The perfect warriors, they lived to fight, and when they weren't fighting, they were training to fight. Their male children were brutally raised, and weak or deformed infants were mercilessly cast from cliff tops. Yet they were unusually egalitarian in their treatment of women, and embraced an intensely partisan social ethic. They enslaved much of the rest of Greece, yet provided the spark for Athenian Democracy. It is this apparently contradictory duality that continues to fascinate and that has since engendered concepts as diverse as Hitler's system of negative eugenics and Thomas More's notion of Utopia. The Spartans, though accessible, is an accomplished academic work--you'd hardly expect anything else, Cartledge having already written 20 books on the subject. But without thewindow dressing of the TV show's stunning Grecian locations and its thinking-man's eye-candy presenter Bettany Hughes, this can seem a little dry--anyone expecting the latest glossy picture-filled Time Team-style coffee-table book is likely to be disappointed. If you're partial to a bit of accessible erudition, however, then it would be foolish to look this gift horse in the mouth. (Paul Eisinger)

CARTLEDGE, P. (2002) ٭Rez. Nicolas Richer, Les ephores. Etude sur l' histoire et sur l' image de Sparte (VIIIIe - IIIe siecle avant Jesus-Christ). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne (1998). 636 S. (Universite de Paris I. Histoireancienne et medievale. 50.) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. (C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung Munchen). - Bd. 74 (2002), Heft 2. - S. 143-147

CARTLEDGE, P. (2002)The Origins and Organization of the Peloponnesian Legue // SPARTA. Ed. M. Whitby. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. P. 223-232

CARTLEDGE, P. (2001) SPARTAN REFLECTIONS. L.: Duckworth, 2001. - XII, 276 Pp. {rez.: Powell 2002, MEIER 2001; BARNES 2002; FISHER 2003} Synopsis: The complex Spartan tradition has been central to western thinking influential today. Saprta is also one of the handful of ancient Greek cities well enough attested for the historian to attempt a convincing social portrait in the round. "Spartan Reflections", whose title is intended to capture both the influence of the Spartan tradition and Sparta's thought-provoking qualities, is a collection of thirteen essays, all either new or revised for publication in book form. Following a general introduction the book is divided into three thematic sections, on "Polity, Politics and Political Thought"; "Society, Economy and Warfare"; and "The Mirage Re-Viewed".

– City and Chora in Sparta: Archaic to Hellenistic [1998] // Cartledge. Spartan Reflections. P. 9 – 20– Spartan Kingship: Doubly Odd? [2001] // Cartledge. Spartan Reflections. P. 55 – 67– A Spartan Education [1992] // Cartledge. Spartan Reflections. P. 79 – 90– The Politics of Spartan Pederasty [1981] // Cartledge. Spartan Reflections. P. 91 – 105– Spartan Wives: Liberation or License? [1981] // Cartledge. Spartan Reflections. P. 106 – 126

CARTLEDGE, Paul (2001)Sparta's Pausanias: Another Laconian Past // PAUSANIAS. TRAVEL AND MEMORY IN ROMAN GREECE. Ed. by Susan E. Alcock, John F. Cherry, & Jas Elsner. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2001. P. 167-172

CARTLEDGE, P. (2000)Spartan Justice? or “the State of the Ephors?” // Dike 3 (2000) 5-26

CARTLEDGE, P. (2000)Neodamodeis // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Band VIII. Mer - Op. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. 2000. S. 823

CARTLEDGE, P. (1999)Krypteia // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd. VI. Iul - Lee. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. 1999. S. 872

CARTLEDGE, P. (1998)Heloten // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd. V. Gru - Iug. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verl. J. B. Metzler. 1998. S. 333-336

CARTLEDGE, P. (1998)Homoioi. I. Homoioi bei Aristoteles. II. Sparta // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd. V. Gru - Iug. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. - 1998. S. 700-701

CARTLEDGE, P. (1997) ٭Rew.: N. M. Kennell, The Gymnasium of Virtue: Education and Culture in Ancient Sparta. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carol. Pr., 1995 // The Classical Review 47, 1 (1997) 98-100

CARTLEDGE, P. (1997)Enomotia // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd. III. Cl - Epi. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. 1997. S. 1047

CARTLEDGE, P. (1996)Agathoergoi, spartanische Amtstrager // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd I. A - Ari. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verl. J. B. Metzler. 1996. S. 237

CARTLEDGE, P. (1996)Agelai, als Altersklassen bestimmte Gruppen in Gortyn und anderen kretischen Städten // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopädie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd I. A - Ari. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verl. J. B. Metzler. - 1996. p. 245

CARTLEDGE, P. (1996)Agoge // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Altertum. Bd I. A - Ari. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. 1996. S. 265-266

CARTLEDGE, P. (1996)Perioikoi // The OXFORD CLASSICAL DICTIONARY. Third Edition. Edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.- 1996. S. 1140-1141

CARTLEDGE, P. (1995) ٭Rez. S. Link: Der Kosmos Sparta. Recht und Sitte in klassischer Zeit. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft (1994) // The Classical Review (Published for the Classical Association by Oxf. Univ. Pr.) 45, 1 (1995) 188-189

CARTLEDGE, P. (1993) ٭Rev.: William T. Loomis (1992). The Spartan War Fund: IG V 1, 1 and a New Fragment. (Historia Einzelschriften 74) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. 1992 // The Classical Review 43, 2 (1993) 403-404 {cf. NOETHLICHS 1994}

CARTLEDGE, P. (1992)Early Lacedaimon: The Making of a Conquest-State // FILOLAKWN. Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. J. M. Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. P. 49-55

CARTLEDGE, P. (1991)Richard Talbert’s revision of the Spartan – Helot struggle: a reply // Historia (Wiesbaden) 40, 3 (1991) 379-381 {cf. Talbert 1989}

CARTLEDGE, P.; Antony SPAWFORTH (1989) HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN SPARTA: A tale of two cities. L.: Routledge, 1989 (repr. 2002) (rez.: SHIPLEY 1991)

CARTLEDGE, P. (1988)Yes, Spartan kings were heroized // Liverpool Classical Monthly 13 (1988) 43-44

CARTLEDGE, P. (1987) AGESILAOS AND THE CRISIS OF SPARTA. L.: Duckworth, 1987. (repr. 2000) Pp. xii, 508. £18.00. ISBN 0-7156-3032-6 (pb).

CARTLEDGE, P. (1984)A new lease of life for Lichas, son of Arkesilaos // Liverpool Classical Monthly 9, 7 (1984) 98-102

CARTLEDGE, P. (1982) Sparta and Samos: A special relationship? // CQ 32, 2 (1982) 243-265

CARTLEDGE, P. A. (1980)The peculiar position of Sparta in the development of the Greek city-state // Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 80 (1980) 93- (repr. 2001)

CARTLEDGE, P. (1979) SPARTA AND LACONIA. A REGIONAL HISTORY 1300-362 B.C. L. – Boston and Henley: Routledge&Kagan Paul, 1979. –xv, 410 p.; (3 ed.: London/New York: Routledge, 2003) {rez.: FIGUEIRA 2003; KINZL 1980; KIECHLE 1981; Андреев 1981: ВДИ, № 2; Яйленко 1981: РЖ, сер. 5, №3}

Synopsis: Sparta is one of the best-documented states of ancient Greece. Its political and social systems have fascinated and perplexed generations of classical scholars, as well as having a powerfulinfluence on European civilization to this day. In this fully revised and updated edition of his study, Paul Cartledge uncovers the realities behind the potent myth of Sparta. The book explores both thecity-state of Sparta and the territory of Lakonia which it unified and exploited. Combining the more traditional written sources with archaeological and environmental perspectives, its coverage extendsfrom the apogee of Mycenaean culture, to Sparta's crucial defeat at the battle of Mantinea in 362 BC. One of the major themes examined is the relationship between the Spartans, the Perioikoi (the free butpolitically disenfranchised) and the Helots (unfree peoples). Cartledge demonstrates that the system of land-tenure based on the exploitation of the helots carried within it the seeds both of Spartangrandeur, and of Spartan decadence.

CARTLEDGE, P. (1978)Literacy in the Spartan oligarchy // JHS 98 (1978) 25-37

CARTLEDGE, P. (1977) Hoplites and Heroes: Sparta's contribution to the technique of ancient warfare // JHS 97 (1977) 11-27

CARTLEDGE, P. (1976)A new fifth-century Spartan Treaty // Liverpool Classical Monthly 1 (1976) 87-92

CARTLEDGE, P. (1976)Seismicity and Spartan Society // Liverpool Classical Monthly 1 (1976) 25-28

CARTLEDGE, P. (1975)Toward the Spartan Revolution // Arethusa 8 (1975) 59-84

CARY, M. (1926)Notes on the History of the Fourth Century. I. The Rhetra of Epitadeus // Classical Quarterly 20, 3- 4 (1926) 186-191

CARY, M. (1922)The Spartan Forces at Leuctra // Journal of Hellenic Studies [#?] (1922) 184-

CASSIO, Albio Caesare (2000) Un epigramma votivo spartano per Atena Alea // Revista di Filologia 128, 2 (2000) 129-134

CATALDI, S. (1996)

Le theme de l’hegemonie et la constitution spartiate au IVe siecle av. J.-C. // LE IVe SIECLE Av. J.-C. APPROCHES HISTORIOGRAPHIQUES / hg. von Carlier, P., Nancy - Paris 1996. P. 63-83

CATLING R. W. V. (1998)The Work of the Brit. School at Athens at Sparta and in Laconia // SPARTA IN LACONIA. Proceedings of the 19th Brit. Museum Classical Colloquium / W.G. Cavagnah (ed.), S.E.C. Walker. L., 1998. (?)

CATLING R. W. V. (1994)A fragment of an archaic temple model from Artemis Orthia, Sparta // Annual of the British School at Athens 89 (1994) 269-275

CATLING R. W. V. (1992)A Votive Deposit of Seventh-Century Pottery from the Menelaion // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling /Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. (?)

CATLING, Hector W. (1989) Messapian Zeus. An Early Sixth Century Inscribed Cup from Lakonia // Annual of the British School at Athens 84 (1989) 187-200

CATLING, H. W. (1977)Excavations at the Menelaion, Sparta, 1973-1976 // Archaeological Reports (Supp. to Journal of Hellenic Studies) (1977) 24-42

CATLING, H. W.; H. CAVANAGH (1976) Two inscribed Bronzes from the Menelaion, Sparta // Kadmos 15 (1976) 145-157

CAUER, D. (1894)Aigeidai // RE 1 (1894) 949-

CAVAIGNAC, E. (1948) SPARTE. Paris: Fayard, 1948

CAVAIGNAC, E. (1925)A propos de la bataille du torrent de Nemee // Revue des Etudes Anciennes 27 (1925) 273-275

CAVAIGNAC, E. (1924)Les dekarchies de Lysandre // Revue des Etudes Historiques 90 (1924) 285-316CAVANAGH, William, et al. (2005) THE LACONIA RURAL SITES PROJECT // BSA Supplementary Vol. 36. Athens: The British School at Athens, 2005. Pp. 366; figs. 233, tables 56. ?49.00. ISBN 0-904887-47-2.

CAVANAGH, William G.; CROUWEL, Joost H.; CATLING, Richard W.V.; SHIPLEY, Graham (2002)Continuity and change in a Greek rural landscape. THE LACONIA SURVEY. Vol. I: Methodology and interpretation. With contributions by Pamela Armstrong, Jasper Fiselier, Oliver Rackham, Jan-Willem van Berghem, Malcolm Wagstaff and maps by Deborah Miles-Williams, David Taylor with Lucy Farr, Anne Sackett, Guy Sanders. London : British school at Athens, 2002. - XXX, 465 S. 82 Abb. 49 Taf. 1 Beil. 4°. - (BSA. Suppl. 26) {rev. MEIER 2005; PETTEGREW 2003}

CAVANAGH, W.; MEE, Ch.; RENARD, Josette (2002)Kouphovouno (Messénie) // Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique. (Paris). - Vol. 126 (2002). - p. 584-589

CAVANAGH, W. G.; S. E. C. Walker, A. W. Johnston, J. N. Coldstream (Eds.), SPARTA IN LACONIA: The Archaeology of a City and its Countryside: Proceedings of the 19th British Museum Classical Colloquium (BSA Studies Series No. 4). London: 1999. ISBN 0-904887-36-7 {SHIPLEY 2002}

CAWKWELL, George L. (1993)Cleomenes // Mnemosyne 46, 4 (1993) 506-527

CAWKWELL, G. L. (1993) Sparta and her allies in the sixth century // CQ 43, 2 (1993) 364-376

CAWKWELL, G. L. (1983) The Decline of Sparta // Classical Quarterly 33, 2 (1983) 385-400 (repr.: SPARTA. Ed. M. Whitby. Edin-burgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. P. 236-257)

CAWKWELL, G. L. (1981)The King's Peace // Classical Quarterly 31 (1981) 69-83

CAWKWELL, G. L. (1976) Agesilaus and Sparta // CQ 26, 1 (1976) 62- 84

CAWKWELL, G. L. (1964) ٭Rez. K. Wickert. Der Peloponnesishe Bund von seiner Entstehung bis zum Ende des archidamischen Krieges. Erlangen-Nurnberg, 1964 (Diss. Phil.) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassissche Altertumswissenchaft. Bd. 36 (1964) 840-841

CHAMBERS, J. (1978)On Messenian and Laconian Helots in the Fifth Century B. C. // Historia 40 (1978) 271-285

CHRIMES (Atkinson), Kathleen M. T. (1949) ANCIENT SPARTA. A RE-EXAMINATION OF THE EVIDENCE. Manchester: Univ. Pr., 1949 (rev.: WOODWARD 1950)

CHRIMES, K. M. T. (1948) THE 'RESPUBLICA LACEDAIMONIORUM' ASCRIBED TO XENOPHON. Publ. Fac. Of Arts Univ. of Manch. I. Manchester, 1948 (rev. GOMM 1949)

CHRIST, Karl (1996)Spartaforschung und Spartabild // GRIECHISCHE GESHICHTE und Wissenchaftsgeschichte. (Historia - Einzelschriften. Heft 106.) Stuttgart, 1996. S. 9-57

Karl Christ lehrte bis zu seiner Emeritierung als Professor fur Alte Geschichte an der Universitat Marburg. Er gilt als einer der besten Kenner der Geschichte der romischen KaiserzeitCHRIST, K. (1986)Spartaforschung und Spartabild. Eine Einleitung // ders. (Hrsg.), SPARTA (WdF 622). Darmstadt, 1986. S. 1-72

CHRISTIEN, Jacqueline (2002)Iron Money in Sparta: Myth and History // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth, 2002. P. 171-190

CHRISTIEN, J. (1992)L' Étranger à Lacédémone // L' ÉTRANGER DANS LE MONDE GREC. II. Études réunies par Raoul Lonis. Actes du Deuxième Colloque sur l' Étranger. Nancy, 19 - 21 septembre 1991. Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1992. Pp. 147-167

CHRISTIEN, J. (1992)De Sparte à la côte orientale du Péloponnèse Polydipsion Argos // Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique. Suppl. 22 (1992) 157-172

CHRISTIEN, J.; Q. SpurÒpouloj (1985)Eau et La Thyréatide. Topographie et histoire // Bulletin de correspondance hellenique 109 (1985) 456-461

CHRISTIEN, J. (1985)Le territoir Laconien – les jonctions de Sparte et de la perioikis malgré l’encadrement montagneux // RAPPORTS. XVI-E CONGRÈS International des science historique. Stuttgart, 1985. T. I. P. 319-322

CHRISTIEN, J. (1974)La loi d’Epitadeus: Un aspect de l’histoire economiqque et sociale à Sparte // Revue du Droit Français et Etranger 52, 3 (1974) 197-221Résumé: Плутарх, следующий за рассказом Филарха, сохранил для нас в «Жизни Агиса» воспоминание о ретре, предложенной эфором Эпитадеем и принятие которой, кажется, потрясло общественные структуры в Спарте. Аристотель, кажется, также знает об этой ретре. Хотя исследование демографических данных оказалось менее ясно, нежели говорит Плутарх, кажется, что необходимо поместить этот закон в период, когда Спарта снеизбежностью стала превращаться из консервативного города в город империалистический, то есть на следующий день после Пелопоннесской войны. Но в городе, где консерватизм был догмой, надо было найти окольные средства, чтобы закон утвердил изменение. Именно под этим углом надо понять закон Эпитадея (пер. А. В. Зайкова)

CHRISTOU, C. (1964) Archaic graves in Sparta, and a Lacedaemonian funeral figured relief amphora // Archaiologion Deltion 19 A (1964) 123-163

CRHSTOU, Crusanqou 'Aq. (1960)'Arca‹a Sp£rth. SÚntomoj ÑdhgÕj gi£ t¾n „stor…a, t¦ mnhme…a kaˆ tÕ mouse…o tÁj Sp£rth. Sp£rth, 1960. ―128 S.

CICCOTTI, Ettore (1885) LA COSTITUZIONE COSIDDETTA DI LICURGO. Roma, 1885 (Bretschneider - 1967)

CLARK, Christina A. (1996)The Gendering of the Body in Alcman's Partheneion 1: Narrative, Sex, and Social Order in Archaic Sparta // Helios. A Journal Devoted to Critical and Methodological Studies of Classical Culture, Literature, and Society (Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech Univ. Pr.) 23, 2 (1996) 143-172

CLARKE, M. (2002)Spartan ate at Thermopylae? Semantics and Ideology at Herodotus, Historiies 7.223.4 // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; L.: Duckworth. - 2002. P. 63-84

CLAUSS, M. (1986) ٭Rez.: Lazenby, J. F. (1985) The Spartan Army. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1985 // Gnomon 58 (1986) 309-

CLAUSS, Manfred (1983) SPARTA. EINE EINFÜHRUNG IN SEINE GESCHICHTE UND ZIVILISATION. München: C. N. Beck, 1983

CLOSHÉ, Paul (1949)Sur le rôle des rois de Sparte // Les Études Classiques 17 (1949) 113-138; 343-381

CLOSHÉ, P. (1942)Aristotle et les institutions de Sparte // Les Etudes Classiques 11 (1942) 289-313

CLOSHÉ, P. (1933)Isocrate et la politique Lacédémonienne // Revue des Etudes Anciennes 35 (1933) 129-145

COLEMAN, Norton P. (1941) SOCIALISM AT SPARTA IN GREEK POLITICAL EXPERIENCE. Princeton, 1941

CONNOR, W. R. (1979)Pausanias 3.14,1: A Sidelight on Spartan History, c. 440 B. C.? // Transactions of the American Philological Association 109 (1979) 21-27

CONSTANTINIDOU, Soteroula (1998)Dionysiac elements in Spartan cult dances // Phoenix. The Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 52 (1998) 15-30

CONSTANTINIDES, S. (1989) LAKONIAN CULTS: the main sanctuaries of Sparta 800 BC to the Roman period. London, External, Ph. D, 1989

Abstract: This thesis deals with Lakonian Religion as was represented by the cults and cult-practices at the four main sanctuaries of Sparta: those of Orthia-Artemis and Athena Chalkioikos located within the city and the Menelaion and the Amyklaion sanctuaries in its vicinity. Though only approximate dates about their establishment can be suggested, the cults seem to have a contemporary history beginning by the end of the eighth century B. C. The deities worshipped at the above cult-centres, their attributes and cult characteristics which they present or develop within certain regional and chronological data, their cultic affinities with various other high and lesser divinities of Lakonia are also examined. The Introduction deals with the history of research on Lakonian Religion and the importance of this project. The method used here is presented and analysed. The importance of the study of local cults within their social and historical context is seen as the most appropriate approach for the understanding of the ways in which religious systems work. Part I refers to the Menelaion, the cult-centre of Helen and Menelaos. The history and the nature of the joint cults and the analysis of the archaeological and literary evidence shows that the Menelaion was a very important religious centre. The possibility of Helen being a divinity in Mycenaean times tracing some probable divine aspects of her in Homer and in her association with the abduction myth is also discussed. Certain festivals and other rites dedicated to her are described. Finally, the eidolon theme - most probably an invention of Stesichorous - is brought into connection with a period when her cult was at its floruit in Sparta. In Part II I examine the cults of Athena Chalkioikos, Orthia-Artemis and Hyakinthos / Apollo. The history of the shrine and the problem of cult-continuity at the Amyklaion, the nature of the association of Hyakinthos and Apollo and the rites performed during the Hyakinthia are discussed. The study of Athena's cult indicates that the goddess preserves in the Spartan cult many characteristics which she manifests in Athens. The origins of Orthia-Artemis, the nature of the rites dedicated to her and her association with the youths, shows that she was the goddess par excellence of the Spartan pantheon.

COOK, J. M. (1961) Knidian Peraea and Spartan Coins // Journal of Hellenic Studies 81 (1961) 62-65

COOK, R. M. (1979) Archaic Greek Trade: Three Conjectures. 2. The Distribution of Laconian Pottery // Journal of Hellenic Studies 49 (1979) 152-155

COOK, R. M. (1962) Spartan history and archaeology // CQ 12, 1 (1962) 156–158

CORNELIUS, Friedrich (1973)Pausanias // Historia 22 (1973) 502-504 {cf. Lippold 1965, Fornara 1966, Lang 1967, Blamire 1970, Rhodes 1970, Westlake 1977, Lazenby 1975}

CORNELIUS, F. (1932)Die Slacht bei Sardes // Klio 26 (1932) 29-31

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CROWTHER N. (1990)A Spartan Olympic boxing champion // L’anctiquite classique 59 (1990) 198-202

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DAVID, E. (1993)Hunting in Spartan Society and Consciousness // Echos du Monde Classique. Classical Views (Calgary, Alberta) 12, 3 (1993) 394-413

DAVID, E. (1992)Sparta’s social hair // Eranos 90, 1 (1992) 11-

DAVID, E. (1991) OLD AGE IN SPARTA. Amsterdam, 1991

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DAVID, E. (1989) Laughter in Spartan Society // CLASSICAL SPARTA: Techniques behind her success / Ed. A. Powell. L.: Routledge, 1989. P. 1 – 25

DAVID, E. (1985)The trial of Spartan kings // Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquite (Brussells) 32 (1985) 131-140

DAVID, E. (1983)Aristotle and Sparta // Ancient Society 13–14 (1982–1983) 67–103

DAVID, E. (1981) SPARTA BETWEEN EMPIRE AND REVOLUTION, 404-243 B.C. Internal Problems and Their Impact in Contemporary Greek Conciousness. New York, 1981

DAVID, E. (1980)The Influx of Money into Sparta at the End of the 5th cent. B. C. // Scripta Classica Israelitica 5 (1979/ 80) 30-45

DAVID, E. (1980)Revolutionary Agitation in Sparta after Leuctra // Athenaeum 58 (1980) 299-308

DAVID, E. (1979)The Conspiracy of Cinadon // Athenaeum 57 (1979) 239-259 {cf. Lazenby 1997}

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DAWKINS, R. M. (1929) Terracotta Figurines // THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS ORTHIA AT SPARTA. Excavated and described by members of the British School at Athens, 1906-1910. Ed. R.M. Dawkins. London: MacMillan and Co., Lim., 1929. P. 145-162

DAWKINS, R. M. (1929) Limestone Reliefs // THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS ORTHIA AT SPARTA. Excavated and described by members of the British School at Athens, 1906-1910. Ed. R.M. Dawkins. London: MacMillan and Co., Lim., 1929. P. 187-195

DAWKINS, R. M. (1929)Ivory and Bone // THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS ORTHIA AT SPARTA. Excavated and described by members of the British School at Athens, 1906-1910. Ed. R.M. Dawkins. London: MacMillan and Co., Lim., 1929. P. 203-248

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DREHER, Martin (2001) ATHEN UND SPARTA. München: C. H. Beck Verlag, 2001. - 221 S., 6 Karten. ISBN 3-406-48208-2 Umfang/Preis: 222 S.; € 17,90 (rez. BALTRUSCH 2001)Athen und Sparta sind die beiden bekanntesten griechischen Stadtstaaten. Ihre äußere und innere Machtentfaltung und ihre gegensätzlichen Strukturen beeinflußten und beeindruckten bereits die gesamte griechische Welt. Aber wo lagen ihre grundsätzlichen Unterschiede? Wie entwickelte sich ihr Staats- und Gesellschaftsaufbau - hier Demokratie, dort Aristokratie? Wer waren die politisch und militärisch maßgeblichen Persönlichkeiten in diesem Prozeß? Welche geschichtlichen Ereignisse sind für diebeiden Städte von prägender Bedeutung gewesen, wie sah ihre imperiale Politik aus? Warum brachte Athen ein blühendes Kulturleben hervor und wie äußerte es sich , während Sparta zunehmend kulturell verarmte? Welche Bedeutung kam dem Kult in beiden Städten zu? Und wieso war die Stellung der Frauen in beiden Gesellschaften so verschieden? Martin Drehers moderne Einführung in die Geschichte Athens und Spartas gibt auf diese und viele andere Fragen erste Antworten, nennt die maßgeblichen Quellen und weist den Weg zu weiterführender Literatur. Martin Dreher, geb. 1953, lehrt als Professor für die Geschichte des Altertums an der Otto-von-Guericke-Universität Magdeburg. Er hat zahlreiche Publikationen zur Geschichteder griechischen Antike vorgelegt

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HODKINSON, S. (1992) EXPLORATIONS IN CLASSICAL SPARTAN PROPERTY AND SOCIETY. Dissertation for the degree of PhD. Cambridge: Wolfson Colledge, 1992 Abstract: This dissertation explores the relationship between property holding in Classical Sparta (c. 550 - c. 360 BC) and the operation of Spartiate society, in order to illuminate both its longstandingstability and its crisis in the early fourth century. Chapter 1 examines the character of the Spartiate social order and the tensions inherent in its value system. A complex balance existed between thehigh valuation attached to principles of uniformity, merit or seniority and the significant influences which derived from the deployment of wealth. Chapter 2 tackles the controversial issue of the natureof land tenure and inheritance, concluding that it was subject to only minimal public control. Citizens had indefinite possession of estates which devolved to both sons and daughters and could bealienated through gift or bequest. Chapter 3 discusses the Spartiates' exploitation of the helot labour force, arguing that their extraction of produce was organized on a sharecropping basis and thatdifferential degrees of intervention by individual Spartiates on their estates were a critical factor in inhibiting (in Lakonia) or permitting (in Messenia) the emergence of an autonomous helot communalorganization capable of sustaining revolts and (ultimately) independence from Spartan control. Chapter 4 explores the implication of Sparta's system of universal female inheritance. Its long-term effectwas to retard the emergence of the most severe inequalities, but at the expense of continual short-term changes in land ownership. As economic differentiation grew in the fifth century, however, andwealth became the main determinant of status, citizen families increasingly employed a variety of marriage practices which were intended to minimize the dispersal of their property. These factors help toexplain the development of Sparta's citizen manpower shortage, especially the failure of her leaders to tackle its fundamental causes. Chapter 5 focuses on Sparta's unprecedented involvement in continuousforeign warfare and empire between 431 and 371 BC. The claim of ancient writers that Spartan society was corrupted by the influx of imperial wealth is judged to be grossly overstated. But the emergence ofindependent foreign commands, which were acquired by a minority of leading citizens, served to transform Sparta's socio-political system by intensifying the deployment of family influence and patronage,thereby accelerating the process of property concentration. Comparison with the Roman Republic suggests that the underlying framework of Sparta's fourth-century crisis was determined by the longer-term,structural factors discussed in Chapter 1 - 4; but the shorter-term impact of foreign warfare conditioned the timing, circumstances and particular form in which that crisis evolved.

HODKINSON, S. (1989)Inheritance, Marriage and Demography: Perspectives upon the Success and Decline of Classical Sparta // CLASSICAL SPARTA: Techniques behind her success / Ed. A. Powell. L.: Routledge, 1989. P. 79-121

HODKINSON, S. (1986)Land Tenure and Inheritance in Classical Sparta // The Classical Quarterly 36, 2 (1986) 378-406

HODKINSON, S. (1983)Social order and the conflict of values in Classical Sparta // Chiron 13 (1983) 239-281 (repr. in: SPARTA. Ed. M. Whitby. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. P. 104-130)

HOLLADAY, A. J. (1985) Sparta and the First Peloponnesian War // Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (1985) 161-162

HOLLADAY, A. J. (1977) Sparta's role in the First Peloponnesian War // Journal of Hellenic Studies 97 (1977) 54 – 63

HOLLADAY, A. J. (1977)Spartan austerity // The Classical Quarterly 27, 1 (1977) 111–126

HOOD, S. (1992)Cretans in Laconia? // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling /Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992.(?)

HOOK, Van L. (1932)On the Lacedemonians buried in the Kerameikos // American Journal of Archaeology 36 (1932) 290-292 { cf.: WILLEMSEN}

HOOKER, J. T. (1989) Spartan Propaganda // CLASSICAL SPARTA: Techniques behind her success / Ed. A. Powell. L.: Routledge, 1989. P. 122–141

HOOKER, J. T. (1982) SPARTA, GESCHICHTE UND KULTUR. Stuttgart, 1982

HOOKER, J. T. (1980) THE ANCIENT SPARTANS. L.: J. M. Dent, 1980

HOPE SIMPSON, R. (1972)‘Leonidas’ decision // Phoenix 26 (1972) 1-11 HORNBLOWER, Simon (2000)Sticks, stones, and Spartans: the sociology of Spartan violence // WAR AND VIOLENCE IN ANCIENT GREECE. Ed. by Hans van Wees. London: Duckworth and The Classical Press of Wales. - 2000. - p. 57-82

HORNBLOWER, S. (2000) Thucydides, Xenophon and Lichas: Were the Spartans Excluded from the Olympic Games from 420 to 400 BC? // Phoenix (Toronto) 54, 3/4 (2000) 212-225

HORNBLOWER, S. (1992)Thucycides’ Use of Herodotus // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling /Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. (?)

HOWE, T.; LARSON, S. (2002) ٭Rez. Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson (Eds.), Alternatives to Athens. Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece. Oxford: Oxf. Univ. Pr., 2001. Pp. xvi, 393 // BMCR 2002. 08. 23

HÖGHAMMAR, K. (2000-2001)A note on the border conflict between Argos and Sparta in the second century B. C.// OPUSCULA ATHENIENSIA. Annual of the Swedish Institute at Athens. (Stockholm). - Bd. 25-26 (2000-2001) 67-70

HÖLKESKAMP, Karl-Joachim (1999)Lykurgos (4), legendärer Stifter der »guten« politischen und gesellschaftlichen Ordnung Spartas // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopädie der Antike. Herausgegebenvon Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Band VII. Lef - Men. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. - 1999. - p. 579-580

HOWE, Timothy; LARSON, Stephanie (2002)Rez. Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson (Eds.), Alternatives to Athens. Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Pp. xvi, 393. ISBN 0-19-815220-5// Bryn Mawr Classical Review. (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr). - Vol. 2002.08.23 (2002)

HUART, P. (1970)L’épisode de Pylos-Sphactérie dans Thucydide: sa répercussion à Sparte // Annales Fac. Letters de Nice 11 (1970) 27-45

HUMBLE, Noreen (2004)The Author, Date and Purpose of Chapter 14 of the Lakedaimonion Politeia // XENOPHON AND HIS WORLD. Papers from a conference held in Liverpool in July 1999. Ed. by Christopher Tuplin. (Historia Einzelschriften. Heft 172.). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. - 2004. - p. 215-228

HUMBLE, N. (2002)Sophrosyne Revisited: Was It Ever a Spartan Virtue? // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth. - 2002. P. 85-109

HUMBLE, N. (1999)Sophrosyne and the Spartans in Xenophon // SPARTA. NEW PERSPECTIVES. Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell (Edd.). London: Duckworth with The Classical press of Wales. - 1999. - p. 339-353

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HUPFLOHER, Annette (2000) KULTE IM KAISERZEITLICHEN SPARTA. Eine Rekonstruktion anhand der Priesterämter, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 2000, - 245 S. DM 148; EUR79, 80; ISBN 3-05-003548-X (rez.: BALTRUSCH 2001)Den Kulten des kaiserzeitlichen Sparta hat sich die religionsgeschichtliche und althistorische Forschung bislang kaum zugewendet. Welche der gut neunzig Heiligtümer Spartas, die Pausanias im 2. Jahrhundert vermerkt, spielten im öffentlichen Leben dieser Zeit eine wichtige Rolle, welche nicht? Welche Götter verehrte man in welchem Ausmaß, mit welchen Riten? Wie war das kultische Leben überhaupt organisiert? Diese und weitere Fragen, die bisher noch nicht einmal gestellt worden waren, werden in dem Buch von A. Hupfloher hauptsächlich anhand der epigraphischen Quellen beantwortet. Daher wird jeder, der sich zukünftig mit der Thematik beschäftigt, dieses Werk zur Kenntnis nehmen müssen.

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Sparta und Heraklidisches Konigtum // Id. DIE POLITISCHE ROLLE DER HERAKLESGESTALT IM GRIECHSCHEN HERRSCHERTUM (Historia: Einzelschriften. Heft 112). Stuttgart: Fr. Steiner Verl., 1997. S. 43–64

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Implications of Alcibiades' Relationship with Endius // Mnemosyne 29, 1 (1976) 72–78

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LÉVY, E. (1983)Les trois traités entre Sparte et le Roi // Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 107, 1 (1983) 221-241

LÉVY, E. (1977)La Grande Rhètra // Ktèma 2 (1977) 85-103

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LINK, Stefan (2006) Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der spartanischen Krypteia (erscheint Klio 2006)LINK, S. SPARTA IM SCHATTEN DER HOMERISCHEN EPEN (in Vorbereitung)LINK, S. (2006) Die spartanische Kalokagathia – nur ein böser Witz? Zur Deutung von Thuk. 4,40,2 (erscheint Tyche 2006)

LINK, S. (2004)

Snatching and keeping: The motif of taking in Spartan Culture // Th. Figueira (Hg.), SPARTAN SOCIETY, 2004, 1-23

LINK, S. (2004) Die Ehrenrechte der spartanischen Könige // Philologus 148 (2004) 222-244

LINK, S. (2004) ٭Rez. Martin Dreher. Athen und Sparta. München: Beck (2001), 221 S. 6 Ktn. (C. H. Beck, Studium) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift für die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. (Verlag C. H. Beck München). - Vol. 76 (2004), Fasc. 5. - p. 459-460

LINK, S. (2004) ٭Rez. Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. Sparta. Aufstieg und Niedergang einer antiken Großmacht. Stuttgart 2004 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 23.11.2004, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/2004-4-132>)

LINK, S. (2003) Eunomie im Schoß der Rhetra? Zum Verhältnis von Tyrt. frgm. 14 W und Plut. Lyk. 6,2 und 8 // GÖTTINGER FORUM FÜR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT 6 (2003) 141-150 <http://www.gfa.d-r.de/6-03/link.pdf>

LINK, S. (2001) ٭Rez. S. Hodkinson, Property and Wealth in Classical Sparta // HZ 273 (2001) 717-719

LINK, S. (2000) DAS FRUHE SPARTA. Untersuchungen zur spartanischen Staatsbildung im 7. und 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. St. Katharinen: Scripta-Mercaturae-Verlag, 2000. - III, 138 S. - (Pharos; 13) {rez.: LUTHER 2002}

LINK, S. (1999)Der geliebte Bürger. Paideia und paidika in Sparta und auf Kreta // Philologus. Zeitschrift für das klassische Altertum (Berlin) 143 (1999) 3-25

LINK, S. (1999)Spartas untergang // Laverna 10 (1999) 817-837

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LIPKA, Michael (2002)Notes on the influence of the Spartan Great Rhetra on Tyrtaeus, Herodotus and Xenophon // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth, 2002. P. 219-225

LIPKA, M. (2002) XENOPHON’S SPARTAN CONSTITUTION: introduction, text and commentary. Berlin; N.Y.: Walter de Gruyter, 2002. - IX, 302 S. (Texte und Kommentare; Bd. 24). 98 EUR. ISBN 3-11-017466-9. Gb. {rez. MEIER 2002}

This work presents a new critical edition of The Spartan Constitution, a treatise in state philosophy attributed to the historian Xenophon. The Greek text, reconstructed on the basis of extant manuscriptsources, is prefaced by an introduction and supplemented by a critical commentary and an English translation. The introduction discusses the problem of the text's authenticity and dating and provides acomprehensive account of its sources, reception, language, style and structure as well as an analysis of the manuscript sources and the textual tradition. The commentary addresses linguistic as well ashistorical problems

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LIPPOLD, Georg (1929) Sparta als Kunststadt // RE 2 Riehe, Bd. 3, Hbbd 6 (1929) 1525-1528

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LITTMAN, R. J. (1969)A New Date for Leotychidas // Phoenix 23 (1969) 269-277

LOMBARDO, M. (1999)Le donne degli Iloti // FEMMES - ESCLAVES. Modèles d'interpretation anthropologique, économique, juridique. Atti del XXI colloquio internazionale girea Lacco-Ameno-Ischia, 27 - 29 ottobre 1994. Francesca Reduzzi Merola, Alfredina Storchi Marino (Edd.). Napoli: Jovene. (Diáphora. 9.) 1999. - p. 129-143

LOMIENTO, Liana (2001)Da Sparta ad Alessandria. La trasmissione dei testi nella Grecia antica // LA CIVILTÀ DEI GRECI. Forme, luoghi, contesti. A cura di Massimo Vetta. Roma:Carocci editore, 2001. P. 297-355

LORNAUX, N. La Belle Mort Spartiate // Ktema 2 (1977) -?-

LOTZE, Detlef (?) GRIECHISCHE GESCHICHTE. VON DEN ANFÄNGEN BIS ZUM HELLENISMUS (?) Leseecke Laufzeit ca. 55 Min. HÖR, 1 MC WBG-Aktionspreis € 12,90 bisher € 14,50

Das informative Feature liefert einen fundierten Überblick über die griechische Geschichte von den minoischen Anfängen bis zur Eingliederung der hellenistischen Reiche in das römische Imperium. Der Hörer lernt u. a. die Herrschaftsformen der Tyrannis, der Aristokratie und der Demokratie kennen sowie die großen Antagonisten Athen und Sparta, deren Gegensatz nur kurzfristig durch die Perserkriege überwundenwerden konnte.

LOTZE, D. (1990)Spielräume sozialer Mobilität in Athen und Sparta // Klio 72, 1 (1990) 136-

LOTZE, D. (1980) ٭Rez.: D. M. Lewis, Sparta and Persia (1976) // Gnomon 52 (1980) 176-179

LOTZE, D. (1970)Selbstbewußtsein und Machtpolitik. Bemerkungen zur machtpolitischen Interpretation spartanischen Verhaltens in den Jahren 479-477 v. Chr. // Klio 52 (1970) 255-275

LOTZE, D. (1964) LYSANDER UND DIE PELOPONNESISCHE KRIEG. Diss. Berlin, 1964 {rez.: Фролов 1964: ВДИ, № 4; Andrewes 1965}

LOTZE, D. (1962)Mothakes // Historia 11, 4 (1962) 427-

LOTZE, D. (1959) MetaxÝ 'Eleuqšrwn kaˆ DoÚlwn: STUDIEN ZUR RECHTSSTELLUNG UNFREIER LANDBEVÖLKERUNGEN IN GRIECHENLAND BIS ZUM 4. JAHRHUNDERT V. CHR. Berlin, 1959

LOOMIS, William T. (1992) THE SPARTAN WAR FUND: IG V 1, 1 and a New Fragment. (Historia Einzelschriften 74) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. 1992. Pp.

83; Pls. 17. ISBN 3-515-06147-9 EUR 29,00 {rez.: LANG 1992; Cartledge 1993: Clrev 43,2; Noethlichs 1994}

A new and expanded text, with translation, of the best-known Spartan inscription (Meiggs & Lewis no. 67), together with detailed epigraphical, textual, historical and economic commentaries. The new text is based on a fresh examination of the stone, the diaries of early travellers (who saw the stone when it was better preserved than it is today), and a newly discovered fragment, which adds Aiginetan and Chian exiles, and individual Achaians and Spartans, to the list of Sparta's war supporters. This new text enables the date of the inscription, previously controversial, to be fixed in the early years of the Peloponnesian War, thereby shedding light on Spartan war-finance and Greek attitudes towards Athens in the 420s and providing a badly-needed fixed point for Laconian Epigraphy. The monograph also clarifies the meaning of the Greek words ”pheugo“, ”phugas“.

LOUCAS, I. K. (1984)LakedaimÒnioi Dionusiakoˆ Tecnitej // Horos 2 (1984) -?-

LUGINBILL, Robert D. (2002)Tyrtaeus 12 West: Come Join the Spartan Army // Classical Quarterly 52, 2 (2002) 405-414

LUPI, Marcello (2003)L' archaica moira. Osservazioni sul regime fondiaro spartano a partire da un libro recento // INCIDENZA DELL’ ANTICO. Dialoghi di storia greca, 1.<?>, 2003. Pp. 151-172

LUPI, M. (2002)Sparta compared: ethnographic perspectives in Spartan studies // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth. - 2002. - p. 304-322

LUPI, M. (2001)Epimenida a Sparta. Nota sulla tradizione // EPIMENIDE CRETESE. Relazioni e interventi del Seminario epimenideo, Napoli 3 dicembre 1999. A cura di Eduardo Federico e Amedeo Visconti. Napoli: Luciano editore. (Quaderni del Dipartimento di discipline storiche »E. Lepore«, università »Federico II«, Napoli. 2.), 2001. P. 169-191

LUPI, M. (2000) L' ORDINE DELLE GENERAZIONI. CLASSI DI ETÀ E COSTUMI MATRIMONIALI NELL' ANTICA SPARTA. Bari: Edipuglia, 2000. - 228 S. (Pragmateiai. 4) {rev.: Figueira 2002}

LUPI, M. (1996)Astinersi dall’ “agora”: analogie istituzionali tra Tebe e Sparta // Métis 11 (1996) 69-82

LUPPINO-MANES, E. (1998) UN PROGETTO DI RIFORMA PER SPARTA. LA “POLITEIA” DI SENOFONTE. Milano, 1988

LUPPINO-MANES, E. (1997)Rivalità inimicizia – odio tra Alcibiade ed Agide II di Sparta // AMNISTIA PERDONO E VENDETTA nel mondo antico. Milano, 1997. P. 147 – 165

LUPPINO-MANES, E. (1987)Tradizione e innovazione: Una costante della Basileia di Agesilao // Miscellanea Greca e Romana 12 (987) 45-65

LURAGHI, Nino (2003)The imaginary conquest of the Helots // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. -p. 109-141 (rez. WELWEI 204)

LURAGHI, N. (2002)Becoming Messenian // The Journal of Hellenic Studies. (Published by the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies). - Vol. 122 (2002). - p. 45-69

Abstract: The article is an enquiry into the identity of two groups who called themselves Messenians: the Helots and perioikoi who revolted against Sparta after the earthquake in the 460s; and the citizens of the independent polity founded by Epameinondas in 370/69 BC in the Spartan territory west of the Taygetos. Based on the history of the Messenians in Pausanias Book 4, some scholars have thought that those two groups were simply the descendants of thefree inhabitants of the region, subdued by the Spartans in the Archaic period and reduced to the condition of Helots. According to these scholars, the Helotized Messenians preserved a sense of their identity and a religious tradition of their own, which re-emerged when they regained freedom. One objection to this thesis is that there is no clear archaeological evidence of regional cohesiveness in the area in the late Dark Ages, while the very concept of Messenia as a unified region extending from the river Neda to the Taygetos does not seem to exist prior to the Spartan conquest. Furthermore, evidence from sanctuaries dating to the Archaic and Early Classical periods shows that Messenia was to a significant extent populated by perioikoi whose material culture, cults and language were thoroughly indistinguishable from those documented in Lakonia. Even the site where Epameinondas later founded the central settlement of the new Messenian polity was apparently occupied since the late seventh century at the latest by a perioikic settlement. Some of these perioikoi participated with the Helots in the revolt after the earthquake, and the suggestion is advanced, based on research on processes of ethnogenesis that they played a key role in the emergence of the Messenian identity of the rebels. For them, identifiying themselves as Messenians was animplicit claim to the land west of the Taygetos; therefore the Spartans consistently refused to consider the rebels Messenians, just as they refused to

consider Messenians - that is, descendants of the "old Messenians" - the citizens of Epameinondas' polity. Interestingly, the Spartan and the Theban-Messenian views on the identity of these people agreeed in denying that the "old Messenians" had remained in Messenia as Helots. Messenian ethnicity is explained as the manifestation of the will of perioikoi and Helots living west of the Taygetos to be independent from Sparta. The fact that most Messenian cults attested from the fourth century onwards were typical Spartan cults does not encourage the assumption that there was any continuity in a Messenian tradition going back to the period before the Spartan westward expansion

LURAGHI, N. (2002)Helotic Slavery Reconsidered // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Edd. A. Powell; S. Hodkinson. Swansea: The Cl. Pr. of Wales; L., 2002. P. 227-248

LURAGHI, N. (2002) Helots Called Messenians? A Note on Thuc. 1.101.2. // Classical Quarterly 52, 2 (2002) 588-592

LURAGHI, Nino (2002) ٭Rez. Sparta: New Perspectives / Eds. S. Hodkinson; A. Powell. Pp. xxvi + 427, pls, map. London: The Classical Press of Wales (2000) // The Classical Review. Published for the Classical Association by Oxford University Press. - Vol. 52 (2002), Fasc. 1. - p. 93-95

LURAGHI, N. (2001)Der Erdbebenaufstand und die Entstehung der messenischen Identitat // GAB ES DAS GRIECHISCHE WUNDER? Griechenland zwischen dem Ende des 6. und der Mitte des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Tagungsbeitrage des 16. Fachsymposiums der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung veranstaltet vom 5. bis 9. April 1999 in Freiburg im Breisgau. Dietrich Papenfu? und Volker Michael Strocka (Hrsgg.). Redaktion: Thomas Ganschow und Wolf-Rudiger Megow. Mainz: von Zabern. - 2001. - S. 279-303

LUTHER, Andreas (2004) KÖNIGE UND EPHOREN. Untersuchungen zur spartanischen Verfassungsgeschichte. Frankfurt am Main : Verlag Antike, 2004. - 159 S. - (Studien zur Alten Geschichte. 2)

LUTHER, Andreas (2003) ٭Rez.: L. Thommen, Sparta. Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte einer griechischen Polis. Stuttgart., 2003 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 16.12.2003, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/2003-4-156>

LUTHER, A. (2002) ٭Rez.: S. Link, Das fruhe Sparta. Untersuchungen zur spartanischen Staatsbildung im 7. und 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. St. Katharinen: Scripta-Mercaturae-Verlag, 2000 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 26.07.2002, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/AG-2002-024>

LUTHER, A. (2002) ٭Rez.: Stefan Sommer, Das Ephorat. Garant des spartanischen Kosmos. St. Katharinen 2001 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 05.08.2002, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/AG-2002-026>

LUTHER, A. (2002)Chilon von Sparta // GELEHRTE IN DER ANTIKE. Alexander Demandt zum 65. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Andreas Goltz, Andreas Luther und Heinrich Schlange-Schöningen. Köln / Weimar / Wien: Böhlau Verlag. - 2002. - p. 1-16

LUTHER, A. (2000) Die col¾ basile…a des Agesilaos. 1 // The Ancient History Bulletin 14, 3 (2000) 120–129

LÜDEMANN (1939) SPARTA. B., 1939

MACAN, Reginald (1896)٭

Gilbert’s “Greek Constitutional Antiquities // The Classical Review 10, 4 (1896) 197-202

MacDONALD, A.G. (1972)A Note on the Raid of Sphodrias // Historia 21 (1972) 38-44

McDONALD, W. A.: G.R. RAPP (1972) THE MENNESOTA MESSENIA EXPEDITION. Minneapolis, 1972

MacDOWELL, Douglas M. (1986) SPARTAN LAW. Edinburgh, 1986 [Scottish Classical Studies, I] {rez.: TAEUBER 1988}

MACGREGOR-MORRIS, I. (1996) THE LEGEND OF THERMOPYLAE [PhD Manchester]

McQEEN E. J. (1990)The Euripontid house in Hellenistic Sparta // Historia (Wiesbaden) 39, 2 (1990) 163-181

MAGNANI, Italo (1972) ٭Rev.: Sica P. L’immagine della città da Sparta ad Atene. Bari: La Terza, 1970 // The Economic History Review 25, 3 (1972) 544-545

MAFFI, A. (2002) Studi recenti sulla Grande Rhetra // Dike 5 (2002) 195-236

MAFFI, A. (2001)Nomoi spartani e diritto greco (Riflessioni sul diritto di proprietà a Sparta) // QUADERNI DEL DIPARTIMENTO DI FILOLOGIA, Linguistica e Tradizione Classica »Augusto Rostagni«. Università degli studi di Torino. (2001). Pp. 57-66

MALKIN, Irad (1998)Myth, Religion, and Spartan "Ideology"// POLITISCHE THEORIE UND PRAXIS IM ALTERTUM. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Schuller. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. - 1998. Pp. 43-49

MALKIN, I. (1993) COLONISATION SPARTIATE DANS LA MER EGEE: tradition et Archeologie: Revue des Etudes Anciennes. (Annales de l'Universite Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III.), 1993. Pp. 365-381 Abstract: In contrast to its image as a land-locked state, Greeks in the Archaic and Classical periods regarded Sparta as a mother-city, colonizing both in the Peloponnese and overseas. The Aegean, inparticular, is noteworthy, with Spartan origins attributed to cities such a Melos, Thera, Knidos, several cities in Crete, and Kythera. Was this a mirage ? This paper examines the evidence and rejects thea priori disbelief of modern scholars in Sparta's Aegean colonization. Moreover, it contends that this colonization should be seen as part of the consolidation of the Spartan state in the eighth century.Sparta's conquest of Messenia and its resulting colony to Taras in southern Italy were the culmination of the process of stateformation at home accompanied by the export overseas of groups not allowed tointegrate in the new state

MALKIN, I. (1990) Lysander and Libys // CQ 40, 2 (1990) 541–545

MALKIN, I. (1994) MYTH AND TERRITORY IN THE SPARTAN MEDITERRANIAN. Cambr., 1994 (rev.: Frateantonio 1998; Link 1996)

― Ch. 7: Promises unfulfilled: Dorieus between North Africa and Sicily (pp. 192 – 218); ― Ch. 8: Myth and decolonization: Sparta's colony at Herakleia Trachinia (pp. 219 – 235)

MANN, Christian (2003) ٭Rez: Martin Dreher, Athen und Sparta. München: C.H.Beck 2001 // sehepunkte 3 (2003), Nr. 4 [15.04.2003]: http://www.sehepunkte.historicum.net/2003/04/3406482082.html

MANSO, J. C. F. (1800) SPARTA. EIN VERSUCH ZUR AUFKLÄRUNG DER GESCHICHTE UND VERFASSUNG DIESES STAATES. Bd. I-II. Leipzig, 1800

MARANGOU, E.-L .J. (1969) LAKONISCHE ELFENBEIN UND BEINSCHNITZEREIEN. Tübingen, 1969

MARASCO, G. (1980)La Retra di Epitadeo e la Sutuazione sociale di Sparta nel IV secolo // L’Antiquité Classique 49 (1980) 131-145

MARCONE, Arnaldo (2001)Tra Atene e Sparta: i Dialoghi di Focione di Mably // Quaderni di storia. (Bari: edizioni Dedalo) 54 (2001) 27-40

MARGREITER, I. (1988) FRÜHE LAKONISCHE KERAMIK VON GEOMETRISCHER BIS ZU ARCHAISCHER ZEIT (10. bis 6. jahrhundert v. Chr.) (Schriften aus dem Athenaion der klassischen Archäologie Salzburg, 5). Waldsassen, 1988.

MARCHANT, E.C. (1935)Xenophon on Sparta : rev. Ollier, F. Xenophon: La république des Lacedémoniens. Lyon - Paris: Bosc & Rioux, 1934 // The Classical Review 49, 6 (1935) 222

MARROU, H.-I. (1946)Les classes d’âge de la jeunesse spartiate // Revue des etudes anciennes 48 (1946) 216-230

MARTIN, R. (1976)Bathiclès de Magnésie et le “throne” d’Apollon à Amyklae // Revue archeologique 1976, p. 205-218 {cf. Faustoferri 1996}

MARTINEZ-LACY, R. (1997)The application of the concept of revolution to the reforms of Agis, Cleomenes, and Nabis at Sparta // Quderni di storia 23, 46 (1997) 95-105

MASSIMILLA, G. (1990)L’ Elena di Stesicoro opuale premessa ad una ritrattzione // La Parola del Passato 45, 4 (1990) 370-381

MASSOW, von W. (1927) Vom Amyklaion (Einzelfunde; Tronbau des Bathykles) // Athenisches Mitteilungen des Deutches Arch. Inst. 52 (1927) 34-64; 65-85

MASSOW, von W. (1926) Die Stele des Ainetos in Amyklai // Athenisches Mitteilungen des Deutches Arch. Inst. 51 (1926) 41-47

MASTRUZZO, G. (1977)

Osservazioni sulla spedizione di Dorieo // Sileno 3 (1977) 129-147

MEADOWS, A. R. (1995) Pausanias and the historiography of Classical Sparta // CQ 45,1 (1995) 92-113

MEIER, Eduard (1907)Der Logos des Königs Pausanias // Hermes <#?> (1907) -135-

MEIER, Ed. (1892)Lykurgos von Sparta // Id., FORSCHUNGEN ZUR ALTEN GESCHICHTE. Bd. I. Halle, 1892. S. 211-286

MEIER, Th. (1939)Das Wesen der spartanischen Staatsordnung // Klio n. f. 29, Beinheft 42 (1939) (?) (2 Aufl., Aalen: Scientia Verl., 1962)

MEIER, Mischa (2005) ٭Rez. William Cavanagh, Joost Crouwel, Richard W. V. Catling & Graham Shipley: Continuity and Change in a Greek Rural Landscape. The Laconia survey. Vol. I. Methodology and Interpretation (= Annual of the British School at Athens. Suppl Vol.: 26). London (British School at Athens) (2002), XXX, 465 S. 92 teilw. farb. Abb // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter). - Vol. 112 (2005), Fasc. 2. - p. 176-179

MEIER, M. (2004) ٭Rez. Marcello Lupi: L' ordine delle generazioni. Classi di età e costumi matrimoniali nell' antica Sparta. Bari: Edipuglia (2000)// Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift für die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. (Verlag C. H. Beck München). - Vol. 76 (2004), Fasc. 5. - p. 461-463

MEIER, M. (2004) ٭Rez. Michael Whitby: Sparta. Edinburgh (University Press) (2002). XIX, 275 S // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter). - Vol. 111 (2004), Fasc. 1. - p. 68-69

MEIER, M.(2004) ٭Rez. Athen und Sparta in klassischer Zeit. Ein Studienbuch. Stuttgart / Weimar: J. B. Metzler, 2003. Pp. xiv, 255. ISBN 3-476-01940-3 . Bryn Mawr Classical Review. (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr). - Vol. 2004.02.16 (2004)

MEIER, M (2003)Tyrtaios - Die Entstehung eines Bildes // ANTIKE UND ABENDLAND. Beiträge zum Verständnis der Griechen und Römer und ihres Nachlebens. (Berlin). - Vol. 49(2003). - p. 157-182

MEIER, M. (2003) ٭Rez. R. Fortsch, Kunstverwendung und Kunstlegitimation im archaischen und fruhklassischen Sparta. Mainz: von Zabern, 2001. - 270 S. 371 Abb. 3 Beilagen // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift fur Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag Winter). - Bd. 110 (2003), Heft 2. - S. 184-187

MEIER, Mischa (2002)

Tyrtaios fr. 1b G/P bzw. fr. 14 G/P (= fr. 4 W) und die Große Rhetra - kein Zusammenhang?// GÖTTINGER FORUM FÜR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT 5 (2002) 65-87 [http://www.gfa.d-r.de/5-02/meier.pdf]

MEIER, M. (2002) ٭Rez. M. Lipka: Xenophon’s Spartan Constitution. Introd., text, comm. Berlin, 2002 // H-Soz-u-Kult 16. 09. 2002

MEIER, M. (2001) ٭Rez. P. Cartledge: Spartan Reflections. L.: Duckworth, 2001 // Plekos 3, 2001(8. 11. 2001) [http://www.plekos.unimuenchen.de/2001/rcartledge.html]

MEIER, M. (2001) ٭Rez. S. Hodkinson: Property and Wealth in Classical Sparta. L.: Duckworth, 2000 // Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 4 (2001) 1159-1163 [http://www.gfa.d-r.de/4-01/meier3.pdf]

MEIER, M. (2000)Messenische Kriege // DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Band VIII. Mer - Op. Stuttgart & Weimar: Verlag J. B. Metzler. - 2000. - p. 56

MEIER, M. (2000)Zwischen Konigen und Damos. Uberlegungen zur Funktion und Entwicklung des Ephorats in Sparta (7. - 4. Jh. v. Chr.) // Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung. (Wien - Koln - Weimar: Bohlau Verlag). - Vol. 117 (2000). - p. 43-102

MEIER, M. (1999)Kleomenes I., Damaratos und das spartanische Ephorat // GÖTTINGER FORUM FÜR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT 2 (1999) 89-108<http://www.gfa.d-r.de/2-99/meier.pdf>

MEIER, M. (1998) ARISTOKRATEN UND DAMODEN. Untersuchungen zur inneren Entwicklung Spartas im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und zur politischen Funktion der Dichtung des Tyrtaios. Zugl.: Bochum, Univ., Diss., 1998/ Stuttgart: Steiner, 1998. - 347 S. DM 144. EUR 73,00 ISBN 3-515-07430-9 {rez.: VAN WEES 1999; Bradford 2000}

Der Autor sucht die Ursachen der Entwicklung der besonderen politisch-gesellschaftlichen Ordnung Spartas nicht im Streben der Spartaner nach militärischer Optimierung, sondern in inneren Spannungen während einer zentralen Phase im 7. Jh. v. Chr. Dabei zeigt sich, daß vor allem skrupellose Aristokraten die Gemeinde mehrfach vor existenzielle Probleme stellten. Wichtige Ereignisse in diesem Zeitraum lassen sich als Indizien dafür deuten, daß die Handlungsspielräume Einzelner zunehmend eingeschränkt und ihre Aktionen in den Dienst der Gemeinschaft gestellt werden sollten. Dabei wurden nicht nur die Grundlagen für die Ordnung in klassischer Zeit gelegt, sondern auch für die Ideologie des Bürgers, der sich bedingungslos für seine Polis einsetzt, und die erstmals in den Dichtungen des Tyrtaios propagiert wird. Daneben behandelt die Arbeit auch Fragen der Chronologie des frühen Sparta.

—"… a thought-provoking book, rewarding, and well worth reading." The Classical Review —"… die Arbeit stellt eine herausragende Leistung dar, die nicht nur durch gute Lesbarkeit, sondern auch durch eine hohe argumentative Kompetenz besticht, indem stets nachvollziehbar jede Aussage durch die Diskussion des Quellenmaterials gestützt wird." Historische Zeitschrift —"Meier's challenging and very quickly published book takes an honoured place among a whole host of recent literature on ancient Sparta. […] an impressive work." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung —"Es ist M. gelungen, einer in jüngeren Zeit häufig behandelten Problematik nicht lediglich neue Facetten abzugewinnen, sondern substantiell weiterführende Perspektiven zu eröffnen […] eine sehr wichtige Studie." Gymnasium

MEISTER, R. (1963) DIE SPARTANISCHEN ALTERSKLASSEN VOM STANDPUNKT DER ENTWICKLUNGSPSYCHOLOGIE BETRACHTET (SBWien, 241:5). Wien, 1963

MELLINK, M. J. (1943) HYAKINTHOS. Utrecht, 1943

MENDELS, D. (1979)

Sparta in Teles’ perˆ fugÁj // Eranos 77 (1979) 111-115

MENDELS, D. (1978)Polybius, Cleomenes III and Sparta’s ‘Patrios Politeia” // Parola del Passato 33 (1978) 161-166 MERITT, Benjamin D. (1931)The Spartan Gymnopaidia // Classical Philology 26 (1931) 70-84

MERTENS, Norbert (2002)ouk homoioi, agathoi de: the perioikoi in the classical Lakedaimonian polis// SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth. - 2002. - p. 285-303

MERTENS, N. (1999)Die Periöken Spartans // MA Diss. Frei Universität. Berlin, 1999

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MILLENDER, Ellen Greenstein (2003)Sthenelaides and the Costruction of Spartan Silence: Thucydides I.86 // <?>

MILLENDER, E. (2002)Herodotus and Spartan despotism // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Editors: Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales; London: Duckworth. - 2002. - p. 1-61

MILLENDER, E. G. (2002)Nomos Despotes. Spartan Obediece and Athenian Lawfulness in Fifth-Century Thought // OIKISTES. Studies in Constitutions, Colonies, and Military Power in the Ancient World. Offered in Honor of A. J. Graham. Ed. by Vanessa B. Gorman and Eric W. Robinson. Leiden / Boston / Koln: Brill. (Mnemosyne. Suppl. 234.). - 2002. - S. 33-60

MILLENDER, E. G. (2001) Spartan Literacy Revisited // Cl Ant 20, 1 (2001) 121-164

Abstract: According to several fourth-century Athenian sources, the Spartans were a boorish and uneducated people, who were either hostile toward the written word or simply illiterate. Building upon suchAthenian claims of Spartan illiteracy, modern scholars have repeatedly portrayed Sparta as a backward state whose supposedly secretive and reactionary oligarchic political system led to an extremely lowlevel of literacy on the part of the common Spartiate. This article reassesses both ancient and modern constructions of Spartan illiteracy and examines the ideological underpinnings of Athenian attacks onthe ostensibly unlettered Lacedaemonians. Beginning with a close analysis of the available archaeological and literary evidence on Spartan public applications of literacy, it argues that the written wordplayed a central role in the operation of the Spartan state, which utilized a variety of documents and required routine acts of literacy on the part of Spartiate commanders and officials. Both the broadeligibility for the ephorate and the Lacedaemonians' chronic oliganthropia demonstrate that not all of the important public functionaries whose duties customarily involved reading and writing were membersof the Spartan elite. The fact that Spartan office-holders acquired their literacy skills from a compulsory and comprehensive system of public education, which promoted the creation of a collectiveidentity, further argues in favor of a literacy that was more broadly based than previous scholars have concluded. The article then accounts for these representations of Spartan illiteracy by locatingthem in the context of the changing relationship between orality and literacy in fifth- and fourth-century Athens. It argues that as the written word played an increasingly important role in Atheniandemocratic practice and ideology, it began to perform two interconnected functions: as a significant component in Athenian self-definition and as a key indicator of cultural and political differencebetween Athen and its Peloponnesian enemies

MILLENDER, E. G. (2001) ٭Rev.: S. Hodkinson. Property and Wealth in Classical Sparta. L., 2000. Pp. xiii, 498 // Bryn Mawr Classical Revew 2001. 07. 26

MILLENDER, E. G. (1999)Athenian ideology and the empowered Spartan woman // SPARTA: NEW PERSPECTIVES / Ed. S. Hodkinson, A. Powell. L., 1999. P. 355-391

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Abstract: The author seeks to uphold Pausanias' dating of the Spartan annexation of Amyclae to the reign of the Agiad King Teleclus. He then argues for a date of the Great Rhetra in the late eighthcentury generally and during the reign of Teleclus' Eurypontid colleague Charilaus specifically. He advances arguments for synchronizing the annexation of Amyclae with the Great Rhetra. - A slightly latersynchronism manifests itself in King Nicander's aid to and resettlement of the Argolian Asinaeans in the Messenian Asine. This settlement (later than Teleclus' conquests along the shores of the MessenianGulf) seems to have taken place after the annexation of Amyclae and before the First Messenian War. - The alleged genealogies of the Spartan King Leonidas and Laotychidas (Hdt. VII 204 and VIII 131respectively) are kinglists and not genealogies; i.e. they recount in chronological order Spartan kings who are as a secondary development supposed to have succeeded one another in a perfect father-to-sonline. The author then discusses this fact as regards early Spartan chronology.

PARKER, V. (1992)The dates of the Orthagorids on Sicyon // Tyche 7 (1992) 165-175

PARKER, V. (1991) The dates of the Messenian Wars // Chiron 21 (1991) 25- 43

PATTERSON, Orlando (2003)Reflections on helotic slavery and freedom // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. - p. 289-310

PATRUCCO, R. (1975)L’attività sportiva di Sparta // ARCHAEOLOGICA. Festschrift A. Nehhi-Modona (1975) 395-412

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PAVESE, C. O. (1992) La Rhetra di Licurgo // Rivista di Filologica d’istruzione Classica 120 (1992) 260-285

PEARSON, Lionel (1962)The Pseudo-history of Messenia and its Authors // Historia 11 (1962) 397-426

PEARSON, L. (1936)Propaganda in the Archidamian War // Classical Philology 31 (1936) 33-52

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PEEK, Philip S. (1997) Spartan and Argive motivation in Thucydides 5. 22. 2 // AJPh 118,3 (1997) 363-370

PELAGATTI, P. (1955-56)La ceramica laconica del Museo di Taranto // ASAtene (=Annuariodella Scuola archeologica di Atene Abteilung) 17-18 (1955-1956) 7-44

PENDERGRAFT Mary, Karelisa HARTIGAN (1994) Naming the Figures; a Controversial Stelae in the Spartan Museum // Maia 46, 3 (1994) 239-258

PEPONI, Anastasia-Erasmia (2004)Initiating the Viewer: Deixis and Visual Perception in Alcman's Lyric Drama // Arethusa. Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press. - Vol. 37 (2004),Fasc. 3. - p. 295-316

Abstract: By thematizing the extra-linguistic context of its own performance, Alcman's Louvre Partheneion - the oldest extensive sample of choral poetry - turns deictic co-ordinates into a major subject of its discourse. Anastasia-Erasmia Peponi concentrates on a specific aspect of the song's deictic function, that relating to sight. While the dense deictic network of the song implies the chorus's interest in directing the audience's eyes toward the developing ritual, the interweaving of deixis with metaphor constantly alternates between mere vision and imaginary visualization. Through this shifting,the audience, although ostensibly summoned to perform the act of seeing (horan), is drawn into the intense activity of contemplation (theorein). Thus thedeictic tactics of the poem pose questions relating to visual perception and, ultimately, to cognition. Finally, the interaction between deictic and metaphoric mechanics illuminates some of the major interpretive problems that the fragment has generated since publication

PÈRE-NAGUES, S. (1998)Un mercenaire grec en Sicile (406-405): Dexippe le Lacédemonien // Dialogues d’Histoire Ancienne 24, 2 (1998) 7-24

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Roma e Sparta // Vichiana 3 (1992) 74-79

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PETTEGREW, David K. (2003) ٭Rez. W. Cavanagh, J. Crouwel, R. W. V. Catling, G. Shipley, Continuity and Change in a Greek Rural Landscape. The Laconia Survey. Vol 1: Methodology and Interpretation. ABSA Suppl. 26. London: British School at Athens, 2002. Pp. xxx, 500; ills. 92, soil map. ISBN 0-904887-22-7 // Bryn Mawr Classical Review. (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr). - Vol. 2003.09.42 (2003)

PETTERSSON, Michael (1992) CULTS OF APOLLO AT SPARTA: the Hyakinthia, the Gymnopaidiai and the Karneia. Doctoral diss. [Acta Institutí Alheniensis Regní Sueciae. Ser. In - 8º № 12]. Stockholm, 1992. –170 p.

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PIPER, Linda J. (1986) SPARTAN TWILIGHT. New Rochelle-New York: A. D. Caratzas, 1986 PIPER, L. J. (1986)Spartan Helots in the Hellinistic Age // Ancient Society 15-17 (1984-1986) 75-88

PIPER, L. J. (1979)Wealthy Spartan Women // Classical Bulletin 56 (1979) 5-8

PIPILI, Maria (1998)Archaic Laconian vase painting: Some Iconographic consideration // SPARTA IN LACONIA. Proceedings of the 19th Brit. Museum Classical Colloquium / W.G. Cavagnah (ed.), S.E.C. Walker. L., 1998. <?>

PIPILI, M. (1992)A Laconian Ivory Reconsidered // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling /Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. (?)

PIPILI, M. (1987) LACONIAN ICONOGRAPHY OF THE 6 CENTURY B. C. Oxf., 1987

PIZZOCARO, M. (1993)Un profito di Telesilla, famosa poetessa di Argo, e guerriera // Annali dell’ Istituto Universitario Orientali di Napoli, XV (1993) 89-103

PLANT, I. M. (1994) The Battle of Tanagra: A Spartan Initiative? // Historia 43, 3 (1994) 259–274

POLAND, F. (1929)Stibas // RE III A 2 (1929) 2482-2484

POMEROY, Sarah B. (2004)Xenophon's Spartan Women // XENOPHON AND HIS WORLD. Papers from a conference held in Liverpool in July 1999. Ed. by Christopher Tuplin. (Historia Einzelschriften. Heft 172.). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. - 2004. - p. 201-214

POMEROY, Sarah B. (2003) ٭Rev.: Sparta Beyond the Mirage / A. Powell, S. Hodkinson ed. L, 2002 // BMCR 2003. 08. 06 [http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr]

POMEROY, Sarah B. (2002) SPARTAN WOMEN. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. - xvii, 198 p.: ill $17.64 (rez.: Samotta 2005, Powell 2003; JONES 2003; VIVANTE 2003; SIENKEWICZ 2002)Sparta, which existed from 800 B.C. until A.D. 200, was renowned in the ancient world as a stoic and martial city-state, and most of what we know about Sparta concerns its military history and male-dominated social structure. Yet Spartan women were in many ways among the most liberated of the ancient world, receiving formal instruction in poetry, music, dance, and physical education. And the most famous of mythic Greek women, Helen of Troy, was originally a Spartan. In this book, Sarah Pomeroy covers over a thousand years in the lives of Sparta's women from both the elite and lower classes. This examination of Spartan women, and analysed ancient texts and archaeological evidence constructs the history of these elusive though much noticed women. This is the first book-length examination of Spartanwomen, covering over a thousand years in the history of women from both the elite and lower classes. Classicist Sarah B. Pomeroy comprehensively analyzes ancient texts and archaeological evidence to construct the world of these elusive though much noticed females. Sparta has always posed a challenge to ancient historians because information about the society is relatively scarce. Most existing scholarship on Sparta concerns the military history of the city and its heavily male-dominated social structure―almost as if there were no women in Sparta. Yet perhaps the most famous of mythic Greek women, Menelaus' wife Helen, the cause of the Trojan War, was herself a Spartan. Written by one of the leading authorities on women in antiquity, Spartan Women reconstructs the lives and the world of Sparta's women, including how their status changed over time and how they held on to their surprising autonomy. Proceeding through the archaic, classical, Hellenistic, and Roman periods, Spartan Women includes discussions of education, family life, reproduction, religion, and athletics.

POMPILI, F. (1986)Le officine // STUDI SULLA CERAMICA LACONICA. ATTI DELL SEMINARIO, Perugia, 23-24 febbraio 1981. Perugia, 1986. P. 102-106.

POOLE, William (1994)Euripides and Sparta // SHADOW OF SPARTA / Ed. A. Powell, S. Hodkinson. L.: Routledge, 1994. P. 1 – 33

PORALLA, Paul (1913) PROSOPOGRAPHIE DER LAKEDAIMONIER BIS AUF DIE ZEIT ALEXANDERS DES GROSSEN. Breslau, 1913. –174 S.; + Appendix I and II (19853: pp. 173-200) (repr.: 1966, 1985) {cf.: Poralla, P. A. Prosopography of Lacedaemonians: from the earliest times to the death of Alexander the Great, 2nd ed. with an introd., addenda et corrigenda by A. S. Bradford. Chicago: Ares, 1985}

PORCIANI, Leone (2003)Logoi, erga, documenti: il caso della tregua del 423 a. C. fra Atene e Sparta // L' USO DEI DOCUMENTI NELLA STORIOGRAFIA ANTICA. Anna Maria Biraschi, Paolo Desideri, Sergio Roda e Giuseppe Zecchini (Edd.). Perugia: Edizioni scientifiche italiane; Università degli studi di Perugia. (Incontri perugini distoria della storiografia. 12.). - 2003. - p. 315-329

PORTER, W. H. (1935) The Antecedents of the Spartan Revolution of 243 B.C. // Hermathena 49 (1935) 1-15

POUILLOUX M. J., M. F. SALVIAT (1983) LICHAS, LACÉDEMONIEN, ARHONTE Á THASOS ET LIVRE VIII DE THUCYDIDE. Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendus des Seances de L'anne 1983 auril-juin. P., 1983. Pp. 376-403

POWELL, A. (2003) ٭Sparta: "A Modern Woman Imagines". Rev. Pomeroy, S. B. Spartan women. Oxford: Univ.Pr., 2002 // Classical Philology 98, 3 (2003) 465-467

POWELL, Anton (2002)Dining Groups, Marriage, Homosexuality // SPARTA. Ed. M. Whitby. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. P. 90-103

POWELL, A. (2002) ٭Rev. P. Cartledge. Spartan reflections. L., 2001 // Hermatena: A Trinity College Dublin Review 172 (2002) 76-80

POWELL, A. (2001) ATHENS AND SPARTA: Constructing Greek Political and Social History from 478 B.C. 2nd ed. London-NewYork: Routledge, 2001

POWELL, A. (2000) ٭Rev. N. Richer: Les Ephores. Études sur l' histoire et sur l' image de Sparte (viiie - iiie siècles avant Jésus Christ). Pp. 636. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1998 // The Classical Review. (Published for the Classical Association by Oxford University Press.) 50, 2 (2000) 504-507

POWELL, A. (1999) Spartan women assertive in politics? Plutarch’s Lives of Agis and Kleomenes // SPARTA: NEW PERSPECTIVES. Ed. by S. Hodkinson and A. Powell. L.: Duckworth with the Cl. pr. of Wales, 1999. P. 393-414

POWELL, A. (1998) ٭Rev. ad op.: S.C. Todd. Athens and Sparta. L., 1996 // Clrev 48, 1 (1998) 220

POWELL, A. (1998)Sixth-century Lakonian vase-painting: continuities and discontinuities with the »Lykourgan ethos« // ARCHAIC GREECE: new approaches and new evidence. Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees (Edd.). London: Duckworth; Swansea: The classical pr. of Wales. - 1998. - p. 119-146

POWELL, Anton (1996) ٭Rez. Irad Malkin, Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean. Cambridge: Cambr. Univesity Press (1994) // The Classical Review 46, 1 (1996) 182-183

POWELL, A. (1994)Plato and Sparta: modes of rule and of non-rational persuasion in the Laws // SHADOW OF SPARTA / Ed. A. Powell, S. Hodkinson. L.: Routledge, 1994. P. 127-181

POWELL, A. (1994) ٭Rez. M. Nafissi, La Nascita del Kosmos. Studi sulla storia e la società di Sparta. Naples: Università degli Studi di Perugia (1991) // The Classical Review. Published for the Classical Association by Oxford University Press. - Vol. 44 (1994), Fasc. 1. - p. 103-105

POWELL, A. (1989)

Mendacity and Sparta’s Use of the Visual // CLASSICAL SPARTA: Techniques behind her success / Ed. A. Powell. L.: Routledge, 1989. P. 173-192

PÖHLMANN, Robert Von (1912) GESCHICHTE DER SOZIALEN FRAGE UND DES SOZIALISMUS IN DER ANTIKEN WELT. Bd. I. München, 1912

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PRENTICE, William K. (1934) The Character of Lysander // AJA 38, 1 (1934) 37-42

PRIDEMORE, M. G. (1995)A re-examination of a ship on an ivory plaque from Sparta // International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, 2 (1995) 161-.

PRITCHETT, William Kendrick (1971) THE GREEK STATE AT WAR. Berkeley – Los Angeles – London: Univ. of Calif. Pr., 1971. (Part I: pp. 105-126: “The marching paian”, “Sacrifice before battle”, “Phases of the moon and festivals”); part II: pp. 232-290: “Greek military discipline”, “The battlefield trophy”, “Aristeia in greek warfare”.)

PRITCHETT, W. K. (1958) New Light on Thermopylae // American Journal of Archaeology 62 (1958) -211-

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PRONTERA, F. (1980-81)Il trono di Apollo in Amicle: appunti per la topografia e la storia religiosa di Sparta arcaica // AnnPerugia 18 (1980-1981) 215-230

QUATTROCELLI, Luana (2002)Poesia e convivialità a Sparta arcaica. Nuove prospettive di studio // CAHIERS DU CENTRE GUSTAVE-GLOTZ. Publiés avec le concours du Centre National de laRecherche Scientifique. (Paris: De Boccard). - Vol. 13 (2002). - p. 7-32

QUILLER, Bjorn (1996)Reconstructing the Spartan Partheniai: many guesses and a few facts // Symbolae Osloenses 71 (1996) 34-41

RAAFLAUB, Kurt A. (2003)Freedom for the Messenians ? A note on the impact of slavery and helotage on the Greek concept of freedom // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. - p. 169-190

RAHE, P. A. (1977) LYSANDER AND THE SPARTAN SETTLEMENT, 407-403 BC. Ph. D. Diss., Yale Univ., 1977

RAHE, Paul A. (1980)The selection of Ephors at Sparta // Historia 29 (1980) 385-401{cf. Rhodes 1981}

RAWSON, Elisabeth (1969) THE SPARTAN TRADITION IN EUROPEAN THOUGHT. Oxf., 1969 (rev. MURRAY 1971)

REBENICH, Stefan (2002)From Thermopylae to Stalingrad: The Myth of Leonidas in German Historiography // SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE. Edd. A. Powell; S. Hodkinson. Swansea: The Cl.Pr. of Wales; L., 2002. P. 323-349S. Rebenich lehrt Alte Geschichte an der Universität Mannheim. Zahlreiche Publikationen zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts sowie zu Leben und Werk von Theodor Mommsen. StefanRebenich, geb. 1961; Studium der Klassischen Philosophie und der Geschichte in Mannheim und Oxford; 1990 Promotion, 1995 Habilitation in Alter Geschichte; seit 1997 Hochschuldozent an der UniversitätMannheim, Veröffentlichungen v.a. zu spätantiken und wissenschaftsgeschichtlichen Themen.

REBENICH, S. (1998)Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Sparta? Überlegungen zur Tradition der spartanischen Xenelasie // Klio 80, 2 (1998) 336-359 {cf. Figueira 2003} Abstract: The Spartan expulsion of foreigners, the xenelasia, has often been regarded as the acme of Spartan xenophobia. There is however no evidence to prove the existence of a relevant (Lycurgan) law orof systematic deportations. The expulsions attested in our sources were singular measures which were only taken in times of acute domestic or international crisis, e. g. during food shortages or in the course of military confrontations. Larger groups of foreigners were probably not targeted before the fifth century. On occasion, other Greek poleis exhibited the same hostility towards foreigners. The image of an all-out xenophobia in Sparta and the xenelasia introduced by Lycurgus is a construct of Athenian propaganda during the Peloponnesian War and the oligarchic idealization of the early Spartan political and social system

REBENICH, S. (1998) XENOPHON. DIE VERFASSUNG DER SPARTANER. Hrsg., übersetzt und erläutert von Stefan Rebenich. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998. - XI, 156 S. - (Texte zur Forschung ; 70) EUR 29.90 {cf. Lipka 2002}

Die älteste uns erhaltene Schrift über "Die Verfassung der Spartaner" des Atheners Xenophon wird in diesem Band in einer neuen deutschen Übersetzung, die dem griechischen Originaltext synoptisch gegenübergestellt ist, mit Einleitung und ausführlichem Kommentar vorgelegt. Inhaltsverzeichnis:

REDFILD, J. (1978)The Women of Sparta // Classical Journal 73 (1977/ 78) 146-161

REECE, David W. (1962) The date of the fall of Ithome // JHS 82 (1962) 111–120

REECE, David W. (1950)The battle of Tanagra // Journal of Hellenic Studies [?] (1950) 75-76

REUSS, C. (1878) DE LYCURGEA QUAE FERTUR AGRORUM DIVISIONE. Pforzheim, 1878

RHODES, Peter John (1997) ٭Rez. U. Walter: An der Polis teilhaben. Bürgerstaat und Zugehörigkeit im archaischen Griechenland. Stuttgart: Steiner 1993. 242 S. (Historia. Einzelschriften. 82) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift für die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. - Vol. 69 (1997), Fasc. 3. - p. 268-269

RHODES, P. J. (1981)The selection of Ephors at Sparta // Historia 30 (1981) 498-502 {cf. Rahe 1980}

RICE, D. G. (1975)Xenophon, Diodorus and the Years 379/ 78: Reconstruction and Reappraisal // Yale Classical Studies 24 (1975) 95-130

RHODES, P. J. (1970)Thucidides on Pausanias and Themistocles // Historia 19 (1970) 387-400 {cf. Westlake 1977}

RICE, D. G. (1974) Agesilaus, Agesipolis, and Spartan Politics 386-379 B. C. // Historia 23 (1974) 164-182

RICE, D. G. (1971) WHY SPARTA FAILED. Ph.D. diss., Yale Unuversiry, 1971

RICHER, N. (2001)Un piuple de philosophes à Sparte? `A prapos de Platon, Protagoras 342a-343b // Università degli studi di Torino. Quaderni del Dipartamento di filologia,linguistica e tradizione classica ‘Augusto Rostagni’, 2001. Pp. 29-55

RICHER, N. (1999)La recherche des appuis surnaturels topiques par les Spartiates en guerre // LE PÉLOPONNÈSE. Archéologie et Histoire. Actes de la rencontre internationale de Lorient (12 - 15 mai 1998). Textes rassemblés par Josette Renard. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes. - 1999. - p. 135-148

RICHER, N. (1998) LES ÉPHORES. ÉTUDES SUR L'HISTOIRE ET SUR L'IMAGE DE SPARTE (VIIIE―IIIE SIÈCLE AVANT JÉSUS-CHRIST). Paris: Publ. de la Sorbonne, 1998. - 636 S. - (Université de Paris-Sorbonne: [Publ. de la Sorbonne / Série Histoire ancienne et médiévale]; 50)

RICHTER, Nicolas (2001)"Eunomia" et "eudaimonia" à Sparte // Dike. Rivista di storia del diritto greco ed ellenistico (Milano) 4 (2001) 13-38

RICHTER, N. (1999)Aidos at Sparta // SPARTA. NEW PERSPECTIVES. Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell (Edd.). L.: Duckworth with The Classical pr. of Wales. - 1999. - p. 91-115

RIDLEY, R. T. (1974)The economic activities of the Perioikoi // Mnemosyne 27, 3 (1974) 281-292

RIGNALDA (1893) DE LACEDAEMONIORUM RE MILITARI. Leuwarden, 1893

RIOS Fernandes, M. (1984)Los silencios de Jenofonte en el Agesilao de Plutarco // Habis 15 (1984) 41-70

ROBAERT, Arlette (1972)Pausanias le Jeune eut-il l’intention de supprimer l’Ephorat? // Historia 21 (1972) 756-758

ROBBINS, E. (1994)

Alcman's Partheneion: Legend and choral ceremony // Classical Quarterly 44, 1 (1994) 7-

ROBERTSON, Noel D. (2003)The Religious Criterion in Greek Ethnicity: The Dorians and the Festival Carneia // American Journal of Ancient History. New Series, Volume 1, Number 2. 2002 [2003]. (2003). - p. 5-74

ROBERTSON, Noel (1986)A Point of Precedence at Plataia the Dispute between Athens and Sparta Over Leading the Procession // Hesperia 55, 1 (1986) 88-102

ROBINSON, Eric W. (1992) Oracles and Spartan Religious Scruples // Liverpool Classical Monthly 17, 9 (1992) 131-132

ROISMAN, J. (1988)Kallikratidas – a Greek patriot? // Classical Journal (Tallahassee) 83, 1(1987) 21-33

ROISMAN, J. (1988)Klearchos in Xenophon’s Anabasis // Scripta Classica Israelica 8-9 (1985-88) 30-52

ROISMAN, J. (1987)Alkidas in Thucydides // Historia 36, 1 (1987) 411-421

.ROLLEY, CL ٭rez.: C. M. Stibbe, Das andere Sparta [Kulturgeschichte der antike Welt, 65]. Mainz; Ph. von Zabern, 1996. – 316 S. 16 Taf. farben, 143 Fig. scwarz u. weiß // Revue Archéologique 1998, F. 2. P. 429-430

ROLLEY, Claude (1977)Le problème de l’art laconien // Ktèma 2 (1977) 125-140

ROOBAERT, A. (1977)Le danger hilote? // Ktèma 2 (1977), S. 141–155

ROOS, A. (1949)The Peace of Sparta of 374 B. C. // Mnemosyne 2 (1949) 265-285

ROOS, A. (1932) LYCURGUS. Groningen, 1932

ROSE, H.J. (1941)Greek Rites of Stealing // Harvard Theological Revew 34 (1941) 1-5

ROSE, H.J. (1929)The Cult of Orthia // THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS ORTHIA AT SPARTA. Excavated and described by members of the British School at Athens, 1906-1910. Ed. R.M. Dawkins. London: MacMillan and Co., Lim., 1929. P. 399-408

ROUSSEL, Pierre (1939) SPARTE. Paris: Boccard, 1960 (repr. 19602). - 160 S.: zahlr. Ill., Kt.

ROY, Jim (1998) Thucydides 5.49.1-50.4: The Quarrel between Elis and Sparta in 420 B.C. and Elis' Exploitation of Olympia // Klio 80, 2 (1998) 360-368.

ROY, J. (1997)Spartan aims in the Spartan-Elean war of c.400: Further Thoughts // Electronic Antiquity 3 Issue 6 - February 1997 (edited by P. Toohey, Ian Worthington) [[email protected]]

ROY, John (1995) ٭Rez. The Shadow of Sparta. London, New York: Routledge / Classical Press of Wales (1994) // The Classical Review. Published for the Classical Association by Oxford University Press. - Bd. 45 (1995), Heft 2. - S. 323-325

RUDOLPH, H. (1956)Die lykurgische Rhetra und die Begründung des spartanischen Staaates // FESTSCHRIFT FÜR BRUNO SNELL. München, 1956.

RUSCH, Scott (2002)Agis Threatens Athens: The Plausibility of Diodorus 13.72.3 - 73.2 // OIKISTES. Studies in Constitutions, Colonies, and Military Power in the Ancient World. Offered in Honor of A. J. Graham. Ed. by Vanessa B. Gorman and Eric W. Robinson. Leiden / Boston / Köln: Brill. (Mnemosyne. Suppl. 234.). - 2002. - S. 285-300

RUSCHENBUSCH, E. (1993)Wortlaut und Aufbau der Friedensvertrages vom Jahre 446/5 v. Chr. // Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik (Bonn) 97 (1993) 207-212

RUTHERFORD Harley, T. (1934)The Public School of Sparta // Greece & Rome 3 (1934) 129-139

RUZÉ, Fr. (1999) La légende de Sparte // L’ Histoire. T. 1842, № 232. Mai 1999. P. 46-49 (= Eunomia. A la recherche de l' équite. Édité par Daphné Gondicas. (Cahiers du Littoral, n° 1, 3). Paris: Diffusion De Boccard, 2003. - 1999. - p. 175-182)

RUZE, F. (1993) Les inferieurs libres a Sparte: exclusion ou integration // MELANGES P. Leveque, Bd. 7, hg. von Mactoux, M.-M., und Geny, E. (Centre de Recherchesd’Histoire Ancienne 121), Paris 1993, P. 297-310

RUZÉ, Françoise (1991)Le conseil et l' Assemblée dans la grande rhètra de Sparte // Eunomia. A la recherche de l' équite. Édité par Daphné Gondicas. (Cahiers du Littoral, n° 1, 3). Paris: Diffusion De Boccard, 2003. - 1991. - p. 125-138

RYDER, T. T. B. (1963)Athenian Foreign Policy and the Peace-conference at Sparta in 371 B. C. // Classical Quarterly 13, 2 (1963) 237-241

mailto:[email protected]

RYDER, T. T. B. (1963) Spartan Relations with Persia after the King’s Peace: A Stange Story in Diodorus 15. 9 // Classical Quarterly 13, 1 (1963) 105-109

SABBI, Anna (2002) Eschilo e le sconfitte degli Argivi da parte degli Spartani a Sepia e a Tegea // Rivista Storica dell’Antichita 32 (2002) 99-103

SALAPATA, G. (2001) ٭Rev.: E. Kourinou. Sparte: Sumbole ste mnemeiake topografia tes. Athens: Horos, 2000 // BMCR 2001. 08. 11

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SAMOTTA, Iris (2005) ٭Rez. Sarah Pomeroy: Spartan Women. Oxford (Univ. Press) (2002). XVII, 198 S. 11 schw./w. AbbIn: Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter). - Vol. 112 (2005), Fasc. 2. - p. 175-176

SANDERS, Jan Motyka (1992)The Early Laconia Dioskouroi Reliefs // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. P. 205-210

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SCHEIDEL, Walter (2003)Helot numbers: a simplified model // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. -p. 240-247

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SCHEPENS, Guido (2004)Arete e hegemonia. I profili storici di Lisandro e di Agesilao nelle Elleniche di Teopompo // IL PELOPONNESO DI SENOFONTE. Giornate di studio del dottorato di ricerca in filologia, letteratura e tradizione classica. Milano, 1 - 2 aprile 2003. Giovanna Daverio Rocchi e Marina Cavalli (Edd.). (Università degli studi di Milano, Fac. di Lettere e filosofia. Quaderni di Acme. 64.). Milano: Cisalpino. Istituto editoriale universitario. - 2004. - p. 1-40

SCHEPENS, Guido (2003)Portrait d' Agésilas, roi de Sparte, entre consentement et dissentimentIn: Storiografia e regalità nel mondo greco. Colloquio interdisciplinare. Cattedre di Storia della storiografia greca e Storia greca. Chieti, 17 - 18 gennaio 2002. Emma Luppino Manes (Ed.). Alessandria: Edizioni dell' Orso. (Università degli studi »G. D'Annunzio« Chieti. Collana del Dipartimento di scienze dell' antichità. Sezione storica.). - 2003. - p. 127-175

SCHIEBER, A. S. (1982)Leotychidas in Thessaly // L’antiquite classique 51 (1982) 5-14

SCHIEBER, A. S. (1980)Thucydides and Pausanias // Athenaeum 58 (1980) 396-405

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SCHMITZ, Winfried (2003)Nicht "altes Eisen", sondern Garant der Ordnung. Die Macht der Alten in Sparta // ‘AM SCHLIMMEN RAND DES LEBENS?’ - Altersbilder in der Antike. Hrsg. von Andreas Gutsfeld und Winfried Schmitz. Köln / Weimar / Wien: Böhlau Verlag. - 2003. - p. 87-112

SCHMITZ, W. (2002)Die geschorene Braut. Kommunitäre Lebensformen in Sparta? // Historische Zeitschrift (München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag) 274 (2002) 561-602

SCHNEIDER, Werner J. (2003)Verdoppelt und gesühnt. Thukydides zum Ausgang des Plataiaisiegers Pausanias: Eine übersehene Regel der antiken Rechtspraxis // Klio. Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte (Berlin: Akademie Verlag) 85, 2 (2003) 289-303

Abstract: The death of the once highly celebrated hero of Plataea, Pausanias, is brought about by his fellow Spartans at the sanctuary of Athena of the Brazenhouse, where he took refuge as an hiketes. Aftera certain length of time an oracular response of Apollo orders the Lacedaemonians to compensate the loss the goddess has suffered by repaying her with two bodies instead of one. The present studydiscusses this special kind of double recompense which has hitherto remained opaque to philologists and archaeologists and presents a suitable place for it in the context of ancient Rechtsgeschichte

SCHRÖDER, B. (1904)Archaische Skulpturen aus Lakonien und der Maina // AM (=Mitteilungen des deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Ableitung) 29 (1904) 24-31

SCHUBERT, Charlotte (2004) ٭Rez.: Edmond Lévy, Sparte. Histoire politique et sociale jusqu'à la conquête romaine. Paris, 2003 // H-Soz-u-Kult, 19.01.2004, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/2004-1-029>

SCHUBERT, Charlotte (2003) ATHEN UND SPARTA IN KLASSISCHER ZEIT. Ein Studienbuch. 2003. XIV, 255 S. m. 20 Fotos, Ktn. u. Pln. 23,5 cm. Gebunden. 555gr. ISBN: 3-476-01940-3, KNO-NR: 11 15 74 06 EUR 29.95 Vergleichende Darstellung der politischen Systeme mit umfassenden Quellen- und Literaturhinweisen und Glossar Für Athen und Sparta ist das 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr. die entscheidende Epoche ihrer Geschichte: In Athen entwickeln sich Demokratie und Kultur, Sparta hingegen überwindet in dieser Zeit existenzielle Krisen, aus denen es gestärkt als militärische und politischeVormacht Griechenlands hervorgeht. In einer vergleichenden Analyse beider Systeme stellt die Autorin die wesentlichen politischen und kulturellen Entwicklungen des 5. Jahrhunderts dar, ausgehend von der kleisthenischen Phylenreform in Athen bis hin zum Peloponnesischen Krieg. Abbildungen, ausführliche Quellen- und Literaturhinweise, ein erläuterndes Verzeichnis der antiken Autoren und ein Glossar machen diesen Band zum Studienbuch. Mischa Meier: After years of histories of Athens and Sparta written separately, now three monographs have been published aiming to describe simultaneously the development of both poleis, especially their mutual relationships. All these books are addressed more to students and the general reader than to scholars. No wonder, therefore, that Schubert prefers to present a summaryof events and developments instead of analyzing and interpreting the material in a wider perspective.

Über den Autor: Charlotte Schubert, geb.1955; seit 1993 Professorin für Alte Geschichte in Leipzig. Forschungsarbeiten und Veröffentlichungen zur Geschichte Athens (Perikles, 1994), zur Mentalitätsgeschichte(Die Macht des Volkes und die Ohnmacht des Denkens, 1993) und zur Frauengeschichte (Frauenmedizin in der Antike, 1999)

SCHULZ, Raimund (2003) ATHEN UND SPARTA. Geschichte kompakt, Antike. 2003. XI, 180 S. 24 cm. Kartoniert. 375gr. ISBN: 3-534-15493-2, KNO-NR: 11 91 28 87 EUR 14.90 Mit besonderem Augenmerk auf das sogenannte 'Dritte Griechenland' erfasst der Autor die griechische Geschichte der klassischen Zeit von der Gründung des attischen Seebundes (478) bis zur Schlacht von Mantineia (362). Er zeichnet Athens rasanten Aufstieg zur maritimen Großmacht nach und erläutert die innere Entwicklung der beiden führenden Stadtstaaten Athen und Sparta. Antike und moderne Erklärungen für den Ausbruch des Peloponnesischen Krieges (431-404), seine Ausweitung zum antiken 'Weltkrieg' und sein Einfluss auf die weitere Entwicklung Griechenlands werden diskutiert. Eine anschauliche und übersichtliche Darstellung der wesentlichen historischen Phänomene der griechischen Geschichte des 5. und 4. Jh. v.Chr. Wie entstand der Konflikt zwischen den beiden Großmächten Athen und Sparta? Wie konnte es geschehen, dass sich daraus ein antiker ‘Weltkrieg’ entwickelte? Raimund Schulz zeichnet in diesem Band klar und anschaulich die verschiedenen Stationen nach, die schließlich zum Peloponnesischen Krieg (431 – 404 v.Chr.) führten. Auch die inneren Entwicklungen in den beiden Stadtstaaten werden dargestellt: In Athen entwickelte sich die direkte Demokratie und ihre Kultur, in Spartakam es zur weiteren Disziplinierung von Staat und Gesellschaft. Antike und moderne Erklärungsversuche für den Kriegsausbruch kommen zu Wort: Sahen sich die Spartaner gezwungen, der athenischen Bedrohung präventiv Einhalt zu gebieten? Oder war Athen der Aggressor, angetrieben durch die Machtpolitik des Perikles? Klug abwägend erläutert der Autor die verschiedenen Ursachen und Motive des Krieges und beleuchtet dessen weitreichende Folgen.

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SHIPLEY, G. (2000)The extent of Spartan territory in the late Classical and Hellenistic Sparta // Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (2000) 367-390

SHIPLEY, G. (1999) ٭Rev.: Sparta: New Perspectives. L., 1999 // BMCR 2000. 11. 16

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SHIPLEY G., Antony SPAWFORTH (1995) New imperial subscripts to Spartans // Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (1995) 429-434

SHIPLEY, G. (1992)Peroikos: The Discovery of classical Laconia // FILOLAKWN: Laconian Studies in honour of Hector Catling / Ed. by Jan Motyka Sanders. Oxf. – L.: The British School at Athens, 1992. 211-226

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SIEVERS, Joseph (2001)Josephus, First Maccabees, Sparta, the three "haireseis" - and Cicero // Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period (Leiden: E.J. Brill) 32 (2001) 241-251

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SPAWFORTH, A. J. S. (1987)Notes on the Third Century AD in Spartan Epigraphy // Annual of the British School at Athens 81 (1987) 263-288

SPAWFORTH, A. J. S. (1986)A Severan Statue-Group and an Olympic Festival at Sparta // Annual of the British School at Athens 79 (1986) 313-332

SPAWFORTH, A. J. S. (1980)Sparta and the Family of Herodes Atticus: A Reconsideration of the Evidence // Annual of the British School at Athens 75 (1980) 203-220

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STIBBE, C. M. (1996) DAS ANDERE SPARTA [Kulturgeschichte der antike Welt, 65]. Mainz; Ph. von Zabern, 1996. – 316 S. 16 Taf. farben, 143 Fig. scwarz u. weiß {rez. ROLLEY 1998} Sparta gilt als der Inbegriff einer heerlagerartigen Staats- und Lebensordnung - doch da gibt es noch das weniger bekannte 'andere Sparta', das im 7. und 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. nicht nur ein führendes Zentrum der musischen, sondern auch der bildenden Künste geweseen ist: Angsehene Architekten und Bildhauer von außerhalb wurden mit wichtigen Staatsaufträgen in Sparta und Umgebungbetraut, Dichter aus ganz Hellas fanden sich zu musischen Wettkämpfen ein oder ließen sich gar dauerhaft in Sparta nieder; umgekehrt waren lakonische Baumeister und Bildhauer für auswärtige Auftraggeber, etwa in Olympia, tätig, arbeiteten die berühmten Bronzegießer und Elfenbeinschnitzer, Töpfer und Vasenmaler für Abnehmer im gesamten Mittelmeerraum. Sparta in seinem Goldenen Zeitalter war also nicht nur der zeitgenössischen Kultur Griechenlands gegenüber aufgeschlossen, sondern bereicherte und prägte sie entscheidend mit.Literarische Überlieferung und archäologische Funde und Befunde, die in diesem Buch ineinandergreifend aufbereitet werden, spiegeln ein überraschend differenziertes Bild dieses vielschichtigen Gemeinwesens.

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THOMMEN, Lukas (2004)Der spartanische kosmos und sein "Feldlager" der homoioi. Begriffs- und forschungsgeschichtliche Überlegungen zum Sparta-Mythos // GRIECHISCHE ARCHAIK. Interne Entwicklungen - Externe Impulse. Hrsg. von Robert Rollinger und Christoph Ulf. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. - 2004. - p. 127-141

THOMMEN, Lukas (2004) ٭Rez. Edmond Lévy: Sparte. Histoire politique et sociale jusque'à la conquête romaine. Paris: Editions du Seuil (2003) 370 S. (Poins, H 329.) // Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift für die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft. (Verlag C. H. Beck München). - Vol. 76 (2004), Fasc. 8. - p. 718-719

THOMMEN, Lukas (2003) SPARTA. VERFASSUNGS- UND SOZIALGESCHICHTE EINER GRIECHISCHEN POLIS. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler Verl., 2003. - IX, 244 S. ISBN: 3-476-01964-0 € 29,95 {rez.: LUTHER 2003; TIMMER 2003}Geschichte Spartas in der klassischen und hellenistischen Zeit; Mythos Sparta unter einem neuen Blickwinkel; umfassendes Studienbuch eines ausgewiesenen Sparta-Kenners Der Mythos um Sparta ist nach wie vor lebendig, doch worauf gründet er sich,und wie ist er entstanden? Dieses Studienbuch, das die Geschichte Spartas von den Anfängen bis zur Aufnahme ins römische Reich darstellt, klärt diese Fragen und überwindet tradierte Vorstellungen. Exemplarisch wird anhand Spartas geklärt, wie eine griechische Polis zwischen den hellenistischen Reichen ihre Existenz sicherte, und welche Auswirkungen das Aufgehen in das römische Reich auf das politische und kulturelle Leben hatte. Die Angabe der wichtigsten Quellen und die ausführlichen Literaturhinweise machen dieses Studienbuch zu einer wichtigen Arbeitsgrundlage

THOMMEN, L. (2003)Der spartanische Kosmos und sein "Feldlager" der homoioi. Begriffs- und forschungsgeschichtliche Überlegungen zum Sparta-Mythos // GRIECHISCHE ARCHAIK: interne und externe Impulse / Ulf, Chr.; Rollinger, R. (Hgg.). Berlin, 2003. S. 127-142;

THOMMEN, L. (2003)Volkstribunat und Ephorat. Überlegungen zum "Aufseheramt" in Rom und Sparta // GÖTTINGER FORUM FÜR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT 6 (2003) 19-38 <http://www.gfa.d-r.de/6-03/thommen.pdf>

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THOMMEN, L. (2000) Spartas Umgang mit der Vergangenheit // Historia 49, 1 (2000) 40-53

THOMMEN, L. (2000)Spartas fehlende Lokalgeschichte // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift fur Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag C. Winter) 107, 5 (2000) 399-408

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THOMMEN, L. (1996) LAKEDAIMONIAN POLITEIA. Die Entstehung der spartanischen Verfassung (Historia, Einzelschriften, 103). Stuttgart: Fr. Steiner Verl.,1996. – 170 S. EUR 38,00 {rev.: DOMINGUEZ 1998}

http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/beitraeger/id=12464

Die bisherige Forschung erachtete Sparta zumeist als Gemeinwesen, das schon in archaischer Zeit gesetzlich streng reguliert und rein militärisch ausgerichtet war. Zugleich wurde in der „Revolution des 6. Jahrhunderts“ das Enddatum für die Herausbildung der politischen Strukturen gesehen. Demgegenüber zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit, daß die spartanische „Verfassung“ erst im Anschluß an die Zeit der Perserkriege aufgrund gesellschaftlicher und politischer Probleme im Bürger- und Heeresverband zu ihrer typischen – späterhin idealisierten – Ausprägung kam. Die „Verfassung“ ist deshalb nicht das Resultat umfassender Reformmaßnahmen oder eines Kampfes zwischen den Institutionen (Königtum – Ephorat), sondern in einem prozeßhaften Ablauf entstanden, der besonders von den innen- und außenpolitischen Bedürfnissen der Führungsschicht angetrieben wurde.

THOMPSON, W. E. (1973)Observations on Spartan Politics // Rivista storica dell’Antichita 3 (1973) 47-58

THOMPSON, W. E. (1970)The Politics of Phlius // Eranos 68 (1970) 224-230

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TOD, M. N. (1907)Tree new sfaire…j-inscriptions // Annual of the British School at Athens 13 (1906/ 7) 212-218

TOD, M. N. (1907)Teams of ball-players at Sparta (2) // Annual of the British School at Athens 12 (1906/ 7) 212-218

TOD, M. N. (1904)Teams of ballplayers at Sparta // Annual of the British School at Athens 10 (1903/ 4) 63-77

TOD, M. N. (1904)The PaidikÕj 'Agèn at the Festival of Artemis Orthia at Sparta // Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Athenische Abteilung) 29 (1904) 50-56

TODD, S. C. (1996) ATHENS AND SPARTA. L.: Bristol Classical Press, 1996. Pp. 83. 7.95 pounds. ISBN 1-85399-398-0 (pb) {rez.: VAN WEES 1997}

Synopsis. Athens and Sparta were the two leading powers in the Classical Greek world. They represented entirely different systems of social organization: oligarchic conservatism at Sparta versus radical democracy at Athens. There was continuing ideological rivalry, culminating in the Peloponnesian War, a central event in Greek history. This text focuses on the image of rival societies, as Athens and Sparta have been perceived, by contemporaries, by later Greeks, during the Roman period and beyond. The topics covered include education, land-holding, the division of the sexes, the buildings of Athens, the development of Spartan traditional customs to meet the demands of the Roman tourist trade, and the relationship between imperialism and democracy, in antiquity and today. There is also an examination of the way in which the Peloponnesian War was constructed, if not invented, by its historian,

Thucydides. The book is part of the "Classical World" series, which explores the culture and achievement of the civilizations of Rome. It is designed forstudents and teachers of Classical Civilization.

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TUPLIN Ch. (1994)Xenophon, Sparta and Cyropaedia // SHADOW OF SPARTA / Ed. A. Powell, S. Hodkinson. L.: Routledge, 1994. P. 127-181

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WADE-GERY, H. T. (1958) ESSAYS IN GREEK HISTORY. Oxf.: Blackwell, 1958 (esp. Pp. 37-85: “The Spartan Rhetra in Plutarch’s Lycurgus 6”)

WADE-GERY, H.T. (1949) A note on the origin of the Spartan Gymnopaidiai // CQ 43 (1949) 79-81

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WAUGH, N.J. (2001) EQUINE VOTIVES IN SPARTAN SANCTUARIES 800―500 BC. Bristol, Ph. D., 2001 Abstract: This thesis works within the sphere of recent scholarship on the Early Iron Age of Greece. The period was a time of great social change in Greek society and as such required developments in social structure, and a need for (perceived) stability. These were "created" through statements of self definition which acted to bind the growing communities together. One manifestation of such statements was the sanctuary. Through the votive offerings placed at these sites individuals, families and the polis itself could present images of themselves to the wider world. Thus by examining the voice images of the time it should be possible to gain a perspective of ancient (self) perceptions. In Sparta socio/political definition was expressed through the family of Tyndareos, particularly through"his" daughter Helen, and her two brothers in Dioskouroi. This family had no decendants existing in the late Geometric/Archaic city and so could not be claimed by any one faction. As such they acted as a strong unifying image for the polis as a whole. One method of expression was through the image of the horse. Sanctuaries such as Olympia and the Argive Heraion appear to have used the horse primarily as ameans of demonstrating social standing - as an expensive animal, the horse denoted a level of wealth (and therefore status) to the owner, and thus was a useful image to deploy in situations of social competition. In contrast, the image of the horse at Sparta appears to have had a further symbolic aspect. During the Archaic period the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia was given many equine votives. These associated the animal directly with the goddess herself and utilised motifs which suggest a protective role on the part of the goddess. It is suggested that the horse was used as metaphor for young Spartan girls who were about to become women. As horses they are depicted as wild, untamed but desirable creatures. Imagery occuring in literature and myth associated Helen and her sisters-in-law, the Leukippides, with abduction and marriage - a "taming" mechanism which socialises and thus controls. Helen therefore acts herself as the ultimate Spartan maiden, and thus explains not only the presence of equine votives at her sanctuary, but the repeated association of her with Artemis Orthia's sanctuary

WAYWELL, Geoffrey B. (2002)New discoveries at the ancient theatre of Sparta // EXCAVATING CLASSICAL CULTURE. Recent archaeological discoveries in Greece. (Studies in Classical

Archaeology I.). Ed. by Maria Stamatopoulou, Marina Yeroulanou. Oxford: Archaeopress. (BAR International Series 1031). - 2002. P. 245-254

WAYWELL, G. B. (2000) Sparta and its topography // Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies (London) 43 (1999-2000) 1-26 {cf. Kourinou 2000}

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WEES, Hans van (2003)Conquerors and serfs: wars of conquest and forced labour in archaic Greece // HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESSENIA: histories, ideologies, structures. Ed. by N. Luraghi and S. E. Alcock. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England. - 2003. - p. 33-80

WEES, Hans Van (2002)Gute Ordnung ohne Große Rhetra - Noch einmal zu Tyrtaios’ Eunomia // GÖTTINGER FORUM FÜR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT 5 (2002) 89-103 <http://www.gfa.d-r.de/5-02/vanwees.pdf>

Hans van WEES (1999) ٭Rez. M. Meier, Aristokraten und Damoden. Untersuchungen zur inneren Entwicklung Spartas im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und zur politschen Funktion der Dichtung des Tyrtaios. Stuttgart: 1998. Pp. 347 // BMCR Vol. 1999. 10. 15 (1999)

WEES Hans, van (1997) ٭ Rev.: S. C. Todd, Athens and Sparta. L.: Bristol Cl. Pr. 1996 // Greece & Rome 44, 1 (1997) 93-95

WEES, H. Van (1999)Tyrtaeus' Eunomia: Nothing to do with the Great Rhetra // SPARTA. NEW PERSPECTIVES. Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell (Edd.). London: Duckworth with The Classical press of Wales. - 1999. - p. 1-41

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WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2005) ٭Neue Bücher zu Sparta. Rez. Anton Powell & Stephen Hodkinson (Eds.), SPARTA. BEYOND THE MIRAGE (2002); Michael Whitby (Ed.), SPARTA (2002); Lukas Thommen, SPARTA. Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte einer griechischen Polis (2003); Edmond Lévy, SPARTE. Histoire politique et sociale jusqu'à la conquete romaine (2003); Raimund Schulz, ATHEN UND SPARTA (2003) // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter). - Vol. 112 (2005), Fasc. 2. - p. 163-170

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2005) ٭Rez. Lazenby J. F. The Peloponnesian War. A military study. L.: Routledge 2003, XVII+306 p.

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2004) SPARTA. AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG EINER ANTIKEN GROSSMACHT. Stuttgart 2004.(rez. S. LINK: H-Soz-u-Kult, 23.11.2004, <http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/2004-4-132>)

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2004) ٭Rez. Nino Luraghi & Susan E. Alcock (eds.): Helots and Their Masters in Laconia and Messenia. Histories, Ideologies, Structures, Cambridge, Mass. / London: Harvard University Press 2003 // http://www.sehepunkte.historicum.net/2004/12/5410.html. - Vol. 4 (2004), Fasc. 12.

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2003)Kontinuität und Wandel im spätarchaischen Sparta // Hermes. Zeitschrift für Klassische Philologie (Stuttgart) 131 (2003) 142-157

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2003) ٭Rez. Martin Dreher, Athen und Sparta. München: Beck, 2001. - 221 S., 6 Karten // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter) 110, 1 (2003) 76-77

WELWEI, Karl-Wilhelm (2002) ٭Rez. Annette Hupfloher: Kulte im kaiserzeitlichen Sparta. Eine Rekonstruktion anhand der Priesterämter. Berlin (Akademie Verl.) (2000), 245 S // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter) 109, 3 (2002) 235-236

WELWEI, K-W. (2002) ٭Rez. Reinhard Förtsch, Kunstverwendung und Kunstlegitimation im archaischen und frühklassischen Sparta. Mainz: von Zabern, 2001. - X, 270 S. 94 Taf. , 371 Abb.// Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 5 (2002) 1035-1039 [http://www.gfa.d-r.de/5-02/welwei.pdf]

WELWEI, K.-W. (2001) ٭Rez. Stephen Hodkinson, Property and Wealth in Classical Sparta. L: Duckworth, 2000. - 450 S // Gymnasium. Zeitschrift für Kultur der Antike und Humanistische Bildung. (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter) 109, 5 (2002) 437-439

WELWEI, K.-W. (2001)

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__________APPENDIX 1:

SPARTA / Ed. M. Whitby. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002. - XIX, 275 p. 3 Ktn. - (Edinburgh readings on the ancient world) {rez. MEIER 2004}Synopsis: This volume introduces the important aspects of the society of Sparta, the dominant power in Southern Greece from the 7th century BC and the great rival of democratic Athens in the 5th and 4thcenturies. During this period Sparta evolved a unique social and political system that combined egalitarian structures, military ideals and brutal oppression, and permitted male citizens to focus on thepractice of war. The system continues to fascinate scholars: its outlines are clear, but because of the nature of the evidence almost all detailed aspects of Spartan social practices and constitutionalaffairs are open to debate. This text explores Sparta's problematic early history, its social and economic organization, Spartan international relations and military achievements, its culture, the role ofSpartan women, and Spartan sexual conduct and values

SPARTA / Hrsg. Karl Christ. (Wege der Forschung Bd. 622.) Darmstadt, 1986 - VI, 519 S. 20 cm. Buchleinen (Gewebe). 490gr. ISBN: 3-534-08809-3, KNO-NR: 03 03 09 52

CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN A GREEK RURAL LANDSCAPE: THE LACONIA SURVEY. ABSA. Supplementary Volumes 26 and 27. William Cavanagh, Joost Crouwel, R. W. V. Catling, and Graham Shipley. With contributions by Pamela Armstrong, Tristan Carter, Jasper Fiselier, David Hibler, Richard Jones, Jo Lawson, Marco Overbeek, Oliver Rackham, Apostolos Sarris, Jan-Willem van Berghem, Heleen Visscher, Malcolm Wagstaff and Mark Ydo. Vol I - Methodology and Interpretation (ISBN 0904887227); Vol II - Archaeological Data (ISBN 0904887235). 500 pp with 220 photographs and drawings in the text and 22 plates at the end, plus folded survey map inpocket.

This intensive, full-coverage survey was conducted by the Universities of Nottingham and Amsterdam in conjunction with the British School at Athens between 1983 and 1988. It covered a territory of justover 70 sq km in central Laconia, extending from the east side of the River Evrotas, close to Sparta, up into the foothills of the Parnon range. The Survey identified over 400 sites, the great majority ofthem previously unknown, dating variously to the Neolithic, Bronze Age, Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, and Veneto-Turkish periods.

The new information makes possible a re-evaluation of the settlement history and rural economy of Sparta and Laconia. This is presented in Volume I, in which the ecology and geomorphology of the regionset the scene for period by period analyses of the results and implications of the Survey. Volume II assembles the primary data, including a pottery series for each period and separate studies of chippedand ground-stone artefacts, inscriptions, architectural fragments, other finds, and the results of geophysical survey. The site catalogue is complemented by a new gazetteer of archaeological sites in therest of Laconia.

CONTRO LE "LEGGI IMMUTABILI". GLI SPARTANI FRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE / Ed. BEARZOT, Cinzia Milano : V & P Università, 2004. - VIII, 207 S. - (Contributi di storia antica; 2; Ricerche: Storia)

HELOTS AND THEIR MASTERS IN LACONIA AND MESENIA: Histories, Ideologies, Structure / Ed. N. Luraghi, S. E. Alcock. Cambr., M.A.; Harvard: Univ. pr., 2004. Pp. VII, 314 (paper. $ 29, 95)

Roebuck D. Ancient Greek Arbitration. Oxf.: Holi Books, The Arbitration Pr., 2001. - xiii, 401 p. Jones, C. P. Kinship Diplomacy in the Ancient World. Cambr., Mass. - L., 1999. - 193 p. Littman R. J. Kinship and Politics in Athens 600 – 400 B. C. New York, 1990 Herman, G. Patterns of Name Diffusion within the Greek World and Beyond // CQ 40, 2 (1994) 349-363 Cox,Ch. A. The names of adoptees: some prosopographical afterthoughts // ZPE 107 (1995) 249 – 254 Spitzer, Ph. Les xénia, morceaux sacrés d’hospitalité // Rev. des Études Grecques (Paris) 106, n. 506 – 508 (1993) 599 – 606 Philia. L’amicizia nelle relazioni interstatali dei Greci. Dalle origine alla fine del guerra del Peloponneso. Intriduzione, edizione critica, traduzuone, commento e indici / Papessa, G. (a cura di). Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore, 1999. 362 pp. (relazioni interstatali nel mondo antico. Fonti e studi) Periplous: Papers on Classical Art and Archaeology Pres. to Sir. J.Boardman. L., 2000. (esp. Pp. 60-67: P. Cartledge) City and Country in Ancient World. L., 1991 Golden, M. Children and Childhood in Classical Athens. Baltimore-London, 1990. Ogden, D. Greek Bastardy in the Classical and Hellinistic periods. Oxf.: Clarendon Press, 1996. – 440 p. Peiser, B. The crime of Hippias of Elis: zur Kontroverse um die Olympionikenliste // Stadion 16 (1990) 37 – 65 Golden, M. Sport and Society in Ancient Greece. Cambr., 1998 Morgan, C. Athletes and Oracles. Cambridge, 1990. Diskos: Sporthistorischer Kommentar. Z. Tl. griech.-dtsch.. Von Monika Lavrencic; Bearb. v. Georg Doblhofer u. Peter Mauritsch. Quellendokumentation zur Gymnastik und Agonistik im Altertum Bd.1. 1991. VI, 172 S. 24 cm. Kartoniert. 368gr. ISBN: 3-205-05403-2 EUR 23.50 Ruschenbusch E. Wortlaut und Aufbau der Friedensvertrages vom Jahre 446/5 v. Chr (Der Dreissigjährige Friede) (Bengtson, die Staatsverträge des Altertums (St. V), nr. 156) // ZPE 97 (1993) 207 – 212.

West, S. Herodotus’ Epigraphical Interests // CQ (1985) 278-305 Herodotus and his world. Essays from a conference in memory of G. Forrest. Eds. P. Derow, R. Parker. Oxford, 2003. – XIII, 378 p. Tuplin, Ch. Xenophon and his World. Stuttgart: Fr. Steines Verl.., 2004. – 500 p. Rahn, P. J. The Date of Xenophon’s Exile // Classical Contributions: Studies in Honour of M.F. MacGregor. Locust Valley, N. Y., 1981. Tuplin, Ch. J. Xenophon: a Didactic Historian? // Proceedings of the Classical Association 74 (1977) 26-27. Anderson, J. K. Xenophon. New York, 1974. Higgins, W.E. Xenophon the Athenian. Albany, N. Y., 1977. Westlake, H. D. Xenophon and Epaminondas // Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 17 (1975) 23-40. Hornblower, S. Thucydides. L.: Duckworth, 1987. Cawkwell, G.L. Thucydides and the Peloponnessian War. L. – New York, 1997. – IX, 162 p. Pritchett W.K. Thucydides’ Pentekontaetia. Amsterdam, 1995. Russel, D. A. Plutarch. L., 1973. Flower, M.A. Theopompus of Chios. History and Rhetoric in the Forth Century BC. Oxf., 1997. Barber, G. L. The Historian Ephorus. Cambridge, 1935. Sinclair, R. K. Diodorus Siculus and the Writing of History // Proceedings of the African Classical Association 6 (1963) 36-45. Frost, F. Plutarch and Clio // Panhellinica: Essays in Ancient History and Historiograhy in Honor of Truesdell S. Brown. Lawrence, Kans., 1980. Pp. 155-170. Stadtler, P.A. Plutarch’s Historical Methods: An Analysis of the ‘Mulierum Virtutes’. Cambr., Mass., 1965 Momigliano, A. The development of Greek Biography. Cambr., Mass., 1971. Nilsson, M. P. Cults, Myth, Oracles, and Politics in Ancient Greece. Lund, 1951. Starr, C. G. Political Intelligence in Classical Greece. Leiden, 1974. Hoplites: The Classical Greek Battle Experience / Hanson, Victor Davis ed. Routledge: U. K., 1993. Army and Power in Ancient World / Ed. A. Chaniotis; P. Ducrey. Stutt., 2002. Snоdgrass, A.M. Arms and Armour of the Greeks Cornell U.: 1967 Battle in Antiquity. Ed. Lloyd Alan B. L., 1996. Polis and polemos. Essays on politics, war, and history in ancient Greece in honor of Donald Kagan. Ed. by Charles D. Hamilton and Peter Krentz. Claremont,California: Regina books. – 1997 War and Violence in Ancient Greece. Ed. by Hans van Wees. London: Duckworth and The Classical Press of Wales. - 2000 Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. III.A: Peloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily and Magna Graecia / Fraser P.M. , Matthews E. (edd.), Oxf.: Univ. Press 1997 Osborne, M.J., Byrne S.G. The Foreign Residents of Athens. An Annex to the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names: Attica. Lovanii, 1996 Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History. Sarah B. Pomeroy, Stanley M. Burstein, Jennifer Tolbert Roberts, cop. 1998 Robb, K. Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece. Oxf., 1994. Further Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis (Historia Einzelschriften; Heft 138) (Papers from the Copenhagen Polis Century 5) / Ed. P. Flensted-Jensen. Stuttgart:Fr. Steiner Verlag, 2000 Politische Theorie und Praxis im Altertum. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Schuller. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. - 1998 Nomodeiktes: Greek studies in honor of Martin Ostwald. Ann Arbor, 1993 Carradice, I. Greek Coins. L.: British Museum Pr., 1995; Howgego, C. Ancient History from Coins. L., 1995. Polignac, F. de. Cults, Territory, and the Origins of the Greek City-State. Trans. Lloyd. Chicago, 1995. Urban R. Der königsfrieden von 387/ 86 v. Chr. Stuttgart, 1991 Time,Tradition and Society in Greek Archaeology. Bringing the Great Divide. Ed. N. Spencer. L., 1995. Werner, P. Life in Greece in Ancient Times. Liber: Switz., 1977 Walcot, P. Plutarch on sex // Greece & Rome 45, 2 (1998) 166 – 187 Africa, T. W. Homosexuals in Greek History // Journal of Psychohistory 9 (1982) 401-420; Dover, K. J. Greek Homosexuality. Cambr., Mass. 1978

Cantarella, Eva. Bisexuality in the Ancient World. New Haven-London, 1992 Rescuing Creusa: New Methodological Approaches to Women in Antiquity (Helios Suppl. 13, 2) / Ed. M. Skinner. Austin, 1987 Stewart, A. Art, Desire and Body in Ancient Greece. Cambr., 1997 Pritchett W. K. Studies in Ancient Greek Topography. Vols 7 – 8. Amsterdam, 1990 – 1991 Mattingly, H. B.Epigraphy and the Athenian empire // Historia (Wiesbaden) 41, 2 (1992) 129-138 Kulturgeschichte Griechenlands in der Antike. Hrsg. von P. Cartledge. Übersetzt von W. Nippel. Stuttgart – Weimar, 2000. J.B. Metzler Verl. XIX + 380 S. Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World. Ed. M. Beard, J. North. L., 1990.

Bethe, E., ed., Lexicographi Graeci , vol. IX (1), Pollucis Onomasticon, libri I-V. (Reprint 1900.) Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner, 1998. Pp. xix, 305. DM 175. ISBN 3-519-14238-4. Bethe, E., ed., Lexicographi Graeci , vol. IX (2), Pollucis Onomasticon, libri VI-X. (Reprint 1900.) Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner, 1998. Pp. 258. DM 145. ISBN 3-519-14239-2. Bethe, E., ed., Lexicographi Graeci , vol. IX (3), Pollucis Onomasticon, index. (Reprint 1900.) Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner, 1998. Pp. 128. DM 95. ISBN 3-519-14240-6. Mosshammer, A.A. The Chronicle of Eusebius, and Greek Chronographic Tradition. Lewisburg, 1979 Phlegon of Tralles’s Book of Marvels. Ed. V. D. Hasnson. Exeter, 1991.

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APPENDIX 2: LACONIA, also known as Lacedaemonia, was in ancient Greece the portion of the Peloponnesus of which the most important city was Sparta. In modern times,Laconia has the legal status as a prefecture of Greece with Sparta being its administrative capital. Eurotas is the longest river in the prefecture. Itsmain towns and cities are Amyclae, Areopolis, Gytheion, Mani Peninsula, Molaoi, Monemvasia, Mystras, Neapoli and Sellasia. The valley of Eurotas ispredominantly an agricultural region that contains many citrus groves, olive groves and pasture lands. It is the location of the largest orangeproduction in the Peloponnese and probably all of Greece. Taygetus, known as Pentedaktylos (five-fingers) throughout the middle ages, is west of Spartaand the Eurotas valley. It is the tallest mountain in Laconia and the Peloponnese. The only road connecting the adjoining prefectures of Messinia andLaconia passes through the mountain. A cave in the southwest of the prefecture is located south of Areopolis. This prestigious cave is called Dirou andis large tourist attraction.

Σπάρτη was an ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnesus. The city lay at the northern end of thecentral Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas. The site is strategically sited, guarded from three sides by mountains, and controls theroutes by which an army can penetrate Laconia and the southern Peloponnessus and the Langhda Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. Atthe same time its distance from the sea—Sparta is 27 miles from its seaport, Gythium—made it difficult to blockade. Sparta was the main superpower inancient Greece before the rise of Athens after the Persian Wars. Initially they were reluctent allies, but soon became rivals. The second and thirdconflicts between them, which resulted in the dismantling of the Athenian Empire, is generally known as the Peloponnesian War. Spartan attempts to takeover from the Athenens as 'the guardians of Hellenism' ended in failure, and the first ever defeat of a (full strength) Spartan hoplite army at thebattle of Leuctra in 371 B.C. By the time of Alexander of Macedon Sparta was a shadow of its former self, and was eventually forced into the AchaeanLeague.

SPARTA IN LACONIA. Proceedings of the 19th British Museum Colloquium held with the British School at Athens, and King's and University Colleges / Eds. W.G. Cavanagh and Susan Walker. London, 6-8 December, 1995 [BSA Studies Volume 4] Approx. 160 pp., 160 figs. and halftones. Price: £26.50 + post/packing (£22 + post/packing to individual Subscribers and Friends of the British School at Athens). ISBN: 0 904887 367 These proceedings bring together important new work on the archaeology, art and history of Sparta and Laconia. The periods covered include Prehistoric, Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman andByzantine, and the articles cover many topics including the sculpture, vase painting, architecture, mosaics, bronzes, burials, settlement and geomorphology of Laconia.Contents:CATLING, Hector W. 'The work of the British School at Athens at Sparta and in Laconia'SPYROPOULOS, Theo 'Pellana: the administrative centre of prehistoric Laconia'CARTLEDGE, Paul 'City and Chora in Sparta: archaic to hellenistic'FORTSCH, Reinhard 'Spartan art: its many ways of dying'HODKINSON, Stephen 'Patterns of bronze dedication at Spartan sanctuaries, c 650-350 BC: towards a quantified database of material and religious investment'

STIBBE, Conrad M. 'Exceptional shapes and decorations in Laconian pottery'SMITH, Tyler Jo 'Dances, drinks and dedications: the archaic komos in Laconia'PIPILI, Maria 'Archaic Laconian vase-painting: some iconographic considerations'WILKES, J. J.; G. B. WAYWELL and Susan WALKER, 'The ancient theatre at Sparta'PANAYOTOPOULOU, Anastasia 'Roman mosaics from Sparta'KARAPANAYIOTOU, Anna 'A portrait of the early second century AD from Monemvasia'RAFTOPOULOU, Stella 'Recent finds from Sparta and its environs'CAVANAGH, William and Christopher MEE, 'Diversity in a Greek landscape: the Laconia survey and rural sites project'WILKINSON, Keith 'Geoarchaeological studies of the Spartan acropolis and Evrotas valley: some preliminary conclusions'NICOL, Donald 'Byzantine Mistra: Sparta in the mind' ____________________________________________________________XENOPHON DIE VERFASSUNG DER SPARTANER Griechisch und deutsch. Hrsg., übers. und erl. von Stefan Rebenich Diese Schrift aus dem ersten Viertel des 4. Jh. v.Chr. beschreibt zentraleElemente des spartanischen Kosmos: das Erziehungssystem, die gemeinsame Lebensführung der Männer, das Militärwesen und die Kriegsführung sowie die Vorrechte der Könige. Sie ist das älteste uns erhalteneWerk zu diesem Themenkomplex. Zugleich entwirft ihr Verfasser, der Athener Xenophon, das Idealbild eines Gemeinwesens, das er auf den sagenhaften Gesetzgeber Lykurg zurückführt und das kaum noch mit demSparta seiner Zeit, das er aus eigener Anschauung kannte, übereinstimmt. Xenophons Schrift, die in diesem Band neben dem griechischen Originaltext in einer neuen deutschen Übersetzung mit Einleitung undausführlichem Kommentar vorgelegt wird, hatte maßgeblichen Anteil an der Entstehung des Mythos Sparta, der noch bis in unsere Zeit nachwirkt. Texte zur Forschung (TZF) Forschung 1998. XI, 156 S., geb.WBG-Preis € 19,90 Verlagsausgabe € 29,90 Rezension:

„Die Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft legt eine zweisprachige, vorzüglich kommentierte Ausgabe dieser bisher schwer zugänglichen Schrift vor, die Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts zum letzten Mal ins Deutscheübertragen wurde. Stefan Rebenichs Übersetzung hält die schwierige Balance zwischen Wörtlichkeit und Lesbarkeit, und sein Vorwort mit seiner glänzenden Vergegenwärtigung der historischen Hintergründe übertrifft, wie das bisweilen in Sekundärliteratur zu antiken Autoren der Fall ist, den Interessantheitsgrad des Textes.“(Süddeutsche Zeitung)

„Xenophons Schilderung ist die älteste uns überlieferte Schrift zur Verfassungsordnung der Spartaner – schon aus diesem Grund verdient sie Beachtung. Sie ist aber auch als Darstellung eines (nahezu) idealen Staates ein Grund für die Bewunderung spartanischer Institutionen und der spartanischen Lebensweise. Ihre Lektüre trägt zu einer Erhellung dieser Vorstellungen bei ... Der Text ist vorzüglich übersetzt und erläutert, die Sprache ist schnörkellos und bleibt so nahe wie möglich am griechischen Original.“(Das Historisch-Politische Buch)

„Xenophos kleine Schrift ›Lakedaimoníon politeía‹ stellt die älteste ausführlichere Quelle zu spartanischen Institutionen, Sitten und Gebräuchen dar, die vollständig erhalten sind, und bietet somit insbesondere angesichts der ohnehin spärlichen Quellenlage zum archaischen und klassischen Sparta ein Zeugnis von kaum überschätzbarem Wert. Umso erstaunlischer ist, dass die bisher einzige deutsche Übersetzung aus dem Jahr 1830 stammt; insofern schließt die von St. Rebenich vorgelegte zweisprachige Edition mit materialreichem Kommentar nach langer Zeit eine eklatante Lücke ... Insgesamt gesehen hat Rebenich ein materialreiches und nützliches Arbeitsinstrument vorgelegt, das schnell informiert ... und in grundlegende Probleme und Fragestellungen einzuführen vermag. Gemessen an seiner Intention ist das Buch zweifellos eine gelungene Bereicherung, vor allem für Interessenten, die nicht direkt vom Fach sind.“(Das Altertum)

„Das Buch (eignet sich) für jeden, der sich erstmals näher mit Sparta auseinandersetzen will, als eine ebenso gründliche wie umfassende Einführung, als ein zuverlässiger Leitfaden.“(Historische Zeitschrift)

„S. Rebenich, an ancient historian, provides a splendid one (commentary) with accurate indexes in lucid German for ›Xenophon, On Spartan Society‹ ... We find an informative introduction on the man and hiswork, a comprehensive bibliography, a text, and authoritative translation ... The book is fundamental for any study of ancient Sparta.“

APPENDIX 3:

HISTORY OF SPARTARetrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Sparta

(this page was last modified 17:57, 9 Apr 2004)Table of contents:

1 Prehistoric Period2 The Expansion of Sparta3 The 6th Century B.C.4 The 5th Century B.C.5 The 4th Century B.C.6 The 3rd Century B.C.7 Intervention of Rome8 Medieval Sparta9 Modern Sparta

10 Bibliography Prehistoric Period

Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. ButAmyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minoan foundation a few miles tothe south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after theTrojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross theCorinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest.

The Aetolians settled in Elis, and the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which underCresphonter invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenesand Procles, made its way down the Eurotas valley and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia.

In reality this Dorian immigration probably consisted of a series of inroads and settlements rather than a single great expedition, as depicted bylegend, and was likely aided by the Minoan elements in the population, owing to their dislike of the Achaean yoke.

The newly founded state did not at once become powerful: it was weakened by internal dissension and lacked the stability of a united and well-organized community. The turning-point is marked by the legislation of Lycurgus, who unified the state and instituted the training which was itsdistinguishing feature and the source of its greatness.

Nowhere else in the Greek world was the pleasure of the individual so thoroughly subordinated to the interest of the state. The whole education ofthe Spartan was designed to make him an efficient soldier. Obedience, endurance, military success—these were the aims constantly kept in view, andbeside these all other ends took a secondary place.

It is rare in the world's history that a state has so clearly set a definite ideal before itself or striven so consistently to reach it. But it wassolely in this consistency and steadfastness that the greatness of Sparta lay. Some maintain that her ideal was a narrow and unworthy one, and waspursued with a calculating selfishness and a total disregard for the rights of others, which robbed it of the moral worth it might otherwise havepossessed. Nevertheless, it is not probable that without the training introduced by Lycurgus the Spartans would have been successful in securingtheir supremacy in Laconia, much less in the Peloponnese, for they formed a small immigrant band face to face with a large and powerful Achaean andautochthonous population.

The Expansion of Sparta

We cannot trace in detail the process by which Sparta subjugated the whole of Laconia, but apparently the first step, taken in the reign of Archelausand Charillus, was to secure the upper Eurotas valley, conquering the border territory of Aegys. Archelaus' son Teleclus is said to have takenAmyclae, Pharis and Geronthrae, thus mastering the central Laconian plain and the eastern plateau which lies between the Eurotas and Mount Parnon:his son, Alcamenes, by the subjugation of Helos, brought the lower Eurotas plain under Spartan rule.

About this time, probably, the Argives, whose territory included the whole east coast of the Peloponnese and the island of Cythera (Herodotus 1.82),were driven back, and the whole of Laconia was thus incorporated in the Spartan state. It was not long before a further extension took place. UnderAlcamenes and Theopompus a war broke out between the Spartans and the Messenians, their neighbors on the west, which, after a struggle lasting fortwenty years, ended in the subjection of the Messenians, who were forced to pay half the produce of the soil as tribute to their Spartan overlords.

An attempt to throw off the yoke resulted in a second war, conducted by the Messenian hero Aristomenes; but Spartan tenacity broke down theresistance of the insurgents, and Messenia was made Spartan territory, just as Laconia had been, its inhabitants being reduced to the status ofhelots, save those who, as perioeci, inhabited the towns on the sea-coast and a few settlements inland.

This extension of Sparta's territory was viewed with apprehension by her neighbors in the Peloponnese. Arcadia and Argos had vigorously aided theMessenians in their two struggles, and help was also sent by the Sicyonians, Pisatans and Triphyhans: only the Corinthians appear to have supportedthe Spartans, doubtless on account of their jealousy of their powerful neighbors, the Argives. At the close of the second Messenian War (no laterthan 631 BC), no power could hope to cope with that of Sparta save Arcadia and Argos.

The 6th Century B.C.

Early in the 6th century the Spartan kings Leon and Agasicles made a vigorous attack on Tegea, the most powerful of the Arcadian cities, but it wasnot until the reign of Anaxandridas and Ariston, about the middle of the century, that the attack was successful and Tegea was forced to acknowledgeSpartan overlordship, though retaining its independence. The final struggle for Peloponnesian supremacy was with Argos, which had at an early periodbeen the most powerful state of the peninsula and, even though its territory had been curtailed, was a serious rival of Sparta.

But Argos was now no longer at the height of its power: its league had begun to break up early in the century, and it could not in the impendingstruggle count on the assistance of its old allies, Arcadia and Messenia, since the latter had been robbed of its independence and the former hadacknowledged Spartan supremacy. A victory won about 546 BC, when the Lydian Empire fell before Cyrus of Persia, made the Spartans masters of theCynuria, the borderland between Laconia and Argolis, for which there had been an age-long struggle.

The final blow was struck by King Cleomenes I, who maimed for many years to come the Argive power and left Sparta without a rival in the Peloponnese.In fact, by the middle of the 6th century, and increasingly down to the period of the Persian Wars, Sparta had come to be acknowledged as the leadingstate of Hellas and the champion of Hellenism. Croesus of Lydia had formed an alliance with her. Scythian envoys sought her aid to stem the invasionof Darius; to her the Greeks of Asia Minor appealed to withstand the Persian advance and to aid the Ionian Revolt; Plataea asked for her protection;Megara acknowledged her supremacy; and at the time of the Persian invasion under Xerxes no state questioned her right to lead the Greek forces onland and sea.

Of such a position Sparta proved herself wholly unworthy. As an ally she was ineffective, nor could she ever rid herself of her narrowlyPeloponnesian outlook sufficiently to throw herself heartily into the affairs of the greater Hellas that lay beyond the isthmus and across the sea.She was not a colonizing state, though the inhabitants of Tarentum (modern Taranto, in southern Italy), and of Lyttus, in Crete, claimed her as theirmother-city. Moreover, she had no share in the expansion of Greek commerce and Greek culture; and, though she bore the reputation of hating tyrantsand putting them down where possible, there can be little doubt that this was done in the interests of oligarchy rather than of liberty. Her militarygreatness and that of the states under her hegemony formed her sole claim to lead the Greek race: that she should truly represent it was impossible.


The beginning of the 5th century saw Sparta at the height of her power, though her prestige must have suffered in the fruitless attempts made toimpose upon Athens an oligarchical regime after the fall of the Peisistratid tyranny in 510. But after the Persian Wars the Spartan supremacy couldno longer remain unchallenged. Sparta had despatched an army in 490, under the command of Datis and Artaphernes, to aid Athens in repelling thearmament sent against it by Darius: but it arrived after the Battle of Marathon had been fought and the issue of the conflict decided.

In the second campaign, conducted ten years later by Xerxes in person, Sparta took a more active share and assumed the command of the combined Greekforces by sea and land. Yet, in spite of the heroic defence of Thermopylae by the Spartan king Leonidas, the glory of the decisive victory at Salamis

fell in great measure to the Athenians, and their patriotism, self-sacrifice and energy contrasted strongly with the hesitation of the Spartans andthe selfish policy which they advocated of defending the Peloponnese only.

By the Battle of Plataea (479 BC), won by Spartan general Pausanias, and decided chiefly by the steadfastness of Spartan troops, the state partiallyrecovered its prestige, but only so far as land operations were concerned: the victory of Mycale, won in the same year, was achieved by the unitedGreek fleet, and the capture of Sestos, which followed, was due to the Athenians, the Peloponnesians having returned home before the siege was begun.Sparta felt that an effort was necessary to recover her position, and Pausanias, the victor of Plataea, was sent out as admiral of the Greek fleet.But though he won considerable successes, his overbearing and despotic behaviour and the suspicion that he was intriguing with the Persian kingalienated the sympathies of those under his command: he was recalled by the ephors, and his successor, Dorcis, was a weak man who allowed thetransfer of the hegemony from Sparta to Athens to take place without striking a blow (see Delian League). By the withdrawal of Sparta and herPeloponnesian allies from the fleet the perils and the glories of the Persian War were left to Athens, which, though at the outset merely the leadingstate in a confederacy of free allies, soon began to make herself the mistress of an empire.

Sparta took no steps at first to prevent this. Her interests and those of Athens did not directly clash, for Athens included in her empire only theislands of the Aegean and the towns on its north and east coasts, which lay outside the Spartan political horizon: with the Peloponnese Athens didnot meddle. Moreover, Sparta's attention was at this time fully occupied by troubles nearer home—the plots of Pausanias not only with the Persianking but with the Laconian helots; the revolt of Tegea (circa 473-471 BC), rendered all the more formidable by the participation of Argos; theearthquake which in 464 devastated Sparta; and the rising of the Messenian helots, which immediately followed. But there was a growing estrangementfrom Athens, which ended at length in an open breach. The insulting dismissal of a large body of Athenian troops which had come, under Cimon, to aidthe Spartans in the siege of the Messenian stronghold of Ithome, the consummation of the Attic democracy under Ephialtes and Pericles, the conclusionof an alliance between Athens and Argos, which also about this time became democratic, united with other causes to bring about a rupture between theAthenians and the Peloponnesian League.

In this so-called first Peloponnesian War Sparta herself took but a small share beyond helping to inflict a defeat on the Athenians at the battle ofTanagra in 457 BC After this battle they concluded a truce, which gave the Athenians an opportunity of taking their revenge on the Boeotians at thebattle of Oenophyta; of annexing to their empire Boeotia, Phocis and Locris; and of subjugating Aegina. In 449 the war was ended by a five years'truce, but after Athens had lost her mainland empire by the battle of Coronea and the revolt of Megara a thirty years' peace was concluded, probablyin the winter 446-445 BC. By this Athens was obliged to surrender Troezen, Achaea and the two Megarian ports, Nisaea and Pegae, but otherwise thestatus quo was maintained. A fresh struggle, the great Peloponnesian War, broke out in 431 BC. This may be to a certain extent regarded as a contestbetween lonian and Dorian; it may with greater truth be called a struggle between the democratic and oligarchic principles of government; but atbottom its cause was neither racial nor constitutional, but economic. The maritime supremacy of Athens was used for commercial purposes, andimportant members of the Peloponnesian confederacy, whose wealth depended largely on their commerce, notably Corinth, Megara, Sicyon and Epidaurus,were being slowly but relentlessly crushed. Materially Sparta must have remained almost unaffected, but she was forced to take action by the pressureof her allies and by the necessities imposed by her position as head of the league. She did not, however, prosecute the war with any marked vigour:her operations were almost confined to an annual inroad into Attica, and when in 425 BC a body of Spartiates was captured by the Athenians at Pylosshe was ready, and even anxious, to terminate the war on any reasonable conditions.

That the terms of the Peace of Nicias, which in 421 BC concluded the first phase of the war, were rather in favour of Sparta than of Athens was duealmost entirely to the energy and insight of an individual Spartan, Brasidas, and the disastrous attempt of Athens to regain its lost land empire.The final success of Sparta and the capture of Athens in 405 BC were brought about partly by the treachery of Alcibiades, who induced the state tosend Gylippus to conduct the defence of Syracuse, to fortify Decelea in northern Attica, and to adopt a vigorous policy of aiding Athenian allies torevolt. The lack of funds which would have proved fatal to Spartan naval warfare was remedied by the intervention of Persia, which supplied largesubsidies, and Spartan good fortune culminated in the possession at this time of an admiral of boundless vigour and considerable military ability,Lysander, to whom much of Sparta's success is attributable.


The fall of Athens left Sparta once again supreme in the Greek world and demonstrated clearly its total unfitness for rule. Everywhere democracy wasreplaced by a philo-Laconian oligarchy, usually consisting of ten men under a harmost or governor pledged to Spartan interests, and even in Laconiaitself the narrow and selfish character of the Spartan rule led to a serious conspiracy. For a short time, indeed, under the energetic rule ofAgesilaus, it seemed as if Sparta would pursue a Hellenic policy and carry on the war against Persia. But troubles soon broke out in Greece,Agesilaus II was recalled from Asia Minor, and his schemes and successes were rendered fruitless.

Further, the naval activity displayed by Sparta during the closing years of the Peloponnesian War abated when Persian subsidies were withdrawn, andthe ambitious projects of Lysander led to his disgrace, which was followed by his death at Haliartus in 395 BC. In the following year the Spartannavy under Peisander, Agesilaus' brother-in-law, was defeated off Cnidus by the Persian fleet under Conon and Pharnabazus, and for the future Spartaceased to be a maritime power.

In Greece itself, meanwhile, the opposition to Sparta was growing increasingly powerful. Though at Coronea Agesilaus had slightly the better of theBoeotians and at Corinth the Spartans maintained their position, yet they felt it necessary to rid themselves of Persian hostility and if possibleuse the Persian power to strengthen their own position at home: they therefore concluded with Artaxerxes II the humiliating Peace of Antalcidas (387BC), by which they surrendered to the Great King the Greek cities of the Asia Minor coast and of Cyprus, and stipulated for the independence of allother Greek cities.This last clause led to a long and desultory war with Thebes, which refused to acknowledge the independence of the Boeotian townsunder its hegemony: the Cadmeia, the citadel of Thebes, was treacherously seized by Phoebidas in 382 BC and held by the Spartans until 379 BC.

Still more momentous was the Spartan action in crushing the Olynthiac Confederation (see Olynthus), which might have been able to stay the growth ofMacedonian power. In 371 BC a fresh peace congress was summoned at Sparta to ratify the Peace of Callias. Again the Thebans refused to renounce theirBoeotian hegemony, and the Spartan attempt at coercion ended in the defeat of the Spartan army at the Battle of Leuctra and the death of its leader,King Cleombrotus. The result of the battle was to transfer supremacy from Sparta to Thebes.

In the course of three expeditions to the Peloponnese conducted by Epaminondas, the greatest soldier and statesman Thebes ever produced, Sparta wasweakened by the loss of Messenia, which was restored to an independent position with the newly built Messeneas its capital, and by the foundation ofMegalopolis as the capital of Arcadia. The invading army even made its way into Laconia and devastated the whole of its southern portion; but thecourage and coolness of Agesilaus saved Sparta itself from attack. On Epaminondas' fourth expedition Sparta was again within an ace of capture, butonce more the danger was averted just in time; and though at Mantinea (362 BC) the Thebans, together with the Arcadians, Messenians and Argives,gained a victory over the combined Mantinean, Athenian and Spartan forces, the death of Epaminondas in the battle more than counterbalanced theTheban victory and led to the speedy break-up of their supremacy.

But Sparta had neither the men nor the money to recover her lost position, and the continued existence on her borders of an independent Messenia andArcadia kept her in constant fear for her own safety. She did, indeed, join with Athens and Achaea in 353 BC to prevent Philip of Macedon passingThermopylae and entering Phocis, but beyond this she took no part in the struggle of Greece with the new power which had sprung up on her northernborders. No Spartans fought on the field of Chaeronea.

After the battle, however, Sparta refused to submit voluntarily to Philip, and was forced to do so by the devastation of Laconia and the transfer ofcertain border districts to the neighboring states of Argos, Arcadia and Messenia. During the absence of Alexander the Great in the East Agis IIIrevolted, but the rising was crushed by Antipater,and a similar attempt to throw off the Macedonian yoke made by Archidamus IV in the troubled periodwhich succeeded Alexander's death was frustrated by Demetrius Poliorcetes in 294 BC.

The 3rd Century B.C.

Twenty-two years later the city was attacked by an immense force under Pyrrhus, but Spartan bravery had not died out and the formidable enemy wasrepulsed, even the women taking part in the defence of the city. About 244 BC an Aetolian army overran Laconia, working irreparable harm and carryingoff, it is said, 50,000 captives. But the social evils within the state were even harder to combat than foes without. Avarice, luxury, and theglaring inequality in the distribution of wealth threatened to bring about the speedy fall of the state if no cure could be found. Agis IV andCleomenes III made a heroic and entirely disinterested attempt in the latter part of the 3rd century to improve the conditions by a redistribution ofland, a widening of the citizen body, and a restoration of the old severe training and simple life. But the evil was too deep-seated to be remediedby these artificial means; Agis was assassinated, and the reforms of Cleomenes seem to have had no permanent effect. The reign of Cleomenes wasmarked also by a determined effort to cope with the rising power of the Achaean League and to recover for Sparta her long-lost supremacy in thePeloponnese, and even throughout Greece. The battle of Sellasia (222 BC.), in which Cleomenes was defeated by the Achaeans and Antigonus Doson ofMacedonia, and the death of the king, which occurred shortly afterwards in Egypt, put an end to these hopes. The same reign saw also an importantconstitutional change, the substitution of a board of patronomi for the ephors, whose power had become almost despotic, and the curtailment of thefunctions exercised by the gerousia; these measures were, however, cancelled by Antigonus. It was not long afterwards that the dual kingship ceasedand Sparta fell under the sway of a series of cruel and rapacious tyrants—Lycurgus, Machanidas, who was killed by Philopoemen, and Nabis, who, if wemay trust the accounts given by Polybius and Livy, was little better than a bandit chieftain, holding Sparta by means of extreme cruelty andoppression, and using mercenary troops to a large extent in his wars.

Intervention of Rome

Nonetheless, a vigorous struggle was maintained with the Achaean League and with Macedon until the Romans, after the conclusion of their war withPhilip V, sent an army into Laconia under T. Quinctius Flamininus. Nabis was forced to capitulate, evacuating all his possessions outside Laconia,surrendering the Laconian seaports and his navy, and paying an indemnity of 500 talents (Livy xxxiv. 33,—43). On the departure of the Romans hesucceeded in recovering Gythium, in spite of an attempt to relieve it made by the Achaeans under Philopoemen, but in an encounter he suffered acrushing defeat at the hands of that general, who for thirty days ravaged Laconia unopposed.

Nabis was assassinated in 192 BC, and Sparta was forced by Philopoenien to enroll itself as a member of the Achaean League under a phil-Achaeanaristocracy. This gave rise to chronic disorders and disputes, which led to armed intervention by the Achaeans,who compelled the Spartans to submitto the overthrow of their city walls, the dismissal of their mercenary troops, the recall of all exiles, the abandonment of the old Lycurganconstitution and the adoption of the Achaean laws and institutions (188 BC). Again and again the relations between the Spartans and the AchaeanLeague formed the occasion of discussions in the Roman senate or of the despatch of Roman embassies to Greece, but no decisive intervention tookplace until a fresh dispute about the position of Sparta in the league led to a decision by the Romans that Sparta, Corinth, Argos, ArcadianOrchomenus and Heraclea on Oeta should be severed from it. This resulted in an open breach between the league and Rome, and eventually, in 146 BC,after the sack of Corinth, in the dissolution of the league and the annexation of Greece to the Roman province of Macedonia.

For Sparta the long era of war and internal struggle had ceased and one of peace and a revived prosperity took its place, as is witnessed by thenumerous extant inscriptions belonging to this period. As an allied city it was exempt from direct taxation, though compelled on occasions to make“voluntary “ presents to Roman generals. Political ambition was restricted to the tenure of the municipal magistracies, culminating in the offices ofnomophylax, ephor and patronomus. Augustus showed marked favour to the city, Hadrian twice visited it during his journeys in the East and acceptedthe title of eponymous patronomus. The old warlike spirit found an outlet chiefly in the vigorous but peaceful contests held in the gymnasium, theball-place, and the arena before the temple of Artemis Orthia: sometimes too it found a vent in actual campaigning as when Spartans were enrolled forservice against the Parthian by the emperors Lucius Verus, Septimius Severus and Caracalla. Laconia was subsequently overrun, like so much of theRoman Empire, by barbarian hordes.

MEDIEVAL SPARTA

In AD 406 Alaric destroyed the city, and at a later period Laconia was invaded and settled by Slavonic tribes, especially the Melings and Ezerits,who in turn had to give way before the advance of the Byzantine power, though preserving a partial independence in the mountainous regions. TheFranks on their arrival in the Morea found a fortified city named Lacedaemonia occupying part of the site of ancient Sparta, and this continued toexist, though greatly depopulated, even after William II Villehardouin had in 1249 founded the fortress and city of Mistra, on a spur of Taygetussome 3 miles northwest of Sparta. This passed shortly afterwards into the hands of the Byzantines, who retained it until the Turks under Mahommed IIcaptured it in 1460. In 1687 it came into the possession of the Venetians, from whom it was wrested in 1715 by the Turks. Thus for nearly sixcenturies it was Mistra and not Sparta which formed the center and focus of Laconian history.

MODERN SPARTA

In 1834, after the War of Independence had resulted in the liberation of Greece, the modern town of Sparta was built on part of the ancient site fromthe designs of Baron Jochmus, and Mistra decayed until now it is in ruins and almost deserted. Sparta is the capital of the prefecture (nomos) ofLacedaemon. Prior to modern times the site of Sparta was inhabited by a relatively small village in the shadow of Mystras, a more important(Byzantine) settlement nearby. In 1834, after the Greek War of Independence, King Otto of Greece decreed that a city was to be built on the site ofSparta and bear its name. The city was designed with the intention of creating one of the most beautiful cities in Greece through the use of tree-lined boulevards and parklands. At present, Sparta is the administrative capital of the prefecture of Laconia. Sparta is the center of anagricultural plain focusing on the Eurotas plain. It is the local center for the processing of goods such as citrus and olives.

ConstitutionOf the internal development of Sparta down to this time but little is recorded. This want of information was attributed by most of the Greeks to "the stability of the Spartan constitution", which had lasted unchanged from the days of Lycurgus. But it is, in fact, due also to the absence of an historical literature at Sparta, to the small part played by written laws, which were, according to tradition, expressly prohibited by an ordinance of Lycurgus, and to the secrecy which always characterizes an oligarchical rule. At the head of the state stood two hereditary kings, ofthe Agiad and Eurypontid families, equal in authority, so that one could not act against the veto of his colleague, though the Agiad king received greater honour in virtue of the seniority of his family (Herod. vi. 5).

This dual kingship, a phenomenon unique in history, was explained in Sparta by the tradition that on Aristodemus's death he had been succeeded by histwin sons, and that this joint rule had been perpetuated. Modern scholars have advanced various theories to account for the anomaly. Some supposethat it must be explained as an attempt to avoid absolutism, and is paralleled by the analogous instance of the consuls at Rome. Others think that itpoints to a compromise arrived at to end the struggle between two families or communities, or that the two royal houses represent respectively theSpartan conquerors and their Achaean predecessors: those who hold this last view appeal to the words attributed by Herodotus (v. 72) to Cleomenes I:"I am no Dorian, but an Achaean."

The duties of the kings were mainly religious, judicial and military. They were the chief priests of the state, and had to perform certain sacrificesand to maintain communication with the Delphian sanctuary, which always exercised great authority in Spartan politics. Their judicial functions hadat the time when Herodotus wrote (about 430 BCE) been restricted to cases dealing with heiresses, adoptions and the public roads: civil cases weredecided by the ephors) criminal jurisdiction had passed to the council of elders and the ephors. It was in the military sphere that the powers of thekings were most unrestricted.

Aristotle describes the kingship at Sparta as "a kind of unlimited and perpetual generalship" (Pol. iii. I285a), while Isocrates refers to theSpartans as "subject to an oligarchy at home, to a kingship on campaign" (iii. 24). Here also, however, the royal prerogatives were curtailed incourse of time: from the period of the Persian wars the king lost the right of declaring war on whom he pleased, he was accompanied to the field bytwo ephors, and he was supplanted also by the ephors in the control of foreign policy. More and more, as time went on, the kings became mere figure-heads, except in their capacity as generals, and the real power was transferred to the ephors and to the gerousia. The reason for this change laypartly in the fact that the ephors, chosen by popular election from the whole body of citizens, represented a democratic element in the constitution

without violating those oligarchical methods which seemed necessary for its satisfactory administration; partly in the weakness of the kingship, thedual character of which inevitably gave rise to jealousy and discord between the two holders of the office, often resulting in a practical deadlock;partly in the loss of prestige suffered by the kingship, especially during the 5th century, owing to these quarrels, to the frequency with whichkings ascended the throne as minors and a regency was necessary, and to the many cases in which a king was, rightly or wrongly, suspected of havingaccepted bribes from the enemies of the state and was condemned and banished.

MILITARY SERVICE AND TRAINING

In the powers exercised by the assembly of the citizens or apella we cannot trace any development, owing to the scantiness of our sources. TheSpartan was essentially a soldier, trained to obedience and endurance: he became a politician only if chosen as ephor for a single year or elected alife member of the council after his sixtieth year had brought freedom from military service.

Shortly after birth the child was brought before the elders of the tribe, who decided whether it was to be reared: if defective or weakly, it wasexposed in the so-called Training of Citizens. Thus was secured, as far as could be, the maintenance of a high standard of physical efficiency, andthus from the earliest days of the Spartan the absolute claim of the state to his life and service was indicated and enforced. Till their seventhyear boys were educated at home: from that time their training was undertaken by the state and supervised by the raioo~huos, an official appointedfor that purpose. This training consisted for the most part in physical exercises, such as dancing, gymnastics, ball-games, etc., with music andliterature occupying a subordinate position. There were also contests to see who could take the most severe beating. From the twentieth year beganthe Spartan's liability to military service and his membership of one of the av~peia or /xilirta (dining messes or clubs), composed of about fifteenmembers each, to one of which every citizen must belong.

At thirty began the full citizen rights and duties. For the exercise of these three conditions were requisite: Spartiate birth, the trainingprescribed by law, and participation in and contribution to one of the dining-clubs. Those who fulfilled these conditions were the peers, citizens inthe fullest-sense of the word, while those who failed were called routtoves (lesser men), and retained only the civil rights of citizenship.

Spartiates were absolutely debarred by law from trade or manufacture, which consequently rested in the hands of the perioeci, and were forbidden (intheory) to possess either gold or silver, the currency consisting of bars of iron. Wealth was, in theory at least, derived entirely from landedproperty, and consisted in the annual return made by the helots who cultivated the plots of ground allotted to the Spartiates. But this attempt toequalize property proved a failure: from early times there were marked differences of wealth within the state, and these became even more seriousafter the law of Epitadeus, passed at some time after the Peloponnesian War, removed the legal prohibition of the gift or bequest of land.

Later we find the soil coming more and more into the possession of large landholders, and by the middle of the 3rd century s.c. nearly two-fifths ofLaconia belonged to women. Hand in hand with this process went a serious diminution in the number of full citizens, who had numbered 8,000 at thebeginning of the 5th century, but had sunk by Aristotle's day to less than 1,000, and had further decreased to 700 at the accession of Agis IV in 244BC. The Spartans did what they could to remedy this by law: certain penalties were imposed upon those who remained unmarried or who married too latein life. But the decay was too deeply rooted to be eradicated by such means, and we shall see that at a late period in Sparta's history an attemptwas made without success to deal with the evil by much more drastic measures.

THE SPARTAN COSMOS

Around the middle of the 6th century BC the whole southern part of the Peloponnesse belonged to Sparta. With its 8,050 square kilometres it was thelargest state in Greece. The territory was divided into two parts (Laconia and Messenia) which were separated by the Taygetos mountain range. Unlikeother Greek cities Sparta controlled a lot of good arable land. Earliest archeological evidence testifying settlement in Sparta dates from around

around 950 BC. Literary tradition also tells us that Sparta was founded in the 10th Century. BC. It consists of the four villages Pitane, Mesoa,Limnai and Konooura which are later organized under singular leadership.

Around 750 BC the expansion of Sparta was proceeding very slowly. After time Sparta subjugated the population of Laconia and they became eitherbecame helots or Perioeci (neighbours). The helots kept their farmland but had to deliver half of their output to Sparta whereas the Perioeci wereinhabitants of cities which remained relatively autonomous but in matters of foreign affairs and military actions were dependent on Sparta. ThePerioeci formed a vital part of Sparten society. As Spartens were forbidden to do anything except train for war, the Perioeci were the traders,craftsmen and artists of Lacedaemon society. From 650 to 620 Sparta brought Messenia under control. In the first third of the 6th Cent. Sparta isdefeated by the city of Argos and later by Tegea. It was under the backdop of the Messenian war and the following defeats that the unique Spartan wayof life developed, which made Sparta famous in the hellenic world and until the present day.

The Spartan population can be classified into two groups: only the Spartiates had citizen status. At their peak this only amounted to 9,000 adultmales and under the laws of Lycurgus they (in theory) were classed as equals. They were released from any economic activity meaning that each of themwas given a piece of land (klaros) which was cultivated and run by the helots.

The Spartiates were forbidden to trade or to learn any craft. That was the job of the Perioeci. The maintenance of this system served to uphold thesocial, military and political order of Sparta. Very important is that parental ties and relationships were restrained. At the age of seven boys weretaken out of the family and educated by the state. In two age groups (from 7 to 12 and 13 to 19) the boys were educated in the art of war andphysical strength, endurance and the promotion of cunning and craftiness. This education process worked by operating a permanent competition mode.Furthermore the boys learned total subordination towards group leaders, elders, and the State. A characteristic feature for the second age group wasthat the young men were sent away into the country to with nothing, and was expected to suvive on wits and cunning.This was very probably an oldinitiation rite, a preparation for their later career as elite soldiers. With the fulfillment of their 20th year the Spartiates are obliged to do warservice. They still live together with men of the same age until their 30th birthday, even if they marry. From then on the Spartiates get the rightto vote, can live in their houses but have to take their meals together in groups. The whole system is secured by hard social sanctions such as thedismissal out of a meal group or the loss of their citizen rights. This strong social order is represented in the military order on the battlefield.It is virtually impossible for a Spartiate to leave his position in the battle phalanx (phalanx of hoplites - hoplites: very heavily armed footsoldiers). At the same time a strict string of orders guarantees precise military deployment and enables the battle phalanx to react especially quickand strategically clever. Politic institutions were two kings who enjoyed special treatment during meals, performed public sacrifices and wereleaders in a war. They were controlled by two ephores who took care that the kings didn`t break laws and accompanied them in battles. each year newephores were elected. Finally there was the gerusia which consisted of Spartiates over 60 years old who were elected through acclamation forlifetime. The gerusia was the council that judged in questions of state affairs and capital crimes and prepared public gatherings. This assembly ofall Spartiates (apella or eclesia) decided over new laws, alliances, war and peace. From 550 onwards the goals of the spartan cosmos - innerconsistency, a compact unit and military efficiency - seem to be achieved. There is no tyranny in Sparta and their battle phalanx is said toundefeatable. Impacts of this system are a closing of the spartan community towards other nations. Foreign imports to Sparta stop in the same way asworks in the field of music and literature cease to be created.

KINGS

Sparta was an important Greek city-state in the Peloponnesus. It was unique among Greek city-states in that it maintained its Kingship past theArchaic age. It was even more unusual in that it had two kings simultaneously, coming from two separate lines. According to tradition, the two lines(the Agiads and Eurypontids) descended from the twins Eurysthenes (the Agiads) and Procles the descendants of Heracles who supposedly conquered

Sparta two generations after the Trojan War. Although there are lists of the earlier purported Kings of Sparta, there is little evidence for theexistence of any kings before the mid 6th Century BC or so

AGIAD KINGSEurysthenes Agis I Echestratus Dorissus Agesilaus I Teleclus Alcmenes Polydorus Eurycrates Anaxander Eurycratides Leon Anaxandridas 560 - 520 BC Cleomenes I 520 - 490 BC. Leonidas I 490 - 480 BC. Pleistarchus 480 - 459 BC Pleistoanax 459 - 409 BC Pausanias 409 - 395 BC Agesipolis I 395 - 380 BC. Cleombrotus I 380 - 371 BC. Agesipolis II 371 - 370 BC. Cleomenes II 370 - 309 BC. Areus I 309 - 265 BC Acrotatus 265 - 262 BC. Areus II 262 - 254 BC Leonidas II 254 - 235 BC. Cleomenes III 235 - 222 BC.

EURYPONTID KINGSProcles Soos Eurypon Prytanis Polydectes Eunomus Charillus Nicander Theopompus Anaxandridas I Zeuxidamas Anaxidamus Archidamus I Agasicles Ariston 550 - 515 BC Demaratus 515 - 491 BC. Leotychidas II 491 - 469 BC. Archidamus II 469 - 427 BC. Agis II 427 - 400 BC. Agesilaus II 400 - 360 BC. Archidamus III 360 - 338 BC. Agis III 338 - 331 BC. Eudamidas I 331 - 305 BC. Archidamus IV 305 - 275 BC. Eudamidas II 275 - 244 BC.

Agis IV 244 - 241 BC. Eudamidas III 241 - 228 BC. Archidamus V 228 - 227 BC. Eucleidas 227 - 221 BC (Eucleidas was actually an Agiad - his brother Cleomenes III deposed his Eurypontid colleague and installed his brother as co-ruler) Following Cleomenes III's defeat at the Battle of Sellasia by Antigonus III Doson of Macedon and the Achaean League, the Spartan system began to break down. Agesipolis III (Agiad) 219 - 215 BC - the last Agiad King of Sparta. Lycurgus (Eurypontid) 219 - 212 BC. Pelops (Eurypontid) 212 - 200 BC - last King from either of the old dynasties Nabis (an usurper) 200 - 192 BC The Achaean League annexed Sparta in 192 BC.

© 2000 Ellen Papakyriakou/Anagnostou. All rights reserved(this page was last updated on April 27, 2002 at 10:40:24PM)

Of the early history of Sparta we rely on very few legends. It is said to have been founded by Lacedaemon, the son of Zeus and Taygete, who marriedSparta, the daughter of Eurotas. From Homer we also know that the "koili Lacedaemon" (hollow Lacedaemon), the territory between the mount Taygetos andParnon, had as king Menelaos, the younger brother of Agamemnon and husband of Helen, which was abducted by Paris to Troy and thus starting the long andpainful famous war.

Around 1200 BC, by the marriage of the daughter of Menelaos Ermione with the son of Agamemnon Orestes, the kingdoms of Argos and Sparta were united. Thefindings from excavations testify that at this time, unlike the later Sparta, a rich culture had developed here. Around 1100 BC, the Dorians came andconquered the territory (Archaeology favors a date for Dorian settling around 950 BC).

Tradition has it, that the Heraclidae brothers, descendants of the hero Hercules, Kresphontes, Temenos and Aristodemos tried to conquer Peloponnese.Aristodemos was hit by lighting and died at Naupactos, leaving behind his twin sons Eyresthenes and Prokles. His brothers crossed the gulf and landed atAchaia. There was a battle with the forces of the monarch of Peloponnese, Tisamenes, and they were victorious. When the Dorian phalanx came in theterritory of Lakonia and Messene, it was guided by Kresphontes, who inhabited the rich plain of Pamesos. There was a constant quarrel between the Dorianchiefs, Kresphontes and Theras, to share the territory. Theras, the brother of Aristodemos wife, who was guardian to her twin children after the death ofher husband, wanted to take the rich Messene, but Kresphontes and his brother Temenos, who was ruling Argos, played a trick on him. They arranged tothrow in the water two small tiles, with the names of Kresphontes and Theras written on them and the one which would surface in the water, would winMessene, the other the less rich Laconia. Kresphontes tile was baked in the fire, while Theras was left in the sun and when both were thrown into thewater, Theras tile went to the bottom and Kresphontes tile floated and thus he took Messene.

During Sparta's history, the habitation center in the Eurotas valley had changed many times, but the Dorian city which was comprised from five villages,occupied the territory of today's city of Sparta. We know only the names of the four, Pitane, Limnai, Mesoa, Kinosoura. The fifth was probably theconglomeration of the villages, which Spartans conquered later, Pilane, Selacia, Aigitida, Phari, Amikles. Sparta in the 8th and 7th century BC was opento foreigners. She had good relations with Samos, which helped her in the war with Messenia, and also with Cyprus, Rhodes, Cyrene, etc. She was a highlycultured city, with her own architects, who build the famous temple, the brazen house of Athena. The arts were highly developed with celebrated sculptorsin wood, potters, metal workers, weavers, leather workers, many of them foreigners. Spartan musicians, dancers and singers were renowned. Sparta was alsofamous for the purple dyed clothes. From 720 BC to 576 BC, she had 46 Olympic winners out of 81 total victors. But during the 6th century the artsprogressively started to decline. Lykurgos laws eventually strained Sparta.

Lykurgos 776 BC

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Lykurgos was the son of the king Eumenos. After the death of his father, his older brother Polydektes took the throne. Not much later, he also died andLykurgos became king. The widow of his brother, an ambitious and unhesitating woman, offered him to marry her and kill her unborn child. Lykurgos,knowing her character and being afraid for the life of the child, pretended to accept her offer. He said to her to bear the child and he would disappearit, as soon as the child was born. But when the time came, he took the infant boy at the Agora, proclaimed him king of the Spartans and gave him the nameCharilaos (Joy of the people). When the widow learned what happened, she started plotting against Lykurgos, who left Sparta in order to avoid bloodshed.He first went to Crete and then to Asia and Egypt and later to Libya, Spain and India. In every country that he visited, he studied their civilization,history and constitutions. After many years Lykurgos returned to Greece and visited Delphi to question the oracle, if the constitution he had preparedto apply in Sparta was good and received approval with the answer that "he was more God than man". He then returned home and found his nephew Charilaos,a grown man and king of Sparta. In order to persuade the Spartans to accept his laws, which demanded a lot of sacrifices, he bred two small puppies, theone indoors with a variety of foods and the other he trained it for hunting. He then gathered the people and showed them that the untrained dog wascompletely useless. But if Lykurgos succeeded to persuade the poor people, he did little for the rich, who tried everything to oppose him. One of them, ayouth named Alkander, in the Agora tried to hit him with his stuff and when Lykurgos turned his head, he was hit in the eye and lost it. Lykurgos did notprosecute him, but took him as his servant, giving him the opportunity to discover his character. Indeed Alkander became later a devoted disciple. Whenhis laws were accepted, he made Spartans swear that they would not be changed until he returns and left again. He never came back, making sure that hislaws would not change. He died at Delphi and according to some in Crete and it is said that before his death, he asked his body to be burned and theremains to be scattered in the wind. Lykurgos thus did not permit even his dead body to return.

The Constitution

The hard fought Messenian wars would not have been won, without the legislation of Lykurgos, which most of all targeted the discipline and inuring tohardships of the citizens. According to the rettra or combact, which Lykurgos brought from Delphi, the Spartan Senate (Gerousia) was consisted fromtwenty eight men, at least 60 years old, elected for life and the two kings. A hundred years later, when the Gerousia became tyrannical, was dismantledand they were replaced by five Ephors (overseers). He also arranged for periodical assemblies of the Spartan people (Apella), for people over 30 yearsold, in the area between the river Knakion and the bridge Babyka, though they did not vote, nor were permitted to discuss the issues, but only accept orreject them loudly. Lykurgos, in order to avoid strife in the city, he managed to persuade the people to give their land property and then he divided itin equal shares. He also assigned equal lots of land to the Perioikoi.

In other laws, he forbade the use of money in gold and silver and in their place issued iron money, too heavy and of very little value. Also Spartanswere not permitted to build their houses with other tools, except the axe and the saw. The unwritten laws of Lykurgos most of all targeted eunomia (goodapplication of the laws), but at the same time they had the seeds of aggressiveness. In a period of few years after they came in use, Sparta conqueredalmost all of Laconia. The important city of Amyklai, after a long desperate siege was captured around 750 BC, but its people were treated well.

First Messenian War 743―724 BC The causes of the Messenian wars were two incidents, as Pausanias tells us, although there is no doubt that the real reason was the rich and fertileplains of Messenia, that Spartans wanted to conquer. The first incident occurred in the borders of Laconia and Messene, where there was a temple ofArtemis Limnatis, in which both Spartans and Messenians were celebrating. In the midst of the dance of Spartan virgins, Messenians rushed and took thewomen. King Teleklos of Sparta, who tried to hinder them, was killed. It was said later that all the Spartan women committed suicide. But according tothe Messenian version, king Teleklos had dressed up young men as virgins, with concealed daggers. When their plot was discovered, Messenians after afight killed Teleklos. Anyway the war did not start immediately after this event.

The second incident happened with the Spartan Euphaenos and the Messenian Polychares, a distinguished citizen and an Olympic victor in Stadium, 764 BC.Euphaenos, who had been trusted with the care of Polychares cows, sold them and later killed his son who came to inquire. Polychares, who was unable tofind justice in Sparta, started to kill every Lacedaemonian who passed the borders.

After these incidents, Spartans demanded from Messenians to deliver Polychares, but in vain and so the war started. Alkamenes, the son of the kingTeleklos of Sparta, in a dark night surprised the Messenians and entered the city of Ampheia, killing everybody. From Ampheia, the Spartans were making

constants raids, but they did not succeed to conquer any other cities. The king of Messenia, Euphaes, fought them with vigor, but for four years noprogress had been made, by either side. During the fifth year, a big battle took place, which ended indecisive, but after this the Messenians retired tothe fortified mountain of Ithome. In the meantime an epidemic fell in Messene, killing many people and Messenians in their distress sent a citizen namedTese at Delphi, to ask about the outcome of the war. The oracle told them to sacrifice a maiden chosen by lot, from the house of Apetidae. The lot fellto the daughter of Lyciskos, who refused to obey and went to Sparta. A leading citizen then named Aristodemos, offered his own daughter, but the youthwho was in love with her, declared that she was carrying his child. Aristodemos killed his daughter, opened her body and showed to everyone that this wasa lie. After the sacrifice Messenians took courage and attacked the disheartened by the event Spartans, who for six years postponed any invasion. Duringthe thirteen year of the war, the Spartan king Theopompos marched against Ithome and another battle took place, but again without a victor. When kingEuphaes was killed in action, Aristodemos took his place.

Five years later another battle took place, in which Corinth took the side of Spartans and Arcadians and Sikyonians the side of Messenians. KingAristodemos won a decisive victory over the Lacedaemonians, who were driven back in their territories. Later things turned against Messenians.Aristodemos after a dream, in which his daughter appeared showing to him her wounds, slew himself at her tomb. Shortly afterwards and during thetwentieth year of the war, Messenians abandoned Ithome, which was raised to the ground by the Spartans. The defeated Messenians were punished severelyand took an oath, that they would never revolt and they would deliver to Sparta every year half of their agricultural products. Many families fled toArcadia and the priestly to Eleusis. Those who stayed in the country became helots. This was the end of the first Messenian war. Not long after theannexation of Messenia (708 BC), Sparta founded a colony at Tarentum in South Italy and it seems that the motive was political. A group called themselvesPartheniai (children of unmarried mothers), who were not recognized as citizens, attempted revolution and Sparta deemed necessary that the best solutionwas to send them away.

Second Messenian War 685―668 BC Some years later Messenians revolted and their leader Aristomenes in a daring move entered Sparta at night and offered a shield in the temple of Athena.Spartans after this event went to the oracle of Delphi, which gave them the answer "to take an Athenian adviser". Spartans asked from the Athenians ageneral and they sent them Tyrtaeos, who was poet and lame from the one leg. Tyrtaeos with his poems encouraged Spartans and helped them to win the war.During the war the leader of Messenians, Aristomenes, was made a great hero and many stories talk about him. According to the legend three timesAristomenes sacrificed to Zeus Ithomatis, the so-called Hecatophonia, reserved only to the warrior who had killed with his own hands one hundred enemies.Three times he was captured by the Spartans but he managed to escape. His last capture occurred in a battle between him and many Spartans, in which hewas wounded all over his body, but he was still fighting, until a stone found him on the head and fell. He was captured along with fifty others and forpunishment were thrown into the deep pit Kaeadas, of the mount Taygetos. All the others were killed, but Aristomenes fell upon the wings of an eagle andsurvived. When he realized, that there was no way to get out from this abyss, he laid down and covered himself with his cloak, waiting to die. Three dayslater, during the night he heard a soft sound and in the darkness show a fox eating the corpses. He managed to catch the fox from the tail and he wasguided by her to a small hole, which he opened further and passed through. Immediately he went to the city of Eira, which was besieged by Spartans.Passing from their camp, he killed many of them in their sleep and plundered the tents of the generals. Some time later, in a stormy night and with thehelp of an informer, the Spartans entered Eira. There was a hard battle, Messenians fought desperately, the women too, throwing tiles to Spartansoldiers, but at the end they were defeated. Aristomenes with many others managed to brake the Spartan lines and took the women and children in Arcadia.Immediately he chose five hundred men from Messenian volunteers and with the help of three hundred Arcadians decided to take Sparta by surprise, now thatmost of its army was away. They were ready to move, when they discovered that the king of Arcadia, Aristocrates, had sent a messenger to the Ephors,informing them about their plan. The treacherous king was killed in the square of the city by the Arcadian people with stones and his corpse was thrownout of Arcadia. The Messenians moved then to Kyllene and from there to lower Italy, where they founded the new city of Messene. Aristomenes did notfollow them and went to his brother in Rhodes, where he died from bitterness. The Messenians who did not leave, became Helots and thus ended the secondMessenian war.

Argos. The war of six hundred

Around 720 BC the Spartan army under the king Nikadros with the help of township Asine, ravaged Argolis. Argives did not forget this and not much latertook revenge destroying totally Asine. In their turn the Spartans annexed Kynouria, which formed part of the dominion of Argos. In 547 BC, the Argivesattempted to recover the territory, but instead of a full combat they agreed with the Lacedaemonians, to decide the outcome of the war and the annexationof Kynouria, with three hundred men each. The conflict of the six hundred chosen soldiers was so fierce, that only two Argives survived and one woundedSpartan.

The two Argive hoplites, Alcenor and Chromios, left to give the news of their victory, but the Spartan Othryades managed to spoil the dead bodies of theenemy and then killed himself, being ashamed to return to Sparta. Both sides claimed the victory and a full battle took place not much later, in whichthe Argives were defeated.

Wars with Tegea

Spartans attempted various expeditions against Arcadia and after a long struggle managed to occupy the southern part of her. But they were totallyunsuccessful in the wars, with the city of Tegea. They were loosing battle after battle and in the reign of the Spartan kings Leon and Agesikles (580BC), they carried pompously chains in order to enslave the Tegeans. They met though with disaster, loosing totally the battle and their soldiers wereputted in the very chains, they had brought. Spartans in their distress asked the help of the Delphi oracle, which advised them to obtain the bones ofOrestes (son of Agamemnon). The oracle even directed them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea and Spartans with a skillful stratagem succeeded tocarry the holy remains home. When that happened the tide of the war turned. The proud Tegeans lost every battle and finally acknowledged the supremacy ofSparta, but they were never reduced to subjection and continued to be masters of their city, becoming only dependant allies.

Kleomenes came to the throne of Sparta around 520 BC. In a rivalry between Kleisthenes of Athens and Isagoras, he was called by Isagoras to help. IndeedKleomenes forced Kleisthenes and his family to leave the country, but when he expelled five hundred more families and tried to revive the constitution,the Athenians revolted and besieged Kleomenes in the Acropolis, who immediately surrendered and left from Attica. He then assembled an army from Spartaand with allies marched toward Athens, without telling them that he wanted to install Isagoras as tyrant in Athens. But when the army came to Attica, theCorinthians learned the purpose of the expedition and abandoned the enterprise. The second king of Sparta, king Demaratos, who had joined the expeditionrefused also to go further and returned home and thus the expedition collapsed. This gave the opportunity to Athens to attack the Thebans andChalkidaeans, who were ravaging Attica and defeated them both. In Sparta, after the kings quarrel, a new law was passed that in the future only one kingwould command an expedition. They also summoned the League and proposed to restore Hippias in Athens, who had been a friend of Sparta and had come fromAsia for the meeting. Again Corinthians and other allies rejected the plan. Around 505 BC, a war between Sparta and Argos took place, but the reasons areunknown. In 499 BC, the Ionian leader Aristagoras came to Sparta to ask help in their revolt against Persia. Kleomenes refused and ordered him out of thecity. Kleomenes advanced into Argolis, but he failed to take Argos. He then asked ships from Sikyon and Aigina which unwillingly gave them and landednear Tyrinth. There he found, at a place called Sepea, which was between Argos and the sea, the Argive army. By gross carelessness of the Argives, hesurprised them and defeated them. The Argives then tried to find refuge in the sacred grove of the Hero Argos. Kleomenes surrounded them and in aunthinkable for the Greek customs action, he set fire to the grove. Six thousand Argives lost their lives at that day, almost two thirds of the wholearmy (494 BC). Kleomenes instigated Leotychides, the next heir in the Prokleid line of kings, to question the legitimacy of king Demaratos. To resolvethe problem the Spartans went to the Delphi oracle, which declared Demaratos as an illegitimate king. When later was known, that Kleomenes had bribed theoracle, they ordered him home, but he fled first to Thessaly and later to Arcadia, where he worked for a Pan-Arcadian alliance. The Spartans called himagain with promises, but when he arrived, he was attacked by the people, who following their old habit, they were hitting him in his head. The Ephorspronounced him insane. He committed suicide, having mutilated himself with a knife (488 BC).

The Persian Wars

After the suppression of the Ionic revolt, king Darius started preparing an army to attack Greece. The Persian expedition that followed under Mardoniosended in disaster, loosing his fleet in a terrible storm in the promontory of mount Athos. Darius was not disheartened and having in his court the tyrantHippias, keeping alive his resentment against Athens, he started preparing a second expedition and on a larger scale. He first sent heralds to ask earthand water from the various Greek cities. The Athenians threw them in the barathron pit and the Spartans in a well, to find there their "earth and water".

For the first time the Greek cities, in the face of the imminent danger were all united, recognizing Sparta as the leader of Greece. Sparta refused tosend an army to help Athens in Marathon and only arrived after the battle to find in their amazement that the Athenians had won a complete victory (490BC). Greece was fortunate that the next invasion was led by the son of Darius, Xerxes, a much inferior man than his father.

Battle of Thermopylae 480 BC

On the arrival of Xerxes at Thermopylae, he found that the place was defended by a body of three hundred Spartans and about seven thousand hoplites fromother states, commanded by the Spartan king Leonidas. Xerxes learning about the small number of Greek forces and that several Spartans outside the wallswere exercising and combing their hairs, in his perplexity, immediately called Demaratos to explain him the meaning of all these. Demaratos told him thatthe Spartans will defend the place to the death and it was custom to wash and dress their hairs with special care when they intended to put their livesin great danger. Xerxes who did not believe Demaratos, delayed his attack for four days, thinking that the Greeks as soon as they would realize his greatforces will disperse. He sent also heralds asking to deliver up their arms. The answer from Leonidas was "come and take them" (Μολών λαβέ). A Spartan,who was told about the great number of Persian soldiers, who with their arrows will conceal the sun, he answered: "so much the better, we will fight inthe shade". At the fifth day Xerxes attacked but without any results and with heavy losses, though the Medes fought bravely. He then ordered his personalguard the "Immortals" under Hyrdanes, a body of ten thousand consisting from the best Persian soldiers, to advance. They also failed and Xerxes wasobserved to jump from his throne three times in anger and agony. The following day they attacked, but again made no progress. Xerxes was desperate buthis luck changed when a Malian named Ephialtes told him about a secret path across the mountain. Immediately a strong Persian force was sent withHyrdanes, guided by the traitor. At day's break they reached the summit, where the Phokian army was stationed and who upon seeing the Persians fled. WhenLeonidas learned all these incidents, he ordered the council of war to be summoned. Many were of the opinion that they should retire and find a betterdefendable place, but Leonidas, who was bound by the laws of Sparta and from an oracle, which had declared that either Sparta or a Spartan king mustperish, refused. Three hundred Spartans and seven hundred Thespians took the decision to stay and fight. The rest were permitted to leave, with theexception of four hundred Boeotians, which were retained as hostages. Leonidas did not wait the Persian attack, which had being delayed by Xerxes andadvanced in the path, he fell upon the Persians. Thousands of them were slain, the rest were driven near the sea, but when the Spartan spears broke, theystarted having losses and one of the first that fell was king Leonidas. Around his body one of the fiercest battles took place. Four times the Persiansattacked to obtain it and four times they were repulsed. At the end, the Spartans exhausted and wounded, carrying the body of Leonidas, retired behindthe wall, but they were surrounded by the enemy, who killed them with arrows. On the spot, a marble lion was set by the Greeks in honor of Leonidas andhis men, together with two other monuments near by. On one of them, the memorable words were written:

"Ω ξείν αγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις, ότι τήδε κείμεθα,τοις κείνων ρήμασι πειθόμενοι"

(Oh stranger tell the Lacedaemonians, that we lie here, obedient to their laws ~ Stranger, go back to Sparta and tell our people that we who were slain obeyed the code ~ [L.H. Jeffery:]Report to Spartapasser by Orders obeyed here we lie.)

Battle of Plataea 479 BC

The reluctance, which Sparta showed after the battle of Thermopylae until a little before the battle of Plataea, did not help the Greek cause. But whenfinally she took the decision to engage seriously herself in the war, it did it in a great manner. Five thousand citizens, each one attended by sevenHelots, together with five thousand Lacedaemonian Perioikoi (each one attended by one light armed Helot) marched toward the Isthmos. This was a verylarge army and never in the past Sparta had sent such a big force in the field. At Isthmos, she was joined with the Peloponnesian allies and marchedtowards Megara. The army was joined there by three thousand Megarians and finally at Plataea with eight thousand Athenian hoplites. The city of Plataeaalso contributed six hundred hoplites, who came from Salamis, under the command of Aristeides. The number of Greek army were now thirty eight thousandhoplites, who with light armed troops and the Helots reached one hundred and ten thousand men. This number includes the eighteen hundred badly armedThespians. There was no cavalry and the bow men were very few. When Mardonios learned the approach of Lacedaemonians, he left Attica and by way ofDekeleia crossed the mount Parnes and entered Boeotia. Marching two days along the Asopos river, he encamped near the town of Plataea.

The Greeks after consulting the Gods with sacrifices at Eleusis marched over the ridge of Kithairon mountain and descending from the northern side theysaw the encamped Persian army in the valley of Asopos. King Pausanias who was waiting good omens from sacrifices held his troops from the attacks of the

Persian cavalry, near Erythrae, where the ground is ragged and uneven, but even this did not prevent the commander Masistios to attack the Greeks. Whenthe Megarians were in great danger suffering many losses, three hundred Athenian hoplites succeeded in repulsing the Persians, killing the tall and braveMasistios. His body was paraded in triumph, in a cart. This event encouraged Pausanias, who positioned the army on the plain, in a line at the right bankof Asopos.

When Mardonios learned the change in the position of the Greeks he ordered his army to be placed opposite to them on the other side of Asopos. Himselftook the post in the left wing, facing the Lacedaemonians. The rest of his army consisting from Medized Greeks, fifty thousand strong, were opposite toAthenians. The center of Mardonios composed from Bactrians Sacae and Indians. The whole army was numbering three hundred thousand men. For eight days theattack was delayed from both sides by unfavorable sacrifices. On the eight day Mardonios by the advice of the Theban leader Timagenidas cut off thesupplies of the Greeks and captured a big supply in one of the passes of Kithaeron. Artabazos too, advised him to continue this line of harassing andwearing but Mardonios was impatient and ordered his cavalry to attack, which obtained possession of the fountain of Gargapheia.

Pausanias summoned the council of war and took the decision to retreat, to a place called the Island, which was two kilometers further and halfwaybetween it and the town of Plataea. When Pausanias at night gave the order of retreat, some Spartans refused to move. Threats did nothing to persuade theSpartan captain Amomferatus, who took a huge rock and threw it at the feet of Pausanias, with the words: "with this pebble I give my vote not to fly".Pausanias who had no time to loose since daybreak was near, he left Amompheratus and his lochos behind and hurried to the island. Mardonios orderedattack when he learned that the Greeks had retreated. His army passing the waters of Asopos started to throw arrows to the Greeks, who did not engage,even in this moment, in battle until they received a good omen from the sacrifices. Mardonios at the head of his one thousand bodyguards was in the frontline fighting bravely, until he was struck down by the Spartan Aimnestos.

When Mardonios fell the Persian army fled to their fortified camp. But this did not save them, the Greeks managed to enter and a great massacre tookplace. Only three thousand Persians who escaped, from the three hundred thousand, survived. The Greeks lost only one thousand and three hundred men. In464 BC, during the night, a powerful earthquake shook Sparta and the rest of Lacedaemon. The earth opened and the summits of mount Taygetos were torn.All the houses of Sparta fell down except five. This catastrophe continued for five days. At least twenty thousand Lacedaemonians lost their lives.

The Peloponnesian war I 431―421 BC The unavoidable clash between Sparta and Athens came with an incident at the friendly to Athens city of Plataea. Archidamos invaded Attica in the springof 431 BC without opposition, since Athens had taken the decision not to engage to a land battle with Sparta and thus started the Peloponnesian war, thatlasted for 28 years. The first ten years of the war (431 - 421 BC) were named "Archidamios war" from the name of the able king of Sparta Archidamos.

On the side of Lacedaemonians were all the Peloponnesian states with the exception of Argos and Achaea which entered the war joining Sparta later. Theywere also the Boeotians, Megarians, Lokrians, Phokaeans, Leukadians, Ambrakiotes and Anaktorians. The coast states supplied ships, the Boeotians,Locrians and Phokians with cavarly.

On the side of Athens were the Plataeans, Chians, Lesbians, Messenians, Corkyraeans, Zakynthians, Akarnanians as well as the towns of the coast of Asiaand Thrace and all the isles of Aegean, except Melos and Thera. The Athenian troops were 29,000 hoplites, 1200 horsemen and 1600 archers and her navy was300 triremes without counting those of her allies. The Chians, Corkyraeans and Lesbians supplied shipping.

Archidamos forces which entered Attica consisted from about 60,000 to 100,000 men and at the beginning he tried unsuccessful attacks upon the fortress ofOenoe, on mount Kithairon, failing to take it. He then marched towards Eleusis, where he arrived at the middle of June 431 BC. After ravaging theThracian plain he encamped at Acharnae, seven miles from Athens. In the meantime the Athenians had collected the population within the walls and had sentall the animals to Euboea. Archidamos evacuated Attica at the end of July and his army was dismantled immediately. Upon his departure the Athenians atthe end of September, attacked Megara which they ravaged totally.

At the spring of 430 BC, Archidamos again invaded Attica, but in the meantime the plague had broken out in Athens. The Lacedaemonians with greater forceravaged all the neighborhood of Athens marching as far as the mines of Laurium. In their turn Athenians, with 100 triremes under the command of Knemosdevastated the island of Zakynthos.

At the third year of the war (429 BC) Archidamos marched towards the city of Plataea and demanded to hand him over the city and their land properties,promising that after the war everything would be restored to them. The majority of Plataeans were in favor of the proposal, but Athenians exhorted themto hold out promising them assistance. After their refusal, Archidamos surrounded the small city of Plataea and the famous siege started. For threemonths Spartans tried everything to conquer the city but without success. They then decided to blockade and starve the population. For this theysurrounded Plataea with a double wall, but even this measure had no success. After two years, when the provisions of Plataea started to run short, 212men escaped in a stormy December night. The rest of the population surrendered in 427 BC. They were put in trial before five Spartan judges and executed.The town of Plataea was transferred to Thebes, who after a few months destroyed all the private houses to the ground.

In the fourth and fifth year of the war Spartans again invaded Attica. In the sixth year of the war (426 BC) the Spartans did not invade Attica. A seriesof severe earthquakes and floods occurred in various parts of Greece. At Athens the plaque reappeared.

During the seventh year of the war the Lacedaemonian army under the command of Agis invaded Attica, but only for the sort time of fifteen days. Agis wasrecalled and marched towards Pylos, because the Athenians had established a military post at Pylos in Messenia. The Peloponnesian fleet that was inCorkyra under the command of Thrasymelidas, was also ordered to sail to Pylos. Thrasymelidas on arriving at Pylos with his fleet, he occupied the smallbut densely wooded island of Sfacteria with four hundred and twenty hoplites and their helots. Part of these men, two hundred and ninety-two, among themmany belonging to chief families, were later captured by the Athenian Kleon and brought to Athens in chains, the rest had been killed after a severeconflict on the islet. The event surprised the Hellenic world who knew that Spartans never surrendered. Sparta was now in a bad position. The Messeniansfrom Pylos together with the runaway helots were able to plunder the country, also Sparta could not invade Attica, knowing that the captured men wouldput immediately to death.

The eighth year of the war (424 BC) was disastrous for Athens. They defeated at the battle of Delium, by the Thebans. They also lost Thrace. After allthese Athenians seriously considered the proposals for peace by Sparta. At the same year one of the biggest crimes, committed in ancient Greece,occurred. Sparta pretending to give liberty to the most worthy Helots, who had fought bravely, selected two thousand of the best men and after honoringthem and crowning them with garlands at a ceremony, slain them by secret orders from the Ephors. The reason being, that Sparta felt threatened from theirincreased power.

In the ninth year of the war (423 BC) a truce was signed for a year, on which a permanent peace would be prepared. But the negotiations were interruptedtwo days after the signing of the truce, when Athenians learned that Scione had revolted and was under the command of Brasidas. In August, an Athenianforce by the command of Kleon was sent to Scione. At the battle that followed, both Kleon and Brasidas were killed and thus the obstacles for permanentpeace seized to exist. The Spartan king Pleistoanax and general Nikias of Athens, in the spring of 421, signed a peace treaty for fifty years, the so-called peace of Nikias. The Spartan prisoners were returned and Athens was allowed to keep the cities of Anactorium, Sollium and Nisae. Not everybody wassatisfied by the peace and the allies of Sparta, Corinth, Thebes, Megara and Eleans refused to ratify it.

During the peace between Sparta and Athens matters were far from being satisfactory. Her allies, Boeotians and Corinthians never accepted the peace andAthens refused to evacuate Pylos. Alkibiades of Athens persuaded both Achaea and Patrae to ally with Athens and helped Argos in the attack uponEpidauros, which they ravaged. Spartans could not accept all these and assembling a large army in which her allies were participating, invaded Argos andsurrounded the Argive army. A battle was ready to start when two Argive oligarch leaders came to king Agis of Sparta and persuaded him to sign a trucefor four months. A little later Alkibiades leading a force of one thousand hoplites and four hundred cavalry came to assist Argives and persuaded them toattack the city of Orchomenos in Arcadia. After they conquered Orchomenos they marched against Tegea. In the meantime king Agis, who had being blamed forthe truce with the Argives, marched with a large force in the territory of Mantinea and positioned himself near the temple of Hercules.

The Argives and their allies left the city of Mantinea and in a well chosen ground offered battle. King Agis was ready to attack them at thisadvantageous for the Argives ground, but when the Spartans came close, an old Spartan warrior told him, that with his act was trying "to heal one

mischief by another". These words made him to withdraw his men. After this, the Argives took position in the plain and tried to attack them by surprise.The right section of the Argive army, which was consisted from the flower of aristocracy, a permanent body of one thousand chosen soldiers drilled andmaintained by the city of Argos, were successful to route the Lacedaemonians, but Agis with the rest of his army which was more successful, he managed towin the battle (June 418 BC). Athenians lost two hundred hoplites included the generals Laches and Nikostratos, the Argives and their allies lost anothernine hundred men. From the Lacedaemonian army only three hundred men lost. Even after all these, the peace of Nikias typically was still in existence.

The Peloponnesian war II 415―404 BC In 415 BC, in the expedition of Athenians in Syracuse, the Spartan general Gylippos with four ships came to the assistance of Syracuse. Though his forcewas small, he helped greatly Syracuse to win the war. He firstly captured the Athenian fort at Labdalum, that made him master of Epipolae and buildfortifications. He then constructed a counter wall to intersect the Athenian lines at the north side. A little later he was reinforced by the arrival ofthirty triremes. This small participation of Sparta in the war was of the outmost importance.

After the Athenian disaster in Syracuse, the war between Athens and Sparta became maritime. Lacedaemonians gave a better attention on their naval power.A new office, that of Navarchia, was risen. The Navarchos (Admiral) was even superior to the Ephors. In the beginning though Sparta had not much success.

In August of 411 BC, the Peloponnesian fleet commanded by Mindaros lost the naval battle at Kynossema. The Athenian fleet though smaller in force, in thestraits of Sestos and Abydos, gained a complete victory.

In 410 BC, Alkibiades managed to capture the whole Peloponnesian fleet at Kyzicos. Mindaros was killed and the second in command Spartan sent a letter tothe Ephors in Laconic form: "Ships gone; Mindaros dead; men starving; no idea what to do."

Spartans were so discouraged, that they sent the Ephor Endius to Athens for a peace agreement but the Athenians, who were influenced by the demagogueKleophon, rejected the offer.

Spartans now appointed a new navarchos, the able man Lysander. When his turn of command expired, he was succeeded by Kallicratidas, who increased thenumber of ships of the Spartan fleet. There was a naval battle at the harbor of Mytelene with the Athenian fleet under Konon. The Athenians, who wereoutnumbered, lost the battle and thirty ships. Another forty ships were saved by bringing them ashore, near the walls of the town.

Kallicratidas then blockade the island. When the news arrived at Athens they sent a fleet of one hundred and ten triremes and they were reinforced withanother forty later. The number of ships of Kallicratidas were one hundred and twenty. At the small island of Arginusae, the Athenian fleet met theSpartan and after a hard struggle defeated them (406 BC). The Lacedaemonians lost seventy seven ships and the rest were retreated at Chios and Phocaea.Kallicratidas was thrown overboard, when his ship was hit by another and perished. The Athenians lost only twenty five ships.

Though it was illegal for an admiral to have a second term, Lysander, with the title of Epistoleus (bearer of letters), took the command of the Spartanfleet. He immediately obtained large sums of money from Kyros, king of Persia, to rebuild the fleet and made siege on Lampsacus.

The Athenians, who came to help, arrived too late to save the city and took post at Aegospotamoi (Goat's river) close to the city of Lampsacus. Lysanderwho systematically avoided a naval battle, since his ships were outnumbered, he managed to capture the enemy fleet after treachery or negligence of theAthenians. All 4000 Athenian prisoners were put to death. This event substantially marked the end of Athens.

Expedition in Asia

After the fall of Athens, Sparta became the undisputed leader of Greece for 34 years. Her first move was to punish the Eleans, who along with Argos andMantinea had taken the arms against them, during the war with Athens and also for the insults they had received when they excluded them from the games ofOlympia. They demanded from Eleans to pay for the expenses of the war and resign their authority over the dependent townships in Trifylia. Eleans ofcourse did not accept these demands and in 402 BC king Agis entered in their territory but unfavorable omens and an earthquake forced the Spartans toreturn home. In the following year they invaded Elean again. After ravaging and plundering the territory, they forced them to a humiliating peace. At 400BC, king Agis died and he was succeeded by Agesilaos, who led an army into Asia. It was the first time, that a Greek army had entered Asia, from the

times of Agamemnon. In 396 BC, he arrived and took command of the city of Ephesos. When the satrap Tissaphernes ordered him to quit Asia, Agesilaosfooled him and instead of attacking Caria, as was expected, he moved towards Phrygia, the satrapy of Arnavazos and reached Daskylium, where he wasrepulsed by the Persian cavalry. He then returned to Ephesos, where he prepared a cavalry. Shortly later he again fooled Tissaphernes, making known thathe would march toward Sardis. Tissaphernes who thought that this was another trick, dispersed his cavalry elsewhere and Agesilaos unopposed, he arrivedat the river Pactolos, where a battle took place and the Persians were defeated. In the meantime, Tissaphernes was assassinated and Tithrastes took hisplace, who persuaded Agesilaos to quit his satrapy for the sum of thirty talents. Agesilaos then moved to the satrapy of Artavazos now, whose magnanimityhe appreciated and left his territory also and entered the plains of Thebes, close to the gulf of Eleus.

In 394 BC, during his preparations for a big expedition in the interior of Asia Minor, he was recalled home, because Sparta felt threatened. Agesilaosduring his expedition in Asia had been appointed Navarchos (admiral). He was the first man in Sparta to acquire so much power. He immediately started toprepare a new fleet of 120 triremes and put to the command his brother in law Pisander. In the beginning of August of the same year, half of Sparta'sfleet was captured or destroyed by the Athenian fleet under Konon, in the peninsula of Knidos in Caria. Pisander who fought gallantry perished in thebattle.

About the same time with the naval battle at Knidos there was another battle of Sparta against the joining forces of Thebes, Athens, Corinth and Argosfought in the territory of Corinth which Sparta won (battle of Corinth 394 BC).

Battle of Koronea

In August of 394 BC, king Agesilaos returned from the expedition in Asia and brought his army in the valley Koronea of Boeotia. From the other sideThebans, Athenians and their allies were ready for battle.

The two armies came silently close to each other. When they reached a distance of two hundred meters, the Thebans raised their usual paeans and startedto run towards the Spartan army, who moved only when the Thebans came about one hundred meters close. Thebans quickly overpowered the opposite of themsoldiers of Orchomenos, in the left wing, but Agesilaos, who had also success on the other side cut the Thebans from the rest of the army. Now Thebanswere forced to attack the Spartans, in order to join with their allies. It was such the force of the impact of the two armies, that the spears broke.Pushing with shields each other, they only could use their daggers. Both armies fought desperately but Thebans made their way through braking the Spartanlines. King Agesilaos, though many times wounded was at the front ranks and fought with valor. The outcome of the battle though indecisive ended withvictory of Sparta.

A few years later, the disgraceful peace of Antalkidas (387 BC) took place, in which Sparta was permitting the Persians to interfere in the affairs ofHellas. In the remark of someone, who said that Spartans were Medizing, Agesilaos replied "say rather that the Medes are Laconizing".

Occupation of Thebes

The city of Thebes, which had not taken any serious part in the Peloponnesian war, was prospering but as was usual with all the Greek cities, was torninside from the fights of oligarchs and democrats. That was the case, when Leontiades a prominent oligarch, asked for help from the near Thebes encampedSpartan army, under general Phoebidas (382 BC). Leontiades, in order to expel the democrats from Thebes, proposed to the general to take over Kadmeia,something which was accepted eagerly.

All these were happening during the celebration of Thesmophoria, when women alone were performing ceremonies to honor the founder of the city, Kadmos,and they were no males on the citadel. Phoebidas and his army entered Kadmeia, without any difficulties. Ismenias, the leader of the democratic party wastried and executed. The oligarchs, with the help of the Spartan garrison, started confiscating and executing the democrats. Many of them found refuge atAthens. From there they started thinking how to free their city.

At first, they tried to get help especially from Athens, but soon they despaired and started designing various plots to liberate Thebes by themselves.Among the exiles they were many belonging to wealthy and noble families, such as Pelopidas, Damokleidas, Melon and others. They were in constant

communication with other members which were still in Thebes, the most prominent of them being Phyllidas the secretary of the polemarch Archias andCharon.

Upon arrival of Phyllidas in Athens for official business it was arranged to provide the opportunity for the exiles to struck. Charon would provideshelter in his home. Phyllidas arranged a banquet for Archias and Philippus and promised them beautiful women for company.

In December of 379 BC, Pelopidas, Melon and five companions left Athens and disguised as rustics and hunters, entered the city of Thebes at night falland hid in Charon's house. Together with other conspirators from Thebes, they totaled 48 persons. A spy of Archias, reported to him that they were rumorsthat some of the exiles were in town. Archias called Charon to give some answers. Charon though worried, went quickly to him and from his questionsunderstood that he had no facts but only suspicions. He promised to look upon the matter and left.

Soon after a messenger from Athens came with a letter in which the full conspiracy was revealed. Archias, who by now was drunk, threw it aside, sayingthe famous words "Urgent business for tomorrow". Immediately after, the conspirators disguised as women entered the room and killed Archias and Philippusand everyone else who was there.

Phyllidas then sent Pelopidas, Kephisodorus and Damokleidas to Leontiades house. There was a hard fight in which Leontiades, a strong man, mortallywounded in the throat Kephisodorus. Pelopidas, after a long struggle in the narrow hall of his house, killed Leontiades. With the death of the twotyrants, the exiles from Athens returned.

Epameinondas with some of the young men broke open the armorer's shops and called the citizens to fight for their freedom. After all these, the Spartangarrison of 1500 men, left Thebes for Sparta (378 BC).

In 375 BC, near Tegyra, Pelopidas with the Theban Sacred Band defeated the Spartan army, though his troops were half in number. Being informed that theSpartan garrison in Orchomenos were visiting Lokris, he marched with the Sacred Band in order to give battle. He met them at Tegyra and thanks to hisencouragement in a narrow pass he defeated them, killing both of the Lacedaemonian commanders. The rest of the Spartan army dispersed and fled. This wasa heroic achievement by Pelopidas, taking in consideration the smaller number of his troops and the Spartan valor. It was this battle that gaveconfidence to Thebans to meet Spartans four years later in Leuctra.

In 372 BC, Antalkidas dispatched again in Persia asking them to intervene, when Thebes violated the peace by re-establishing the Boeotian confederation.Athens too was dissatisfied with Thebes, who recently had destroyed the city of Plataea. Negotiations for peace between Athens and Sparta started and inthe congress which took place in 371 BC, in the city of Sparta, Thebes was invited too. The Thebans, who wanted to take the oath for the treaty as headof the confederacy, refused to take it for their city alone and only the threat of war persuade them to consent. After that incident Sparta's firstpriority was to weaken Thebes, by breaking the Theban confederacy.

In the dissatisfied from the confederacy cities of Orchomenos and Thespiae, they installed a garrison. To the city of Mantinea, who had helped Argos inthe war with Sparta, they sent a messenger demanding to raze their walls. In their hesitation, Agesipolis did not wait and bringing an army he tookMantinea. Spartans demolished their fortification and reduced the city in the five villages, as it was in the past.

The battle of Leuctra 371 BC

In 371 BC, on the plain of Leuctra, Spartans were defeated again from the Theban Sacred Band, this time under the leadership of General Epameinondas,though the Theban forces were outnumbered by the Lacedaemonians, Epameinondas with a series of ingenious tactics and with the help of his supreme trainedmen of the Sacred Band defeated the invincible Spartan army. He arrayed the best men of his troops, fifty shields deep, opposite to the opponent rightwing occupied by the Spartans, which were twelve shields deep, leaving his center and left wing weak and ordering them to stay momentarily out of action.The battle started with the engagement of Spartan and Theban cavalries, which ended quickly with the defeat of Spartans. Pelopidas leading the SacredBand fell upon the Spartans with irresistible force but the Spartans fought bravely and at first were victorious. It was only when leading Spartans fellthat the Spartan lines pushed and broke carrying away the rest of the army and driving them to the camp. King Kleombrotos of Sparta and many of his

officers were killed. The rest of the army hardly had any serious fighting. From the 700 Spartans who took part in the battle, only 300 survived. Thewhole Hellas was in sock from the event, understanding that a new power had risen. At Argos, there was a revolution and the people put to death many ofthe upper class pro-spartan.

After the battle they sent heralds to Athens proclaiming their victory over the Spartans, but Athenians were not satisfied with the turn of events. Nowthey had a new superpower a few miles from Athens. They also sent a herald to Jason of Pherae in Thessaly. Jason upon hearing the news said he would comequickly in Thebes with triremes, but instead with great speed and passing through enemy territory he arrived in Boeotia. There the Theban leadersproposed him to attack the encamped Spartans and her allies. Jason and Epameinondas refused and managed to persuade them to let them go and thus savingSpartans from a bigger catastrophe. Spartans indeed soon left and at Aigosthena they met with Archidamos who was marching to help them. From there theyreturned home.

With the battle of Leuctra, the Hegemony of Greece passed from Sparta to Thebes, but for the short time of ten years. It did no good and as that ofSparta it hurt Greece greatly. Thebes had no experienced and knowledgeable men, nor her economy could withstand this. It failed as Sparta did, to unitethe Greek cities and stop the blood bath of Greece. There was turmoil all over Peloponnese. The inhabitants of Mantinea in Arcadia, which had been brokenin several villages, took back their capital and build new walls. In Tegea of Arcadia, the people formed an Arcadian federation. In two years time apowerful confederation was born that was including except the old alliances, Phokis, Locris, Aitolia and Euboea. After the battle of Leuctra, Thebes madeagain peace with Athens and wanted to destroy Orchomenos for being in alliance with the Spartans. The city was saved thanks to the great efforts ofEpameinondas, but not for long. A few years later when Epameinondas was at an expedition in Byzantium, the city was razed, its male citizens were killedand the rest were sold in slavery. That, it was another big blunder by the Thebans.

Thebes invades Laconia

In Arcadia, an ally of Thebes, king Agesilaos of Sparta was ravaging its territories. In reply to this, Thebes sent an army under Epameinondas. WhenAgesilaos heard the news, he evacuated Arcadia and returned to Sparta, to protect her. Upon Epameinondas arrival in Arcadia, he joined forces withmembers of the confederation from Arcadia, Argos and Elis. The total number of the army force was amounted to about fifty thousand men. The confederationpressed strongly Epameinondas, to invade Laconia, explaining to him that there was a general discontent and by this time many Perioikoi had revolted. Hewas finally persuaded and in the autumn of 370 BC, invaded Laconia from four different routes, marching towards Sparta. Only the Arcadians encounteredserious resistance, by the Spartan Ischolaos at Ium, in the district Skiritis. Ischolaos and his divisions fell to the last man. Finally, they all met atSellasia, which they destroyed and burned and from there, they marched towards Sparta, which was saved from king Agesilaos, who had taken a series ofdefenses to protect the unwalled city.

Epameinondas who understood the danger of an attack towards the city in human loss, abandoned any further attempts to conquer the city. From there,burning and plundering villages, he marched towards the port and arsenal of Sparta, Gythium, which he attempted to conquer for three days, withoutsuccess. Epameinondas then returned to Arcadia and under his supervision a new city was built at the banks of the river Helisson, as the capital of theArcadian confederation and it was named Megalopolis (the big city). In Megalopolis, a synod of deputies from all the towns of the confederation, was tomeet periodically, to manage their affairs.

After this Epameinondas entered Messenia, in order to liberate her from the Spartans. In the mean time defection among the Perioikoi and Helots hadalready started. Epameinondas re founded Messene and in the hills of mount Ithome built excellent fortifications stretched for four miles, which arestill preserved today. All of these had a devastating effect in the economy of Sparta, which lost half of its territory for ever and had no more thepeople to provide for its military.

In the meantime, Sparta had asked help from Athens. Iphicrates with an Athenian army of twenty thousand men, marched to Arcadia. Epameinondas hearing thenews evacuated Laconia quickly and headed to Arcadia. The two armies, though close, did not engage in full battle. Iphicrates, who decided that hismission had been accomplished, returned to Athens.

Epameinondas too, returned to Thebes and he was put to a trial, because he extended the time of his expedition and also for being pacific and inactive.He defended himself successfully, increasing even more his popularity. The accomplishments of his expedition were great. He weakened and humiliatedSparta and at the same time he increased the reputation of his army.

Because it was essential to communicate with her allies, in the spring of 369 BC, Epameinondas again tried to invade Peloponnese, but this timeAthenians, Spartans and their allies were occupying the line of mount Onean and Kenchreae, in order to prevent him to enter Peloponnese. Epameinondasarrived and tried without success to make them fight in battle, even though his army was smaller. He encamped and a few hours before day break surprisedthem, by attacking and defeating the Spartan and Pellenian line. He was thus enabled to enter Peloponnese and join with his allies Arcadians, Elians andArgians. Sikyon deserted Sparta, after a vote taken by its people and admitted an harmost and a Theban garrison into its Acropolis. The same did Pellene.After the army ravaged the territories of Epidauros and Phleious, he tried by surprise to take the town of Corinth, but they defeated by the Atheniangeneral Gavrias, who resisted with great skill. After this unsuccessful attempt, the Theban army returned home.

During the year of 368 BC, Epameinondas did not undertake any expedition into Peloponnese, instead Pelopidas with an army Theban force entered Thessaly,to protect Larissa from king Alexander of Macedonia. Pelopidas forced him to solicit peace, taking among the fifty hostages the future king of Macedonia,the son of Amyntas, Philip, who stayed for some years at the city of Thebes.In 366 BC, Thebes enlarged the confederation by including cities of theCorinthian gulf and Achaia, but lost them again, when demanded that their oligarchic government ought to be deposed. That was a great mistake, showingthe luck of experienced men. In 364 BC, after insistence of Epameinondas, a large number of war ships were constructed and sailing them towardsHellispond. Epameinondas succeeded to win over Byzantium. Financial difficulties as well as luck of experience in maritime, put an end in the ambitionsof Thebes.

The battle of Mantinea 362 BC

In 363 BC, in a surprising move Arcadians seized Olympia and stole their treasury. War broke with Elis but with the intervention of Thebes, Olympia wasreturned and peace followed. During the negotiations the Theban representative tried to arrest certain anti-Thebans. That had as result Mantinea and therest of northern Arcadians, except Tegea, to turn over to Sparta. Athens which was monitoring the situation joined together with Elis. Thebes had nooption but to send quickly Epameinondas with a big army against Mantinea. At Tegea about ten miles distance from Mantinea, he joined army with them butin unexpected move instead of Mantinea he marched towards Sparta. Unlike the first time this move would have taken by surprise Agesilaos who by this timewas marching in a circular root to support Mantinea. But a Kretan spy in the Theban camp, trained in long distance running, informed Agesilaos who turnedback. When Epameinondas reached Sparta and found out what had happened he moved quickly towards Mantinea before her allies arrival. It was probablyreally this his object and not of course to attack Sparta ,but not everything went according to his plan. By this time the Athenian army had justarrived. Now Epameinondas had no option but to engage himself in a pitched battle.

The two armies met before Mantinea in 362 BC. The Theban army, comprising from Thebans and Boeotians moved forward. The rest of the army was left behindin echelon formation with the exception of troops that kept a high ground in order to prevent out flagging from the right. As the army moved,Epameinondas turned quickly leftwards and near the slopes of the mountain and then he gave order to the soldiers to leave the arms down and rest. TheSpartans and Mantineans thinking that Epameinondas had no intention to fight a battle, they broke lines. Epameinondas, who was awaiting for this, ordereda quick attack. The massive Theban body fell upon Spartans and Mantineans with irresistible force breaking their lines and bringing confusion and chaosto the rest of the army.

The battle had been almost won when Epameinondas fell pierced by a spear in the breast. They lied him on a hill, waiting for the final outcome of thebattle. Though the battle was won by Thebans, on Epameinondas order they made peace, when he learned that all his favorite generals had been perished inthe battle.

The end of Sparta

After the battle of Chaeronea (338 BC) Phillip of Macedon marched through the Peloponnese, welcomed by all the cities but when he reached Sparta theyrefused him to enter. Phillip did not try to take by force the city and left. Sparta was the only Greek city that did not take part in the League ofCorinth, which was formed in 337 BC, under Macedonian control.

In 331 BC, king Agis, the grandson of Agesilaos, raised a revolt against Macedonia, but he was defeated and killed.

In the end of the 4th century BC, Sparta build a wall for the first time in her history, which was enclosing its four central villages and Acropolis.

When in 280 BC, the Celts invaded from the north overrunning Macedon, king Areus of Sparta, who had tried to unite the cities of Peloponnese, led an armyinto central Greece. During his reign the first coins of Sparta was issued, three hundred years later from the rest of Greece.

In 272 BC, king Pyrros of Epeiros could easily have taken the city after defeating the Spartans. Sparta became a dependency of Macedon, regainedindependence under the tyrants Machanidas (207 BC) and Nabis (195 - 192 BC).

In 265 BC again, having formed an alliance with Athens, Achaea and Elis and some Arcadian cities, gave battle against Macedon but lost it and in hisretreat was killed (Chremonidean war). The son of Areus, Akrotatos, in 260 BC leading the Spartan army against Megalopolitans, he was defeated andhimself killed.

In 244 BC, Agis IV came to the throne and starting a series of changes. He proposed all debts to be cancelled, and to redistribute all land, in parts of4500 citizens and 15000 Perioikoi. He also insisted on strict Lykurgian training in the citizens for the remained 700 equals (omioi) and 2000 hypomeionesand selected perioikoi. He found in his proposals strong resistance and Agis was put in trial and executed in 241 BC.

The next king of Sparta Kleomenes III, began to reign in 236 BC. He married the widow of king Agis and also tried to impose his ideas. In 227 BC, in arevolt he killed four ephors and exiled eighty of his opponents. That it was the first time the ephorate was abolished in Sparta. He then redistributedthe land into 4000 lots and perioikoi as well as hypomeiones occupied them. He also started to enforce the Lykurgos training and habits, under theguidance of his friend philosopher Sphairos. All these changes brought results and Kleomenes had many military successes. Argos and most of Argolid andeastern Arcadia was conquered.

The Achaean league under Aratos of Sikyon, with the promise of giving him back Corinth, allied with king Antigonos of Macedon and recovered Argos andseveral Arcadian cities. In his turn Kleomenes captured and destroyed Megalopolis (223 BC).

In 222 BC, at Sellacia, between Sparta and Tegea, a battle took place. The Spartan army was numbering 10,000 and that of Antigonos and his allies 30,000.At this long and horrid battle, Spartans fought bravely. The whole Spartan army fell, except 200 men. King Kleomenes fled to Egypt. The following years,a series of revolts started at Sparta, king's ephors were killed or exiled.

In 206 BC, the tyrant Nabis, a descendant of Demaratos, who had fled in Persia in 490 BC, took the throne. An able but ruthless man, he confiscated theproperties of the wealthy and gave them to the poor. By setting free slaves, he managed to acquire an army of 10,000 men and he also extended his socialreforms to Argos. It was Nabis who foreseeing the incoming dangers fortified Sparta for the first time in her history. When the Roman commanderFlamininus invaded Laconia and laid siege to Sparta, after a few days of fighting a non honorable truce was accepted by Sparta, in which was loosing allthe Perioikic cities on the coasts and her fleet. Later with the pretence of helping Sparta, the Aitolians sent a thousand soldiers to kill Nabis andsecure Sparta. They managed to kill him but they all were massacred from the Spartans. After Nabis assassination, Sparta was forced by Philopoemen tobecome a member of the Achaean league. Her walls were razed and the laws of Lykurgos repealed.

Under the Romans in the 2nd century AD, Laconia as a province of Achaea was allowed to revert to a Lykurgian regime. In 396 AD, the city was destroyed byAlaric. In the 9th century AD, the Slavs invaded and the population was forced to migrate to Mani. The Byzantines refound a town and named herLacedaemonia but her importance had been lost by 1248 AD and disappeared from history totally, by 1834 AD. Today the city of modern Sparta occupies thevery same territory of the ancient city

ANCIENT HISTORY SOURCEBOOK:11TH BRITTANICA: s.v. SpartaMarcus Niebuhr Tod, 1911

S. an ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the centralLaconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of tbe point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mod.Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus andEurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time itsdistance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium-made it invulnerable to a maritime attack.

Prehistoric Period. -Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife,the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyanfoundation a few miles to the south of Spartaj the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother.Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place.

A band of Dorians (q.v.) united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. rhe Aetolianssettled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded andlater subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way downthe Eurotas re as new settlements are formed and land brought under valley and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. In :realitythis Dorian immigration rather thun a single great expedition, as depicted by legend, and was aided by theMinyan elements in the population, owing totheir dislike of the Achaean yoke. The newly founded state did not at once become powerful: it was weakened by internal dissension and lacked thestability of a united and wellorganised community. The turningpoint is marked by the legislation of Lycurgus (q.v.), who effected the unification of thestate and instituted that training which was its distinguishing featute and the source of its greatness. Nowhere else in the Greek world was the pleasureof the individual so thoroughly subordinated to the interest of the state. The whole education of the Spartan was designed to make him an efficientsoldier. Obedience, endurance, military success-these were the aims canstantly kept in view, and beside these all other ends took a secondary place.Never, perhaps, in the world's history has a state so clearly set a definite ideal before itself or striven so consistently to reach it. But it wassolely in this consistency and steadfastness that the greatness of Sparta lay. Her ideal: was a narrow and unworthy one, and was pursued with acalculating selfishness and a total disregard for the rights of others, which robbed it Of the moral worth it might otherwise have possessed.Nevertheless, it is not probable that without the training introduced by Lycurgus the Spartans would have been successful in securing their supremacy inLaconia, much less in the Peloponnese, for they formed a small immigrant band face to face with a large and powerful Achaean and autochthonouspopulation.

The Expansion of Sparta -We cannot trace in detail the process by which Sparta subjugated the whole of Laconia, but apparently the first step, taken inthe reign of Archelaus and Charillus, was to secure the upper Eurotas valley, conquering the border territory of Aegys. Archelaus' son Teleclus is saidto have taken Amyclae, Pharis and Geronthrae, thus mastering the central Laconian plain and the eastern plateau which lies between the Eurotas and MtParnon: his son, Alcamenes, by the subjugation of Helos this time, probably, the Argives, whose territory induded the whole east coast of the Peloponneseand the island of Cythera (Herod. i. 82), were driven back, and the whole of Laconia was thus incorporated in the Spartan state. It was not long before afurther :exaension took place. Under Alcamenes and Theopompus a war broke out between the Spartans and the Messenians, their neighbours on the west,which, after a struggle lasting for twenty years, ended in the capture of the stronghold of Ithome and the subjection of the Messenians, who were forcedto pay half the produce of the soil as tribute to their Spartan overlords. An attempt to throw off the yoke resulted in a second war, cohducted by theMessenian hero Aristomenes (q.v.); but Spartan tenacity broke down the resistance of the insurgents, and Messenia was made Spartan territory, just as

Laconia had been, its inhabitants being reduced to the status of helots, save those who, as perioeci, inbabited the towns on the seacoast and a fewsettlements inland.

This extension of Sparta's territory was viewed with apprehension by her neighbours in the Peloponnese. Arcadia and Argos had vigorously aided theMessenians in their two struggles, and help was also sent by the Sicyonians, Pisatans and Triphylians: only the Corirlthians appeared to have supportedthe Spartans, doubtless on account of their jealousy of their powerful neighbours, the Argives.

At the close of the second Messenian War, i.e. by the war 631 at latest, no power could hope to cope with that of Sparta save Arcadia and Argos. Early inthe 6th century the Spartan kings Leon and Agasicles made a vigorous attack on Tegea, the most powerful of the Arcadian cities, but it was not until thereign of Anaxandridas and Ariston, about tbe middle of the century, that the attack was successful and Tegea was forced to acknowledge Spartanoverlordship, though retaining its independence. The final struggle for Peloponnesian supremacy was with Argos, which had at an early period been themost powerful state of the peninsula, and even now, though its territory had been curtailed, was a serious rival of Sparta. But Argos was now no longerat the height of its power: its league had begun to break up early in the century, and it could not in the impending struggle w count on the assistanceof its old allies, Arcadia and Messenia, since the latter had been crushed and robbed of its independence and the former had acknowledged Spartansupremacy. A victory won about 546 B.C., when the Lydian Empire fell before Cyrus of Persia, made the Spartans masters of the Cynuria, the borderlandbetween Laconia and Argolis, for which there had been an agelong struggle. The final blow was struck by King Cleomenes I. (q.v.), who maintained for manyyears to come the Argive power and left Sparta without a rival in the Peloponnese. In fact, by the middle of the 6th century, and increasingly down tothe period of the Persian Wars, Sparta had come to be acknowledged as the leading state of Hellas and the champion of Hellenism. Croesus of Lydia hadformed an alliance with her. Scythian envoys sought her aid to stem the invasion of Darius; to her the Greeks of Asia Minor appealed to withstand thePersian advance and to aid the Ionian revolt; Plataea asked for her protection; Megara acknowledged her supremacy; and at the time of the Persianinvasion under Xerxes no state questioned her right to lead the Greek forces on land and sea. Of such a position Sparta proved herself wholly unworthy.As an ally she was ineffective, nor could she ever rid herself of her narrowly Peloponnesian outlook sufficiently to throw herself heartily into theaffairs of the greater Hellas that lay beyond the isthmus and across the sea. She was not a colonizing state, though the inhabitants of Tarentum, insouthern Italy, and of Lyttus, in Crete, claimed her as their mothercity. Moreover, she had no share in the expansion of Greek commerce and Greekculture; and, though she bore the reputation of hating tyrants and putting them down where possible, there can be little doubt that this was done in theinterests of oligarchy rather than of liberty. Her military greatness and that of the states under her hegemony formed her sole claim to lead the Greekrace: that she should truly represent it was impossible.

Constitution. -Of the internal development of Sparta down to this time but little is recorded. This want of information was attributed by most of theGreeks to the stability of the Spartan constitution, which had lasted unchanged from the days of Lycurgus. But it is, in fact, due also to the absence ofan historical literature at Sparta, to the small part played by written laws, which were, according to tradition, expressly prohibited by an ordinance ofLycurgus, and to the secrecy which always characterizes an oligarchical rule. At the head of the state stood two hereditary kings, of the Agiad andEurypontid families, equal in authority, so that one could not act against the veto of his colleague, though the Agiad king received greater honour invirtue of the seniority of his family (Herod. vi. 51), This dual kingship, a phenomenon unique in Greek history, was explained in Sparta by the traditionthat on Aristodemus's death he had been succeeded by his twin sons, and that this joint rule had been perpetuated. Modern scholars have advanced varioustheories to account for the anomaly.

Some suppose that it must be explained as an attempt to avoid absolutism, and is paralleled by the analogous instance of the consuls at Rome.

Others think that it points bo a compromise arrived at to end the struggle between two families or communities, or that the two royal houses representrespectively the Spartan conquerors and their Achaean predecessors: those who hold this last view appeal to the words attributed by Herodotus (v. 72) toCleomenes I.: "I am no Dorian, but an Achaean." The duties of the kings were mainly religious,. judicial and military. They were the chief priests of thestate, and had to perform certain sacrifices and to maintair~ communication with the Delphian sanctuary, which always exercised great authority inSpartan politia. Their judicial functions hafl at the time when Herodotus wrote (about 430 B.C.) Been restricted to cases dealing with heir~ises,adoptions and the public roads: civil cases were decided by the ephors, criminal jurisdiction had passed to the council of elders and the ephors. It wasin the military sphere that the powers of the kings were most unrestricted. Aristotle describes the kingship at Sparta as "a kind of unlimited and

perpetual generalship " (Pol. iii. 1285a), while Isocrates refers to the Spartans as "subject to an oligarchy at home, to a kingship on campaign" (iii.24). Here also, however, the royal prerogatives were curtailed in course of time: from the period of the Persian wars the king lost the right ofdeclaring war on whom he pleased, he was accompanied to the field by two ephors, and he was supplanted also by the ephors in the control of foreignpolicy. More and more, as time went on, the kings became mere figureheads, except in their capacity as generals, and the real power was trarlsferred tothe ephors and to the gerousia (q.v.). The reason for this change lay partly in the fact that the ephors, chosen by popular election from the whole bodyof citizer~, represented a democratic element in the constitution wihthout violating those oligarchical methods which seemed necessary for itssatisfactory administration; partly in the weakness of the kingship, the dual character of which inevitably gave rise to jealousy and discord between thetwo holders of the office, often resulting in a practical deadlock; partly in the loss of prestige suffered by the kingship, especially during the sthcentury, owing to these quarrels, to the frequency with which kings ascended the throne as minors and a regency was riecessary, and to the many cases inwhich a king was, rightly or wrongly, suspected of having accepted bribes from the enemies of the state and was condemned and banished. In the powersexercised by the assembly of the citizens or apella (q.v.) we cannot trace any development, owing to the scantiness of our sources. The Spartan wasessentially a soldier, trained to obedience and endurance: he became a politician only if chosen as ephor for a single year or elected a life member ofthe council after his sixtieth year,had brought freedom from military service.

Shortly after birth the child was brought before the elders of the tribe, who decided whether it was to be reared: if defective or weakly, it was exposedin the socalled Apothetae. Thus was secured, as far as could be, the maintenance of a high standard of physical efficiency, and thus from the earliestdays of the Spartan the absolute claim of the state to his life and service was indicated and enforced. Till their seventh year boys were educated athome: from that time their training was undertaken by the state and supervised by the paidonomos, an official appointed for that purpose. This trainingconsisted for the most part in physical exercises, such as dancing, gymnastics, ballgames, &c., with music and literature occupying a subordinateposition. From the twentieth year began the Spartan's liability to military serviee and his membership of one of the dining messes or clubs, composed ofabout fifteen members each, to one of which every citizen must belong. At thirty began the full citizen rights and duties. For the exercise of thesethree conditions were requisite: Spartiate birth, the training prescribed by law, and participation in and contribution to one of the diningclubs. Thosewho fulfilled these conditions were the peers, citizens in the fullest sense of the word, while those who failed were called lesser men, and retainedonly the civil rights of citizenship.

Spartiates were absolutely debarred by law from trade or manufacture, which consequently rested in the hands of the perioeci (q.v.), and were forbiddento possess either gold or silver, the currency consisting of bars of iron: but there can be no doubt that this prohibitian was evaded in various ways.Wealth was, in theory at least, derived entirely from landed property, and consisted in the annual return made by the helots (q.v.) who cultivated theplots of ground allotted to the Spartiates. But this attempt to equalize property proved a failure: from early times there were marked differences ofwealth within the state, and these became even more serious after the law of epitadeus, passed at some time after the Peloponnesian War, removed thelegal prohibition of the gift or bequest of land. Later we find the soil coming more and more into the possession of large landholders, and by the middleof the 3rd century B.C. nearly two fifths of Laconia belonged to women. Hand in hand with this process went a serious diminution in the nwnber of fullcitizens, who had numbered 8000 at the beginning of the 5th century, but had sunk by Aristotle's day to less than 1000, and had further decreased to 700at the accession of Agis IV. in 244 B.C. The Spartans did. what they could to remedy this by law: certain penalties were imposed upon those who remainedunmarried or who married too late in life. But the~decay was too deep-rooted to be eradicated by such means, and we shall see that at a late period inSparta's history an attempt was made without success to deal with the evil by much rnore drastic measures

The 5th Century B.C. -The beginning of the 5th century saw Sparta at the height of her power, though her prestige must have suffered in the fruitlessattempts made to impose upon Athens an oligarchical regime after the fall of the Peisistratid tyranny in 510. But after the Persian Wars the Spartansupremacy could no longer.remain unchallenged. Sparta had despatched an army in 490 to aid Athens in repelling the armament sent against it by Dariusunder the command of Datis and Artaphernes: but it arrived after the battle of Marathon had been fought and the issue of the conflict decided. In thesecond campaign, conducted ten years later by Xerxes in person, Sparta took a more active share and assumed the command of the combined Greek forces bysea and land. Yet, in spite of the heroic defence of Thermopylae by the Spartan king Leonidas (q.v.), the glory of the decisive victory at Salamis fell

in great measure to the Athenians, and their patriotism, selfsacrifice and energy contrasted strongly with the hesitation of the Spartans and the selfishpolicy which they advocated of defending the Peloponnese only.

By the battle of Plataea (479 B.C.), won by a Spartan general, and decided chiefly by the steadfastness of Spartan troops, the state partially recoveredits prestige, but only so far as land operations were concerned: the victory of Mycale, won in the same year, was achieved by the united Greek fleet, andthe capture of Sestos, which followed, was due to the Athenians, the Peloponnesians having returned home before the siege was begun. Sparta felt that aneffort was necessary to recover her position, and Pausanias, the victor of Plataea, was sent out as admiral of the Greek fleet. But though he wonconsiderable successes, his overbearing and despotic behaviour and the suspicion that he was intriguing with the Persian king alienated the sympathies ofthose under his command: he was recalled by the ephors, and his successor, Dorcis, was a weak man who allowed the transference of the hegemony fromSparta to Athens to take place without striking a blow.

By the withdrawal of Sparta and her Peloponnesian allies from the fleet the perils and the glories of the Persian War were left to Athens, who, though atthe outset merely the leading state in a confederacy of free allies, soon began to make herself the mistress of an empire.

Sparta took no steps at first to prevert this. Her interests and those of Athens did not directly clash, for Athens included in her empire only theislands of the Aegean and the towns on its north and east coasts, which lay outside the Spartan political horizon: with the Peloponnese Athens did notmeddle. Moreover, Sparta's attention was at this time fully occupied by troubles nearer home-the plots of Pausanias not only with the Persian king butwith the Laconian helots; the revolt of Tegea (c. 47371), rendered all the more formidable by the participation of Argos; the earthquake which in 464devastated Sparta; and the rising of the Messenian helots, which immediately followed. But there was a growing estrangement from Athens, which ended atlength in an open breach. The insulting dismissal of a large body of Athenian troops which had come, under Cimon, to aid the Spartans in the siege of theMessenian stronghold of Ithome, the consummation of the Attic democracy under Ephialtes and Pericles, the conclusian of an alliance between Athens andArgos, which also about this time became democratic, united with other causes to bring about a rupture between the Athenians and the PeloponnesianLeague. In this socalled first Peloponnesian War Sparta herself took but a small share beyond helping to intlict a defeat on the Athenians at Tanagra in457 B.C. After this battle they concluded a truce, which gave the Athenians an opportunity of taking their revenge on the Boeotians at the battle ofOenophyta, of annexing to their empire Boeotia, Phocis and Locris, and of subjugating Aegina. In 449 the war was ended by a five years' truce, but afterAthens had lost her mainland empire by the battle of Coronea and the revolt of Megara a thirty years' peace was concluded, probably in the winter 446-445B.C. By this Athens was obliged to surrender Troezen, Achaea and the two Megarian ports, Nisaea and Pegae, but otherwise the status quo was maintained. Afresh struggle, the great Peloponnesian War (q.v.), broke out in 431 B.C. This may be to a certain extent regarded as a contest between Ionian andDorian; it may with greater truth be called a struggle between the democratic and oligarchic principles of government; but at bottom its cause wasneither racial nor constitutional, but economic. The maritime supremacy of Athens was used for commercial purposes, and important members of thePeloponnesian confederacy, whose wealth depended largely on their commerce, notably Corintb, Megara, Sicyon and Epidaurus, werc being slowly butrelentlessly crushed. Materially Sparta must have remained almost unaffected, but she was forced to take action by the pressure of her allies and by thenecessities imposed by her position as head of the league. She did not, however, prosecute the war with any marked vigour: her operations were almostconfined to an annual inroad into Attica, and when in 425 a body of Spartiates was captured by the Athenians at Pylos she was ready, and even anAious, toterminate the war on any reasonable conditions. That the terms of the Peace of Nicias, which in 421 concluded the first phase of the war, were rather infavour of Sparta than of Athens was due almost entirely to the energy and insight of an individual Spartan, Brasidas (q.v.), and the disastrous attemptof Athens to regain its lost landempire. The final success of Sparta and the capture of Athens in 405 were brought about partly by the treachery ofAlcibiades, who induced the state to send Gylippus to conduct the defence of Syracuse, to fortify Decelea in northern Attica, and to adopt a vigorouspolicy of aiding Athenian allies to revolt. The lack of funds which would have proved fatal to Spartan naval warfare was remedied by the intervention ofPersia, which supplied large subsidies, and Spartan good fortune culminated in the possession at this time of an admiral of boundless vigour andconsiderable military ability, Lysander, to whom much of Sparta's success is attributable.

The 4th Century. -The fall of Athens left Sparta once again supreme in the Greek world and demonstrated clearly her total unfitness for rule. Everywheredemocracy was replaced by a philoLaconian oligarchy, usually consisting of ten men under a harmost or governor pledged to Spartan interests, and even inLaconia itself the narrow and selfish character of the Spartan rule led to a serious conspiracy.

For a short time, indeed, under the energetic rule of Agesilaus, it seemed as if Sparta would pursue a Hellenic policy and carry on the war againstPersia. But troubles soon broke out in Greece, Agesilaus was recalled from Asia Minor, and his schemes and successes were rendered fruitless. Further,the naval activity displayed by Sparta during the closing years of the Peloponnesian War subsidies were withdrawn, and the ambitious projects of Lysanderled to his disgrace, which was followed by his death at Haliartus in 395. In the following year the Spartan navy under Peisander, Agesilaus'brotherinlaw, was defeated off Cnidus by the Persian fleet under Conon and Pharnabazus, and for the future Sparta ceased to be a maritime power. InGreece itself meanwhile the opposition to Sparta was growing increasingly powerful, and, though at Coronea Agesilaus had slightly the better of theBoetians and at Corinth the Spartans maintained their position, yet they felt it necessary to rid themselves of Persian hostility and if possible use thePersian power to strengthen their own position at home: they therefore concluded with ArtaxerAes II. the humiliating Peace of Antalcidas (387 B.C.), bywhich they surrendered to the Great King the Greek cities of the Asia Minor coast and of Cyprus, and stipulated for the independence of all other Greekcities. This last clause led to a long and desultory war with Thebes, which refused to acknowledge the independence of the BaeotiaiA, towns under itshegemony: the Cadmeia, the citadel of Thebes, was treacherously seized by Phoebidas in gg2 and held by the Spartans until 379. Still more momentous wasthe Spartan action in crushing the Olynthiac Confederation (see OLYNTHUS), which might have been able to stay the growth of Macedonian power. In 371 afresh peace congress was summoned at Sparta to ratify the Peace of Callias. Again the Thebans refused to renounce their Boeotian hegemony, and theSpartan attempt at coercion ended in the defeat of the Spartan army at the battle of Leuctra and the death of its leader, King Cleombrotus. The result ofthe battle was to transfer the Greek supremacy from Sparta to Thebes.

In the course of three expeditions to the Peloponnese conducted by Epaminondas, the greatest soldier and statesman Thebes ever produced, Sparta wasweakened by the loss of Messenia, which was restored to an independent position with the newly built Messene as its capital, and by the foundation ofMegalopolis as the capital of Arcadia. The invading army even made its way into Laconia and devastated the whole of its southern portion; but the courageand coolness of Agesilaus saved Sparta itself from attack. On Epaminondas' fourth expedition Sparta was again within an ace of capture, but once more thedanger was averted just in time; and though at Mantinea (362 B.C.) the Thebans, together with the Arcadians, Mffsenians and Argives, gained a victoryover the combined Mantinean, Athenian and Spartan forces, yet the death of Epaminondas in the battle more than counterbalanced the Theban victory and ledto the speedy breakup of their supremacy. But Sparta had neiLher the men nor the money to recover her lost position, and the cantinued existence on herborders of an independent Messenia and Arcadia kept her in constant fear for her own safety. She did, indeed, join with Athens and Achaea in 353 toprevent Philip of Macedon passing Thermopylae and entering Phocis, but beyond this she took no part in the struggle of Greece with the new power whichhad sprung up on her northern borders. No Spartiate fought on the field of Chaeronea.

After the battle, however, she refused to submit voluntarily to Philip, and was forced to do so by the devastation of Laconia and the transference ofcertain border districts to the neighbouring states of Argos, Arcadia and Mcssenia. During the absence of Alexander the Great in the East Agis III.revolted, but the rising was crushed by Antipater, and a similar attempt to throw off the Macedonian yoke made by Archidamus IV. in the troublous periodwhich succeeded Alexander's death was frustrated by Demetrius Poliorcetes in 294 B.C. Twentytwo years later the city was attacked by an immense forceunder Pyrrhus, but Spartan bravery had not died out and the formidable enemy was repulsed, even the women taking part in the defence of the city. About244 an Aetolian army overran Laconia, working irreparable harm and carrying off, it is said, 50,000 captives.

But the social evils within the state were even harder to combat than the foes without. Avarice, luxury, and the glaring inequality in the distributionof wealth, threatened to bring about the speedy fall of the state if no cure could be found. Agis IV. and Cleomenes III. (q.v.) made an heroic andentirely disinterested attempt in the latter part of the 3rd century to improve the conditions by a redistribution of land, a widening of the citizenbody, and a restoration of the old severe training and simple life. But the evil was too deepseated to be remedied by these artificial means; Agis wasassassinated, and the reforms of Cleomenes seem to have had no permanent erlect. The reign of Cleomenes is marked also by a determined effort to copewith the rising power of the Achaean League (q.v.) and to recover for Sparta her longlost supremacy in the Peloponnese, andeven throughout Greece. Thebattle of Sellasia (222 B.C.), in which Cleomenes was defeated by the Achaeans and Antigonus Doson of Macedonia, and the death of the king, whichoccurred shortly afterwards in Egypt, put an end to these hopes. The same reign saw also an important constitutional change, the substitution of a boardof patronomi for the ephors, whose power had become almost despotic, and the curtailment of the functions exercised by the gerousia; these measures were,however, cancelled by Antigonus. It was not long. afterwards that the dual kingship ceased and Sparta fell under the sway of a series of cruel andrapacious tyrants-Lycurgus, Machanidas, who was killed by Philopoemen, and Nabis, who, if we may trust the accounts given by Polybius and Livy, was

little better than a bandit chieftain, holding Sparta by means of extreme cruelty and oppression, a4d using mercenary troops to a large extent in hiswars.

The Intervention of Rome. -We must admit, however, that a vigorous struggle was maintained with the Achaean League and with Macedon until the Romans,after the conclusion of their war with Philip V., sent an army into Laconia under T. Quinctius Flamininus. Nabis was forced to capitulate, evacuating allhis possessions outside Laconia, surrendering the Laconian seaports and his navy, and paying an indemnity of 500 talents (Livy xxxiv. 33-43). On thedeparture of the Romans he succeeded in recovering Gythium, in spite of an att~mpt to relieve it made by the Achaeans under Philopoennen, but in anencounter he suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of that general, who for thirty days ravaged Laconia unopposed. Nabis was assassinated in I92, andSparta was forced by Philopoemen to enrol itself as a member of the Achaean League (q.v.) under a philAchaean aristocracy. But this gave rise to chronicdisorders and disputes, which led to armed intervention on the part of the Achaeans, who compelled the Spartans to submit to the overthrow of their citywalls, the dismissal of their mercenary troops, the recall of all exiles, the abandonment of the old Lycurgan constitution and the adoption of theAchaean laws and institutions (188 B.C.). Again and again the relations between the Spartans and the Achaean League formed the occasion of discussions inthe Roman senate or of the despatch of Roman embassies to Greece, but no decisive intervention took place until a fresh dispute about the position ofSparta in the league led to a decision of the Romans that Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Arcadian Orchomenus and Heraclea on Oeta should be severed from it.This resulted in an open breach between the league and Rome, and eventually, in 146 B.C., after the sack of Corinth, in the dissolution of the league andthe annexation of Greece to the Roman province of Macedonia. For Sparta the long era of war and intestine struggle had ceased and one of peace and arevived prosperity took its place, as is witnessed by the numerous extant inscriptions belonging to this period.

As an allied city it was exempt from direct taxation, though compelled on occasions to make "voluntary" presents to Roman generals. Political ambitionwas restricted to the tenure of the municipal magistracies, culminating in the offices of nomophylax, ephor and patronomus. Augustus showed marked favourto the city, Hadrian twice visited it during his journeys in the East and accepted the title of eponymous patronomus. The old warlike spirit found anoutlet chiefly in the vigorous but peaceful contests held in the gymnasium, the ballplace, and the arena before the temple of Artemis Orthia: sometimestoo it found a vent in actual campaigning, as when Spartans were enrolled for service against the Parthians by the emperors Lucius Verus, SeptimiusSeverus and Caracalla. Laconia was subsequently overrun, like so much of the Roman Empire, by barbarian hordes.

Medieval Sparta. -In A.D. 396 Alaric destroyed the city and at a later period Laconia was invaded and settled by Slavonic tribes, especially the Melingsand Ezerits, who in turn had to give way before the advance of the Byzantine power, though preserving a partial independence in the mountainous regions.The Franks on their arrival in the Morea found a fortified city named Lacedaemonia occupying part of the site of ancient Sparta, and this continued toexist, though greatly depopulated, even after Guillaume de Villehardouin had in 1248-1249 founded the fortress and city of Misithra, or Mistra, on a spurof Taygetus some 3 m. northwest of Sparta. This passed shortly aftetwards into the hands of the Byzantines, who retained it until the Turks underMahommed II. captured it in 1460. In 1687 it came into the possession of the Venetians, from whom it was wrested in 1715 by the Turks. Thus for nearlysix centuries it was Mistra and not Sparta which formed the centre and focus of Laconian history.

ARCHAEOLOGY

There is a well-known passage in Thucydides which runs thus: "Suppose the city of Sparta to be deserted, and nothing left but the temples and the ground-plan, distant ages would be very unwilling to believe that the power of the Lacedaemonians was at all equal to their fame. "Their city is not builtcontinuously, and has no splendid temples or other edifices; it rather resembles a group of villages, like the ancient towns of Hellas, and wouldtherefore make a poor show" (i. 10, trans. Jowett). And the first feeling of most travellers who visit modern Sparta is one of disappointment with the ancient remains: it is rather the loveliness andgrandeur of the situation and the fascination of Byzantine Mistra, with its grass-grown streets, its decaying houses, its ruined fortress and itsbeautiful churches, that remain as a lasting and cherished memory. Until (?)1905 the chief ancient buildings at Sparta were the theatre, of which,however, little shows above ground except portions of the retaining walls; the so called Tomb of Leonidas, a quadrangular building, perhaps a temple,constructed of immense blocks of stone and containing two chambers; the foundation of an ancient bridge over the Eurotas; the ruins of a circular

structure; some remains of late Roman fortifications; several brick buildings and mosaic pavements. To these must be added the inscriptions, sculpturesand other objects collected in the local museum, founded by Stamatakis in 1872 and enlarged in 1907, or built into the walls of houses or churches.

Though excavations were carried on near Sparta, on the site of the Amyclaeum in 1890 by Tsountas, and in 1904 by Furtwangler, and at the shrine ofMenelaus in Therapne by Ross in 1833 and 1841, and by Kastriotis in 1889 and 1900, yet no organized work was tried in Sparta itself save the partialexcavation of the round building undertaken in 1892 and 1893 by the American School at Athens; the structure has been since found to be a semicircularretaining wall of good Hellenic work, though partly restored in Roman times.

In 1904 the British School at Athens began a thorough exploration of Laconia, and in the following year excavations were made at Thalamae, Geronthrae,and Angelona near Monemvasia while several medieval fortresses were surveyed. In 1906 excavations began in Sparta itself with results of great value,which have been published in the British School Annual, vol. xii. sqq A small circus described by Leake, but subsequently almost lost to view, proved tobe a theatre-like building constructed soon after AD 200 round the altar and in front of the temple of Artemis Orthia. Here musical and gymnasticcontests took place as well as the famous flogging-ordeal (diamastigosis). The temple, which can be dated to the 2nd century BC rests on the foundationof an older temple of the 6th century, and close beside it were found the scanty remains of a yet earlier temple, dating from the 9th or even the 10thcentury. The votive offerings in clay, amber, bronze, ivory and lead found in great profusion within the precinct range from the 9th to the 4th centuryn.e. and supply invaluable evidence for early Spartan art; they prove that Sparta reached her artistic zenith in the 7th century and that her decline hadalready begun in the 6th. In 1907 the sanctuary of Athena "of the Brazen House" (Chalkioikos) was located on. the Acropolis immediately above thetheatre, and though the actual temple is almost completely destroyed, fragments of the capitals show that it was Done in style, and the site has producedthe longest extant archaic inscription of Laconia, numerous bronze nails and plates and a considerable number of votive offerings, some of them of greatinterest. The Greek city-wall, built in successive stages from the 4th to the 2nd century, was traced for a great part of its circuit, which measured 48stades or nearly 6 m. (Polyb. 1X. 21). The late Roman wall enclosing the Acropolis, part of which probably dates from the years following the Gothic raidof A.D. 262, was also investigated. Besides the actual buildings discovered, a number of points were fixed which greatly facilitate, the study of Spartantopography, based upon the description Pausanias left us. Excavations showed that the town of the "Mycenean" period situated on the left bank of theEurotas, a little to the south-east of Sparta, was roughly triangular in shape, with its apex towards the north: its area is approximately equal to thatof Sparta, but denudation has wreaked havoc with its buildings and nothing is left save ruined foundations and broken potsherds. AUTHORITIES

History: J. C. F. Manso, Sparta (3 vols., Leipzig, 1800-1805); G. Gilbert, Studien zur altspartanischen Geschichte (Gottingen, 1872); G. Busolt, Die Lakedaimonier und i/ire Bundesgenossen (Leipzig, 1878),for the 6th century and the Persian wars; W. Herbst, Zur Geschichte der auswrtigen Politik Spartas im Zeitalter des peloponnesischen Krieges (Leipzig, 1853); E. von Stern, Geschichte der spartan. u.t/,ebanischen Hegemonie, &c. (Dorpat, 1884), from 387 to 362 B.C.; J. Fesenmair, Sparta von der Schlacht bei Leukira bis zum Verschwinden des Namens (Munich, 1865); and the general Greek histories of G.Grote, E. Meyer, G. Busolt, J. Beloch, A. Hoim, B. Niese, E. Abbott and J. B. Bury. Constitution: C. 0. Muller, The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race (2 vols., Eng. trans., 2nd ed., London, 1839); K.H. Lachmann, Die spartanische Staatsverfassung in ihrer Entwickelung und ihrem Verfalle (Breslau, 1836); A. Solari, Ricerche spartane (Leghorn, 1907); H. Gabriel, De magistratibus Lacedaemoniorum (Berlin,n-d-); L. Auerbach, De Lacedaemoniorum regibus (Berlin, 1863); B. Niese, Herodotstudien, besonders zur spart. Geschichte, in Hermes (1907), xlii. 419 sqq.; the constitutional histories of G. Gilbert, G.F. Schomann, G. Busolt arid A. H. J. Greenidge, and the works cited under APELLA; EPHOR; GERUSIA and LYCURGOS. Land Tenure: M. Duncker, Die Hufen der Spartiaten, in Berichte der bert. Akademie (i88f), pp~138 sqq.; K. F. Hermann, De causis turhatae apud Lacedaemonzos agrorum aequalitatis (Marburg, 1834); C. Reuss, De Lycurgea quae fertur agrorum divisione (Pforzheim, 1878). Army: G. Busolt, Spartas Heerund Leuktra, in Hermes (1905), xl. 387 sqq.; J. Kromayer, Die Wehrkraft Lakoniens u. seine ~Vehrverfassung, in Beitrdge zur altec Geschichte (1903), iii. 173 sqq.; H. K. Stein, Das Kriegswesen derSpartaner (Konitz, 1863). Topography and Antiquities: ~V. M. Leake, Morea, chs. iv. v.; E. Curtius, Peloponnesos, ii. 220 sqq.; C. Bursian, Geographie, ii. 119 sqq.; Pausanias, iii. 1118; and the commentary inJ. G. Frazer, Pausanias, iii. 322 sqq.; \V. G. Clark, Peloponnesus, pp. I 58 sqq.; E. P. Boblaye, Recherches, pp. 78 sqq.; W. Vischer, Erinnerungen, pp. 371 sqq.; Dory de Saint-Vincent, Relation, pp. 418sqq.; G. A. Blouet, Architecture, ii. 61 sqq., p1. 4~52; for full titles and dates of publication of these works, see under LACONIA;

H. K. Stein, Topographie des alten Sparta (Glatz, 1890); K. Nestorides, Topografia tÁj ¢rca…aj Sp£rthj (Athens, 1892); N. E. Crosby, The Topography of Sparta, in American Journal of Archaeol. (Princeton,1893), viii. 335 sqq.; and various articles in the British School Aunual, xii. sqq. Inscriptions: M. N. Tod and A. J. B. Wace, Catalogue of the Sparta Museum (Oxford, 1906); British School Annual, xii. sqq.,and the works cited under LACONIA. Dialect: K. Mullensiefen, Dr titulorum laconicorum dialecto (Strasburg, 1882); R. Meister, Dorier und Achder (Leipzig, f 904). Art: M. N. Tod and A. J. B. Wace, op. cit.;H. Dressel and A. Milchhofer, Die antiken Kunstwerke aus Sparta u. Umgebung, in Athenische Mitteilungen, ii. 293 sqq.; E. Beul, LArt a Sparte, in Etudes sur le Ploponnse (Paris, 1855).

(M. N. T.)

____________________________EXPLORING ANCIENT SPARTA A long way from Sparta - but essential to visit if you want to understand ancient Sparta. Cross Taygetus over the spectacular modern pass - this routewas not a viable option for the old Spartans. Skilful map reading will be required to find the Peloponnese's best kept secret - the ancient city ofMessenia, and, towering above it, Mount Ithome. Head for the village of Mavromati: it is nowhere near the modern town called Messene. It was thisstronghold that the Messenians - known to their Spartan masters as Helots - occupied whenever the Spartans showed signs of losing their iron grip on theconquered territory. Each time the Spartans dislodged them - until they eventually found an ally in the Theban Epaminondas, who gave them independenceand a splendid new capital to spite his enemies. The remains of this capital are open and accessible - a massive site which would be on every touristitinerary if they had ever heard of it! The walls and defences are the most impressive in Greece (only Syracuse or Selinus in Sicily can be compared).The remains of the town ( mostly Roman period) with its vast forum, stadium, temples and water-system will blow your mind. But first, you must make yourpilgrimage to the summit of Ithome, to see what an incredible vantage point it is. There's a dirt road that contours nearly to the top - but there are(steeper) shortcuts if you watch out carefully. The northern slope, looking into Arcadia, is, if anything, even steeper - behind the sheep in the centralview. On the right is Hopey, trying to make sense of the few confusing ruins. The very top is still a shrine - a disused monastery occupies the site ofthe temple of Zeus.

Before the new national road that links Mycenae and Tripoli, and thence Sparta, was finished (a safe but comparatively dull ride), the best route frommost spots in the Argive plain was through the Kleisoura Pass. The spectacular views may still make it worth your while if you are riding with someoneelse (drivers unfortunately do not get a chance to enjoy the views!). If you are on a bus, you will probably venture back up near Nemea and come down thenew highway, which does offer relatively unspoiled countryside views. The modern town of Sparta is a little south of the ancient one, of which there isvery little remaining. It sits in the plain of the River Eurotas between the towering peaks of Mount Taygetos and the ravine etched hills of theMenelaion. It was described by Strabo (8.5.1) in the late 1st century B.C.E. as "a rather hollow district," but it is the comment by Thucydides (1.10.2).In ancient times the town was without walls - when you see the seemingly impassable barrier of Mount Taygetus (especially as here in late March undersnow) you realise why they were unnecessary. You also wonder at the determination and fitness which made them cross the 6000ft range to annex Messenia.The modern town has an old-fashioned dignity about it - but you can't fail to be impressed by its overwhelming ordinariness. The main archaeological sitein town is the Acropolis of Sparta (on the bus in, after passing over the Eurotas River, you will veer to the left and then back to the right, therebyavoiding the edge of the Acropolis). If you have just arrived in town, I suggest visiting the archaeological museum before you walk to the remains of theacropolis. As Thucydides mentioned, there is not an overwhelming amount of architectural remains on the site, but some of the finest pieces are now ondisplay at the museum, and you will probably have a better idea of the local Spartan uniqueness if you spend an hour or so at the museum first. It mademy visit to the actual site more enjoyable and more imaginative (if you will permit me to wax romantic here!). On my first visit I did not have time tostop by the archaeological museum of Sparta, but it is home to a number of very important archaeological finds.

Possibly the most spectacular of these are the choicest of the tens of thousands of bronze archaic figurines dedicated to the goddess Artemis Orthia.There are a number of other votive objects and a few surprising terra-cotta masks. There is a well known bust of Leonidas in marble and a number ofstelae. If you enjoy bronze age pottery there is a collection of Mycenaean finds from multiple sites across Laconia and even some attractive mosaics. Thesite of the Temple of Athena Chalkioikos is occupied by a sort of waterworks: it looks sinister enough to recall the story of King Pausanias, driven toseek sanctuary there as a result of accusations of sleaze by the ephors. They left him to starve - but brought him out at the very last minute so hewouldn't die on consecrated ground.

You can walk there from the middle of town by going towards the football stadium on the north of town (just a few blocks north of the central plaza) andthen going around it, up a beautiful tree lined road. Walls once surrounded the acropolis (the highest of a series of low hills north of the town), butonly after the Spartans had lost their hold on the Peloponnese. During the Peloponnesian War they had nothing to fear from the Athenians on land. Thereare many olive trees covering the acropolis, but you can still get a good view of the Roman theater (first century B.C.E.). It was actually the second

largest theater in all of Greece (after Megalopolis), but it is not in a good condition today. Most of the marble has been robbed out. If you do visit,note the drawings of the ancient stage in the Blue Guide (one theory on the design of the stage), the skene would be decorated and rolled on metal rodsout of a shed adjacent to the theater. Other foundations and remnants of Classical, Roman, and Byzantine buildings remain on the acropolis, but you willneed a site plan to point out exactly what is what. You will appreciate it much more when you are standing on the acropolis, wondering what this buildingand that foundation were!

The Temple of Artemis Orthia

If you are interested in a longer description of the site, Pausanias gave a good description (3.11.1). The other major archaeological site in Sparta isthe Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, a famous sanctuary that has been preserved by the silt of the Eurotas River. It sits a little further away from thecenter of town, but definitely within walking distance. If you just follow the main road that brought you in to town, Odos Tripoleos, you will see thesigns pointing you down a small road to the right (as you are leaving town). It is only about one kilometer from the town's central plateia. Thesanctuary itself is visible through the chain link fence that surrounds it, but I think during the morning and early afternoons the gate is opened andyou can go inside. Most of what is visible today are the remains of the Roman theater that was built at the site during the second century C.E. But theremnants of the Temple of Artemis Orthia are still visible (though it also had several different stages). The sanctuary was formed at some point beforethe 10th century B.C.E. and a long altar was the site of sacrifices to the goddess, probably of young men hoping for victory or celebrating victory incontests for the goddess. This developed at some point into a brutal contest young Spartan boys participated in. The winner of the contest was the onewho could endure flogging the longest. Needless to say many boys died as a result of the contests and the ones that won were highly honored. The Romanslater, enamored by the resemblance of Spartan customs to their own militaristic and, for lack of a better word, "Spartan" mores, constructed a theateraround the central area in front of the temple (with the temple and its altar serving as a stage for the very real show). Twisted? Maybe.

Wenn jetzt die Hauptstadt der Lakedaimonier zerstört würde und nichts von ihr übrig bliebe als die Tempel und die Fundamente der Baulichkeiten, so würdeman in späterer Zeit kaum glauben, daß die Macht der Lakedaimonier deren Ruf entsprochen habe. Gegenwärtig sind sie Herren von zwei Fünfteln desPeloponnes und Vormacht nicht nur der ganzen Halbinsel, sondern auch zahlreicher auswärtiger Bundesgenossen. Trotzdem könnte es scheinen, dass ihre Machtnicht so groß gewesen, weil die Stadt keine stolzen Tempel und Prachtbauten hatte und nicht zusammenhängend gebaut war, sondern nach altgriechischerWeise aus einzelnen Ortschaften bestand. (Thuk.1,10,2)

During my second visit to Sparta, I was able to enter the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia and listen to a presentation by Rosaria Munson, whom I would liketo especially thank for her preparation and effort. This is particularly so because during the middle of her presentation on the site, a band of littlegypsy children began to take interest in our lecture. A few young boys, about 6-10 years old, began to try and divert our attention by first walkingthen marching between us and Rosaria, then shouting and screaming, ultimately running around us, waving their shirts and screaming in a heroic effort toget us to look at them! We finally left, only barely before some of our group members would have surely throttled some of the older ones and gotten usinto a whole heap of trouble! Thanks again Rosaria for one of the most memorable lectures of my entire summer and for handling the situation like aprofessional! If you are interested, I have been told you can find most of the course of the city walls, which were only needed after the ancient citybegan its decline, but I would rather urge a trip outside of town to either Amyclae or the Menelaion as a way to better spend an extra morning orafternoon in Sparta. Other archaeological sites in town are the Altar of Lycurgus and the Heroon on the Eurotas, both north of the sanctuary of ArtemisOrthia. You can also make a good photo of the large statue of Leonidas (modern) just south of the football stadium.

Menelaion

The Menelaion itself, according to Pausanias, is on the site of a temple which contained the tombs of Helen and Menelaus. It was a very popular trip -men prayed for Menelaus' prowess, and women prayed for Helen's beauty: worth the climb and long walk - even if (like us) in the pouring rain! Behind itthere are ruins of a Mycenaean palace dated around 1200 BC: similar to Nestor's at Pylos but smaller. So if it wasn't Menelaus', whose was it? The Viewfrom the Menelaion (Therapne) If you are coming from Athens, turn left just before you cross the Eurotas, and take the road to Yeraki and Leonidio. After

a couple of miles there is a very minor track off on the left - but it is signposted. This leads eventually to a turning place with parking by a smallchapel - from where a path leads up the hill for a mile or so. On a clear day the view is amazing: but in bad weather (as in this picture) it is perhapseven more spectacular.

Ancient Sparta was probably somewhat larger than the modern town - and being unwalled probably sprawled just as it does today. The picturesque archaicmound topped by a shrine is actually not the most significant archaeological site there though. A few meters away are the remains of the earliestMycenaean "Palace" in mainland Greece. The Menelaion was not among the first sites to be occupied in prehistoric Sparta. Other sites in the valley hadbeen inhabited from Neolithic times and a number of other sites have shown evidence of Early Helladic (c. 3000-2000 BCE) settlements. But the finds atthe Menelaion have shown that it eventually became the most important site in the region. At the same time the early rich burials were being made atMycenae, c. 1700 BCE, dwellings with stone walls began to be built on the Menelaion hill and on the large hill about 100m. north of the site. Burialswere also found that date to this level. Pottery fragments show that there was continuous settlement here in the late 16th and 15th centuries, and somemonumental building was probably constructed during this time, evidenced by later re-used blocks. It was at this time when other fine pottery styles showthat the site was already important.

In the second half of the 15th century, a large building, characterized as a "mansion" was constructed on the site. "Mansion 1" had two storeys, amegaron-type core, and a southern face that has been eroded away. Some rooms had plastered walls and the carefully laid pebble floors still exist.Relatively soon after it was constructed, Mansion 1 was most likely hit by a devastating earthquake that levelled the building. Mansion 2 was built onthe same site as the previous one but it faced west instead of south. The second construction also built over the demolished walls of Mansion 1 in orderto make the newer building more stable. The building was not occupied for a space of about a hundred years (during the 14th and 13th centuries) and thenthe building, partly in ruins, was again refurbished. This repaired construction is called Mansion 3. At this time, another two-storeyed building wasconstructed on the large hill about 200m south of the site - also known as Aetos Hill. The entire complex was destroyed by fire in the 13th century BCE,around the same time that the palace at Pylos was consumed. Three human skeletons found in 1974 possibly date to this final destruction. No Linear Btablets have been found here like the site at Pylos, but a painted inscription has been found on a storage jar. Though much attention has been focusedduring excavations on finding some type of continuity between the Mycenaean levels and the shrine, no solid evidence has yet been found. Dedications havebeen found that name both Helen and Menelaos. Though there are now two divergent theories on the appearance of the shrine in 8th century BCE, theusually accepted one involves a hero-cult being created at the site as a possible result of the still visible signs of the mansions which may have beenidentified by the archaic Spartans as the home of their Mycenaean hero. Another possiblity exists that the site was originally sacred to the earlyvegetation goddess Helen, and only later appropriated by Helen and Menelaos. The difference would be whether or not the structure was a temple for adivine cult or a tomb-shrine (tomb or not) for a hero cult. In the shrine's earliest form, there may not have been a structure at all. A rich depositof offerings from the late 8th and early 7th century were found NE of the later shrine. In the late 7th century, a monumental structure was constructedat the site of the shrine. This Old Menelaion appears to be the earliest evidence of monumental building in Laconia above foundation level. In theHellenistic period, the Menelaion stood in ruins, maybe as the result of an earthquake. During the Roman period there were no reconstructions or repairsat the site. Pausanias did not think it worth his time to visit the site. The Menelaion was one of the first sites to attract the attention of Europeanvisitors travelling through Sparta.

The Modern Site

To reach the Menelaion, you must first cross back over the Eurotas River NE of town. Then turn right onto the Yeraki road and after about 4.5 km, take asmall path to the left that leads to the chapel of Agios Ilias. The path was recently paved with concrete as far as the chapel, and small cars canprobably make it this far. You continue walking up the path to get to the Menelaion (about 12 more minutes of walking, but with rewarding vistas). Thereis no phylax at the site, though a small chapel does sit nearby. The view from the Menelaion, in my opinion, is one of the best in all of Greece. Itsits high above the Eurotas valley and commands one of the best views of the Taigetos that you can find. The photo at top was taken at the site, lookingback over the valley to the west - absolutely spectacular.

The platforms which compose the shrine are conspicuous and, with the mountains in the background, make for a truly amazing photograph (see the cover ofthe book Filolakon: Laknoian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling). The remains of the Mycenaean "mansions" are also well preserved and not covered over.In the summer of 1998, we visited the site literally hours after a large forest fire had destroyed much of the surrounding vegitation. Olive trees cover the hillsides and many were lost, though around the site itself a number escaped damage. The ground was blackened all the way up tothe shrine and many places were still actually smoking while we were there! Regardless, it was still a terrific experience and one not to be missed eventhough it is a few kilometers outside of the city.

The modern town was established only in 1834 and today it is home to about 11,000 people. It is a major Peloponnesian hub for traffic to the south andeast, but other cities like Kalamata and Patras are more important in commerce. The town is notable for its wide boulevard and the almost ubiquitous viewof the spectacular Taygetos Mountains. The Plateia Kendriki, the town's central plaza, is surrounded by restaurants and public buildings. The town hallis the most obvious and dominates the western side of the square. We really enjoyed our dinner at one of the side restaurants, watching the sun set overthe mountains (it does so earlier than you might think!) and the children playing football on the square. There are a few older churches to visit if youdesire, the cathedral is on the western side of town, but within walking distance. Most other necessities are found near the plaza and the museum (OTE,Post Office, KTEL, and bus stations). If you are taking a bus on to Mistras from Sparta, you will have to walk from the main bus station, NE of theplaza, to the Mistras bus station, a couple of blocks west of the plaza. Not a bad walk though. As for lodging, on my first visit, I did not stay thenight, but on my second trip I stayed in luxury! The Hotel Menelaion dominates the main boulevard and was one of the nicest places I stayed our wholetrip (it had AC!). There was a nice pool and courteous staff. I do not have any idea about the price though. Probably upwards of US$65 a night lookingat a guide book from last year. The Cecil and Maniatis are both recommended by the Rough Guide as being relatively reasonable and with decent facilities.We ate one good meal at the Amyklai restaurant on the central plaza (I had a dish called crepes, but not quite what I expected - still really enjoyedit!). I also promised myself that I would mention the Psistaria Gatelouzoi, at 41 Palaiologou. I had a gyro there with a couple of friends and the ownerwas exceedingly gracious to us.

Modern Sources:

Antonaccio, C. 1995. An Archaeology of Ancestors: Tomb Cult and Hero-Cult in Early Greece. Lanham, Md. Barber, R.L.N. 1992. "The Origins of the MycenaeanPalace." in Philolakon: Lakonian Studies in honour of Hector Catling, ed. Jan M. Sanders: pp. 11-23. Catling, H.W. "Excavations at the Menelaion, Sparta, 1973-6." Archaeological Reports 23 (1976-7): 24-42, (1980-1): 16-19. --. 1993. "Sparta: A Mycenaean Palace and a Shrine to Menelaos and Helen." Current Archaeology 130: 429-31. Catling, R.W.V. 1992. "A Votive Deposit of Seventh-Century Pottery from the Menelaion." in Philolakon: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling, ed.Jan M. Sanders: pp. 57-76. Coldstream, J.N. 1976. "Hero-cults in the Age of Homer." JHS 96: 8-17. Farnell, L.R. 1921. Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality. Oxford. Hagg, R. 1987. "Gifts to the Heroes in Geometric and Archaic Greece." T. Linders and G. Nordquist, eds. Gifts to the Gods. Uppsala: 93-99. Malkin, I. 1994. Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean. Cambridge. Morris, I. 1988. "Tomb Cult and 'Greek Renaissance': The Past and Present in the 8th c. B.C." Antiquity 62: 750-61. Polignac, F. de. 1995. Cults, Territory and the Origins of the Greek City-State. Chicago. Snodgrass, A.M. 1982. "Les origines du culte des heros in Grece antique." G. Gnoli and J.P. Vernant, eds. La mort, les morts, dans les societies anciennes.Cambridge: 107-119. Stibbe, C.M. 1996. Das Andere Sparta: Aus dem Niederlandischen von Herbert Post. Mainz: 41-49. Tomlinson, R.A. 1992. "The Menelaion and Spartan Architecture," in Philolakon: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling, ed. Jan M. Sanders: pp. 247-256. Wace, A.J.B., et al. 1909. "The Menelaion." BSA 15: 108-157Whitley, J. 1988. "Early states and hero-cults: a reappraisal." JHS 108: 1-9

______________It is the capital of Lakonia and has a population of 14,100. The modern city was built by Royal Decree of King Otto in 1834. The new city (altitude: 210m) was built in the north-west part of the prefecture of Lakonia. It is the gateway to Mount Taygetos. 248km (153 miles) SW of Athens; 58km (36 miles) Sof Tripolis HistorySPARTI (Sparta) is steeped in history, spanning over 4000 years. Along with Athens, the city played a central role in ancient Greek history up to thetime of Alexander the Great. It was already important by the Mycenean period, when it was a flourishing population centre. The Sparta of that timefeatures in Homer’s epics as the city of king Menelaos and the fair Helen (‘Helen of Troy’). Between 720 BC and 576 BC, Sparta produced 46 Olympicvictors out of a total of 81 winners. Then followed the Dorian Sparta of Lykourgos and Leonidas. This was when the state was the largest military forcein Greece that submitted the individual to the needs of the community and trained its male citizens to be perfect soldiers. The classical Spartans had notown walls: their walls (they said) were the chests of their warriors. In 490 BC or thereabouts, Sparta joined forces for the first time with Athens andother Greek city-states in order to confront the Persian threat. In 480 BC, at the great Battle of Thermopylae, three hundred Spartans and seven hundredwarriors from Thespiai took the decision to fight on to the bitter end. Xerxes sent messengers ordering them to lay down their arms. But Leonidas repliedlaconically: “You come and get them”.

When told that the Persian forces were huge in number and the Persian arrows would blotte out the sun, he answered: “So much the better for us - weshall have the shade to fight in". 431 - 421 BC 1st Peloponnesian War: Inevitably it was not long before conflict between Sparta and Athens had to besettled by going to war. 415 - 404 BC. 2ND Peloponnesian War. This war was the undoing of Athens. A third period in Spartan history was that of MedievalSparta, when it was known as Lakedaimona. During this period there was considerable trading activity, with the focus moved to the nearby Byzantine cityof Mystras from the 13th century onwards.

Sightslthough the modern town was built over the classical site, there are still three important ancient monuments visible: the Roman theatre (1st century

BC), which attests a high level of culture in Sparta (though little has been found during excavations); parts of the temple of Athena ‘of the BronzeHouse’ (Chalkioikos), where votive offerings with the inscription ATHENAIA were found; and a famous statue of Leonidas in Parian marble, showing asmiling figure of a warrior.

The Leonidaion, more commonly known as the Tomb (or Temple) of Leonidas is the only surviving monument from the ancient Agora. It is a temple-likestructure to which (according to Pausanias) the bones of Leonidas were brought after the battle of Thermopylae. The monument is to the north of themodern city and dates to the 5th century BC.

Few sights in the Peloponnese are more imposing than the immense bulk of Mount Taygetos towering above Sparta. There's often snow on Taygetos untilwell into the summer, and when the sun sinks behind the mountain, the temperature seems to plummet instantly. The rich plain watered by the bottle-greenEurotas River that has made Sparta prosperous since antiquity stretches between the Taygetos and Parnon mountain ranges. Lush olive and citrus groves runfor miles between the ranges, and there are even ornamental orange trees planted along Sparta's main avenues. The Spartans earned their reputation forcourage and military heroism in 580 B.C., when the Spartan general Leonidas and a band of only 300 soldiers faced down the invading Persian army atThermopylae. From 431 to 404 B.C., Sparta and Athens fought the Peloponnesian War; Sparta finally won, but was exhausted by the effort. From then on,Sparta was a sleepy provincial town with a great future behind it. Greece's first king, young Otto of Bavaria, paid tribute to Sparta's past byredesigning the city with the wide boulevards and large central square that make it still charming today.

In a famously accurate prediction, the 5th-century B.C. Athenian historian Thucydides wrote that if Sparta were ever "to become desolate, and the templesand the foundations of the public buildings were left, no one in future times would believe that this had been one of the preeminent cities of Greece."The ancient remains here are so meager that only the truly dedicated will seek them out. Others will prefer to take in the small archaeological museum,enjoy the bustling town of Sparta itself, and head 8km (5 miles) down the road to the very impressive remains of the Byzantine city of Mistra.

Getting There

By Bus―From Athens, seven buses a day depart from the Stathmos Leoforia Peloponnisou (Bus Station for the Peloponnese), 100 Kifissou (tel. 210/513-4110or 210/512-9233), for the Sparta bus station on the east side of town on Lykourgou and Dafnou. (tel. 27310/26-441). There are frequent buses from Spartato Mistra.

By Car―From Athens, allow 5 hours; from Corinth, 3 hours; from Patras, 3 hours; from Tripolis, 2 hours. From Athens or Corinth, the new Corinth-Tripolisroad is well worth taking.

Visitor Information

It is usually possible to get visitor information in the Town Hall, on the main square (tel. 27310/26-517 or 27310/24-852); hours are Monday throughFriday from 8am to 3pm. Ask whether the English-language pamphlet Laconia Traveller is available. In recent years, there has been a summer music anddrama festival in Sparta, sometimes called Artistic Summer Sparta (fax 27310/82-470); inquire at the Town Hall.Fast FactsTwo National Bank of Greece offices on Paleologou exchange currency and have ATMs. The hospital (tel. 27310/28-671) is signposted in town. The police andtourist police are at 8 Hilonos (tel. 27310/20-492). Both the post office, on Kleombrotou, and the telephone office (OTE), at 11 Kleombrotou, aresignposted. The Cosmos Club Internet Cafe (tel. 27310/21-500) charges 5€ an hour.The Archaeological MuseumThe prize of this museum is a handsome 5th-century marble bust, believed to show Leonidas and to have stood on his tomb. The Spartans, however, werefamous as soldiers, not as artists, and the museum's collection reflects Sparta's lack of a lively artistic tradition. Still, it's worth stopping here tosee the statue of Leonidas, several fine Roman mosaics, and a small collection of objects found at Mycenaean sites in the countryside near Sparta. Themuseum's rose garden, peopled with decapitated Roman statues, is a nice spot to sit and read. Be warned: This museum has no rest rooms. Hours Tues-Sat8:30am-3pm; Sun 8:30am-12:30pm Location On the Square between Ayios Nikolaos and Paleologou Sts Phone 27310/28-575 Prices Admission 2€ Sparta: HotelMelelaion: "Night in Sparta" Date: July 23, 2003 Reviewer: [email protected], Dublin, Ireland Arrived in Sparta at 20.00hrs having driven a few hundred miles through the mountains. Hotel staff friendly and very nice with good English. Hotel androom very clean. Good sixed beds in the room, with a well furnished, clean en suite. Very good dining room with a wide range of food to select from. Themenu, which is reaconable; is nicely interspaced with drawing from ancient Sparta and other areas of Greece which make selecting from it all the moredifficult. There is a clean smallish pool open from 07.00 to 19.00hrs. It is open air but the buildings on all four sides are at lease one story high,resulting in a nice enclosed feeling. Breakfast is buffet style with a good range of food. Prior to going into this hotel we had checked out two otherson the same street, but they were nowhere near as good as this. There were two adults ond two children in my party. The meal, 3 course plus drinks waseuro 63.00, and a family room bed and breakfast was euro 90.00 in total. The Melelaion is one to consider if you are in that region. Also in is just ashort distance from the ancient ruins of Sparta. War is your only goal. War is your only purpose in life. The first memories of your entire life are allovershadowed with the theme of war. As a teenager you went through rigorous skill tests to improve and fine-tune your body and mind. It is never mentionedwhom exactly you are training for, yet that never seems to matter. All that matters is you are ready for who or whatever threatens your city. You goal inlife is to fight in a war and to kill, or die with honor. There is only one possible place and time you could be living in: Ancient Greece, in the landof Sparta. Ancient Greece had many different peoples all with very different mentalities. One of the main groups, the Athenians, was based on freedom andindividuality. Yet one of the most interesting peoples of ancient Greece was based on an ideology far from the practice of the Athenians. This group ofpeople prided themselves on their strict behavior and mindset. They were a people of war. From birth till death their whole life was war and how to fightin war or how to prepare for one. This group of people was known as the Spartans and they lived in the powerful city of Sparta. It's hard for textbooksto say anything nice about the Spartans. Take up any world history textbook and read; you'll find that the Spartans were "an armed camp," "brutal,""culturally stagnant," "economically stagnant," "politically stagnant," and other fun things. The reality, of course, lies somewhere behind the valuejudgements. Greek history does, after all, come down to us through the eyes of the other major city-state in Greece, Athens, a bitter enemy and rival ofSparta. The two represent diametrically opposed concepts of the Greek polis and its relations with other city-states; they also represent diametrically

opposed concepts of the individual's relationship to the state. Despite all the rhetoric in Athens and in the European historical tradition, we shouldkeep in mind that the Spartans believed they lived in the best of all Greek worlds, and many of their Greek neighbors agreed with them. The rivalry,then, between Sparta and Athens, which would erupt into a disastrous war for Athens, was also an ideological and cultural rivalry. The single,overwhelming fact of Spartan history is the Messenean War. In the eighth century BC, Sparta, like all her neighbors, was a monarchy with a limitedoligarchy. In the 7th Century BC a new era of warfare strategy evolved. Before this new strategy, foot soldiers (known as hoplites) engaged in battle inthe form of one mob for each army which on the command of their generals runs at each other and proceeds to hack blindly at the enemy with little to nodirection other then to kill the enemy in front of them. This proved to be very messy and the tide of battle depended mostly on emotion and size of anarmy. In the name of strategy and organization, the phalanx was developed. A phalanx is simply defined as a line formation with its width significantlylarger then its depth. The depth of the phalanx is a variable which some suggest was decided by the army itself rather then by the leaders of the army.The smallest depth appears to have been that of one man deep. However this was a unique occurrence which is widely believed to be fictitious. The largestdepth is that of 120 men deep which was fielded at one time by the Macedonians. On average, the depth of the phalanx appears to be about eight men deep.During the time of Alexander the Great, the phalanx was believed to be eight men deep, but some argue that it evolved into a sixteen man deep phalanx.Sparta and Communism: Government and Military, It could have been more. Societies have developed a pattern over the centuries of creating a governmentsystem of communism. Choosing this selection of government has allowed military machines to be born and reflect the civilization that created them.Nowhere in history is this more evident than in the Greek city-state of Sparta. The entire lifestyle that revolved around the state of communism had thegoal of creating the ultimate military machine. Sparta’s government system contributed greatly to the strength of Sparta’s army, the sheer power of whichis best demonstrated during the Persian War. The great flaws of Sparta’s society was that they chose their state of communism which resulted in theirgreat power to impose their will on the rest of Greece, nor did they allow a strong culture to take root in Sparta, as was allowed to happen in Athens.The entire social system of Sparta was designed to spin on an axis of communism and to create a race of warriors. Merriam-Webster’s dictionary statesthat communism is “a totalitarian system of government in which a single authoritarian party controls the state” (Webster’s 228). During the time inwhich Sparta existed, Spartans were well aware of what to expect in their life. Spartan life was simple, yet disciplined. The government of Sparta washarsh, however it was orderly and stable. Spartan government provided a life in which Spartans were offered few choices, instead, many choices would bemade for them. The form of government practiced in Sparta was controlling toward the lives of children, men, and slaves. When persuing to have a childduring the time of Sparta, it was extremely important to be aware of the governments role in your child's future. The Ephorate, which posesed the highestgovernmental power in Sparta, ran an infant system in which each newborn child would be During the times of Ancient Greece, two major forms of government existed, democracy and oligarchy. The city-states of Athens and Sparta are the bestrepresentatives of democracy and oligarchy, respectively. The focus of the times was directed towards military capabilities, while the Athenians weremore interested in comfort and culture.It was the oligarchy in Sparta that put a war-like attitude as its first priority and best met the needs of Ancient Greece. These factors empowered Sparta and led to the development of an authoritative and potent state. Other contrasting issues included women’s rights, socialclasses, and value of human life. Four rulers, Draco, Solon, Pisistratus, and Cleithenes, greatly influenced the political development of Athens.However, Athenian democracy cannot really be called a true democracy since there were several flaws in the government and the way in which it functioned.Upper class male citizens over the age of thirty were the only Athenians who held any right to vote. The democracy in Athens consisted of an executive,legislative, and judicial branch. Together, nine anchors, a Council of five hundred, an Assembly, and a court chosen by lot governed the city-state withlimited power. Compare and contrast how the ideas about government affected the governing of Sparta and Athens. Even in single countries, differentregions sometimes have governments that are very similar and at the same time, very different. Such a case occurred in ancient Greece, in the city-statesof Sparta and Athens. While Sparta was more based on oligarchy, Athens was a democracy. Their profound differences in rule often caused them to waragainst each other. These two significant ancient Greek city-states, Sparta and Athens, had many differences and similarities in how their ideas aboutrule influenced their government. Spartan government was an oligarchy, it was based on financial status and militarism. The Spartans ruled over a set ofoppressed people from Messenia known as helots. They outnumbered the Spartans by a large amount, and they revolted. The Spartans were just barely able tocrush the revolution. They decided they needed their government to focus on military and their way of life to form a solid, completely unified society.The document entitled "The Lycurgan Reforms" says that "obedience to their [the people of Sparta] legislator" was the reason why the society prospered.The country of Greece, in 400-500 BCE was led to greatness by two city-states. These city-states, diverse in ideas and actions, were Sparta and Athens.Sparta and Athens were as different as night and day. Sparta glorified military tactics while Athens took relish in art and learning. These city-states

served not only as rivals but also allies. Sparta and Athens, two city-states with nothing in common but the desire to make Greece a powerful, omnipotentnation, accomplished their goal through their unity, diverseness, and controversy. To better understand the interaction between Sparta and Athens andtheir desire for Greece to be a strong nation, it is imperative to know the situation of these two city-states in the early 400's BCE. At this point intime, another city-state of Greece, Ionia was under the control of Persia. The Ionian Greeks were dissatisfied by Persian rule. A Persian tyrannydominated Ionia at this time and Ionians begged Sparta and Athens to relieve them from the burden of Persia. Sparta declined to help but Athens decidedtheir assistance would prevent the Persian tyranny from spreading in the direction of Athens, their home. Does it surprise you that the Ancient Greeksthought of themselves as brothers? A closer look shows that Ancient Greece had two faces, so radically different that it’s hard to imagine them related.The two faces were the city- states of Athens and Sparta, both with clashing views on various issues. The Athenians cared about learning and the arts,while the Spartans were focused on training and following orders. The two city states had very unlike governments. The social structures of Athens and Sparta were very different. The Ancient Greek city-states of Athensand Sparta may have been brothers, but were different in so many ways. The Athenians focused more on thinking and learning, while the Spartans were abouttraining and their military. The Athenian people spent a lot of their time studying literature, art, and music. The Athenian motto was “know thyself,” showing the importance ofindividual thought. Learning and thinking were not a big part of the Spartan lifestyle. They focused more on physical training, obeying orders, andgetting prepared for fighting. Sparta and Athens are like apples and oranges; the same but different. Both are fruit grown on trees in the case of theapples and oranges, and both are city-states in Greece in the case of Athens and Sparta. Apples and oranges have distinctly different tastes, texturesand flavors. Athens and Sparta had markedly different types of origins, social class, government and military history. In this paper both similaritiesand differences between Athens and Sparta will be explored, so as to learn the real truth about these two ancient city-state giants. The origins of thesetwo city-states have some similarities and some differences. What started as two uninhabited small parcels of land ended up as Athens and Sparta. Around3000 B.C. the Mycenaeans inhabited Athens. Mycenaean rule lasted for 2900 years. From 1100 B.C. to 950 B.C., the Dorians invaded Athens along with otherMycenaean city-states. Mycenaean rule and civilization were destroyed. Athens survived the Dorian invasions and developed into an advanced city-state.The city-state Sparta was formed as a result of the Dorian invasions.

Women's Role

The feminists are quite right to remind us that the Athenian democracy was an entirely male affair. In public life women had no more rights than theslaves. While it may be true that in 6th century Lesvos an educational institution was set up for the girls of aristocratic families, or that in 5thcentury Sparta the women exercised alongside the men, the fact is that in Athens the woman's realm was her home - and even there certain areas were setaside for exclusive male use, and special quarters allotted to the women. Country women, of course, led less confined lives, while in the city thePeloponnesian War, which kept the men far from home for long periods, allowed the women to take on a more public role. Nevertheless, the destiny of womanwas clearly articulated in the celebrated saying of an orator of the 4th century BC: 'We have our courtesans for pleasure, our concubines for everydaycare and attention, our wives to bear us children and to keep watch faithfully over our houses'. Of these three categories of women, it is the courtesanswhich have attracted the keenest interest among scholars. The poorest among them were prostitutes in the modern sense, but the most distinguished haveacquired immortal renown for their refined intellects and eccentric behaviour. One of these was Aspasia, the companion of Pericles, who was presentwhenever he entertained friends, to the scandal of Athenian society. Another famous courtesan was Phryne, the companion and model of Praxiteles, whoseart earned her great wealth in the 4th century - she commissioned a gold statue of herself to set in the sanctuary at Delphi, among the statues of greatgenerals and kings._____ FILMS: → DVD video DIE SPARTANER 3 Filme auf 1 DVD video Der Mythos Sparta war Realität und Utopie zugleich. Einzigartig in der griechischen Welt waren dieGleichheit der Bürger, die „spartanisch“ einfache Lebensführung, das Erziehungssystem, die Stellung der Frau, die Staatssklaverei, der militärischeDrill, die Hoppoliten. Der Staat bedeutete alles – der einzelne nichts. Drei Filme dokumentieren die Geschichte Spartas: „Kampf bis zum Tod“ thematisiertden Aufstieg, der mit der Unterwerfung Messeniens beginnt, „Sparta und Athen“ widmet sich den vielfältigen Beziehungen der Rivalen und „Zenit und

Untergang“ zeigt das Scheitern des Modells Sparta. Wissen DVD video / Bildformat: 4:3 / Tonformat: stereo / Ländercode: 02 / Sprachen: deutsch /Lauflänge: ca. 150 Minuten / Extras: Menüzugriff auf 12 Themen. WBG-Preis € 35,90

THE 300 SPARTANS 20th Century-Fox, 1962 -- 114 m. Dir. Rudolph Mate. Starring: Richard Egan, Ralph Richardson, David Farrar, Barry Coe, Diane Baker.Widescreen recreation of the battle of Thermopylae. Occasionally stiff and dated, but often surprisingly accurate and well done. "A lively epic with somedignity," as one critic wrote. Filmed in Greece. Not available on video (write to 20th C. Fox today!). See in-depth treatment of this productionelsewhere on this site (Video Captures). Note from Kevin M: Some elements of it reminded me a bit of the original Star Trek. But hey, I'm from a latergeneration, in our movies we demand 3-D computer graphics, fantastic explosions and sound bites about as quick as you can say "attention span." Thehairstyles are also a bit 60s-ish, too. Cynicism aside, though, it's a very well-produced movie based upon the event that revealed the "strength of a fewfree men who refused to submit to tyranny." (A little 60's cold war theme thrown in at the end)

ANCIENT WARRIORS: "THE SPARTANS" Seventh Art Productions, 1994 -- 23 m. An episode from a multipart series broadcast on The Learning Channel (cable TV),written/directed by Peter Nicholson with author John Lazenby as consultant. Short but interesting documentary concentrating on the Spartan militarysystem. Good location footage and some impressively garbed hoplite reenactors.

MUSIC: Classic Greek Film Music (single CD) Silva Screen Records SSD 1052 (1995) Warriors of the Silver Screen (double CD) Silva Screen Records SSD 1081(1997) (Both of the above contain "The Spartan March" composed by Manos Hadjidakis for the 1962 film The 300 Spartans, performed by the City of PraguePhilharmonic.) Musique de la Grece Antique (LP) Harmonia Mundi (FR) HM 1015 (1979)

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