INFORMATION TO USERS

INFORMATION TO USERS

This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer.

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.

In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book.

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company

300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

O rder N um ber 1S57SS7

Science, rationalism and positivism as the basis of secularism and the disestablishment of Islam: A comparative study of Turkey and Iran

Aghazadeh, Rebecca Joubin, M.A.

The American University, 1993

Copyright ©199S by Aghaxadeb, R ebecca Joubin. A ll rights reserved.

U MI300 N. Zeeb Rd.Ann Aibor, MI 48106


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

SCIENCE, RATIONALISM AND POSITIVISM

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TURKEY AND IRAN

Rebecca Joubin Aghazadeh

submitted to the

Faculty of the School of International Service

of the American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

The Requirements for the Degree of

Masters of Arts

in

International Relations

/ \ t I * /N r w i t t r t r t •

Washington, D.C. 20016

2HE MEBICAH U3IY3ESITY LIBEUff

AS THE BASIS OF SECULARISM AND THE DISESTABLISHMENT OF ISLAM:

by

_Chair:

I u k a sq La S> ( 3 —tr^> —Dean of the School

'K 1*1*13Date

1993

The American University1501

Reproduced with permission o fthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Q) COPYRIGHT

by


1993

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


To Kambiz

Reproduced with permission ofthe copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

SCIENCE, RATIONALISM AND POSITIVISM

AS THE BASIS OF SECULARISM AND THE DISESTABLISHMENT OF ISLAM:

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TURKEY AND IRAN

BY


ABSTRACT

Today Turkey is the only Muslim nation whose constitution stipulates that

secularism is one of the basic organizational principles of the state and where the

legal system, including the realm of personal status, family law and religious law is

totally secularized. In Turkey, despite alterations in the regimes, Islamic revivivalism

and constitutional renewal, the disestablishment of Islam is irrevocable. Iran,

however, is a theocracy which declares that Islam is the state religion and where the

legal system, educational establishment and all laws governing personal standing are

dictated by Islamic law.

This Thesis examines the secular movements that took place beginning in the

eighteenth century and culminating in the early twentieth century reforms under Reza

Shah in Iran and Atatiirk in Turkey. The purpose of this study is to show that the

successful disestablishment of Islam in Turkey was due to a scientific, positive and

rational thought process which occured in Turkey and not Iran.

ii


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful that I was given the opportunity to perform in the masters

program at the School of International Service at the American University in

Washington, DC. I am especially thankful to Doctor Serif Mardin, my thesis advisor,

whose emphasis on social structure and social thought in the Middle East had made a

deep impact on my educational development in graduate school. I am grateful to my

thesis advisor Doctor Clovis Maksoud who throughout my two years at American

University and in particular two semesters of his course on the international relations

of the Middle East, was always available to answer questions and impart his

invaluable insight on the Middle East.

I am indebted to my parents Behnaz and Jahan Joubin who left their own

country and families to build a life of tremendous opportunity for their children in the

United States. When growing up they provided us with an atmosphere where higher

education and a fulfilling career was expected of both men and women in order to

make society a better place. I thank my mother-in-law Manijeh Aghazadeh and

father-in-law Kioumars Aghazadeh for the generosity and kindness which they have

shown me. I thank my sister Kathy for her invaluable advice and intelligent insight,

Maye for her avid interest and Cyrus for his tender heart. I especially thank my

husband Kambiz for his selfless love, sense of humor, commitment and enthusiasm in

iii


the pursuit of my education and career. During the process of writing my thesis he

provided me with a loving atmosphere and an interested ear. Always by my side as I

worked into the late hours of night on this paper, he continually made me laugh.

This work is just as much his as it is mine.

iv


TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT......................................................................

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................

LIST OF IL L U S T R A T IO N S ...............................................

Chapter

1. IN T R O D U C T IO N ...............................................

2. THE DAWN OF SCIENCE AS IT OCCURED IN EUROPE

The Investiture Conflict . . . . .

The Political Structure of European Society

The Ecclestical Structure and its Support of the Monarchy

The Scientific Revolution and the Advent of Rationalism .

The Scientific Method. . . . .

Vesalius, Copernicus and Kepler. .

Galileo Galilei (1564-1642).

Francis Bacon (1561-1626). . . . .

Rene Descartes (1596-1650).

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679).

v

.ii

.iii

.xiii

. 2

. 5

. 5

. 7

. 7

. 9

. 10

. 11

. 12

. 14

. 15

. 15


Isaac Newton (1642-1727) . . . . 16

John Locke (1 6 3 2 -1 7 0 4 ) ........................................................... 17

Scientific Organizations . . . . .20

The Triumph of Science . . . . .21

The Enlightment and the Philosophes. . . . 22

Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) . . . . . .24

Voltaire (1694-1778)....................................................................... 25

Denis Diderot and the Encyclopedia . . .26

Montesquieu (1689-1755) . . . . .28

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) . . . .30

David Hume (1711-1776)........................................................... 32

The Physiocratic School and Adam Smith . . . .32

The French Revolution . . . . . .33

Reasons for the Revolution . . . .35

Economic Change . . . . . . .36

Social Change . . . . . . .39

Political Change . . . . . . .40

Liberalism. Science. Positivism and Secularism . . . .41

Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) . . . .42

Auguste Comte (1798-1857) . . . . .42

Charles Darwin (1809-1882) . . . .43

Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) . . . . .45

VI


Nicolas Sadi Cadi Carnot (1837-1894)

Scientific Exchange . . . . . .

Response of the Church . . . . . .

Conclusion . . . . . . . .

3. AN ANALYSIS OF TURKISH INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT, SOCIAL

STRUCTURE, REFORM AND LAW PROMULGATION DURING THE

OTTOMAN E M PIR E ......................................................................

Introduction . . . . . . . . .

Ottoman Loyalty to Islam . . . . . .

All-Encompassing Religious Outlook . . . .

Political Structure . . . . . . . .

Religious Establishment . . . . . . .

Educational Establishment . . . . . . .

Legal System . . . . .

Duality of Law in the Ottoman Empire . . . . .

The Presence of Science in the Ottoman Empire . . . .

Defeat . . . . . . . . .

The Tulip Era . . . . . . . .

Architecture . . . . . . . .

Increase in Secularism . . . . . .

Laxity in Religious Values . . . . . .

Mehmed Faizi and elebi Mehmed . . . . .

vii

46

47

49

50

52

52

53

57

57

59

61

61

62

64

68

69

69

70

70

72


Ibrahim Mutefferika . . . . . .74

Hendesehane - School of Engineering . . . .7 6

Translations of European Works . . . . .77

Power Struggle Between Russia and France . .78

Lessons of the Tulip Era and New Reforms . . .79

Selim III . . . . . . . . .81

Military Reforms . . . . .82

Selim Ill’s Interest in Books . . . .83

European Embassies . . . . . .84

Seid Mustafa . . . . . . .85

Extent of French Ideas . . . . .86

Forces of Reaction . . . .87

Era of Mahmud II . . . . . . . .89

Eradication of the Janissaries . . . . .90

Office of the Sadrazam and^eyhulislam transformed . 90

Improved Communications . . . . . .91

Attempt to Reduce the Power of the Ulema . . .92

Social and Cultural Transformation . . . . .93

Education . . . . . . . .95

Legal Reforms . . . . . . .103

Mustafa Sami . . . . . . . 105

Sadik Rifit ( 1 8 0 7 - 5 6 ) ............................................................107

viii


Influence on the Tanzimat . .109

The Tanzimat 1839-1860 . . . . .110

Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber .111

Other Reforms - Justice and Finance .115

Reform Edict of February 18, 1856 .117

Organized Ministries . . . . .117

Educational Reforms . . . . .119

The Youns Ottomans . . . . .120

Ibrahfm Shinasf( 1824-1871) .122

Namik Kemal Bey . . . . .123

Ziya Pasha (1829.30-1880) . .123

Intellectual Thought of the Young Ottomans .124

Constitutional Movement .128• •

The Turn of the Centurv and Ziva Gokalp . .130

The Youne Turks and Reforms .132

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND REFORM PROMULGATION PRIOR TO THE

TIME OF REZA SHAH IN IRAN

Introduction . . . . . . .136

Safavid Dvnastv and Establishment of Shii Islam . .136

Difference Between Shii and Sunni Islam . .137

Educational Establishment . .138

Purpose of the Government . .139

ix


Advent of the Oaiar Monarchy . . . . . .141

Policy of Divide and Rule . . . . . .141

Social and Religious Structure . . . . .142

Educational Structure . . . . . .147

Legal Structure . . . . . . .148

Sensation of Disintegration . . . . . . .150

The Reforms of Fath Ali Shah and Crown Prince Abbass Mirza . .151

The Reforms of Naser as-Din Shah . . . . . .152

Reforms in Eduction . . . . . . .153

Judicial Reform . . . . . . .159

Cultural Changes . . . . . . .164

Expenses of the Shah and the Hostility Ignited .168

Intellectual Thought . . . . . . . .169

Mirza Fath Ali Akhnudzadeh . . . . .174

Muhammed Khan Sinaki Majd al-Mulk .175

Abd al-Rahim Talibov . . . . . .176

Adib-e-Pishawuri . . . . . . .177

Mirza Yusuf Khan Mostashar al-Dowla .178

Sepahsalar (1826-1881) . . . . . .180

Malkum Khan (1833-1908) . . . . . .181

Conditions in Iran at the Tum of the Centurv .185

The Constitutional Revolution . . . . . .186

X


The Constitution . . . . . . . .187

Patriotic Poetry . . . . . . . .191

Reforms in Eduction . . . . . . . .192

Impact of the Reforms . . . . . .198

5. ATATURK AND THE RATIONAL, POSITIVE AND SCIENTIFIC BASIS TO

HIS REFORMS

Turkey After the War . . . . . . .202

Mustafa Kemal - Who Was He? . . . . . .203

How Different than the Reforms of the Ottoman Empire . . .203

Degree of Secularization . . . . . . .205

Rational and Positive Characteristics . . . . .207

Eradication of the Sultanate . . . . . . .209

Republican Party . . . . . . . .210

The Establishment of a Republic . . . . . .210

The Eradication of the Caliphate . . . . . .214

The Abolition of the Dervish Orders . . . . .216

Reforms in Headgear and Dress . . . . . .217

Other Symbolic Changes . . . . . . .223

Reforms Concerning Women . . . . . .224

Educational Reforms . . . . . . . .231

Legal Reform . . . . . . . .236

Transformation of the Script . . . . . .239

XI


Innovations in Turkish History . . . . . .245

The Death of Ataturk . . . . . .246

6. REZA SHAH AND THE LACK OF SCIENTIFIC, RATIONAL AND POSITIVE

BASIS TO HIS R E F O R M S .......................................................................248

Description of Iran in 1920 . . . . . . .248

Who Was Reza Shah ? .......................................................................249

His anti-Clerical Characteristic . . . . . .252

Anti-Clerical Atmosphere Among Intellects . . . .253

Inability of the Government to Reform . . . . .254

Attempt to Establish a Republic . . . . . .255

Establishment of the Pahlavi Monarchy . . . . .258

Government . . . . . . . . .261

Cosmetic Changes . . . . . . . .264

Economic Modernization . . . . . . .266

Reforms in Education . . . . . . .271

Reforms Concerning Women . . . . . .275

Legal System . . . . . . . . .280

Conclusion: The End of His Rule . . . . . .287

7. CONCLUSION.............................................................................................. 292

R E F E R E N C E S .............................................................................................. 298

xii


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Map of Turkey and Iran . . . . . . 1

2. Map of the Ottoman Empire . . . . .55

3. Map of the Islamic Caliphate . . . .56

4. Map of Turkey . . . . . . . .201

5. Map of Iran . . . . . . . .247

xiii


1

Bulgaria Black Sea Sas.

\ Caspian

/ ^ TuifcmeiiistanKurdish- \

1932 L

inhabited >is—

i area’

1^ ^ ' Mediterranean Sea

IranJordan

1***\ PersianG u lf

Oman/Red

Sea

©"A rab ian

SeaSudanYemen

Dlibout! Gulf at Aden

EthiopiaSomalia

Figure 1. Map of Turkey and Iran (CIA - Atlas of the Middle East, 1993), p8.


CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Today Turkey is the only Muslim nation whose constitution stipulates that

secularism is one of the basic organizational principles of the state and where the

legal system, including the realm of personal status, family law, inheritance and

religious law is totally secularized. Despite alterations in the regimes, Islamic

revivalism and constitutional renewal, the disestablishment of Islam is irrevocable.1

Iran, on the other hand, is a theocratic state which declares that Islam is the state

religion and where the legal system, educational establishment and all laws governing

personal standing are dictated by Islamic law.

The purpose of this study is to examine the secular and national movement that

took place beginning in the eighteenth century and culminating in the early twentieth

century reforms under Reza Shah in Iran and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in Turkey.

Why is it that Turkey is now the only secular country in the Islamic world and Iran a

theocratic state? Because the Ottoman Empire had been the seat of Islam and Iran

1 Serif Mardin, "Religion and Secularism in Turkey," in Ataturk Founder of a Modem State, ed. Ali Kazancigil and Ergun Ozbuden (Connecticut: Archon Books, 1981), 3-4.

2


had a strong Shiite national identity, Islam had a strong historical influence on both

Turkey and Iran. The rise of nationalism and secularism took place in both countries.

Why did the program of secularism and disestablishment of Islam succeed in Turkey

but not in Iran? Through the examination of the history, the political situation and

social characteristics of both countries I have reached the conclusion that the

successful secularization process of Turkey was due to a scientific and rational

thought process that developed there but not Iran. In this thesis I will examine the

development of secularism as it occurred in Europe, I will examine the intellectual

ferment of the 1800s and early 1900s in both countries, the period of reform that took

place in both countries prior to Ataturk and Reza Shah and the reform program of

both Ataturk and Reza Shah. Following the above thought process it will become

clear that positive, rational and scientific thought was a key component of the Turkish

process of reform, while science and rational thought did not exist in Iranian reform

promulgation.

Any study of the rise of secularization in Turkey and Iran must commence

with a clear definition of the term ’secularism’ and a discussion of the rise of

secularism and nationalism in Europe. Throughout the discussion special emphasis

will be placed on the dawn of science, rationalism and law promulgation. The

scientific and literary writings that took place served as a propellant to the

secularization of European society and would later have a profound effect on Muslim

thinkers in the modem era.

The term secularism since the middle of the nineteenth century has been used


by the West to designate the process of separating Church from State. In other words

secularism refers to any act of freeing the institution from the control of the religious

establishment. This process usually involves a struggle between the forces of

tradition, which strive to maintain the dominance of religion over secular law, and

the forces of change. Therefore, because in a society ruled by religious tradition

transformation is connected with evil and disorder, secularism entails chaos. As will

be shown in Chapter 2 of this paper, the disestablishment of religion in Europe was

associated with disorder and evil.2

However, in Turkey and Iran, laicism meant more than the official

disestablishment of Islam, since Muslims did not have an independent religious

institution such as the Church, which independently of the state, enacted religious

duties. While in the West, religion and state already worked in two separate spheres

before they were disassociated in law, in Muslim counties where religion and state

were one, when the state supported laicism, a part of the state was tom away from

the political structure. It is for the above reason that the successful secularism in

Turkey is seen as an historical feat.3

2 Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964), 5-8.

3 Mardin, "Religion and Secularism in Turkey," 191.


CHAPTER 2

THE DAWN OF SCIENCE AS IT OCCURRED IN EUROPE

The Investiture Conflict

Secularism in the West took place with the breakdown of the medieval view of

society. It was during the eleventh century in Europe that the relationship between

religious and secular authority, which had been completely interconnected in the

earlier centuries, began to come into conflict. Slowly it became clear to the Church

that in order to maintain its independence and have an impact on secular affairs,

Christianity needed to be centralized under the leadership of the Pope. After the

Investiture Conflict, the Church gained great domination over European society.

Because the Church had sharply disassociated itself from secular political authorities

and thereby was autonomous at the highest level, it was able to gain a great amount

of independence at the lower levels. However, after the triumph of the Church in the

Investiture Conflict, by disassociating itself so completely from the lay governments

the Church ironically heightened the notion of secular authority. The Church was

required to concede that it could never take over all political duties and that lay

leaders were important. In other words, the result of the Investiture Conflict almost

5


necessitated the development of the notion of the state.4

The Investiture conflict weakened the Empire. While one could say that

Western Europe was a religious unit, it was definitely not one political entity.

Because every kingdom or principality had to be treated as a distinct entity, the

foundation for the multi-state system had developed. In addition, the Investiture

Conflict highlighted an inclination that was already there - the propensity to see the

lay leader mainly as a provider of justice. Although the Church defined what justice

was, they conceded that ordinarily it was the job of the secular leadership to ensure

that justice would be distributed to the people. If the kings were required to

guarantee justice, then codes of law were to be developed and judicial institutions

ameliorated. Although both of the above steps were integral in state-building, they do

not always come as early nor do they always have the significance that they did in

Western Europe. The fact that there was such a powerful emphasis on law in the

early days of the Western European states was to have a great impact on their future

course of action.5

It was clear by 1400 that the main political form in Western Europe was going

to be the sovereign state. The Church now had to concede that loyalty to the

individual state was superior to the declarations of the Church. The Monarch

formulated all laws that were binding on the kingdom and was able to tax all his

4 Joseph Streyer, On the Medieval Origins of the Modem State (New Jersey:Princeton University Press, 1970), 20-22.

5 Ibid., 23-24.


7

subjects, including the clergy, without the sanction of the Church. Loyalty was

beginning to shift from family, community and Church to the state. While old

loyalties to the clergy and ecclesiastical churches did not vanish, they were

subordinated within the framework of the state.6

The Political Structure of European Society

Because most of the subjects were willing to obey of their own free will, it

was not necessary for the "New Monarchies" to use force. The doctrine of divine

right manifested the height of personal loyalty to the Monarch. Because one man,

chosen by God, was to lead a nation, all intelligent people were to honor him. While

prior to this time, men accepted the notion that the Monarchy was the best type of

rule without feeling that all the dictates of the Monarch had to be adhered to, by

embracing the notion of divine right, opposition was made legitimate and therefore

secured the state.7 Because kings were appointed by God and answerable only to

Him, they were not to be disobeyed.8

The Ecclesiastical Structure and its Support of the Monarchy

Every state had an established Church which held a legal monopoly on public

6 Ibid., 44-57.

7 Ibid., 91-108.

8 William Doyle, The Old European Order (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 156-160.


worship. Even if some citizens belonged to another sect, by definition they were

members of the established Church. The duty of the established Church was to

maintain the traditional order. The clergy therefore played a dominant role in

suppressing threatening ideas and promoting political as well as social obedience.

Established churches controlled civil ceremonies such as baptism, marriage and

burial, and were responsible for taxation. The government informed the illiterate

masses of the new laws by hanging notices at the Sunday services. Most important of

all, the established churches monopolized public education. In most instances the sole

education obtainable by the masses at the popular level, was the simple teaching of

the local clergy. The priests also controlled the public schools where the rich and

powerful were instructed. The primary result of clerical domination of education was

the inculcation of social obedience and an absence of the ability to think for oneself.9

The Church supported this notion of kingship as "Gods Anointed" in earth

which meant that the kings had a direct relationship to God.10 The Church preached

obedience since everywhere bishopries, deaneries, and abbacies were controlled by

the State. While the churches upheld the political establishment, the Monarchy

supported the Church by teaching his subjects the declaration of St. Paul: ’Obey them

that have rule over you, and submit yourselves.’11 Because to the illiterate masses the

9 Ibid.

10 Reinhard Bendix, Kings or People Power and the Mandate to Rule (California, London: Princeton University Press, 1978), 32.

11 Doyle, 158-160.


governance by the advantaged elite seemed only natural, the populace respected the

established order out of religious awe. Thus the religious sanction of royal authority

aided in forming medieval governance. The European rulers assumed that the general

population would quietly allow itself to be governed; mass revolts were seen as

working against the divine order and were put down by force.12 This was the existing

social structure which the ideas of the Scientific Revolution and subsequent

Enlightment would challenge.

The Scientific Revolution and the Advent of Rationalism and Reason

The Scientific Revolution was an extremely important event in European

history. Commencing with disturbing questions regarding the theories of ancient

authorities whose views had been immutable for centuries, scientists gradually

developed a totally novel way of regarding nature and a new manner of contemplating

physical problems. Their accomplishments were many and they became very well

known since the logic of their results appealed to a Europe that was looking for

escape from perturbation.13

12 Bendix, 7.

13 Mortimer Chambers, Raymond Grew, David Herlihy, Theodore Rabb, Isser Woloch and Knopf, Western Experience. 4th ed. (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1987), 559- 560.


10

The Scientific Method

What was the scientific method used by the scientists? Scientists underscored

that their findings were based on a way of thinking that had an independent value, and

they did not permit traditional notions to hinder their conclusions. The scientists

moved toward a new theory of how to obtain and prove knowledge by underscoring

experience, reason and skepticism. The method that scientists followed to obtain their

answers was comprised of three parts: observations, a generalization derived from

observation and tests of the generalization by experiments whose conclusion could be

foreseen by the original generalization. As long as it was not contradicted by the

experiments designed to test it, a generalization remained accepted. Scientific

reasoning was limited to the perception of the laws, principles, or patterns that came

from the observations since no data except the results of precise observations were

used. Thus the language of science came from mathematics since the results had a

numerical instead of a subjective value. The period of the scientific revolution was

characterized by the invention of novel instruments which often made the discoveries

possible: the telescope, the thermometer, the barometer, the vacuum pump and the

microscope. These instruments allowed the development of a systematic scientific

approach that was completely new in the seventeenth century and changed Western

thinking forever. Nothing, including religious belief, was any longer accepted as a

given.14

14 Ibid., 560-569.


11

Vesalius (1514-1564) Copernicus (1473-1543) Kepler (1571-1630)

Initial discoveries were made in astronomy and anatomy. In 1543 The

Structure of the Human Body, by Andreas Vesalius (1514-1564), showed that there

were errors in the work of Galen, the central medical authority for more than one

thousand years. A new era of exact measurement was introduced by his detailed

scientific studies. Of even greater consequence was On the Revolutions of the

Heavenly Bodies, by Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), a Polish cleric and

mathematician, who had been a student at Padua. While in the astronomy of Ptolemy

(the ancient authority on astronomy), the planets and the sun, connected to

transparent, crystalline spheres, moved around the earth, Copernicus had the

conviction that a simpler picture would depict more truthfully the real structure of the

universe. He said that the sun, the most magnificent of the heavenly bodies, was at

the center of an orderly and harmonious universe. What occurred during the half-

century following the publication of his Revolutions was an increasing feeling of

uncertainty. It was the German Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) who made the initial

integral advance on the work of Copernicus and aided in coming to terms with the

doubt that occurred in the field of astronomy. Kepler understood, as Copernicus had,

that the motion of the heavens could be described solely by the language of

mathematics. His aim was to validate the sun-centered theory, and as a result of his

undertaking he discovered three laws of planetary motion that ushered in a new era in

astronomy. This was a further strike against the traditional view of the past that all

heavenly motion was immutable and that circular motion was the most perfect and


12

natural motion.15

Galileo Galilei (1564-1642)

The Italian Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), took the dramatic accomplishment of

Kepler much further after he became the first to see the link between movement on

earth. Because when he commenced his observations, the Aristotelian view that a

body is naturally at rest and is required to be pushed continually to stay in movement

was central to the study of physics, he contributed significantly to scientific theory.

His discoveries were perfected by Newton half a century later. Because his principle

of inertia completely contradicted the Aristotelian view, physics would never be the

same again. Galileo had demonstrated that only mathematical language could describe

the underlying concepts of nature.16

His most renown influence was his work on astronomy. His work showed the

significance not only of observation and mathematics but also of physics. He initially

became well-known when in 1610 he published his discoveries that Jupiter had

satellites and the moon had mountains, which were further blows to the ancient

notions that while the heavens were immutable and perfect, the earth was ever

transforming and imperfect. By showing in his experiments that other planets had

moons and that these moons probably had a similar surface as the earth, Galileo

15 Ibid., 562-565.

16 Ibid., 566-567.


13

understood that the earth was just another ordinary part of the universe. Every

physical law, he said, could be equally applied on both the earth and in the heavens,

including the law of motion. Galileo’s preoccupation with method and proof makes

him one of the first to be viewed as a scientist.17

Galileo explained his findings in an extremely logical manner. When

academic and religious antagonists pointed out that the moon looked smooth, that they

could not feel the earth in motion, or that the Bible said that Joshua made the sun

stand still, he was angered by their inability to comprehend that his observations and

evidence were more valid than their traditional beliefs. In answering the religious

criticism he said that in discussions of physical problems one ought to begin not from

the authority of scriptural passages, but from experience and demonstrations.18

Regardless of the intelligence of his arguments, Galileo was in great risk.

While before this time the Church had not meddled with the theories conceived

through scientific experiment, by the early part of the seventeenth century

circumstances warranted interference. The Church was currently involved in an

acrimonious battle with Protestantism and suppressed any radical views held by its

adherents.19 The efforts of the Church were upheld by the secular political authorities

who knew very well that a firm religious establishment enhanced the Monarch’s own

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid., 567.

19 Ibid.


14

power.20 The Inquisition in 1616 interdicted Galileo from teaching what was viewed

as the heretical doctrine that the earth was in constant movement. Although his

condemnation demoralized further scientific activity by his countrymen, once the

advent of scientific discovery had begun, it was impossible to be stopped.21

Francis Bacon (1561-1626)

Because the method of scientific inquiry gained the attention of the intellectual

community only slowly, it took time for the influence of the scientific method to be

understood. Although Francis Bacon (1651-1626) was not a significant scientist

himself, he was the most influential in teaching the lessons of science. His New

Atlantis presented science as a savior of the human race and a propellant to the

improvement of the human condition. He foresaw a period in which those doing

scientific research at the highest levels would be seen as the most invaluable people in

the state. In addition he wanted to completely transform the traditional educational

curriculum by replacing the examination of the older philosophers with the study of

more practical matters. By the middle of the seventeenth century the rising

importance of science was manifested by the fact that Francis Bacon’s beliefs had

entered the main of European thinking.22

20 Doyle, 152.

21 Chambers et al., 567-568.

22 Ibid., 569-570.


15

Rene Descartes (1596-1650)

The French philosopher Rene Descartes (1596-1650) laid the basis of modem

philosophy by his initial attempt to use the methods of science in the theories of

knowledge and in so doing he laid the basis of modem philosophy. The philosophy

of Rene Descartes presented a form of reasoning and logic from self-evident proposals

very similar to the principles of geometric proof. In addition, it was a philosophy

that defined man to be a mechanical body and immortal soul endowed at conception

with fundamental beliefs and defined God as the creator of a mechanistic and

harmonious universe. Such traditional Christian dogma as the belief in the

hierarchical organization of the universe was undermined by the notion of skepticism.

By 1600 the philosophy of Rene Descartes had conquered the minds of the most

prolific thinkers of Europe, and by 1700 it had become the central doctrine.23

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)

Thomas Hobbes, (1588-1679), another political theorist, used the scientific

method to enhance political theory. In his masterpiece Leviathan, published in 1651,

because he believed people to be weak, cunning, selfish egotistical, he concluded that

the only way to restrain their aggressiveness and ravenous appetite was by an absolute

and sovereign power that would uphold peace. Thus from a few observations about

human nature, he had logically derived general beliefs about human comportment, and

23 Doyle, 174-178.


16

from that he had derived specific political lessons that were proved by European

politics.24

Isaac Newton (1642-1727)

The work of Isaac Newton (1642-1727), contributed tremendously to the fields

of mathematics, physics, astronomy and optics, and brought to a culmination the

scientific advancement made by Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and many

other investigators. Because he not only combined physics and astronomy into a

single system to analyze motion throughout the universe, but helped change

mathematics by the evolution of calculus and founded some of the basic laws of

modem physics, he work achieved the peak of the scientific revolution.25 Newton

included reasonable and logical experimentation with a mathematical imagination to

create a synthesis that elucidated all that Cartesian included and much more.26

Unlike Descartes who had underscored the powers of the mind and pure

reason, Newton said that trial and mathematics, and not mere hypotheses and logic,

were the essentials of a real scientist. The renown Mathematical Principles of Natural

Philosophy (1687), most often called Principia. had as its main goal the disapproval

of the Cartesian scientific methodology which was at the time accepted. Fifty years


25 Ibid., 630-631.

26 Doyle, 179.


17

following the publication of Principia it was generally accepted as the truth.27

The knowledge of Newtonianism, which came from experimentation, had

become philosophical dogma by the 1750s. Newton had manifested that nature was

simple and operated according to concise rules. He believed that the key to

discovering these rules was experiment. Because Newton could not logically describe

the creation of the universe without the notion of God, he remained a strong believer,

even believing that God at times interfered to fix the celestial mechanism. The

rationality of his own laws, however, indicated that this was never integral. Similar

to the Cartesian Universe, the Newtonian cosmology had no room for God except as

the farthest of first causes.28

John Locke (1632-1704)

Another idol of the late seventeenth century and eighteenth century was John

Locke (1632-1704). Although he himself was not a scientist, he applied the empirical

method and reverence for order, experiment and reason to all knowledge. He said he

was exalted in his works by the contemporary masters: Boyle, Hygiens and Newton.

In France he read Descartes with whom he conceded that God’s existence could be

methodologically proved and that reason was invaluable to understanding. Yet he did

not concede that man was bom with any ideas, even of God. In his Essay

27 Chambers et al., 631.

28 Ibid., 180-181.


18

Concerning Human Understanding (1960), the outcome of two decades of thought,

Locke said that while the human mind at birth is devoid of any ideas, man eventually

gains reason and knowledge through experience. Many clergymen were insulted by

the implication that man could be bom without any ideas of God. The religious

establishment was also antagonistic to the fact that like Hobbes he believed that good

and bad was based on the utilitarian feelings of pleasure or pain, rather than any

inborn moral feeling. Lockes’ pamphlet of 1695 on "The Reasonableness of

Christianity," which denied the notion of original sin, the literal interpretation of the

scriptures and the validity of the trinity, also caused on outcry among the clergy.29

Because its implications were as significant as those of Newtonian science,

Locke’s ideas caused a sensational storm in Europe. The ideas of Locke manifested

that men were bom equal, with their minds equally void, that men were shaped by

their very different surroundings, that there were no ground rules to which they had

to comply and that there existed alternative ways of life than that which existed in

Europe. In his "Letter Concerning Toleration" of 1688, he said that differences of

custom and belief were acceptable and because most laws were made by man, they

could be transformed when it seemed necessary.30

Thus Locke taught that those who instructed man shaped their condition in

life. In "Some Thoughts Concerning Education," 1693, he said that education was

29 Ibid., 181-211.

30 Ibid., 182-183.


central to human conduct. Because of the superstition, prejudice, intolerance, and

fanaticism were still inculcated in children by the clerics who were everywhere in

control of education, to simply make toleration legal would be of no use. While the

belief that the religious establishment caused intolerance and superstition among the

masses was not new, what was dynamically new, was the logical method of

explanation and reasoning which threatened the Church and all that it symbolized.

Thus education was viewed as the key to the Enlightment. The only way to eject the

superstition taught by the Church was to end their control over the educational

establishment. Because the Enlightment became a political problem, in the end

religious doubt led to political action.31

The political work Second Treatise of Civil Government of John Locke, also

published in 1690, was inspired by the ideas of Thomas Hobbes. Although like

Hobbes, Locke believed the state of nature was a state of war and the importance of

contract among men to end the chaos and decay, his conclusions were quite

dissimilar. Using the values of the Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Locke

said that the use of reason in politics manifested the importance of the three rights of

an individual: life, liberty and property. Like Hobbes, he believed that there must be

a sovereign power, but he argued that it has no power to control these three natural

rights of its subjects without their approval. While his main goal was to defend the

individual against the tyrannical state, a concern that has remained essential to liberal

31 Ibid., 182-204.


20

thought ever since, it is integral to understand that because of his accent on the notion

of property, Locke’s beliefs served the elite better than the mass of society.32

Scientific Organizations

Many believed that the information attained by scientific work should be

exchanged among scientists. Although organizations of scientists had been founded

before, the Lincean Academy, founded under the patronage of a nobleman in Rome in

1603, was the first group interested in all branches of science and in publishing the

findings of its members. Although after the deterioration of research in Italy, the

Lincean Academy lost its significance, more successful attempts were later made in

other nations. In France, during the first decades of the seventeenth century a friar

called Marine Mersenne developed an international network of correspondents

interested in the scientific enterprise. The first steps toward the building of a

permanent scientific body in England were taken at Oxford during the civil war when

the revolutionaries took over the city and expelled many of the traditionalists from the

university. In 1660 an official organization, The Royal Society of London for

improving Natural Knowledge, was founded by twelve members of the Invisible

College. Among the twelve members were the young chemist Robert Boyle and the

architect Sir Christopher Wren. In 1666 Louis XIV founded the Royal Academy of



21

Sciences, and by 1700 similar academies appeared in Naples and Berlin.33

The Triumph of Science

By the 1660s it was clear that science, order and rational thinking had

triumphed over Church doctrine and established order and science was beginning to

have an impact on the general population. In the seventeenth century Holland began a

public anatomy lesson in which the body of a criminal was brought before a large hall

where a renown surgeon dissected the body and explained each of the organs as they

were removed. The prestige of the scientist increased and Europe was beginning to

be seen through the eye of the scientist. The characteristics of regularity, harmony

and respect for reason linked with science began to be seen in the work of

playwrights and poets, artists and architects.34

The seventeenth century was therefore an epoch of genius in European

thought, and an age of tremendous scientific and philosophical discovery. It was an

age in which established truths were questioned and criticized. Yet it was an elitist

age in terms of the audience for cultural activity and the system of aristocratic

patronage. If one passes to the nineteenth century, however, one witnesses a middle

class intellectual and artistic milieu as well as the stirring of mass literacy and mass

33 Ibid., 573-575.

34 Ibid., 574-575.


22

culture.35

The Enlightment and the Philosophes

Thus the eighteenth century was a time of transition. While Rene*Descartes,

Isaac Newton and John Locke were not revolutionary in temperament, had little

concern for social matters and were practicing Christians, their ideas were reshaped

and propagated by the intellectuals of the eighteenth century known as the

’philosophes.’ Through the influence of science, the philosophes were imbued with a

critical spirit which ignited the desire to reexamine the assumptions and institutions of

society in light of reason, practicality and utility. These new intellectuals who viewed

themselves as part of the Enlightment believed that human behavior and institutions

could be studied rationally and their faults corrected. Their goal was to make men

and women more tolerant. The terms ’freedom’ and ’nature’ were central to the

Enlightment. Experimentation, methodical doubt and naturalistic explanations of

phenomena were made in a scientific and mathematical spirit, which meant faith in

reason and a skeptical attitude toward traditional dogma.36

One supreme fact that drew all the philosophes together, whether atheist or

deist, was that they all spoke against the dogma and practices of the established

religion. Stirred by science and secularism, themTrrcia-concem was freedom of

35 Ibid., 671.

36 Ibid., 671-693.


23

expression and religion, which they saw as integral to other types of liberty. To

declare the importance of reason and intellectual freedom was to turn away from

faith, at the heart of religion. They had wanted to harmonize religion with novel

philosophical standards and scientific foundations and to discard the superstitious

imagery that made religion unbelievable to the scientists. Thus while they were not

anti-religious, they were definitely anti-clerical. They believed that if people could

face the world without superstition or bowing to any arbitrary power then the

difficulties of society could be progressively handled. While the enlightened thinkers

did not concentrate on eradicating Christianity from Western civilization, at a time

when religion was still predominant in society, they no longer believed in it

themselves and wanted to decrease its power greatly.37

The philosophes wanted to discuss the many different questions that the

religious establishment wanted to avoid. How could the righteousness of Christianity

be justified if morality was relative? If nature worked according to fixed rules how

could miracles be possible? Could toleration and Church authority exist side by side?

What authority was left to the sphere of the Bible if all knowledge was required to be

freely doubted and questioned?38

It is thanks to the eighteenth century intellectuals who fought so greatly that

freedom of thought became an integral element of the Western liberal tradition. It is

37 Ibid., 671-693.

38 Doyle, 194-195.


24

important to realize, however, that while they criticized their society, eighteenth

century intellectuals did not wish to reduce the power of the Monarch.39

In their controversial scholarship they studied a vast range of subjects and

introduced several new areas of study. Moving beyond traditional historiography,

they examined culture, social institutions and government structures in an attempt to

comprehend the past. Having discovered social science, they studied the basis of

social organization (sociology) and the human mind (psychology) and such subjects as

penology and education. All their studies were connected to an examination of ethics,

which was utilitarian.40

Pierre Bayle (1647-1706)

Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) was another proponent of secularism who, in his

attack on Christianity, did not spare some of the subjects that even Descartes had

avoided. In his Critical and Historical Dictionary (1697) many Christian traditions

were treated as myth and fanaticism and he advocated toleration of all the different

religions. He even said that it was not the creed but the moral conduct of the person

which was necessary. In other words, since morality was not contingent on

Christianity, one who believed in Mohammed, Confucius and Moses, and even one

who did not even believe in God, could very easily be a man or women of high

39 Chambers et al., 671-693,

40 Ibid., 676-677.


25

ethical standards. There were even some critics who were much more condemning of

Christianity than Bayle. Atheistic and blasphemous attacks were to be found in

privately circulated writings rather than published books in the first half of the

century. These hidden writings said that religion was a form of hysteria that had

resulted in centuries of bloodshed. Among their titles were: Critical Examination of

the Apologists of the Christian Religion. Mortal Souls. The Divinity of Jesus Christ

Destroyed and Faith Destroyed.41

Voltaire (1694-1778)

Voltaire (1694-1778), who harbored a deep hostility toward Christianity and

believed that all men and women should hold Christianity in horror, was one of the

most contentious writers of the Enlightment. Patterned after Bayles’ dictionary, his

Philosophical Dictionary of 1764, said that established religion was poisonous and that

crimes of established religion, such as the St. Bartholemew Day decimation form the

height of irrationality. Because he believed that religion should be a matter of private

and individual contemplation, he wanted the cultivated populace to discard

Christianity in favor of deism, which believed that although God had created the

universe, he no longer meddled with the world which now worked according to

natural law.42

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid.


26

Denis Diderot and the Encyclopedia (1713-1784)

While Denis Diderot (1713-1784) never gained the fame of Voltaire, many of

the issues that he voiced were at the core of the concerns of the philosophes.

Evidence of this can be seen by the fact that his books were condemned by the central

authorities as contrary to religion, the state and morals. While many of his writings

are important and contributed to the social thought during that time, this paper focuses

on the Encyclopedia (1747-1766) or Classified Dictionary of Sciences. Arts and

Occupations since it sums up enlightened thought during the middle of the eighteenth

century. According to its editors, the main goal of the Encyclopedia was to "change

the general way of thinking," or as Diderot said to a friend "a revolution in the minds

of men to free them from prejudice."43

At the core of the Encyclopedia was science. From a social perspective, the

description of different manufacturing processes and tools, and the role of the

mechanic, engineer and artisan, the Encyclopedia showed how advances in technology

could enhance civilization. Because social science was also a significant component

of study in the Encyclopedia, articles talked of the different theories in social

organization and human nature. In all these articles stress was made on social utility.

While the Encyclopedia was not middle class, it did support many of the desires of

the bourgeois. This is seen in the fact that while the main interests of the editors

were civil rights, liberty of expression and rule of law, it supported Absolute

43 Ibid., 677-678.


27

Monarchy as long as it was effective and just.44 Because it declared that nobody had

a monopoly on the truth, the Encyclopedia was extremely forceful on matters of

intolerance. Diderot said that an intolerant man not only was a bad Christian, but

was a threatening subject and a bad politician. Therefore, tolerance was a virtue all

must hold.45

Was the Encyclopedia able to change thinking and therefore the established

order? By the hostile response of both the religious and government orders, it

appears as if the ideas it propagated posed a clear threat. "Up til now," said one

French Bishop, "hell has vomited its venom drop by drop." Now he said that it could

be found in the pages of the Encyclopedia . The Attorney General of France said in

1758, "There is a project formed, a society organized to propagate materialism, to

destroy religion, to inspire a spirit of independence, and to nourish the corruption of

morals.”46

Along with most of the other contributors to the Encyclopedia, by the 1750s

Diderot had passed from deism to atheism. Because the deists had relegated God to

such a far away position and the universe could have been created by accident, the

atheists completely discarded the notion of God.47

44 Ibid., 677-697.

45 Doyle, 193-194.


47 Doyle, 194-195.


28

Montesquieu (1689-1755)

Because Montesquieu’s (1689-1755) purpose was to examine the current

situation instead of advocating any changes, his instruction of political responsibilities

was by chance. Montesquieu himself was a French jurist, a magistrate in Bordeaux.

In his "Persian Letters" of 1721 he wrote of the impressions of a Persian traveler to

Paris exposed to European customs. Ridicule of the unsteady activity of French

public life and the scorn of the religious establishment were the major themes that he

covered.48

He spoke in detail of many of the unpolished views of 1721 in The Spirit of

the Laws (1748). The Spirit of Laws, the comparative study of governments and

societies, was the initial study in political sociology, the comparative study of

governments and societies. The subtitle of this work was: The Relation that the

Laws Should Have to the Constitution of Each Government, the Customs. Religions.

Commerce, etc.49 In The Spirit of Laws he also referred to the classical societies of

Greece, Rome and China. Among the lessons learned by the examination of those

nations was that societies could be successful and harmonious and that both public

and private virtue could prevail in a world that had no understanding of the Christian

faith. Accepting the assumptions of Lockean psychology, he tried to study how

societies and laws were molded by circumstances. Law, human custom and

48 Ibid., 184-194.



29

institutions, he said, were conditioned by factors beyond human control, such as

geography and climate. He argued using examples from all over the world and he

advocated the initial major study of how traditions were started in the first place. The

implications of this philosophy were insulting to the teachings of the religious

establishment since morality, now a product of physical circumstances, was relative.50

Because he argued that there was no one absolute standard of good government,

Montesquieu did not indicate that Britain should serve as a model for other countries.

However, because he felt that all societies should learn about the essentials of British

liberty, Montesquieu did try to manifest the values of the ideal British system.51

According to Montesquieu political liberty existed when one power did not

dominate the state. The one dominant power that he described could be the king,

aristocrat or the people. The idea that the preservation of liberty was contingent on

the separation and balance of power of the executive, legislative and judicial powers

influenced the drafters of the American constitution. However, it is important to

realize the inequality of interest in his value system since he said that the only power

in most states that could effectively prevent royal despotism without fear of the

anarchy of the masses, was the aristocracy. Thus he felt that the advantaged few in

France would be the most likely leaders of French liberty.52

50 Doyle, 184-211.


52 Ibid., 694.


30

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778)

Although certain actions of the political establishment were deprecated, for the

most part, the writers of the Enlightment did not wish to change the current forms of

government. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), however, was a philosopher who

was more interested in moral and political liberty than with the current political

structure.53

Because he was preoccupied with moral freedom and saw society as being

more onerous than the philosophes had conceded, Jean-Jacques Rousseau criticized

the Enlightment as well as the current situation. He not only condemned the

suppressive power of the Church and the State, who constantly outlawed his books,

but he criticized the conceit of his fellow philosophes whom he believed to be

pretentious and pessimistic, and who had themselves become a part of the

establishment. Rousseau was against the lavishness of high culture and proposed a

return to the unpretentious atmosphere of the earliest times.54 He was influenced by

Thomas Paine who said that "of all the systems of religion that were ever invented,

there is none was more derogatory to the almighty, more unedifying to man, more

repugnant to reason, and more contradictory in itself, than this thing called

Christianity." 55


54 Ibid., 694-695.

55 Doyle, 198.


31

At that time most who had a formal education were educated in public

institutions that were controlled by the clergy. The philosophes were in general

concurrence that schools should place more emphasis on learning by experience rather

than by rote, and should spend more time on subjects like mathematics and science.

Rousseau’s Emile (1762) told the story of a young child who was taught to be a moral

adult by a tutor who emphasized experience rather than book learning, and who

believed that education was a process of individual self-development. Emile was

based on the postulate that man, pure at conception, is abased by the artificial

manners of society and that therefore the best education required to take place in

solitude.56

In the Social Contract (1762), Rousseau’s most renown writing, he discarded

the universal conception current at the times that some men are meant to govern and

others to obey. He believed that in a free society all individuals were a part of

formulating the laws which they were required to hold in honor. Any government in

which the figure of authority held himself above those he governed had no legitimacy

and did not form a free society. Because freedom is a social arrangement which

involves consent, Social Contract said that a free society was one in which each

citizen by his/her own choice honors a social contract which lays the essential

regulations of society.57

56 Ibid., 198-204.



David Hume (1711-1776)

Another famous philosopher was David Hume (1711-1776). Hume believed

that reason and experience were the only way to ensure knowledge and understanding.

By concluding that social utility should become the model for public morality, he

explained the perception of good and bad in more practical terms than those which

were current at the time. By looking at moral philosophy, however, in this manner

the notion of whether any human values were universal was seriously questioned.

Hume spent much of his later life expanding on criticisms of religion, which all came

from his initial postulates. If there was no evidence that the mind existed, there was

even less evidence of an immortal soul. In his essay "Of Miracles," he showed his

antagonism to revealed religion and he said that the notion of ’miracle’ was contrary

to reason. He was not an atheist, but a skeptic for whom religion was a riddle, an

unfathomable mystery.58

The Physiocratic School and Adam Smith (1723-1790)

An important part of the Enlightment social science was the physiocratic

school whose proponents felt that economic progress was contingent on liberating

agriculture and trade from mercantilists regulations. They called to improve the tax

structure with a stable land tax and to increase agricultural productivity by permitting

the grain trade to work according to the laws of supply and demand. The

58 Doyle, 200-201.


33

physiocratic school believed that this would entice growers to increase productivity

and transport their harvest wherever it was deemed necessary. By this new method it

was hoped that the constant grain shortages which tormented France would no longer

exist.59

In Britain Adam Smith (1723-1790) in The Wealth on Nations (1776) made a

similar condemnation of trade regulations. Smith, in agreement with the physiocrats,

felt that if the individual was permitted to follow his or her self-interest instead of

being regulated by the state, the economy would be stimulated. High tariffs and guild

regulations prevented a natural division of labor to occur on all levels of economic

activity. Both Adam Smith and the French physiocrats were therefore early

supporters of the economic doctrine of "Laissez-faire la Nature," meaning ’let

nature take its course.’ This economic doctrine would be key to the Industrial

Revolution which would later occur in Europe.60

The French Revolution and Subsequent Transformation

The French Revolution was the turning point not only in European history in

the eighteenth century, but in the modem epoch. The French Revolution affected and

changed social values and political systems in France, England and eventually

throughout the world from its ignition in 1789. The revolutionary regime of France


60 Ibid.


34

overcame most of Europe by military might, and all of Europe with its ideals of life,

liberty and equality.61 Thus nationalism and the nation-state as an organizational unit

of the International system was bom of the French Revolution. Initially the

nationalism which came forth was progressive, and proclaimed the human rights

which had been introduced during the time of the French Revolution. Because

nationalism and liberalism stood together in opposition to feudalism and the Church, a

breakdown in the hierarchy of the centralized state developed and secularism arose.

The nationalists of the revolutionary period wanted to fight oppression and felt that it

was their duty to help people striving for freedom to become a nation. The

enforcement of the right of national self-determination and the mandate of the people

became core principles in the foreign policies of the French Revolution and later for

Napoleonic expansion. Thus nationalism was initially a European occurrence

associated with the breakdown of centralization, an increase in secularism and the

advent of the modem-state in Europe.62 Because modernization had caused the

breakdown of the traditional order, the French Revolution brought an end to the time

when a ruling order made up of only a few elite members, monopolized political life.

Thus the French Revolution marked the commencement of the modem era of secular

rule in the name of the people.63

61 Ibid., 729.

62 Bassam Tibi, Arab Nationalism a Critical Enquiry. 2nd ed. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), 1-39.

63 Bendix, 8-11.


35

Reasons for the French Revolution

Thus the revolutionaries had risen against inequality and a traditional political

order in which the masses had no say. Because the government of France was not

any more oppressive than it had been for centuries, that alone could not explain the

revolutionary uprising of 1789. What went wrong with France’s traditional method of

government?64

As had been shown throughout this paper, in eighteenth-century France

ideological revolt came before political revolt. Although the philosophes were

themselves part of the established order and supported neither radical transformation

nor the empowerment of the restless and unlearned masses, their enlightened ideas

weakened the belief that the old ways were the best. While they did not question the

fact that the elites should govern society, but only desired that they be enlightened,

the philosophes had created a revolutionary atmosphere in which the status quo was

menaced. Conservatives such as the Irishman Edmond Berke accused the philosophes

of having caused the Revolution since their ideas had undermined all authority, in

particular, the authority of both the Monarchy and the Church. From Voltaire’s early

condemnations of Christianity to the social science of the Encyclopedia and the

writings of Rousseau, a novel outlook was propagated among the educated classes.

Because they supported independent thought, believed that human reason was on the

same level as the word of God and felt that change was both important and possible,



36

they undermined the ready obedience to the accepted standards of behavior. The

philosophes influenced people, from the middle class as well as the older advantaged

classes, to reform the traditional institutions which were no longer able to serve

society.65

Thus the philosophes had created an atmosphere in which the status quo was

increasingly menaced and in which a revolution, was not unimaginable. For example,

from 1789 until 1791 the Constituent Assembly in France, in transforming existing

institutions, sought to enact the principles of rationality, efficiency and humanity,

much as the philosophes had supported. Thus while in the 1700s there had been little

change in the economic, social and political institutions, by 1800 there were

tremendous upheavals at every level of society.66

Economic Change

Economic transformation was extremely evident. French commercial law and

the Napoleonic Code, not only advocated liberal contracts and an open marketplace,

but presented the benefits of uniform and positive laws. Among the influences of the

French government was the adoption of a reasonable standard of weights and

measures by much of Europe, the establishment of technical schools and the increase

in the value of inventors and inventions ranging from ameliorated gunpowder to novel

65 Ibid., 696-735.

66 Ibid.


37

techniques for growing sugar beets. Under Napoleon, Europe had gained from

ameliorated highways and bridges and a large zone of free trade. The Bank of

France, as restructured in 1800 soon became the European model of a bank of issue

providing reliable currency.67

The Industrial Revolution tremendously captured the material world, reordered

society, transformed all parts of Western life in its beginning stages, gave similar

promises and presented similar problems to all the peoples of the earth. Arnold

Toynbee and many subsequent writers equalized the Industrial Revolution with the use

of the steam engine in manufacturing, which created the factory system and was used

to drive mills from the 1780s onward. The Industrial Revolution which employed

machines and cultivated novel sources of energy, was essentially a revolution in

technology, which were integrated into the economy and dramatically increased per

capita productivity. Because growth in one sector activated growth in another, the

entire economy changed. Among the progress was the construction of new railroads,

telegraphs, the use of chemistry in manufacturing and the development of electrical

power and internal combustion.68

By 1890 Europe was producing even more steel than iron, using the Bessemer

converter developed in the 1860s, which permitted for far higher temperatures in

smelter furnaces, and subsequent discoveries made lower-grade ores profitable. New

67 Ibid., 823.

68 Ibid., 702-717.


38

chemical processes and synthetics led to improved products ranging from dyes,

textiles, and paints to fertilizers and explosives and a whole new industry developed

to produce and supply electricity. The incandescent lamp created a demand for large

generating stations to distribute power over a wide area, and by 1900 the manufacture

of generators, cables and motors in turn allowed increased and cheaper production in

scores of other fields. Inventions such as the automobile in the 1890s, the telephone

in 1879, the airplane in the 1900s and the radio a decade later were all greeted with

enthusiasm and were expected to change the lives of humankind.69

The new sense of rationalism and positivism was seen in the laws promulgated

to monitor the economy. For instance, Adam Smith and other liberal economists in

England condemned the communal administration of land in the countryside, the

control of industry in the towns by the guilds and the existence of advantage and

control by any one group. Because they believed that an enlightened society should

have neither privilege nor pity, in a show of economic rationalism, they deprecated

both the special benefits enjoyed by a few and the special attention given to those in

poverty. Because law promulgation had become an essential component of rational

thought in Europe, this rhetoric was followed by specific laws; Le Chapelier law of

1791, permanently interdicted guilds and trade associations and in the Corporation Act

of 1835 the British Parliament eradicated the guilds.70

69 Ibid., 826-918.

70 Ibid., 707.


39

Social Change

Hundreds of speeches and pamphlets in both the parliament and private

correspondence treated the question of poverty and class conflict. The government

played a more active role than previously in concerns regarding child labor, working

conditions, public health and housing and sought to ameliorate the conditions of the

poor through rational techniques and positive law promulgation. The Civil Code

called the Napoleonic Code in 1807, brought about new legal decrees to ensure a

transformation in social relations and provide for an extensive change from the social

practices of the Ancien Regime. The Code guaranteed the right to choose one’s own

occupation, to be treated fairly under the legal system and to practice the religion of

one’s choice.71

This expansion of government authority could be seen in the series of reforms

that occurred on the continent during the 1830s and 1840s. During this time many

regulations concerning child labor were promulgated. All those under nine, for

example, could not be employed in the textile mills in Britain and in the factories of

Prussia. All children under eight could not work in the factories of France. The

same steps had been taken in Bavaria, Baden and Russia by the 1840s. The laws

promulgated, in general, held the workday of children under twelve or thirteen to

eight or nine hours, and all youth under sixteen and or eighteen were limited to

twelve hour days. Britain and France made the additional stipulations that the

71 Ibid., 723-785.


40

extremely youthful be exposed at least a couple hours of schooling per day. All of

the above rules, in order to be ensured, necessitated teams of inspectors. While this

increase in government authority had been vigorously opposed, society viewed this

augmented governmental intervention in the state as integral.72

Political Change

The political structures of European society were disrupted by demographic

change, the growth of the economy, and virtually all other aspect of life in the

eighteenth century. Because the many different groups believed that the political

structure at this time of transformation was unresponsive to their needs, many

struggled to enact constitutional reforms which would allow them to have more of an

impact on policy decisions. Therefore the last part of the century was characterized

by much political tension as a constitutional crisis and a debate occurred over the

central responsibilities of the government.73

Before modernization legitimacy was gained in a traditional framework of

Monarchical rule and religious sanction. In the modem nation-state, legal-rational

legitimacy replaced charismatic leadership and total obedience. This type of rule is

characterized by the depersonalization and regulation of power through general

positive laws. In the modem nation-state the chances for the random and ad-hoc

72 Ibid., 851-853.

73 Ibid., 723-832.


41

exercise of power are reduced and the link between law and state is especially close.

Because law is no longer seen to be the expression of the will of God or governed by

the dictates of nature, modem law is positive law. Because positive law is

changeable, to protect against the threat that new legislation would damage vested

rights some legal principles were documented in the constitution. Citizens were given

public as well as private rights. Some of the rights in the public sphere were: liberty

of expression, opinion and association. Some private rights were electoral rights,

rights of petition, inviability of his residence, equality before law, freedom from

domination, and inheritance rights. In the modem state, therefore, law was the

expression of the state.74

Liberalism. Science. Positivism and Secularism

Economic, social and political transformation necessitated interpretation of

existing ideas. Liberals, for the most part were made up of mainly the cultivated, all

believed through what they saw occurring in European politics as well as economics,

that history was inevitably progressing toward the enactment of their shared vision.

The victory of liberal politics, representative government, free speech and laws

applied equally to all citizens, appeared to come with the glory of liberal economic

theory and the use of liberal social policies.75

74 GianFranco Poggi, The Development of the Modem State A Sociological Introduction (California: Stanford University Press, 1978), 101-105.



42

Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832)

Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) was a major proponent of an important part of

liberalism called utilitarianism. Unlike most of the philosophes Bentham believed that

utility, quantified by that which gave the greatest benefit to the greatest number,

superseded natural rights as the test of proper policy. He believed that good was

defined by that which was pleasureful and eschewed pain. To ensure that pain and

pleasure were responsibly dispersed for the different types of comportment was the

duty of the government. He was in many respects a philosopher, ready to write a

constitution for Russia or codify the laws of the Latin American Republics.76

Auguste Comte (1798-1857)

Based on the values of the Enlightment and the French Revolution which

emphasized the process of historical change, the philosophy of Auguste Comte (1798-

1857) had a tremendous impact from mid-century onward. Impressed by the social

role of religion, the victories of modem science and the possibilities of human

evolution, Comte sought to develop an all-encompassing philosophical system. Prior

to his death in 1857, be systematically expanded on his positive philosophy in ten

volumes published between 1830 and 1845. These, along with his other writings,

established positivism as an international movement. He believed that the key to

civilization, which had evolved through three stages, was man’s comprehension of the

76 Ibid., 856.


43

world. Humankind viewed everything in terms of gods who lived in nature in the

first stage, called the theological stage. Through Christianity, humankind learned to

reflect in more abstract ways in the second, metaphysical stage. In the third stage,

the positive stage, which had now commenced, human knowledge, acquired through

objective and precise observation followed by generalizations in the form of scientific

laws, was in the process of becoming more scientific.77

While holding in honor the role of established religion, Comte declared that it

was no longer necessary, replacing religion with the new science called sociology.

This view stemmed from the belief that civilization evolved through increased

knowledge discovered through the scientific method and that the modem necessity

was the scientific study of society and man himself. Because he believed that law was

made by rational individuals who separated law from morality, he believed in secular

self-rule, the separation of Church and State. This doctrine inspired much of the

speedy development of the social sciences, such as economics, political science,

anthropology, sociology and psychology, achieved in the late nineteenth century.78

Charles Darwin (1809-1882)

Charles Darwin’s (1809-1882) On the Origin of Species, published in 1859,

presented a more controversial theory of human progress. Darwin, who worked very

77 Ibid., 925-926.

78 Ibid., 926-927.


44

cautiously and respected facts, engaged in scientific work in the manner that Comte

had said that a scientist should. His personal observations from travel in the South

Seas and the work of others provided much evidence for his thoughts on natural

history. In 1859 he first formulated his notion of natural selection which made cruel

conflict the main key to survival.79

Contradicting the classical Christian idea of the unchangeable forms of nature,

Darwin manifested that the abundance of different species was essentially infinite.

Through his research be evinced that the never-ending universal struggle brought

continual transformation in species. The central belief presented by this theory of

evolution was that those best adapted to the environment lived to produce more and

more offspring through the different generations of life. After millions of years more

intricate forms of life emerged, each expanding as much as the environment and the

continual struggle for food permitted.80

This scientific theory propounded by Charles Darwin, very quickly became the

center of a controversial debate throughout Europe. Notions such as the ever

transforming forms of life, evolution and survival ensured by massive conflict instead

of divine intervention, undermined long-accepted assumptions in science and theology.

Because Darwin was not secretive of his belief that the same laws governed the

evolution of humankind, to many this was a shocking defiance of divine providence

79 Ibid., 926-927.

80 Ibid., 927.


45

and Christian beliefs. While at that time tolerance required a differentiation between

the examination of natural laws and religious tradition that in the nineteenth century

few were willing to undergo, in current times most theologians and scientists are in

basis concurrence that there is no necessary conflict between the concept of evolving

species and Christian doctrine.81

It is important to realize that all the above notions that came to be called social

Darwinism, were soon extended to more current concerns. While few of the

assertions of social Darwinism were logical extensions of Darwin’s views, reference

to his theories added a universal meaning, a scientific prestige and a novel

terminology to the contemporary debate. Through the argument that improved

education or social welfare represented a higher stage of evolution that would develop

a more powerful group of species, social Darwinism could be used to support reform.

Often, unfortunately, this theory was utilized to authenticate rivalry in the economy

or between nations, or to elucidate the supremacy of Europeans over colored peoples

or men over women.82

Herbert Spencer (1820-1903)

Published between 1860 and 1896, the Synthetic Philosophy of Herbert

Spencer (1820-1903), was one of the greatest explications of the laws of evolution.

81 Ibid.

82 Ibid.


46

Similar to Comte and Darwin, his main idea, which made advancement inevitable,

was the transformation of all things from simple to elaborate, for homogeneous to

divergent. He examined and manifested this process in physics and biology,

sociology and psychology, economics and ethics. Because his theory was all-

encompassing he applied his thought process to physical matter, human

comprehension and to social institutions. For example, he taught that even in the

interest of welfare and public education, the marketplace must be unregulated by the

interference of the state. By the time he passed away in 1903 his notion of strict

laissez-faire had been discarded even by most liberals and his brand of rationalism

had been criticized by the many new trends in the thought process.83

In the nineteenth century these findings in the natural sciences supported the

belief that a few all-encompassing values lay at the root of all existence. At the same

time it was hoped that the new findings in science would ameliorate human existence

through their immediate use in technology and their offerings to general philosophy.

For example, thermodynamics was the study of the relationship between heat and

mechanical energy.84

Nicolas Sadi Cadi Carnot (1837-1894)

Thermodynamics became central to nineteenth century physics early in the

83 Ibid., 927-928.

84 Ibid., 928.


47

century by the theorems stated by Nicolas Sadi Carnot (1837-1894).

Thermodynamics began to treat many different problems at the same time such as the

practical problems of steam engines, as well as fundamental properties of matter.

The cooperative work of scientists in many different countries established that

formulas predicting the comportment of gases could be used in the field of mechanics

and developed two essential laws of thermodynamics. One of the laws on the

preservation of energy stated that while energy could be changed into heat or work

and back again, neither could be created or eradicated. The other law stated that any

closed physical system moved toward equilibrium, the state in which heat is uniformly

distributed. The above indicated in more common terminology that work could only

be forced to do work when linked through an engine to a cooler body. These

developments initiated the philosophical view of the universe as a giant machine in

which the level of energy was to deteriorate.85

Scientific Exchange

The work of hundreds of scientists exchanging ideas on the international level,

and using clear methods and the logic of mathematics, brought tremendous success in

science. Because by the 1870s science became the work of trained professionals

rather than inspired amateurs, research required more systematic organization, larger

85 Ibid.


48

and more costly laboratories and the expansion of education.86

Scientific knowledge paved the way for many relevant applications.

Thermodynamics opened the way to the development of more efficient sources of

energy, the experiments in electricity led to the telegraph by mid-century and to

electric cars and motors for innumerable uses a generation later. Evidence that germs

were not spontaneously created as was generally taught, was proved by the

experiments of the Frenchman Louis Pasteur’s studies in the 1860s of why wine

spoiled. This led to techniques in pasteurization, of utmost significance in the wine,

dairy and silk industries. His studies on immunology allowed him to find a

preventive vaccine for rabies. Contained in the periodical law and periodical table

published by Dmitri Mendelev in 1869 are the essential generalizations of chemistry.

While compounds and elements had been differentiated for only half a century, and

the dissimilitude between molecules and atoms was to be generally accepted only by

1860, Mendelev’s table established a tremendous symmetry so concise that elements

could all be charted according to atomic weight, with the same elements occurring at

regular intervals. The prediction of unknown elements that would, when discovered,

fill the gaps on the tables was permitted by this regularity.87 The application of Joseph

Lister’s discovery that germs could be killed by carbolic acid made surgery a practical

solution instead of an act of desperation. The discovery that different diseases were

86 Ibid., 928.

87 Ibid., 928-929.


49

generated from distinct microbes and the discovery of the microorganism called

tuberculosis, a decade later Robert Koch in Germany, paved the way to new

techniques in bacteriology and in the fight against communicable diseases. This

progress in science not only ameliorated agriculture and medicine but ignited the

effort to make sanitation and public health issues of the systematic sciences. It

became clear at this time that science could potentially bring tremendous advancement

to humankind.88

Response of the Church

Every branch of Christianity of the time criticized liberalism. They felt that

individualism was mere selfishness and that religious tolerance caused indifference to

moral issues. They believed progress to be another name for materialism. In

addition, Churches were against the increasing assertions of the state, in particular in

education and welfare. The Roman Catholic Church was especially antagonistic to

the theories of evolution, positivism and biblical criticism. In 1864 Pius IX

proclaimed an encyclical Quanta Cura , with a syllabus of ’the principle errors of our

time’ included. The syllabus condemned complete faith in human reason, the sole

authority of the state and attacks on traditional rights of the Church. The syllabus

named false claims, for example, saying that this opinion was wrong:"...it is no

longer expedient that the Catholic religion should be held as the only religion of the

88 Ibid.


50

State, to the exclusion of all other forms of worship." The most renown statement

was the last proposition, which said it was wrong to think that the Roman Pontiff can,

and should, harmonize himself with the notions of advancement, liberalism and

modem civilization.89

The first Church Council in 300 years, The Vatican Council of 1869-1870,

supported the position of the Church. The Church showed its power by declaring the

doctrine of papal infallibility, which stated that the Pope, when talking of ex cathedra

(that is, formally from the chair of Peter and on matters of faith and morals), can not

be wrong. While this had long been a traditional belief, its elevation to dogma upheld

the movement toward augmented centralization within the Church and showed the

unity of the Catholics in the face of new challenges.90

Conclusion

As the nineteenth century came to an end, Europeans appeared absorbed with

the future. Many positive predictions from the past were coming true. Productivity

and prosperity, while still increasing, were already at levels never attained before.

Science and technology showed even greater potential for advancement and in most

countries the masses enjoyed more liberty of expression, social mobility, political

participation, intellectual understanding, augmented education and literacy and better

89 Ibid., 937-938.

90 Ibid., 938.


health care than in the past.91 The developments in Europe would have a profound

effect in other developing regions of the world.

91 Ibid., 953.


CHAPTER 3

AN ANALYSIS OF INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT, SOCIAL STRUCTURE,

SECULAR REFORM AND LAW PROMULGATION DURING

THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Introduction

From amongst all the Muslim countries, Turkey, prior to World War II, was

the first to implement the notion of the secularism of the state, religion, constitutional

law, education, politics and economy. The well-known reforms of Mustafa Kemal

Ataturk (Ataturk), enacted between 1927 and 1937, which were a clear sign of a final

break with the institutions of the medieval Islamic tradition are of tremendous

importance.92 The social sciences state that history provides a basis upon which all

social thought rests. For this very reason intellectual and institutional heritage must

be examined when considering the contributions of social scientists. The Turkish

reforms enacted in the early 1900s by Ataturk were responsible for the rise of

secularism and laicism and formed the foundation of Turkish political life and

constitutional theory. Despite alterations in the regime and current Islamic

92 Berkes, 4.

52


53

revivalism, the foundation of the reforms continues to the present. The successful

reforms of Ataturk, however, must be studied in their historical context.93 Because

the secular Turkish Republic was built upon the remnants of the defeated Ottoman

Empire after World War I, no study of Turkish nationalism and secularism is

complete without an account of the history of reform that took place in the Ottoman

Empire. Special emphasis will be placed on the presence of science, rationalism and

positive law promulgation.

Ottoman Loyalty to Islam

An extremely important aspect of Turkish history is that the people who were

the first Moslems in the twentieth century to declare their loyalty to the notion of a

secular nation-state had in the past gone the farthest in drowning their national

identity in the wider Islamic one, portrayed in the ideal of the umma, the all-

encompassing community of believers. That the Turks had a colorful history before

believing in Islam and that people like them in both language and racial roots lived

outside the boundaries of the empire, was virtually forgotten by the Ottoman Turks.

The sole world the Ottoman Turks actually understood was the world of Islam. They

were knowledgeable of their own place in Islam and proud of it, but this was as an

Ottoman, not as a member of a Turkish nation or race.94


94 David Barchard, Turkey and the West (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1985), 1.


54

From its beginning until its downfall, the Ottoman Empire was a state

committed to the expansion of the faith of Islam, and the service rendered by the

Turks to Islam reached its greatest might under the Ottomans. The Ottomans brought

the Islamic world to new heights, and built the strongest and most stable Islamic state

ever known. In addition, they gave the £eriat, the Holy Law, and the religious

institutions a far greater standing than most of the previous dynasties. The

seriousness of their mission for Islam can be seen in the feeling of loyalty and

purpose in the best days of the empire, which is not found anywhere else in Islamic

history, including those of the early Caliphate.95 Reaching from the heartland of

Anatolia, the Ottoman Empire took control of three continents, Asia, Europe and

Africa. By 1683, Ottoman Turkey had reached the apex of its territorial conquest

when it spanned from the gates of Vienna to Iran, and parts of Southern Russia. The

rapid conquests were due to both the Ottoman flexibility and the feebleness of the

Ottoman enemies.96 See figures 2 and 3 for an illustration of the Ottoman Empire and

the Islamic Caliphate respectively.

95 Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modem Turkey. 2nd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 12-20.

96 Don Peretz, The Middle East Today, fifth ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988), 51.


Reproduced

with perm

ission of the

copyright ow

ner. Further

reproduction prohibited

without

permission.

I

/ ' F r a n c e

I RTI ALiUiboa J Toledo

J ’ k / ’Bl,"lona .....rS n H i A /. 1

TiinKr;-

A \ , ' 'l1 K-, t t r hi? Cs2lm i^l V ■' (

!'■' \ V"' ) - ^ VC.- . " ■ „ - i .“> 'r A

P O L A N D, EMPIRE

**? .. < m ^ s

‘ -A «A'6a, j >A iiu ie iu f< £ ' S i1 A IN , / '

ConstantInutom)

TunuCFES AND Fto SyracuseMOROCCO

S a f a v i d

E m p i r e

Tripoli M facrrmiCiDi Sea

Alexandria i<ro

M

A mbhui Sen

Ottoman EmpireBMW O ttom an Turks, 1300-1359

lilflftl Expansion under Mural II, 1421-1451

I i Expansion under M ehmel II and Selim 1 ,1451*1520

! ; £ ■>! Expansion under Suleiman die Magnificent, 1520-1566

I I Expansion, 1566-1683

Anibi Peripheral peoples

Present international boundary

) j ---------- ----

Figure 2 . Map o f the Ottoman Empire (CIA - Atlas o f the M iddle East, 1993) , 7.

55

Reproduced

with perm

ission of the

copyright ow

ner. Further


without

permission.

r ' ~ y - / ' F r a n k is h J 7 fI LJStn>uti / K in g d o m w a r /

'*■¥ r .ToWo y-'sib™ tJrI& a X A \ r ^r«r**A

Matyttt"1(7.248

*0 P I >1 f V .V I* «l

• — i / r j ^ t w . T n o ttu i

I&wu»deopteojf_^/a«or IRE fiBSZ,

Granada >» <*

Tangier

Tunu’ Sy«cu« ^ A

P w «') M ctlitvm iiiaiu Sat

ttexandna

Mufcat

Age of the Caliphs Arabian Sea

INGDOM DONdOLK

•Aban

H I Expansion under (he Prophet Mohammad, 622-612

l - ' S l Additions during tire Patriarchal Caliphate, 612-661

I I Additions during lire Umayyad Caliphate, 661 -750

Awn Peripheral peoples

Present international boundary

X Z z z

Figure 3 . Map o f the Islamic Caliphate (CIA - Atlas o f the Middle East, 1993) , 6.

56

57

All-Encompassing Religious Outlook

The most distinct characteristic of their view of society as a whole was their

all-encompassing religious outlook. Because every aspect of the medieval social

universe was created by God for specific reasons, traditionalism reigned. Anything

moving from the established tradition, whether or not it came from the religious

institution, was against ancient law which the |eriat was empowered to uphold.97

Political Structure

Ottoman society could be broken down into two groups: the great mass of

subjects and the small group of those who ruled. All social strata were disassociated

from political power and the people played no part in the designation of the electors.

The central function of the state was to organize the use of the wealth belonging to

the leaders, to support the growth and defense of this wealth, to maintain order, and

to advance Islam while allowing the worship of other religions within the domain.98

As in all medieval societies, the Ottoman-Turkish political structure was very

different from a modem polity. The traditional political order of the Ottomans

consisted of a patrimonial leader called the Sultanate, who observed the £eriat, the

sacred law of the Muslims, and held the charismatic post of the Caliphate, which was

97 Berkes, 8-11.

98 Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modem Turkey, vol. 1, "Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modem Turkey, 1808-1975" (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 112.


58

thought to be the succession to the Prophet and to the Islamic community or umma.

Ruled by the Ottoman dynasty, the Turkish political order more than any other

medieval Islamic political order combined temporal and religious qualities in the titles

’Sultanate’ and ’Caliphate.’ Because the Turkish political system respected the

different religions, sects, professions and social classes, the unity of state and

religious belief occurred in Turkish history."

Because he was the direct representative of God in the world, the role of the

Sultan ranked highest in the hierarchy. While the Ottoman ruler did not assert to

have prophetic qualities, he was seen as being unlike other humans since he held the

highest place in the divine order of the world. Before the eighteenth century, the

extent that the Sultans were absolute and their rule autocratic or theocratic could be

seen by examining the nature of the relationship between the temporal authority and

the religious authority provided by the Jleriat. That which was left to the jurisdiction

of the ruler was liberated from the confines of religious law. It was within the right

of the Sultan to promulgate laws outside the confines of theJJeriat. Because the ruler

was not subordinated to legislative or legal regulation by the ruled, all legislation was

delegated from the ruler down through the appropriate channels, which were in turn

directed to the Vicar, also called the Sadrazam. At the time there did not exist the

notion of the legislative being separated from the administrative and judicial branches

" Berkes, 8-10.


59

of the government.100

Although in theory the ruler was regulated in his authority only by the £eriat,

in truth, most menaces to his influence came from the government officials. There

were three main ways in which the Sultan secured his power from dissolution. The

first of these was an administrative staff which was accountable to the ruler and

separated from social classes. The second way in which he secured his power was

through a special military branch called the Janissaries, bound unconditionally to the

ruler and not connected to any social base. The third and final method by which the

Sultan maintained control was through an award system for remarkable service in

war. Thus an extremely centralized power was created, and as long as these

institutions were working, the ruler maintained his power and feudal tendencies were

checked.101

Religious Establishment

The religious or Muslim establishment paralleled the government. The Muftii*

of Istanbul or the eyhulislam was at the apex of its bureaucratic hierarchy. His

official statements related not only to the subjects of religious policy but also such

significant interests of the state as war, relations with non-Muslim states, taxation and

such novelties as the utilization of coffee or tobacco and the printing press. In

100 Ibid., 13-14.

101 Ibid., 14.


theory, the £eyhulislam held more power than the Sultan since he was authorized to

veto any order by the Sultan that was against the £eriat.102 While his decrees were in

most cases approved by the Sultan, it must be noted that the £eyhulislam had a choice

of whether or not he wished to consult with the Sultan on a decision of religious

mandate. However, he understood that if he did not consult with the Sultan who

elected him, he would be dismissed from his position and replaced by another who

would.103

The ulema was composed of Muslim religious leaders organized by the state to

teach and administer Islamic law. A Muslim was considered a member of the ulema

once he had advanced from the mosque school to the medrese (college). They were

an official group in charge of sustaining a united Muslim community, interpreting and

upholding the religious law of the £eriat in matters such as administration and justice,

spreading the religious sciences in the mosque schools and also inculcating Islamic.104

Because their main goal was to maintain traditional order, the ulema supported the

continuity of law and tradition and fought dis-establishment and un-Islamic notions.105

Because the ulema put such a stress on order, all those would tried to bring reform,

102 Peretz, 8-56.

103 Elias Habesci, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire, no. 47 (London: Pater- Noster Row, 1784), 110-11.

104 Shaw and Shaw, 1: 132.

105 Berkes, 14-15.


61

were compelled to say that they were trying to restore the "nizam" or order.106

Educational Establishment

The educational structure was a significant institution under the control of the

ulema. Central to its structure were the elementary mosque schools (maktabs) which

gave beginning Islamic instruction to the masses and the higher institutions of learning

called the medrese.107 The salaries of teachers and mosque officials were paid by the

revenues from the endowment (waqf) which was under the administration of the • •

^eyhulislam. Mosques, medreses, libraries, soup kitchens for the poor, student

dormitories, baths, fountains and orphanages were commonly established by the

waqf.108

Legal System

The legal system was also central to the religious establishment. Ulema who

were encharged with promulgating the laws in the courts, were called judges (kadirs).

Ulema who examined and interpreted law were called jurisconsults (mufti).109

Because the religious leaders served as both lawyers and guardians of Islamic law, the

106 Matin Heper, "Islam, Polity and Society in Turkey: A Middle Eastern Perspective," Middle East Journal. XXXV (1981), 16.

107 Shaw and Shaw, 1:132.

108 Peretz, 56-57.



62

Turks made no difference between the two professions.110 All Ottoman citizens as

well as members of the government were subordinated to the laws of the Seriat which

was administered by judges.111

Duality of Law in the Ottoman Empire

Although the Ottomans had a great deal of people who were the keepers of

Islam, the Ottoman Empire is distinguished in having a secular institution in the

Empire which was parallel to the religious institution. In areas not covered by the

£eriat the majority of Islamic scholars believed in the ability of the Sultan, in what

was called "Sultan Prerogative," to liberally enact secular ordinances in areas not

covered by the £eriat. Thus the customary law of the Sultan and religious law

formed the law of the Ottoman Islamic community.112 The Kanun, administrative law

of the Sultan, had nothing to do with religiosity, but were rules concerning the

bureaucrats of the Sultan. For example, someone who entered the service of the state

relinquished the protection of Islamic law, and placed their wealth and life at the

mercy of the Sultan. Thus a class of persons, educated not in the medreses but in the

palace schools, emerged. They had no private life and were one hundred percent at

the mercy and service of the state. While the private citizen was under one law

110 Habesci, 113-114.

111 Peretz, 56.

112 Shaw and Shaw, 1:134-135.


63

which protected life and property, the servant of the state who defended the realm

was subject to the Kanun or secular law of the king. This ideology of the state was

an invention of the Ottomans since never before had the difference between Islamic

and secular law been known in the earlier Muslim Empires. Because the bureaucrats

were required to defend the realm, which covered the entire boundary of the Ottoman

Empire, and had to sacrifice themselves for the state, a pre-state patriotism which

resembled France at the time of Louis XIV occurred. Thus the Ottomans were able

to establish law, order and positivism (the idea that the government regulates laws and

a twin concept of materialism). The consequence of the ideas of positivism and

materialism was the abandonment of God since the material aspect of life was all

important.113

In theory the ulema had the ability to annul any Kanun that they believed was

contradictory to the £eriat, but they seldom did this, since, as part of the ruling class

they were designated by the Sultan and could be expelled by the Sultan at any

time.114 Thus in the Ottoman political order, one witnesses a Muslim state where the

authority of religion was limited by many factors. Reaching into their sovereign

powers, the Ottoman Sultans could issue laws and regulations that could abolish

Islamic precedents. From the seventeenth century onward, however, even the Sultans

lost their charisma, and charisma was eventually given to the state. While in other

113 Serif Mardin. "Notes taken from Mardin’s class "Islam and Nationalism." (The American University, Washington DC, Spring of 1993)



64

Muslim states the notion of the state as an instrument of worldly salvation is a rather

novel happening, early in the Ottoman-Turkish polity, the state was based mainly on

structural legitimacy. In developing their state the Ottomans looked at the Iranian

example, where beginning in the sixteenth century the Safavid state had begun to lose

its independence vis-a-vis the powerful Shii hierarchy.115

In the Ottoman case there was small necessity for institutional secularization or

separation, or transformation from ecclesiastical control to public administration,

because the state as a separate and independent entity already existed. Even at the

time in the sixteenth century when Islamic influences reached its height, the Ottoman

state was far from being a real Islamic theocracy. Since institutional secularization

had occurred in the Ottoman political order. In reality, the Muslim institution in that

polity was subordinate to the state. Unlike their Shiite counterparts, the Ottoman

ulema did not parallel temporal authority with injustice and instead believed that

cooperation with the political sphere was the sole manner of effectively curtailing

influence on the temporal authority.116

The Presence of Science in the Ottoman Empire

Before presenting the increase in knowledge of the West and the reform effort,

it is important to study in detail the presence of science in the Ottoman Empire. This

115 Heper, 347-348.

116 Ibid., 348.


65

is an integral part of the study and will help differentiate the reforms of Turkey and

Iran.

Although one hundred years after the foundation of the Turkish state (1299-

1451) the exact sciences were subordinated to the study of theology, jurisprudence

and rhetoric, with the advent to the throne of Mohammed II (1451-1481) one comes

to a period of a philosophical and scientific spirit.117

In the library of Mohammed II are found manuscripts that spoke of geometry,

physics, astronomy, zoology, the medicine of Galen and the geography of Ptolemy.

The most remarkable historical progress in the sciences at that time is without doubt

the reform of the Turkish medrese. Mohammed II founded at Constantinople a grand

university including eight colleges. In these medreses one taught next to the

traditional sciences, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and medicine. Since the arrival

of the Turkish astronomer Ali Kusji, the first professor or astronomy and mathematics

in Turkey, the sciences were taught in a regular matter. One of the eight colleges of

the Sultan Mohammed II was assigned to teach medicine, and a hospital was

connected to the college.11®

At the time of Mohammed II there were several medical books of importance.

One was the "Kitab al-tibb" of Ak Sams Al-Din.119 An important passage in the book

117 Adivar Adnan, La Science Chez Les Turcs Ottomans (Paris: 1939), 20-32.

118 Ibid., 20-36.

119 Ibid.


66

which showed tremendous scientific insight was the following:

Toutes les maladies ont par leurs genres, leurs germes et leurs essences comme les germes des plantes et comme les racines des plantes. Certaines des maladies, qui se transmettent par hereidite du pere et de la mere comme l’epilipsie, la goutte ou le lepre, se declarent parfois sept annees apres le transmission; tandis que le germe qui se transmet par les aliments at par les boissons se developpe et croTt rapidement.120

The second work spoke of surgery by Sabunji Oglu. In this very original book

there were surgical illustrations of patients and surgeons during an operation. At the

same time, the doctors of Islamic law and the theologians were interested, to a certain

degree, in the physical and natural sciences. In fact, Hoja Zade, one of the famous

doctors of Islamic law of the time discussed with Ali Kusji the causes of "la marre."

Another religious expert, Kastellani, participated in the examination of a

hemophiliac.121

After the death of Mohammed II there was a persistence in the scientific

tradition. An important work in mathematics and astronomy was by Mahmud Bin

Mohammed who worked on the astronomical works of Ptolemy and Copernicus.

Another thinker, Muzaffer al-Din Sirazi, a logician, commented on the elements of

Euclide. A sanitary establishment was constructed by the wife of Bayazid II, the

mother of Selim I. Tahir Bey’s Osmanli Muellifleri spoke of hygiene and hygienic

treatment. He commenced his work by describing air, water, habitations, cloths and

drinks from a hygienic viewpoint and spent several pages speaking of wine.

120 Ibid., 36.

121 Ibid., 36-41.


67

Admitting that Islam prohibited wine, he enumerated the advantages of that alcoholic

drink, namely the stimulation of nutrition.122

Suleyman n introduced reforms in superior education and established new

medreses in the example of Mohammed II. (1527) One was a college of medicine and

the other of mathematics. In 1550 Mohammed Effendi wrote a geographic treaty of

580 pages. In 1583 a small illustrated work "L’Histoire des Indes Occidentales" was • •

presented to Sultan Murad III and was later printed by Ibrahim Mutefferika in

Istanbul in the eighteenth century. Katib £elebi, the first historian of sciences of the

Ottoman Turks, learned mathematics and geography and wrote a geographic work on

Europe, Asia, Africa, America, Australia, and the arctic regions. Thus, during the

sixteenth century, geography had a preponderant position in the intellectual life of the

empire that had gained its maximum territorial extension. While this period seems

poor in comparison to the preceding years in mathematics and astronomy, it is

possible to cite several astronomical treatises. Abd Allah (1517) worked on numerical

operations and fractions and the method of solution in mathematics and soon after

Yusuf Bin Kemal wrote a treaty with a special chapter on algebra. In the last chapter

of Salih Zeki Bey’s L’Histoire de la Mathematique Orientale. one finds rules on

measuring the area of the triangle, squares, circles and solid objects.123

From the beginning until the middle of the eighteenth century, since there was

122 Ibid., 43-54.

123 Ibid., 54-117.


68

more interest in theology than science, only a few medical and mathematical works

can be cited. Hidr Halifa Tabari (1625-1640) talked of different questions of science

and geography, Molla Mohammed <£elebi wrote astronomical works, Dervis Siyahi,

after a trip to Egypt, made a dictionary giving the Turkish, Arabic, Persian, Greek

and Berber names of medications, and Beyzade Mohammed wrote a hygienic treaty in

Arabic. The most important medical writing of the period was the work of Amir

£elebi, the first doctor of Sultan Murad IV, which spoke of hygiene, the properties of

air, ground, climate and anatomy. In 1704 Sa’ban Sifa’i, in "Tadbir al Mawlud,”

spoke of the measures to take in pregnancy and the birth of the child.124

Defeat

While Europe was expanding both technologically, scientifically and materially

during the seventeeth century, the Ottoman Empire had basically remained a medieval

state. Not only was it unable to invent and make discoveries, but it failed to leam

from the discoveries of others. The burden of this medieval outlook was significant

especially in a world of quickly modernizing states. While in the seventeenth century

the Ottoman Empire was on equal grounds with Europe, by the eighteenth century

this was no longer even true. Their military forces were in disarary. The Peace

Treaty of Karlowitz signed on January 26, 1699 in which the Ottoman Empire was

defeated and forced to cede territory to the European powers marked the

124 Ibid., 71-131.


69

commencement of the eighteenth century.125

The Tulip Era

The early eighteenth century marked the first time The Ottoman Turks realized

the need for dramatic reform. This time, called the Tulip Era, marked the beginning

of modern reform in Turkey. In the early eighteenth century, following the rapid

military advances of the European powers, Turkey for the first time realized that their

civilization was no longer superior to the West.126 Through the many new contacts

with the West, the Ottoman were exposed to novel European notions such as nations,

freedom, homeland and equality. These ideas transformed the foundation of Ottoman

Turkish thought and slowly shook the very basis on which the Ottoman state was

built.127

Architecture

While before the main interest of the Turkish patrons of architecture was to

construct mosques, buildings of religious endowments, etc, the architectural taste of

the Tulip Era showed itself in small palaces and pleasure houses, pools, fountains and

gardens. French taste was evident in these. At the same time there were

125 Lewis, The Emergence of Modem Turkey. 23-36.

126 Berkes, 23-30.

127 David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism (London: Frank Cass, 1977), 3.


70

transformations taking place in Turkish social, cultural and moral life which were not

limited to the affluent classes. Although it is definite that neither the whole society

nor all strata were affected by the new spirit of worldliness, the indications showed

signs of coming transformation.128

Increase in Secularism

There was increased interest in secular learning and Western works were

translated. This is integral because, just a few years earlier, a eyhulislam enacted a

fetva against giving finances to the library of a deceased Sadrazam because it had

books dealing with astronomy, philosophy and history. This novel scholarly interest

represented a movement from concern for religious subject matter to attraction to the

mundane, since every book translated dealt with secular topics.129

Laxity in Religious Values

At this time there was also an easing in the traditional standards of

comportment. When carefully examing the chronicles of foreign observers, one sees

signs of the deterioration of traditional values. Those writers show this period as one

of cynicism, moral degeneration, egotistical behavior and materialism on the part of

the upper classes, and a time when morals among common people were not strictly

128 Berkes, 23-30.

129 Ibid., 27.


71

observed. The coffee house, the tavern and the brothel became places of recreation

during this time period.130

The following is a generalization by Elias Habesci in The Present State of the.

Ottoman Empire

Not withstanding the great appearance of devotion amongst the Turks, the principle of whose religion is Deism, yet its very opposite, Atheism, has generally prevailed of late years. Let this be a lesson for deists in Christian countries. It is not in the external observation of the Ramadan, in the ablutions, or in the pilgrimage to Mecca, that we must look for the present state of religion at Constantinople, the feat of the Turkish government. It is by the conversation with Turks of distinguished rank, that one can alone discover the degeneracy of the present Ottoman race. Some are Pythagoreans...Others are professed Cartesians, who doubt everything, and never maintain any opinion decisively;...As no people on earth entertain such doubts about their religion as the Turks do of theirs, it is not in the least surprising, that they have proceeded one step farther, and embraced Atheism. This fundamental error has penetrated the most private recesses of Seraglio, and infected all parts of the empire...We are now to mark the decline of the empire...All these circumstances seem to denote an approaching revolution in the Turkish system of religion and civil government, or a total subversion of the once formidable empire of the Ottomans.131

Elias Habesci also stated in The Present State of the Ottoman Empire :

With respect to the precepts which forbid the drinking of wine, and eating pork, I can take upon me to assure the reader , that they have only a nominal existence. Friday, which should be considered as a day of particular devotion, is now converted into a day of pleasure. It is precisely on that day that the women, under pretext of going to the baths, which is a religious obligation enjoined them on every Friday, find an opportunity to give loose to, and gratify their voluptuous desires. It is on that day, likewise, that all the public houses of entertainment are filled with Turks of the other sex, who eat and drink to excess everything that is forbidden. The Turks of Constantinople

130 Ibid.

131 Habesci, 135-41.


72

drink more wine than is consumed in Paris...132

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, who resided in Turkey from 1716 - 1718, said

in one of her letters in the English classic Letters on Turkey:

The Turks are not so ignorant as we may fancy them to be...They have no more faith in the inspiration of Mahomet, than in the infallibility of the Pope. They made a frank profession of Deism among themselves, or to those they can trust; and never speak of their law but as of a political institution...133

The above citations manifest that there was a degeneration in the morality

which developed along with the changing economic condition, the deteriorating

military organization and the change in the administrative and political practices. The

new concern for materialism was clearly distinguishable from the old Ottoman

strictness, which had previously characterized the military and religious spirit.134

Mehmed Faizi and son Celebi Mehmed

From the second decade of the eighteenth century, among the more cultivated

groups in society, interest in Western civilization was evident. This fascination which

transcended the realm of diplomacy, could be seen in the writings and comportment

of a very influential father and son. Mehmed Faizi, known as Yirmisekiz £elebi

Mehmed, was sent by the Turkish government as a special envoy to the court of

Louis XV of France in 1720. In addition to engaging in diplomacy with France, he

132 Ibid., 101-102.

133 Berkes, 28-29.

134 Ibid., 29.


73

was told by the Sadrazam Ibrahim Pasa to spend time in the fortresses, factories and

other aspects of French civilization, and upon his return, to write of those that could

be brought to Turkey.135

He wrote a small manuscript describing his time in the French capital. A

recent historian of nineteenth century Turkish literature wrote: "No book occupies so

important a place in the history of the Westernization of Turkey as this little

report...Concealed in every line of it is an idea of comparison, and it contains almost

the whole program of subsequent changes." He spoke of its technical arts, military

establishments, its medical facilities, parks, operas and theaters, and finally, social

comportment, especially those pertaining to the position of women as if he had found

a new world. He said in amazement: "In the land of the French the women enjoy a

higher status than men, and are free to go anywhere they wish...A nobleman of the

topmost rank shows the highest consideration and respect for women even if she

belongs to the lowest class.”136

pelebi Mehmed went to Paris with his son Said Mehmed who appears to have

been the first statesman to learn and speak French (or indeed any other Western

language) and is said to be one of the most influential and progressive men of his

epoch who was impassioned by France and French liberty. The writings of £elebi

Mehmed and Said Mehmed were of great interest to Ahmed HI and Ibrahim Pasa.

135 Ibid., 33.

136 Ibid., 34.


74

The approval of the opening of the press was a result of their influence on the

Ottomans. This press was founded by Said Mehmed in partnership with Ibrahim • •

Mutefferika, a man whose ideas sysmbolized the main elements of the time.137

Ibrahim Mutefferika

Because he brought novel ideas and served as an intermediary between • •

cultures, Ibrahim Mutefferika (1670(?)-1754) was influential in Westernizing the

Ottoman Empire. Because he was very interested in science, he brought the notion of

transformation, advancement and modem scientific thinking to Turkey. The initial

step in the transformation of the Ottoman Empire was the opening of the printing

press. Thus the first printing press opened in the Muslim world was in 1727, even a

year earlier than the establishment of Benjamin Franklin’s press in Philadelphia. In

addition to establishing the printing press he contributed tremendously by scholarship

in propagating the techniques and ideas of the West.138

Rational Bases for the Politics of Nations, an extremely influential work

printed in 1731 for the new ruler Mahmud I, was a rational continuation of the notion

that Turkey was required to learn from Europe. To examine the reasons for which

the Ottoman-Turirish polity was in decay and what it was that the Ottomans had to

adopt from the Europeans in order to reinvigorate the Empire was the goal of the

137 Ibid., 36.

138 Ibid., 36-42.


75

manuscript. Ibrahim asked: "Why do the Christian nations, which were so weak in

the past compared with Muslim nations, begin to dominate so many lands in modem

times and even defeat the once victorious Ottoman armies?"139

There existed three types of government according to Ibrahim Muteferrika.

He believed that most governments fell in the category of a Monarchy, a system in

which the people were obedient to one ruler and were respectful of all his measures

which governed their lives. Aristocracy was a form of government in which all

sovereignty was controlled by the state. The form which he talked most about was

the democratic form of government in which power belonged to the people and sought

to eradicate tyranny. In the first extensive description of democracy, he talked of:

the method of popular representation, parliaments and the mechanism whereby the

representatives of the people are encharged with governing.140

In the second part of his book, where he spoke of the significance and utility

of geography, he said that clear geographic insight was an integral necessity for those

who led the country. The technniques of military science that had evolved in

Christian countries, formed the third part of his book. He did not believe that

Christiantiy was the reason for the success of Europe and Islam the reason for the

failure of the Ottoman Empire. He attributed the failure and backwardness of the

Ottoman Empire to the nonobservance of the Seriat, the disregard for justice, the

139 Ibid., 42.

140 Ibid., 42-43.


76

corruption of the government officials, the ignorance of the council of experts,

disregard for modem improvements in military science and techniques and the

absence of military discipline. In other words, the failure of the Ottoman Empire was

due not to the traditional view of the £eriat but to the disregardf of the discoveries of

Europe.141

Among the most favored subjects of Ibrahim Muteferrika were such scientific

subjects as geography, physics and military tactics. In 1733 he printed Cihannuma.

the renown book of geography by Katib £elebi. In this new printing he added maps,

figures and a description of the geography of Anatolia and Arabia written by Abu

Bakr Bahram as-Dimisqi along with an introductory section describing the notions of

Copernicus and Tycho Brahe. In his writings Ibrahim Muteferrika also spoke for the

fist time in Turkey of Descartes’ theory of vortices, Galileo’s rejection of Aristotelian

physics, magneticism and the compass. Therefore outside the medreses, which were

controlled by the ulema who did not embrace those ideas, he became one of the early

propagators in Turkey of the new ideas produced by modem European science.142

Hendesehane - School of Engineering

The establishment of a school called Hendesehane, or School of Military »• ..

Engineering, in Uskuder in 1734 was the most significant development in the

141 Ibid., 43-45.

142 Ibid., 45-47.


77

introduction of new military techniques. European literature on science emphasized

modem mathematics and the natural sciences. There were many very important

books published by this school which were especially noteworthy. One among these

books was a manuscript called Ilm-i Kivas-i Musellesat. which taught trigonometry

and was the first modem work on mathematics adopted from a European langauge.

This book was used instruct students in military training. Another book which

contributed tremendously in propagating new scientific ideas was a translation by

Cevdet Pasa of Raimondo de Montecucculi’s Memorie della Guerra. This wirting

elaborated on important military tactics and paved the way significantly for military

education.143

Translation of European works

The translation of many European works on science persisted during this time

and had further impact on Ottoman-Turkish thought. Hermann Boerhaave’s

Aphorismi published in 1771 was the first book on modem medecine translated into

Turkish. This translated work introduced the discoveries of Harvey regarding the

circulation of blood into Turkish for the first time. An Ottoman Greek from Chios,

Alexander Mavrogordato, in 1664 wrote his doctoral thesis on blood circulation at

Padua University which was soon used by European doctors in the field. In 1717,

twenty five people were designated by the Sadrazam Ibrahim Pasa to translate Eastern

143 Ibid., 48-49.


78

and Western works into Turkish. Physics was translated from Greek into Arabic by

Esad Efendi, a member of the ulema and a proof-reader at Mutefferika’s printing

house. In the earliest reference not only in Turkey but the entire East, the

annotations of this book described the telescope and the microscope.144 All the above

small steps that were initiated in the modem sciences were all conducted outside the

medreses by the efforts of intellectuals.145

Power Struggle Between Russia and France

Unfortunately for the Reformers their experiments were followed by a power

struggle between Russia and the West, in particular France. After Russian influence

had increased and France had attained further commerical, diplomatic and religious

concessions from the reforming officials in the Ottoman polity, conservatives were

able to manipulate the circumstances to turn the masses against reform promulgation.

The ulema and Janissary forces were the strongest in their antagonism towards the

reform efforts. The Janissaries who were once a unified group without class ties and

engaged in warfare, were now active in meddling in state affairs or in insurrection all

in order to hinder all reform efforts. Similarly, the ulema did not want to have their

structure transformed according to modem standards and worked adamently against

all reform efforts. All those whose advantaged social status would be undermined by

144 Ibid., 49-50.

145 Adnan, 140-149.


79

the efficient and scientific reforms of the secular officials, revolted against the entire

concept of reform. Because the conservatives found support in the wider society

while the reformers represented no group or class interest, they had more power.146

Lessons of the Tulip Era and New Reforms

When Turkey entered the lengthy war against Russia (1768-74) the reforms of

the innovators were tested. The war showed that the Ottoman system had a shaky

basis and that the Ottomans could no longer be victorious by religious fervor alone.

Clearly the loss of the war demonstrated the importance of training in modem

sciences and the application of novel military skills. Thus the new reformists

reinvigorated the interest of the Tulip Era in the building of non-traditional

educational institutions and in the translation into Turkish of European scientific

studies.147

The essential lesson from the first attempt at reform was that the successful

utilization of the novel methods and techniques could not be sure as long as the

traditional institutions and values persisted. Unless the institutions which were to

receive them were either eradicated or reformed, simple innovations were in vain.

While secularism and rationalism reigned in the Tulip Era the reformists had believed

that the traditional system could remain intact and that one could simply adopt the

146 Berkes, 51-63.

147 Ibid., 55-59.


80

technological innovations and material benefits of the West. Now, however, it was

understood that in order for the science and technological innovations of the West to

be effective, the traditional polity required alteration. A second phase in the Turksih

view of progress was clear in the reforms tried after the war.148

The reign of Abdulhamid I (1774-1789) opened with the Treaty of Kaynarca

(1774) and reorganized and modernized the School of Geometry under the name

Ecole Navale des Mathematiques. Ibrahim Efendi was probably the first professor of

that school. Another professor, Ism’ail Effendi, was an intellectual Turk who worked

on the mathematical rules of the ancients (1730-1791). Toward the end of his life, he

compiled an algebraic treaty of great valor, he developed an opuscule on the

logarithmic tables that were in Turkey at the time, and also wrote opuscules on logic

and ancient physics. Another professor of mathematics, a Frenchman named Jean de

Laffite-Clave, wrote a two-volume treatise in Turkish on castermentation and

temporary fortifications for his students that was printed in 1787 in Istanbul, in the

printing press of the Embassy of France.149 The next year the same press published a

book on naval maneuvers and tactics by Truguet. Among the many European books

studied at the time were the astronomical tables of M. de Lalande and European

books on astronomy, sun-dials, the compass and geometry.150

148 Ibid., 85.

149 Adnan, 152-156.

150 Berkes, 59-60.


81

While the new army was being organized, Halil Hamid was planning to

disband the Timar and Janissary organizations. That the corrupted institutions that

hindered the new military development had to be eradicated and that the Janissaries

could not block this attempt, was the realization that the reformists had arrived at.

However just when the reformists were trying to carry out reforms there was an

intensification of French and Russian interference and the traditionalists were able to

abolish all reform efforts.151

Selim III

In summary, the epoch of modem reforms following the Treaty of Kaynarca

was terminated by a conservative reaction and another war with Russia in 1787. This

isolation of Turkey from the outside world ended in 1792 with the advent of Selim

III.152

Selim ID, from the time of his youth, sincerely held French society in honor.

He was very influenced by the progress of civilization and Occidental culture and

especially by the French Revolution in bringing science and the arts to the

Ottomans.153 He widened the view of the reforms since he recognized the importance

of making comprehensive modem reforms and innovation which would necessitate

151 Ibid., 61.

152 Ibid., 71.

153 Adnan, 155-156.


82

some changes in the traditional institutions that were currently hindering change.

Three main elements formed the basis of his ideas on reform. First of all he believed

that advancement could not simply constitute military reforms but also civil reforms.

In addition, any lengthy reform plan had to have universal approval and economic

rehabilitation was required to hold a position of prominance in any reform effort. It

was concurred that the West should be taken as a model of anything to be presented.

While it was generally concurred that transformation of the inadequate traditional

system was necessary and that the West should be used as an example, the majority of

the people still thought of reform within the confines of the traditional Islamic

order.154

Military Reforms

The majority of the reform efforts were concerned with the military. The

reports of the government had details about the necessities of different branches of

military forces, such as artillery, arms equipment, topagraphy and map-making,

shipbuilding and arsenals, etc. The reform of the timare and other benifices, was the

second main subject spoken of in many of the reports.15S

An efficient government needed new armed forces. Selim III wanted to

completely eradicate the Janissary forces once a dependable new force had been

154 Berkes, 71-74.

155 Ibid., 73-74.


83

established. Emphasis was placed on new military and navals schools, the

amelioration of gun foundries and arsenals and the creation of a new army called

Nizam-i Cadid (New Order), independent of the Janissary system. A list of officer

and technical positions that needed to be filled by the French was sent to Paris in

1793 and then in 1795 by the Turkish government. The School of Engineering that

was reestablished in 1769 for training engineer-officers grew in 1792 and in 1795

under Selim HI. While external aid was given mainly by the Frenchmen and some

English and Swedish were among the teachers and instructors in the military, the

greater part of the teaching in that school was done by the Turks. Both the Arabic

and French languages were required of all students to learn.156

Selim Ill’s Interest in Books

Selim III was tremendously interested in books and the library system and it

was in this time that many books of the Western language were introduced. The

School of Engineering had an attached library and he donated some instruments and

some books on the mathematical sciences. Most of the books in the engineering

library were in French and Selim III promoted their translation. Among the many

mathematical writings, military science manuscripts and dictionaries, was a set of the

French Encyclopedia.157 The following description of the School of Engineering

156 Ibid., 75.

157 Ibid., 76.


84

describes the ambiance there:

In their school of engineers, we find Turks engaged in mathematical studies; also a library, with all our best treatises on such subjects; instruments of geometry and astronomy, and all the details of fortification, within and without the body of a place. Selim HI was its founder...The school of engineers and miners, contains forty pupils, who devote a number of years to the acquisition of skill in their occupation. They learn mechanics, elementary mathematics, fortification, the theory of mining, and the drawing of maps, of which they have a collection indifferently well executed...In one of our visits to the school of Solidze we met the met the head of the establishment. He showed us different works on fortifications, and elementary mathematics, composed by himself, and printed at Scutari. One of the maps which he unrolled before us was that of Europe...He told us, with a smile, that he presented nothing with which we were not fully acquainted...Both he and other professors seemed oveijoyed at meeting persons to converse with on these subjects. The physionomy of all the individuals in this sanctuary of the sciences denoted the beneficial influence of instruction, in a physical and moral point of view. Religion, here, had not lost its sway over the mind; it had shaken off its fanaticism...I learned that the...ulema...are by no means averse to the diffusion of knowledge...Both young and old felt the most lively interest in our conversation...The most enlightened, however, as well as the most ignorant, seemed alike insensible to any danger of downfall in their empire.158

European Embassies

Permanent embassies were established in 1793 in the main European capitals.

From then on there were to be found Turks who had lived in Europe and had

experiences there. Ambassadors examined both the military structures in the

countries to which they were sent, and also the administrative and civil organization

of their host country. Men were sent to learn the language of the country and other

knowledge that could be of use to the state. Thus a small group of secular

158 Ibid., 76-77.


85

intellectuals was formed under Selim Ill’s reign. Several of these new men gained

positions of importance in public affairs with the reforms enacted by Selim III and

some even survived Selim Hi’s downfall and went to Egypt to work under Mehmet

Ali. Still, in this period, the intellectuals who had been instructed in the secular ways

of the West were very small in quantity and quality.159

Seid Mustafa

At the same time, students who were instructed in the new schools, or who

had the opportunity to meet with European life, commenced to write on scientific

subjects in French as well as in Turkish. Seid Mustafa (Seyyid Mustafa), in the

preface of his book Diatribe de l’lngenieur Sur l’Etat Actuel de l’Art Militaire. du

Genie et des Sciences a Constantinople, explained how he had become interested in

mathematics, how the perfection of European mathematical works led him to study

French, how within a short time period he had gained adequate knowledge of this

language to read the works of the French authors and how ultimately these works had

given him a great desire to go to France to instruct himself. Once the School of

Emgineering had been established by Selim III, he decided to stay in the Ottoman

Empire.160

Following his preface, Seid Mustafa commented on the reasons for the

159 Ibid., 78.

160 Ibid.


86

deterioration of learning in the East. Although the East had once been the seat of

learning, it had been outperformed by the scientific and technical progress of the

West. This technical advancement had given the West a military preponderance. He

believed that advancement and discovery were hindered mainly by religious fanaticism

and superstition.161 The introduction of modem sciences, he believed, would bring

opposition since those in the madreses believed themselves to be capable of fixing the

decadent empire with the help of medieval knowledge.162 The remainder of the book

was a description of the military institutions established and ameliorated by Selim III.

Seid Mustafa was later murdered by the Janissaries when they rose against Selim Ill’s

reforms.163

Extent of French Ideas

What was the extent of the increase of French ideas and manners in Turkey

after the French Revolution? Were the Ottoman-Turks influenced by the philosophy

of the Enlightment, which had an impact on the ideas of the French Revolution? The

French Revolution had an impact on the contemporary Muslim peoples in general,

and upon Turkey especially. The French did add to the sense of worldliness, to a

widening understanding that the world had superior knowledge, technology, industry

161 Ibid., 79.

162 Adnan, 156-158.

163 Berkes, 79-80.


87

and economic power in Ottoman Turkey. In addition, there was a decrease in the

observance of traditional beliefs. Yet it is important to realize that this worldliness

and relaxing traditionalism had commenced much earlier than the advent of the

French Revolution. The spread of a materialistic or deistic spirit was clear from the

time of the Tulip Era, and some understanding of modem European science had come • •

from Ibrahim Muteferrika. Still, after the French Revolution, the transformation in

mentality reached greater proportions since the number of freethinkers, skeptics,

rationalists, men who believed in the supremacy of modem European sciences

increased in number and posed an additional threat.164

One sees no existence, however, of the notions of the French Revolution such

as: liberty, equality, fraternity or the idea of nationality, represented either by an

individual writer, by an intellectual or political movement or by any social class.

Traditional ideas were breaking down but new ideas to take their place were not yet

embraced. At a later time, these ideas of the Enlightment would reach the Christian

people of the empire.165

Forces of Reaction

In 1807 the entire program of reform was crushed by the adversaries of

reform. An insurrection, started by the ulema, the Janissaries and even some of

164 Ibid., 83-84.

165 Ibid.


88

Selim Ill’s minsters, commenced on May 29, 1807 and caused much tremendous

destruction. Selim n i was accused of no longer defending Islam and of being

influenced by the French. The political leaders in Istanbul were bothered by the

secularism of the revolution, the separation of Church and State, the discarding of

religious doctrine and the notion of reason of rational thought. In addition, the

rationalistic attitude toward progress as expressed by Seid Mustafa and caused the

sense of fear about the propagation of French ways of comportment.166 Thus during

the Summer of 1807 the reform movement in Turkey seemed to have been destroyed.

Selim III along with his informed military force, was removed from power, his

military force disintegrated and his progressive minsters were killed or escaped. The

two groups most adament against social and military transformation, the Chief Mufti

and the Janissaries, governed the city in the place of the desposed Sultan.167

The reform movement that had commenced in the beginning of the eighteenth

century appeared to have come to a turning point. All awaited reorganization and

reform. The reforms which were introduced by Mehmet Ali in Egypt during the first

quarter of the nineteenth century and then by Mahmud II in Turkey, were all enacted

by those men who had been the products of Selim Ill’s instruction. Therefore the end

of Selim Ill’s rule meant the termination of medieval Turkey.168

166 Berkes, 81-82.

167 Lewis, The Emergence of Modem Turkey. 72.

168 Berkes, 81-82.


89

The Era of Mahmud n

The incompetent nephew of Selim in succeeded him for a few months, but

was quickly replaced by Selim Hi’s brother, Mahmud n, on July 1808.169 The era of

Mahmud II which lasted from 1808-1839 is known as the beginning of modem

reform. In order to see the progress in the notion of reforms, it is important to show

what differentiated Mahmud n from Selim m . They had grown up together and had

received the same traditional palace education and both had little chance to gain the

practical experience required to change the ideas into reality. However, Mahmud II

saw the outcome of Selim Ill’s feebleness and indecisiveness and saw how glorious

the even limited reforms enacted in the nizam-i credit program had been. Very soon

in his rule Mahmud II realized many of the characteristics that were necessary for

successful reforms. Mahmud n understood that successful reforms could not only

include a few elements of the military, but had to include the entire range of Ottoman

institutions and society. He also realized that the sole manner for reforms to work

was through the eradication of those that they were replacing, so that the latter would

not stunt the efforts of the reformists and the reforms were required to be diligently

planned and support assured before they were attempted. These notions formed the

substance of Mahmud IPs reform policy in the following years.170

169 Peretz, 63.

170 Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modem Turkey. Volume 2: "Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modem Turkey, 1808-1975" (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 1.


90

Eradiction of the Janissary Forces

As had Selim III, he commenced with military reforms. He struck at the

reactionary and undisciplined Janissary corps, once he felt sure of his strength. In

addition, he was able to deprive the conservatives of their military aim and set

Ottoman reform on a new course of annihilating ancient institutions and replacing

them with new ones imported from the West in 1826 when he eradicated the Janissary

corps.171 Once the tremendous block to military improvement no longer existed,

Mahmud II began to organize a new 40,000 man force, a group of officers was

brought to Istanbul to instruct the military, the younger Ottoman officers were

dispatched to Europe for training and a national militia was organized in 1834 to

establish military training in the outlying provinces, and military colleges were

constructed with foreign help.172 The fact that he eliminated the Janissary institituion

is well-known. The fact that he eradicated another component of the traditional

system is not as known.173

Office of the Sadrazam Eradicated and Position of £eyhulislam Transfered

Two figures had positions above all other temporal and religious office holders •*

in the traditional polity: The Sadrazam (executive) and the £eyhulislam (consultative

171 Ibid., 1.

172 Peretz, 64.

173 Berkes, 97-98.


91

or interpretive). Mahmud II terminated these two institutions, which represented the

ruler’s dual role as the Sultan-Caliph, by first abolishing the office of Sadrazam as the

Absolute Vicar of the leader. In place of the Sadrazam he designated a Chief

Minister and minsters to departments of government in the establishment of a new

division of labor and powers. Since many of the Sadrazam’s prerogatives were given

over to the new ministers, the new Chief Ministry became solely a coordinating

agency and connection between the government and the leader. Although the

differentiation of duties was not finished in Mahmud n ’s time, the ministries became

somewhat independent offices for internal, external, financial, educational, i i

commercial, agricultural and industrial affairs. The position of the JJeyhulislam was

also transformed and was moved outside the sphere of temporal government.174

Improved Communications

The improvement of the communication system was central to Mahmud II’s

plan to unite the Ottoman Empire. New roads were constructed and the introduction

of the quarantine system facilitated the movement between Turkey and Europe, which

before had always been slow. Adminstrative centralization started by Mahmud II was

strengthened after the advent of the telegraph in 1855 and the first railways in 1866.

Newspapers also significantly improved communication. During the year 1831 was

174 Ibid., 98-99.


92

the first appearance of the official Ottoman Gazette.175 The title "Calendar of Events"

for the Turkish edition edited by the historiographer Esed was chosen by the Sultan

and Mahmud n wrote various articles for the paper in the innovative and European

style.176

Attempt to Reduce the Power of the Ulema

Mahmud II also tried to reduce the power of the ulema. Until 1826 the Chief

Mufti had held court and issued rulings from their own home and their income had

been totally independent of the palace, subject only to the ultimate power of

dismissal. In one of his reforms the previous residence of the Janissaries, next to the • •

Suliymeye mosque, was transferred to the Chief Mufti, who for the first time had an

office and department. Because the creation of an office and department of the Chief

Mufti was the initial step toward the bureaucratization of the ulema, their direct

influence on the masses was reduced. Of equal significance was the government

control of the waqf. Under those who succeeded the Sultan, the transfer of waqf

revenues to state purposes became standard practice, so much so that many mosques

and other religious endowments were denied finances to maintain them.177

The ulema were weakened and were not able to fight further reductions of


176 Berkes, 126.



93

their power and influence, after they lost their financial and administrative autonomy.

In an attempt to further weaken their power, the designation of teachers and control

of schools and colleges was later transferred to the Ministry of Education. The

appointment of judges and the administration of law and justice and even the drafting

of fetvas were entrusted to a committee of legal specialists in the Chief Mufti’s office

under the Fetva Emini, the Commissioner of Fetvas. Due to a consultative and

advisory function, the Chief Mufti became a government office holder.178

Social and Cultural Transformation

During this period there was also much social and cultural transformation. In

the code of rules issued in 1826 for the new styled army, it was said that their

uniforms were to consist of European-style tunics and trousers. Twenty years before,

the attempt to reform the army’s dress code according to Western standards had led to

the insurrection of 1807 and led to the overthrow of Selim III. Now because reforms

in the dress code were accepted, and troops were issued a drill-coat, a short tunic and

vest of broadcloth, tight-fitting serge breeches and frontier boots. This reform was

significant, since from early times dress and headgear were the way in which a man

could show his religious affiliation and social status. The turban was thus a way to

separate the believer from the infidel, and Muslims eschewed imitating the manner of

dress of the non-believer. Thus it was not easy to convince the Muslim Turkish

178 Ibid., 97-98.


94

soldier to embrace what for him were the manners of the infidel and showed

inferiority. Most difficult was to accept the hat. In 1828 a new headgear of North

African origin called the fez won the approval of the Sultan and orders were given for

it to be issued to the army. As will be seen in chapter 5, one century later it had

become so much a part of life that when it was attacked, it was defended as the

symbol of Ottoman and Islamic traditionalism and orthodoxy.179

In 1829 the clothing reform was applied to the citizens. In general the robe

and the turban were allowed only to the ulema. For all other civilians the fez

replaced all other forms of headgear, and robes and slippers gave way to ffockcoats

and capes, trousers and black leather boots and jewels and other decorations were to

be discarded and the beard was to be trimmed. The Sultan himself set the example

which spread from the court to the pashas and then the various grades of officials. At

about the same time European chairs and tables began to appear besides the divans

and cushions of the old order, and European social manners were embraced. The

Sultan began to receive foreign diplomats according to European, and not Ottoman,

custom, gave receptions and talked with the guests, even showing respect to the

females. Also the Thursday of rest, religiously neutral, was borrowed from France

and was introduced to government offices.180

179 Ibid., 100-101.

180 Ibid., 103.


95

Education

Because the reforms of the army and administration ultimately had to depend

on the expansion of an education system that would give Young Ottomans the

understanding and technical know-how to conduct their duties, in 1838 the question of

primary and secondary education for civilian purposes was tackled.181 There were

however many obstacles to the reform of the traditional system of education. The

traditional system of education, which comprised of the millets and the religious

schools of the ulema dominating Muslim education posed the central problem.

Because the progress of Ottoman civilization the traditional instruction offered by the

Muslim schools no longer was relevent. They did not teach practical methods that

could be applied in the modem industrial and technological world.182

Because this would have been too much for the ulema to accept, Mahmud n

could not overtly replace the traditional Muslim school system with a modem secular• •

one. Mahmud kept the office of the £eyhulislam from his reform efforts in

education, and in so doing, he was excluded Muslim primary instruction from the

temporal realm. Thus he indicated that primary education was a religious matter that

was of no concern to the state. Because Muslim schools continued to exist alongside

the new secular system of education, Mahmud II inaugurated a bifurcation in Ottoman

education, the existence of two separate systems that followed different philosophies

181 Ibid., 84-85.

182 Shaw and Shaw, II: 47.


96

and curriculums, a solution that was to divide the Ottoman society until the religious

schools were finally ended by the Turkish Republic.183

Regarding the concern of primary education, the new idea of education in a

report prepared by the Board of Useful Affairs in 1838 is understood. In summary,

the report declared:

All arts and trades are products of science. Religious knowledge serve salvation in the world to come, but sciences serve perfection of man in this world. Astronomy, for example, serves the progress of navigation and the development of commerce. The mathematical sciences lead to the orderly conduct of warfare as well as military administration. Innumerable new and useful inventions, like the use of steam, came into existence in this manner. Several new facilities exist in the arts and trades thanks to the growth and spread of the known sciences and the rise of several new sciences. Through science one man can do the work of a hundred. Trade and profit have become difficult in countries where the people are ignorant in these sciences. Without science, the people cannot know the meaning of love for the state and the fatherland. It is evident that the acquisition of science and skill comes above all other aims and aspirations of a state. The Ottoman commonwealth had schools and scholars but they disappeared. Later, military, naval, engineering, and medical schools lacked even ordinary knowledge for the proper reading of Turkish books. This was because of the defectiveness of the primary schools. In discussing every project for the recovery of agriculture, commerce, and industry, the Board has found that nothing can be done without the acquisition of science and that the means of acquiring science and remedying education lie in giving a new order to the schools.184

This document was extremely anti-traditional, and it was not until the

twentieth century that these notions would be stated again. After having submitted the

report, however, the Board of Useful Affairs realized that it did not have the power to

decree the foundation of a secular-national primary education. Because the report was

183 Ibid.

184 Berkes, 105.


97• •

sent to the JJeyhulislam for his opinion, in the process all notions of reforming

primary education were lost. Thus, while in the long run the Turkish military

establishment continued to follow an independent and advanced course of Enlightment

civilian primary education, it persisted in being a communal and religious affair until

the downfall of the Ottoman Empire. One sees that this became a religious issue by

the fact that the only decision that came forth from the discussions was to designate

one of the ulema as the director of primary and secondary education.185

Thus far his education ordinances had dealt mainly with the army. Although

by 1838 the Board of Useful Affairs understood the difficulty of educational reforms,

a special school was opened in 1838-1839 to instruct a number of intelligent boys who

had finished primary school, for future employment as government bureaucrats.

These two grammar schools were called Mekteb-i Maarif (School for Secular

Learning) and Mektab-i Ulum-u Edebiye (School of literary Sciences) to instruct

government translators. Although their curriculum was mainly traditional, they did

have provisions for teaching French, geography, geometry, history and political

science. Their graduates included several leading figures of the next generation.186

At the same time, those who were in charge of the medreses did not touch on

any modem subjects. The religious were now greatly alienated from all that was

being transformed and became a symbol of all that was unchanging. This indicated

185 Ibid., 105-106.



98

that a dual culture and split personality would develop in Turkey. One who was

cultivated was both the product of a religious primary education and an advanced

education that was wholly modem. During the Tanzimat these problems would create

more conflict. The religious had nothing in common with the enlightened, and

clashes between the two took place.187

Higher eduction, in contrast with the continuance of traditionalism in primary

education, witnessed much more radical transformation. During this time the earlier

School of Engineering and other new schools were more permanently established. No

competing institution could threaten the new schools and the Engineering School, the

Medical School and the Military Academy diverted students away from the medrese.

Thus the medrese were ultimately brought to the position where they had to close

down. This was a result of the movement of secularization in Turkey and can be

differentiated from that which took place in other Muslim countries. While in Egypt,

A1 Ahzar is still an influential establishment of higher learning, in Turkey, even after

schools were opened to teach religious thought, they never developed any independent

power.188

In 1827, in the face of great antagonism, the Sultan took the revolutionary step

of dispatching four students to Paris and others followed later. A Naval Engineering

School was disassociated from Hendesehane in 1827 and became a Naval Academy

187 Berkes, 108-109.

188 Ibid., 110-111.


99

which still operates today. The amount of students in the main engineering school,

which included civil and military engineering, augmented. While teaching was done

in Turkish, the books were in French.189

From 1831 to 1834 more schools directly military in purpose were opened.

The Imperial Music School brought music to the army. While the Military Academy

foudned in 1834 by Mahmud II had compltetely secular foundation, it was not

controlled by the European officers. The Turkish officers since this time period,

were in the forefront of political, social, intellectual and educational advancement.

The military started the simplification of the Turkish script which would lead to the

use of the Latin alphabet. In 1835 Mahmud dispatched to Europe a group of one

hundred and fifty students from the schools of medicine, engineering and military

science. This initial group of students was sent to England, France, Prussia and

Austria in 1835.190

He also founded the Modem School of Medicine, which developed into the

institutions of higher learning and which would play the most significant role in

Turkish intellectual and political life. He later decided to follow the European

example of bringing together the schools of medicine and surgery. The medical

school "The Imperial School of Physical and Medical Sciences" was reorganized and

reopened by the Turkish doctor, Abdul-Hak Molla. A Viennese professor was

189 Ibid., 111.

190 Ibid., 111-112.


100

encharged with the academic program and was given liberty in organizing the

instruction and monitoring. In addition he instructed internal medicine and wrote

medical books later translated into Turkish. All, regardless of religion, could be

admitted to this school.191

Mahmud II gave a spirited speech at the opening ceremony. He said:

I have given precedence to this school because it will be dedicated to a sacred duty- the preservation of human health...The instruction in medicine will be in French. You may ask why this should be in a foreign language, let me explain the difficulties which enforce this now...It is true that many books were written among us (Muslims) on medical sciences and that the Europeans even learned many things by translating these books into their own languages. The books were written in Arabic however, and, as they ceased to be objects of interest and care in the Muslim schools for many years and as the number of men who knew them decreased, they became obsolete. To go back to these works now and plunge into their study in order to translate the science of medicine into their own language, Turkish would be a painstaking job actually requiring many years. Having appropriated these works into their own languages, the Europeans have been busy improving upon them for more than a hundred years. In addition, they have facilitated the methods of teaching these subjects greatly and have added their new discoveries. Therefore, the Arabic works seem to me somewhat defective in comparison with these European works on medicine. Even if we claim that these defects can be overcome by borrowing from the new works, still they can be translated into Turkish quickly because it takes at least ten years to master the Arabic language in addition to five or six years for the study of medicine. And what we need is well-trained doctors for our troops and for our people, on the one hand, and to have the medical sciences incorporated into our language and our own medical literature codified, on the other. Therefore, my purpose in having you study the French language is not to teach you French as such but that you may learn medicine - and in order to incorporate that science step by step into our own language. Medicine will be taught in Turkish in our land only when this has been done.192

191 Ibid., 112-114.

192 Ibid., 113.


101

Since even a decade prior to this statement enlightened men could stir

antagonism towards the attempt to have young men learn French in order to study the

modem sciences, this statment manifests just how inadvance of the eighteenth century

Mahmud II was. He had enough intelligence to understand that in the future the

language of science would not be Arabic but Turkish, and French was only a

temporary means for instruction. In 1840 a Board of Medical Affairs was established

within the school to control the doctors of medicine, pharmacy and surgery. Only

those who had a certificate or diploma or could show their qualifications through a

test were allowed to practice the profession. Turkish superseded French as the

instructional language in the School of Medicine less than thirty years (by 1866).

This scientific spirit persisted even after Mahmud H’s time. For example,

traditionally because dissection and autopsy were considered to be against Islam, the

ulema had not allowed their use in this school, compelling students to work from wax

models. An imperial decree to allowing the use of corpses was later issued when in

1841 Professor Bernard determined that students could not learn autonomy without

their usage and demanded the formal allowance to use corps.193

Because military medicine had a very early start in the Ottoman Empire, the

end of the nineteenth century, when Ottoman intellectuals were impacted by the

notions of postivism and materialism, it was through medicine and biology. The new

emphasis on clearness and logic derived from the scientific thought process would

193 Ibid., 113-177.


102

have a powerful influence on transforming the mentality of the new generation of

bureaucrats who graduated from the higher schools in the 1890s. Science would have

in integral role in eradicating the many supersititions prevalent at the time.194

In the School of Medicine, European history and literature were instructed for

the first time. MacFarlane’s statement indicated the role science, culture and

intellectual activity were to have:

All the last improved implements of Paris, London, and Vienna were to be found in the Galeta Serai. There was a small but not bad botanical garden. There was a Natural History Museum, with a collection of geological specimens...there was a very sufficient medical library the books being nearly every one in French. There was...an excellent "Cabinetto Fisico," stocked with electric machines, galvanic batteries, hydraulic presses, and nearly every machine and adjunct necessary to teach, or to experimentalize in the physical sciences...In a long, airy, gallery we found a pretty good collection of botanical engravings, colored, and very neatly executed at Paris and Vienna...There was also a tolerable chemical laboratory...Among the books in this medical library there were but too many of that period (French Revolution), or of the philosophizing period which immediately preceded it...It was long since I had seen such a collection of downright materialism. A Young Turk...was sitting...reading that manual of atheism (Baron d’Holbache’s) Svsteme de la Nature! Another showed his proficiency...by quoting from Diderot’s Jacques le Fataliste. and ...Le Compere Mathieu.,.1 saw a few works in German and there appeared to be a few translations of English medical books...Rapports du Physique et du Morale de l’Homme of Cabaneis occupied a conspicuous place on the shelves.195

Upon visiting a hospital connected to the military barracks and headed by a

member of an Italian family, MacFarlane found:

His assistants were all young Musulmans who had studied in the Galeta Serai...One of them spoke French very well, and had a decided turn for translation

194 Mardin, "Religion and Secularism in Turkey,” 191-218.

195 Berkes, 116-117.


103

and composition. He had put into choice Turkish some of the most spicy passages of Voltaire’s Dictionaire Philosiphique . A Friend...asked him what he was doing now. He was translating Voltaire’s "Romans," he had already done Candide. which he found very amusing and delightful.196

Legal Reforms

Mahmud II lead the way for law making and positivism to become the central

element of the Tanzimat (Tanzimat which means ’ordering’ was the name given to the

regime that developed between the years 1839-1860). Thus far, there had been no

difference between public and private law, but Mahmud IFs administrative, military

and penal enactments would lay the basis of a future body of public law. In addition

to the Kanun of the ancient Turkish rulers, he brought a new element. He created a

council to discuss legal and judicial concerns outside the jurisdiction of the^eriat.

An integral step in Turkish thinking was attained by one accomplishment of this

council in Mahmud H’s time. The first attempt to create a public law outside the

^Seriat, was enacted by Mahmud II in 1838 in what are mistakenly understood to be

the first Turkish penal codes. Thus there was recognized a source of legislation in

addition to and different from God and the ruler. Such a notion was not in line with

the established elements of the medieval form of political organization, and would

introduce the process of democratization. These codes defined the responsibilities of

government officials and judges, and the proceedings to be taken against men of state

who were shown to have abused their duties. Cases of bribery and other forms of

196 Ibid., 117.


104

corruption were subject to heavy punishment. The initial step in curtailing the power

of the Seriat was attained in the code regarding judges. Because men were now

publicly answerable, and therefore subject to the rule of law rather than to the random

will of the leader, this act was a direct forerunner to Mahmud ITs attempt to

transform the notion of the governance to that of public service.197

Through Mahmud II the medieval notion of temporal law as an expression of

the will of the ruler or as a support of Islamic law, developed into a new view in

which an impersonal legislative assembly in law making was accepting of the

promulgation of rules not based on religion or tradition, but according to the

exigencies of reason. Thus while there was no idea of a democratic regime in

Mahmud H’s mind, he brought forth the notions that would develop the doctrines of

government by law and equality regardless of race or creed.198 The law was

promulgated by the civil and military bureaucratic elite during the remainder of the

Ottoman period. The hold on politics of this group was different from that of the

Iranian political elite, which both before and during the nineteenth century had to win

the support of the ulema as well as the bazaar merchants.199

Still, because the Holy Law of Islam remained unchallenged, all the above

changes were only surface changes. Laws regarding marriage, divorce, property and

197 Berkes, 93-103.

198 Ibid.

199 Heper, 93-103.


105

inheritance, the status of women as slaves, were substantially unchanged. At this

stage reformers did not seem to have thought of any kind of reform in religious

institutions. In political matters, said Sadik Rifit Pasa to Stratford Canning in 1844:

"we shall defer entirely to the advice of Europe. In religious matters we need all our

liberty. Religion is the basis of our laws. It is the principle or our government; His

majesty the Sultan can no more touch it than we can."200

The disintegration of the traditional institutions and the advent of liberalization

and secularization were the reasons for which Mahmud II enacted the Westernizing

reforms. Turkey was the first country outside the West to seek to emulate Western

civilization. The writings of Mustafa Sami and Sadik Rifat, two enlightened men of

the period, manifests that they had a greater knowledge of the difficulty of

Westernization than had existed before.201

Mustafa Samifi

Mustafa Sami traveled to Rome, Florence other Italian cities, Vienna, Prague,

Frankfort, Brussels, Antwerp, London and ultimately Paris in 1838 as a member of

the Turkish delegation. When he finished his travels he wrote a book entitled Avrupa

Risalesi which showed what intellectuals had learned from the time of £elebi

Mehmed’s similar account a century earlier. He tried to explain the roots of those


201 Berkes, 128-129.


106

European things that were admired.202

He believed that science, religious liberty and continuity between artifacts

from the past and discoveries of the present were extremely influential in European

advancement.203 He spoke of his visit to museums:

What is the utility of these? The inventions of Europeans (so many discoveries- which are being improved every day to make convenient those superhuman achievements such as steam navigation, those industries which Muslim countries need so badly for the everyday necessities such as paper, textile, glass and watch-making, and finally those wonderful attempts to fly in the air, and to communicate with distant places through wires laid underground) were all made possible by preserving the works of the ancients and predecessors, and by adding to them their own inventiveness. If we realize this we then understand why the products which we call antiques attract so much attention and care in such an age of invention...From all this it is clear that such a degree of orderliness reached by the Europeans in every work and action, and the indispensability of skill and knowledge in them, are due solely to the diffusion of the sciences and the arts.204

In Europe the fact that both women and men could learn how to read and write

showed the expansion of educational progress. Also, he exaggerated, nobody in

Europe had limited access to education due to his religious affiliation. All this

progress he felt was due to the advent of modem science. Therefore, he believed that

once an understanding of the modem sciences took place in Turkey’s education

system, the country would no longer be dependent on European goods and its wealth

202 Ibid., 129.

203 Ibid.

204 Ibid.


107

could be saved for increased advancement.205

He later became the supporter of the Tanzimat and caused much antagonism

by his abasement of traditional customs and appraisal of European lifestyle. He was

the first of the Western school of writers to introduce the notion of patriotism (love

for the fatherland and people). This concept would be expanded later by Shinasi and

Namik Kemal.206

Sadik Rifat (1807-1856)

Another forerunner of Westernization was Sadik Rifat (1807-56), who was a

promoter of reform and may be the one who best developed the central ideas of the

Tanzimat prior to its formal promulgation. The "Essay Concerning European

Affairs," and "On the Reform of Conditions in the Ottoman State" were among his

signifianct writings.207

Similar to others who travelled to Europe, he spoke of European life in a

complementary manner. Religious liberty, the stability in government administration

and the honesty of functionaries, the universality of education and literacy, the

significance of books and the media in the cultivation of the masses, the exhibitions,

the advantages for entrepreneurs, steam power, railroads, banks, postal services, the

205 Ibid., 130.

206 Ibid.

207 Ibid.


108

cleanliness of hotels and restaurants, entertainment, music, institutions for the poor

and the sick, etc., were all delineated in his writings. Furthermore, he was the initial

Turkish statesman to understand not only the surface of European civilization but also

the point of dissimilitude from Non-European civilization.208 As A. H. Tampinar

stated:

The most important aspect of the Essav is its conception of the problem of reform as a problem of a "way of thinking." In contrast to a system in which custom and tradition...reigned - to a great extent ruled arbitrarily - it portrays a realistic and rational state and administration which is based on man’s nature, rights, and needs.209

Introducing the word ’civilization’ into the Turkish language, Sadik Rifat

underscored that European civilization was based on the fullest acceptance of human

rights, the liberty and security of life, property and honor. The credit for bringing

these notions into Turkish thought is given to him.210

All the elements of the Tanzimat reform movement were contained in his

second essay. The eradication of haphazard rule, the codification of judicial and

administrative law and the creation of notions concerning man’s duties, such as the

payment of taxes and the fulfillment of military service were all treated in his second

essay. He underscored the significance of education, the organization of the army

and navy, the instruction of government bureaucrats, the providing of security and

208 Ibid., 130-131.

209 Ibid., 131.

210 Ibid.


109

stabilty to the bureaucrats and the promotion of industry.211

Influence on the Tanzimat

Through the writings of these two men, one sees the influence of Mahmud ITs

reform efforts which would be pursued to an even greater extent during the Tanzimat

period. Western civilization had better technology which was a product of the

modem sciences and the government was the body required to promote industry.212

The reforms of Mahmud however remarkable, were not able to reach the great masses

of the Muslim subjects and were instead limited to Istanbul’s governmental and social

elite. Religious antagonism, peasant conservatism and the lack of success in dealing

with the foundation of European social reforms and technology hindered the truly

fundamental transformation of Ottoman society.213 Still, it was Mahmud II who

allowed the Tanzimat to occur by expanding the scope of Ottoman government.

While the main concern of medieval government had been to maintain order and the

tradition of the £eriat was the spearhead of social and individual welfare, the new

view of government was as an instrument for transforming or improving societal

welfare and progress and as an agent for change and advancement for all parts of life.

Thus the state led the way in the modernization of Ottoman society. The notion of

211 Ibid., 131-132.

212 Ibid., 132-134.

213 Peretz, 65.


110

Ottoman reform was transformed from the traditional one of trying to maintain all

traditional methods, to the modem one of replacing them with new ones, some having

been imported from the West.214

The Tanzimat 1839-1860

The ’Tanzimat’ was given to the regime that developed between the years

1839 and 1860 (the date of the advent of the constitutional movement). The name

Tanzimat, which meant "ordering," was given since the regime promulgated a series

of acts that would give a new order to the organization of the state. It was a period

of steady legislation and reforms that modernized the Ottoman state and society and

contributed to increased centralization, administration and state participation. During

the Tanzimat, the Turkish economic, political, legal and educational establishments

commenced to transform in a way that included basic social values for the first time

and the government faced the difficulty of applying Islam to modem civilization.215

The route reform would take in the Turkish Republic to the present time would be

demarcated by the results of the Tanzimat movement. Mahmud II’s sons,

Abdulmecid I (1839-1861) and Abdulaziz (1861-1876), whose liberal reigns furnished

the liberal conditions under which the Tanzimat bureaucrats worked, headed the


215 Berkes, 137-145.


I l l

Tanzimat.216

Contact between Turkey and Europe increased during the years 1840 until

1870. Those years provided the circumstances in which Europe could increasingly

wield its influence. Trade expanded rapidly and modem methods of communication

with European countries were developed. The first telegraphic lines between Europe

and Turkey were established during the Crimean War, in which front-line journalism

was created. Telegraphic communications were established with London in 1861 and

during that same decade many other lines, mostly for commercial reasons, were

established. That decade also saw the commencement of road, railroad and harbor

construction by foreign investment companies.217

The most significant group of the urban Turkish population were those who

came from the new secular schools. Under the new conditions they became the

middle class, attaining the upper levels of the administrative, military, legal and

financial bureaucracy. Those who had some education outside the traditional

educational establishment increased much more than had occured in the previous

periods.218


217 Berkes, 138-140.

218 Ibid., 142.


112

Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber

While the reforms of Mahmud II were many, they did not touch the main

problem of the Ottoman Empire, namely, the moral and legal basis of the empire and

the position of the Christian subjects in this framework. After the Greek Revolt of

1821 the Christians had increasingly begun to view themselves in nationalistic terms.

At the initiation of Resid Pasha (Father of the Tanzimat), in 1839, after the death of

Mahmud II, the Sultan Abdiilmecid announced the initial declaration of the principles

of reform, known as the Tanzimat Edict of the Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber

(Gulhanne Hatt-i Serif). This Edict is viewed by many scholars as a turning point in

the Westernization efforts of the Ottoman Empire. This document, a systematic

legalization of rights which the minorities and the central bureaucracy had already

gained, came after the defeat by Europe in economic and military matters.219 The

preamble started with the traditional Muslim notion of the state and commences with a

pious allusion to an honored past. While states were to obey the £eriat, when the

Empire becomes weak, there is a need not only in moral reform but a transformation

of the institutions.220 It stated:

All the world knows that in the first days of the Ottoman monarchy the glorious precepts of the Koran and the laws of the empire were always honored. The empire in consequence increased in strength and greatness, and all the subjects, without exception, had risen in the highest degree to ease and prosperity. In the last one hundred and fifty years a succession of accidents

2,9 Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 44-46.

220 Berkes, 144-145.


113

and divers causes have arisen, which have brought about a disregard for the sacred code of laws and the regulations flowing therefrom, and the former strength and prosperity have changed into weakness and poverty; an empire in fact loses all its stability so soon as it ceases to observe its laws...Full of confidence, therefore, in the help of the Most High, and certain of the support of our Prophet, we deem it right to seek by new institutions to give to the provinces composing the Ottoman Empire the benefit of good administration.221

The notions of life, honor and property of all subjects, fixed and landed

expenditures on the army and the navy, public and regular justice, the eradication of

tax-farming and the ills connected with it, regular and orderly recruitment into the

armed forces and fair and public trial of persons indicted of crimes were all declared

by the Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber. All the above decrees carried out by the

Sultan would be equally applicable to all the Sultan’s subjects, whatever religion or

sect they adhered to. Because the feeling of the Muslim against the infidel had strong

roots in society, this represented the most radical breach with ancient Muslim

tradition.222

This was the earliest constitutional document in any Islamic country. There

was not doubt that while the Edict did not form a constitution, it had the organic law

in which the new political establishment could come into existence. While it

identified the integral rules that would be applied in the organization of the state and

its legal structure, there was haziness that would cause difficulty during the entire

221 Hourani, 46-47.

222 Gunsel Renda and Max Kortepeter, The Transformation of Turkish Culture and the Ataturk Legacy (New Jersey: The Kingston Press, Inc., 1986), 251.


114

Tanzimat period. Although it wished to curtail the haphazard power of the Sultan and

made the sovereign an executive accountable to the laws promulgated by others, since

the Edict did not have any popular representation, the source of legislation was the

Council of Deliberation.223 The Sultan still intended to be Absolute Monarch. While

the Edict had as its goal the formation of a political community in which all adherents

of different religions would be equal, it left the structure of Islamic law formally

intact.224 Although the formal policy of the Ottoman Empire was to tolerate and

protect the non-Muslim subjects of the state, the non-Muslim communities were still

seen as inferior.225

The most significant of the new institutions created was the Council of Judicial

Ordinances established in 1839, more generally known as the Council of Justice. The

This is significant because of the fact that law and justice were two issues that had

previously been in the realm of the ulema. The Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber

said that this body, governed by the Sersker Husrev Pasa, the President, five

members and two secretaries, was to be enlarged by the addition of new members and

to exersize a supervisory and quasi-legislative function.226

During the same time period in which the new Imperial Rescript of March

223 Berkes, 145-147.

224 Hourani, 46-47.


226 Ibid., 108-144.


115

1840 gave details of the reorganization of the Council of Justice, Resid Pasha

introduced a totally novel system of centralized provincial administration. This

system, modeled on the French system of prefectures and departments, with salaried

officials, superseded the loose-knit, quasi-feudal association of pashas and tax-farmers

of the earlier times. This program, however, could not be effected immediately.

Following the Noble Rescript, came other radical reforms. The reforms in justice

and finance were among the central reforms.227

Other Reforms - Justice and Finance

According to strict Muslim juridical theory, there could be no legislative

power in the state, since law came only from the immutable God-given law of Islam.

Initially since the enactment of the new Penal Code of May 1840 called "Ceza

Kanuunnamesi" indicated a deep desire to stay within the existing custom of Kanun

making, and the provisions of the Code, though impacted by French law, were

basically within the framework of the Penal Law of the £eriat itself, it did not appear

to be a radical step. There were, however, a couple of significant alterations such as

the notion of the equality of all citizens before the law and the preparation and

enactment of a legal code, which paved the way for the revolutionary legal reforms

that were to come next. Though the code was ambiguous in thought and ineffective

in application, it was the initial enactment, in the Ottoman state, of the legislative

227 Ibid., 108.


116

principle. While in 1847 mixed civil and criminal courts which were established

included both European and Ottoman judges, the rules and procedure were drawn

only from European practice.228

Resid Pasha’s Commercial Code, translated from the French, in 18S0, was to

be governed in the tribunals of commerce. The promulgation of the Code was the

first formal recognition in Turkey of a system of law independent of the ulema and

dealing with matters outside the scope of the eriat. While such a recognition was

not new to Islam, it was a change from previous Ottoman legal procedure. A revised

Penal Code followed in 1851.229 The responsibilities and influence of the^eriat was

curtailed and the function of the Jleyhulislam was reduced by the new Ministry of

Justice due to the increase of penal, commerical and civil courts.230

The Ministry of Finance was reshaped and made much more effective. This

was the first time the budgetary estimates of individual ministries was required to

undergo the examination of the Treasury and a valid system of annual budgets was

established.231

228 Ibid., 109-114.

229 Ibid., 115.

230 Berkes, 169.



117

Reform Edict of February 18, 1856

On February 18, 1856, during the Crimean War, another Reform Edict was

declared. The Edict meant political, legal, religious, educational, economic and

moral reforms based on rationalism. Among the reforms of the Edict were: a

guarantee of the rights declared by the Charter, a restatement of all ancient rights

granted to the non-Muslim religious communities, the assurance of liberty in the

exercise of all religious beliefs and rites, the interdiction of all insulting treatment for

any class of people due to their religion, language or race, the assurance of equal

treatment of all religious groups in matters of education, designation to government

positions, administration of justice, taxation and military service, the assurance of the

reform of judicial tribunals and the development of tribunals, the reform of penal and

commercial codes to be administered on a uniform basis and the reform of prisons,

the assurance of the ability of foreigners to own real property, the representation of

religious communities in the acts of the Supreme Council and the proposal for the

development of integral measures for the commercial and agricultural amelioration of

the provinces.232

Organized Ministries

All ministries except for foreign affairs had a permanent council or legislative

branch for the enactment of projects and rules under the Tanzimat. As their ulema

232 Berkes, 152-153.


118

constituents began to be replaced by the modem type of secularly educated man, these

bodies were more and more separated from the^eriat and the Kanun.233 The men of

the Tanzimat who held a positive stance towards the logical uses of modem science,

brought about this institutional secularization.234

A centralized government based on a new ruling class, a modem generation of

bureaucrats, was established by the Tanzimat. There were many institutions that

formed the Tanzimat government. The Central Government included the Executive,

Ministry of the Interior, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Economic

and Social Councils and Ministries, the Religious Institution, the Military

Departments, Ministry of Justice and above all the Grande Vezirate, which was above

all the executive departments of the Porte and was the office of the Grand Vezir

himself.235

The Legislative Organ, a separate branch of the government, was as significant

as the executive offices in administering the empire and assuring the success of the

modernization program despite the political turmoil. Among the Legislative Organs

were the Supreme Council of Judicial Ordinances, the Council of the Tanzimat, the

Supreme Council of Judicial Ordinances, and the Council of State and the Council for

233 Ibid., 156.


235 Shaw and Shaw, II, 71-76.


119

Judicial Regulations.236

While the Imperial Council was brought down to the level of a privy council,

employed to give salaries to palace favorites and to confirm specific diplomatic and

legislative acts, the Council of Ministries, also called the Sultan’s Council, now

became the main executive and legislative coordination body. The Sultan remained at

the very minimum the symbolic center of power in Ottoman government and society.

In order to ensure the modernization of Ottoman life and advancement, the Sultans

Abdulmecid I and Abdulaziz tried to modify the organization and customs as they

could, assure the modernization of Ottoman life and advancement. Provincial

Administration and Military Organization also existed in order to extend central

control to the provinces. A Municipal Government that had its foundations in the rule

of Mahmud II was also established.237

Educational Reforms

As with Mahmud n, higher learning was continually ameliorated despite the

lack of transformations in the medrese and the slow improvement in primary and

secondary education. The Hendesehane was reorganized and expanded in 1846-1847

and several of its graduates were dispatched to France, England, Austria and

Germany for study in 1846, 1850, 1854 and 1855. Because there was no effort to

236 Ibid., 76-80.

237 Ibid., 81-91.


120

reform the medrese, religious instruction stayed within the traditional realm.238

The Young Ottomans

The transformation of the institutions in the Ottoman Empire brought about

changes in the social fabric. The old ruling class of Ottomans was superseded by a

new class of bureaucrats, products of the secular schools, who were no longer

insecure in their position, but invigorated with new hope in their administrative,

military, legal and financial bureaucracies. This confidence arose from the

development of a secular bureaucratic hierarchy with legal provisions that frowned

upon the job instability of the old order.239

The advent of a new middle class caused the development of a secular

intellectual renaissance and an Ottoman intelligencia which replaced the ulema in their

traditional position of cultural leadership in the Muslim community.240 Thus the last

part of the Tanzimat saw the initial signs of novelties in language, script journalism

and literature, which became the means of promoting the earliest liberal notions and

of a nationalistic spirit. Because at the time there did not exist one official language

called Turkish, the literary language inherited by the Tanzimat period was Ottoman.241

238 Berkes, 173-177.

239 Shaw and Shaw, II: 105-106.

240 Ibid., 128-129.

241 Berkes, 192-197.


121

Having discovered French civilization through the close association that

developed between France and the Ottoman Empire, the secular intellectuals tried to

bring the success of the French civilization to their own homeland. A vast number of

both literary and scientific writings were translated from French into Turkish, and the

French philosopher, French dramatist, French novelist and French poet became the

model of the Turkish intellectual.242 Writings that had provided the intellectual

foundation of the French Revolution such as the works of Voltaire, Montesquieu,

Rousseau, Fontenelle and Volnery were translated and widely read by the Tanzimat

intellectuals.243 Thus at the beginning days of the twentieth century, Turkish political

thinking was influenced by French positivist theories.244

The ’Young Ottomans’ was the name given to the intellectuals of the late

Tanzimat period. Ibrahim Shinasf Efendi, Kemal Bey and Ziya^Pasha were among

the most famous Young Ottomans to whom most of the credit for the dramatic change

in Ottoman literature, and even the formation of the Young Turks, is given. They

brought the ideas of fatherland, nation and liberty, and the term millet, which meant a

religious community, came to mean a nation in the European sense.245

242 E.J. Gibbs, A History of Ottoman Poetry (London: Luzac and Company, 1905),4-9.

243 Berkes, 199.

244 Elain Smith, Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly (1919-19231 (Washington, D.C.: Judd and Detweiler, Inc., 1959), 97-88.

245 Gibbs, 8-21.


122

Ibrahim Shinasi Efendi (1824-1871)

Ibrahim Shinasf Efendi, (1824-1871) was the founder of the new movement in

Ottoman literature. He did all he could to cultivate and enlighten the Ottoman Turks

by publishing articles handling a great variety of scientific and social interogations

dealt with from a modem European point of view. Due to the liberal atmosphere of

the regime in those times, he spoke of politics freely. In 1859, upon his return to

Constantinople, after having studied in Paris, he published a small volume of

translations from French poets. The appearance of this volume of translations was a

breakthrough since it was the first of a wholly literary character ever made from a

Western language into Turkish. The newspaper established the following year, the

first non-official journal in Turkey, was of a more immediate significance.246 In order

to write clearly he started a new phase in the history of Turkish prose by using simple

Turkish: This new simple prose expressed a novel way of thinking which brought

new words such as citizens rights, freedom of expression, public opinion, liberal

ideas, national consciousness, constitutional government, liberty, natural rights of

people, etc. The initial utilization of the term ’millet’ in the sense of ’nation’ is

credited to Shinasi. As the father of the constitutional movement, he realized that

those revolting would be unsuccessful since they did not speak about subjects that the

uncultivated and unenlightened masses of the people could comprehend.247

246 Gibbs, 8-10.

247 Berkes, 197-198.


Namik Kemal Bey

In 1863 he was joined by Namiq Kemal Bey who proved to be not only the

greatest advocator of new modem learning, but also the most tremendous master of

Turkish prose. He presented the word ’fatherland’ which at that time had been rarely

used, and raised the notions of home and birthplace to the equivalence of the French

"patrie.1,248

Ziya Pasha (1829.30-1880)

Bom in Constantinople in 1829-1830, just three years after Shinasi, Ziya

Pasha (1829.30-1880) would at age forty be skilled in French. Moliere’s Tartuffe. a

History of the Inquisition. Fenelon’s Telemaque. La Fontaine’s Fables and Jean

Jacques Rousseau’s Emile were among the French works that he translated were.249

These works dealt such current intellectual thought as the importance of reason over

superstition and the significance of cultivation and enlightment. For example the

political theme of the renown idealistic-political writing Telemaque (1629) was the

maxim: "Kings exist for the sake of their subjects and not the subjects for the sake of

Kings." Telemaque’s advice to the king was to "change the State and habits of the

whole people and rebuild anew from the very foundations."250

248 Gibbs, 18-30.

249 Ibid., 41-59.

250 Berkes, 199-200.


124

The translation of these works of literature and the reform movements of

language and script were of utmost significance. They would have a tremendous

impact on the Tanzimat and Young Ottoman writers. The desire to found the

institution of sovereignty upon a solid social foundation brought about the cry for

constitutional reform. Because at the time all power still remained in the hands of the

Sultan, the initial constitutional movement was clear in its censure of the absolute

rights of the leaders. They conceded that while the Tanzimat regime lacked the

traditional pillars of Ottoman sovereignty, it lacked a constitutional doctrine which

would base legislation and government upon the will of the people.251

Intellectual Thought of the Young Ottomans

Initially the Young Ottomans was a group made up of several young men

knowledgeable of Western representative institutions, unhappy with the speed of the

Tamzimat and unable to find positions in the Tanzimat system. They believed the

rule of the present reformers to be autocratic and characterized by more tyranny than

was possible under the traditional Ottoman system. They criticized the system

through the press and by placing before the people notions such as constitutionalism,

parliamentarism, nationalism and patriotism. Their first goal was to reduce the

influence of the bureaucracy through a constitution that regardless of one’s rank,

would have to be honored. This constitution would increasingly safeguard the

251 Ibid., 200-202.


125

individual from the haphazard government action and assure the continued success of

the reform promulgation. Secondly, they wanted a representative, popularly elected

parliament to ensure that all administrators worked within the coniines of the law.

Many Young Ottomans believed that the fundamental inequality between the ruling

and subject classes harmed the Empire by depriving it of the contributions of most of

those who lived within its boundaries. Thus a parliament was the most effective way

to ensure the contribution of all the people in the state.252

The Young Ottomans all conceded that terminating the absolutism of the Sultan

was essential since they felt that it was not conceivable to maintain aristocracy of the

ruler while reforming the law of the state. The foundation of a government controlled

by the people and subordinate to law wasmore integral than ever before because of

the current afflictions of the empire. Among the many problems which characterized

Ottoman society at the time was the economic poverty of the masses of Muslims,

fighting between the Muslims and the Christian, and the fickleness of the

government.253

The lengthy letter of 1867 written from Paris by Mustafa Fazil to Abdulaziz

was the first manifesto of the liberals. In this letter he stated that the main necessity

for advancement was liberty. He said that the deterioration of the nation and the

meddling of the Western powers was due to misconduct, caused by the nonexistence

252 Shaw and Shaw, H: 130-132.

253 Berkes, 205-206.


126

of liberty. In his criticisms, however, he said that he did not want to go against the

Sultan or Islam.254

The letter said:

Religion...rules over the spirit, and promises other worldly benefits to us. But that which determines and delimits die laws of the nature is not religion. If religion does not remain in the position of eternal truths, in other words, if it descends into interference with worldly affairs, it becomes a destroyer of all as well as of its own self.255

That a constitutional regime was the only universally valid form of government

in Turkey and that it had nothing to do with religious tradition were two ideas that

caused trouble. The acknowledgement of the separation of Church and State was the

outcome of this argument. This suggestion caused the liberals to feel confounded

both in their intellectual feelings and in the realm of political action. How could the

society of people be reconciled with the historical tradition of the Islamic Ottoman

political system, based upon the jJeriat? The constitutional movement was therefore

confused because of the three partisan advocates of Ottoman sovereignty: the Turkish

people, the Islamic tradition and the Western powers. Thus the opinions were

muddled in the doctrines of Islamicism, nationalism and Western parliamentarism.256

The ideas of Namik Kemal (1840-88) manifests best the difficulties faced by

the notion of Turkish liberalism. According to Namik Kemal, a polity must be based

254 Ibid., 208.

255 Ibid., 208-209.

256 Ibid., 201-209.


127

upon the acquiescence of the citizens, who by nature were accorded specific

privileges. The duty of the state was to assure the permanence of these rights.

Because sovereignty belonged to all, there could be no sovereignty above that of the

people. While sovereignty belonged to the people, because it was impractical for all

of them to use it, a group from among them was invested with the duty of exercising

sovereignty.257

After having returned from exile in Europe in 1870, Namik Kemal began to

discuss the difficulties of advancement and Westernization. He underscored the

significance of modem technological progress in developing a new civilization in

Europe. His portrayal was instrumental in imbedding in the hearts of the Turkish

intellectuals the idea of the pre-eminence of civilization accomplished in the West.258

That Western progress was possible through the triumph of the ideas of liberty

and progress over those of fatalism and submission that represented the East and that

in order for Islam and Turkey to endure, freedom and advancement had to be

achieved, were among the conclusions he found. According to Namik Kemal the

legal reforms of the Tanzimat were not only illogical but also detrimental, first in

harming the legal basis of the Islamic state and second, in opening the legal and

intellectual gates for the West to undermine the history of the Muslim community.

He felt that the Tanzimat introduced codes from the traditions foreign to Islamic legal

257 Ibid., 209-210.

258 Ibid., 215.


128

practice and therefore undermined the legal basis of the £eriat, the Fiqh system. He

believed that from the fiqh system it was possible to develop codes to fit the

necessities of modem times.259

However there was ambiguity in Namik Kemal’s reasoning. Did what he

proposed indicate the eradication of the prerogatives of the Ottomans rulers who

symbolized Turkish national rights? Was a constitutional regime founded on the

principles of the sovereignty of the people in line with the eriat? Did a

constitutional regime mean the reestablishment of the ancient Islamic form of

government or did it require the import of institutions from Western nations? The

complete history of the first constitutional experiment in Turkey was nothing but an

intricate fight over these questions.260

Constitutional Movement

The events which led to the enactment of the constitution of 1876 tested the

the constitutional ideas of the Young Ottomans. While Namik Kemal played a

significant part in the making of the constitution, Midhat Pasa (1822-1884), the

governor of the non-Muslim and non-Turkish provinces, led the movement to the

stage or implementation. On May 30, 1876, Midhat Pasa had Abdulaziz overthrown,

and as President of the Council of State under the ruler Murad V, commenced formal

259 Ibid., 215-217.

260 Ibid., 211.


129

debate for constitutional rule. On March 19, 1827, parliament opened and from the

beginning proved to be a success. Christians, Jews, Turks and Arabs were

represented, not on the basis of religion or nationality, but according to the proportion

of these within a constituency.261

However, due to external and internal reasons, the Tanzimat favor of the West

turned into a reaction against the West. In a decree on February 14, 1878 • •

Abdulhamid II closed down parliament, in agreement with the constitution, on the

excuse that tremendous chaos forced him to do this. During this time the renown

constitutionalists were persecuted. (It was not until 1908 that Parliament would be

called again). Disappointed with the West, many intellectuals supported Abdulhamid

II and Turkey entered a period of reaction and alienation. From 1878 until 1908 • •

Abdulhamid II ruled the Ottoman Empire solely on the basis of the constitution of

1876. The main concepts of traditionalism, anti-Westernism and pan-Islamicism of

the Hamidian regime were contrary to the Tanzimat. All eyes were turned away from

the West and newspapers no longer printed news about parliamentary discussion,

party struggles, changes in government, labor strikes, coup d’etat, anarchism, etc.

that were current in Europe. Inspired by the ideas of Jamal ad-Din A1 Afghani, the

pan-Islamists believed that only Muslims should join as a nation of the Ottoman

Empire, whose head was the Caliph.262

261 Ibid., 223-246.

262 Ibid., 218-267.


130

In summary, the Young Ottomans, the first advocates in the Middle East of an

extensive political and intellectual movement, expressed their dreams in terms of state

and nationality. Writers like Ziya Pasha and Namik Kemal presented the notion of

fatherland and patriotism against the notion of umma or religious community.• •

Because Abdulhamid ITs pan-Islamism was an international rather than a supra

national ideology, it was not a major impediment to the advent of religious

nationalism. Ziya Gokalp was significant in advocating the separation of Church and

State.263

The Turn of the Century and Ziva Gokalp• •

Ziya Gokalp, the great Ottoman sociologist and philosopher contributed to the

ideas of the Turkish Republic by generating the ideological foundation of Turkish

nationalism. His ideas incited an intellectual movement that transformed the societal

outlook from empire to nation, from religious to secular, from East to West. At a

time when the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of collapse, his ideas provided a

confident foundation to the new nation and society. The quick reforms which came

forth from 1913 through the first decade of the Republic were supported by the

ideological framework of Ziya Gokalp’s writings.264

Drawing its power from traditions, customs, art, folklore, language and social

263 Heper, 349-350.

264 Shaw and Shaw, II: 301-302.


131• •

consciousness of the people that formed the nation, Gokalp believed in a nationalism

founded on the basis of social science. Therefore he had a positivist-sociological

approach based on rational argument. He wrote children’s stories of old Turkish

legends to instill pride in their Turkish heritage and knowledge of their historical

connection with the Turks of Central Asia. At a time when the boundaries of the

Ottoman Empire were compressing, the above approach was essential.265

He believed that while the culture belonged to a nation, civilization was

international. Because a nation could change from one civilization to another, but

could not transform cultures, the past traditions and Islamic heritage could provide the

Turks with a strong foundation for participation in contemporary Western civilization. • •

Gokalp felt it integral to eradicate the dualisms which were formed by the previous

reforms which merely aped Western externalities without understanding their scientific

basis, and consequently led to contradictions that obstructed advancement. Because

he wanted to adopt Western models and techniques without losing national culture and

identity, he criticized the Tanzimat for having fallen short of generating cultural

foundation of the nation since it borrowed all from Europe without disassociating

what was really fundamental and what could be drawn from the Turkish national

tradition.266

Because he had a rational view of Islam as a significant source of ethics that

265 Ibid., 302.

266 Ibid., 302-303.


132

was able to be altered to meet the necessities of the time, Gokalp believed legislation

had to be freed from the confines of religious law and religion left to the ulema. He

believed religious endowments which sucked up the wealth of the nation had to be

eliminated, and religious schools and courts had to be eradicated in order to terminate

the dualism between secular and religious elements that existed in Ottoman society.

He felt that in order for women to take a higher place in society they had to be given

the same instruction as men, and could no longer be subjected to polygamy, which

was permitted by traditional Islam.267

The Young Turks and Reforms

Ziya Gokalp had an impact on the Young Turks who modernized between• •

1913 and 1918, and also later provided the structures for Musfafa Kemal Ataturk’s

reforms during the early years of the Republic. The Young Turks generated a view

of nationalism that brought with it the secular conception of the government as the

source of all power. Important views of the nineteenth century Ottoman Empire such

as Ottomanism and nationalism, liberalism and conservatism, centralization and

decentralization were heightened during the era of the Young Turks. After the loss of

the main non-Muslim territories in the empire and due to the persistent ambitions of

external forces, Ottoman public opinion joined the Committee of Union and Progress

267 Ibid., 303.


133

(CUP) of the Young Turks in discarding Ottomanism for Turkish nationalism.268

Many important reforms took place during the time of the Young Turks. Now

for the first time since the initial years of the Tanzimat, the ministries were

reorganized and modernized. Civil servants were told to take the initiative and the

bureaucratic structure was rationalized to better suit the necessities of the much

smaller empire. A new Financial Reform Commission built in 1912 reformed the tax

system and a New Provincial Administration Law (March 15, 1913) empowered the

governors and enacted bureaucratic reforms. Reforms in the financial and judicial

systems in the provinces gave augmented responsibilities to those in power.

Istanbul’s municipality was reorganized and modernized, with a city council to aid the

mayor. In addition, councils of law, health, accounting and police were provided.

The major city communication services, the telephone, trams and the electric water

and gas services were so modernized that by the beginning of World War I Istanbul

had reached the level of the major European cities.269

A new rule created close domination over the ulema and religious courts and

forced them to assent to the authority of the secular appeals court in many areas on

April 26, 1913. All lower employees of the religious courts were placed under the

domination of the ministry of Justice and new rulers reduced the influence of the

religious courts and empowered the secular court. In 1916 and 1917 the proposals of

268 Ibid., 273-306.

269 Ibid., 303-306.


134

Gokalp for total secularization of the religious schools, courts and religious• •

foundations were enacted. The £eyhulislam was now only allowed to conduct

religious duties. On November 7, 1917 as war came to a peak, the Code of Family

Law was enacted. While it comprised of the fundamental rules of the Seriat as well

as of Turkish and Christian law pertaining to matters of divorce, marriage and family

relations, the states assumption of the legal authority to execute these rules increased

secularization. Thus the marriage contract developed into a secular contract and

subject to secular regulations.270

While women were still far from equality, Gokalp led the way in liberating

women during the CUP period and laid the foundation for the reforms that were to • «

follow under Ataturk. He undermined the £eriat by promoting legal reforms to give

women a place equal to that of men in marriage and inheritance, educational reforms

to give them an opportunity for the same kind of secular instruction as men, and

social and economic reforms to enable them to participate fully in society and

economic life as well as in the professions. A 1916 law finally enabled women to get

a divorce if their husbands were adulters, wanted to practice polygamy without the

wife’s approval, or violated the marriage contract.271

The Empire progressed in other ways also: electricity and the telephone were

brought to official buildings and then to the homes of the affluent, sanitation and

270 Ibid., 306-307.

271 Ibid., 307-308.


135

cleanliness ameliorated airplanes introduced in 1912 giving the Ottoman army its own

airforce in World War I. The dual system of Muslim and European calendars based

on both lunar and solar models was replaced by the solar calendar. The lunar

calendar remained for only religious activities. The Islamic system of telling time and

measuring, however, remained along with their European counterparts until the

destruction by the Republic in 1926.272

The modernization of the CUP was brought to an end during World War I

when they were forced to flee because of the empire’s loss and subsequent___ ••

occupation.273 The modernization effort was left for Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to

continue out of the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. The presence of science, rational

thought, and positive law promulgation during the Ottoman Empire provided a

significant background to his reforms. Before the story of Ataturk one must discuss

the reform and law promulgation that was taking place in Persia at the time of the

Ottoman Empire. One will witness a remarkable difference, namely the absence of

rationalism, positivism and science.

272 Ibid., 306-309.

273 Ibid., 300-306.


CHAPTER 4

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND REFORM PROMULGATION PRIOR TO THE

ADVENT OF REZA SHAH IN IRAN

Introduction

As in the case of Turkey, the reforms of Reza Shah during the years 1925-

1941 must be examined in their historical context. The fact that Reza Shah did not• •

enjoy the same success as Ataturk must be examined in light of the lack of scientific,

rational and positive basis of the reforms prior to his reign. This same attitude would

prevail during the reform process of Reza Shah in the early twentieth century.

The Safavid Dynasty and the Establishment of Shii Islam

The historical context of Iran must commence with a description of the Safavid

dynasty (1502-1736) and the establishment of Shiite Islam as the state religion in

1501.274 After the conquest of Sunni Iran was completed, the Safavids invited a

number of Arab Shiite theologians to the kingdom to propagate the orthodox faith of

the moderate Twelver Shiism among the mostly Sunni population of Iran. Because

274 Firouz Bahrampour, Iran: Emergence of a Middle Eastern Power (New York: Theo Gaus’ Sons, Inc., 1970), 19-20.

136


137

the Safavids repressed the Sufi orders and the competition of the Sufi Sheikhs was

eradicated as the popular religious leaders, the Shiite hierarchy in Iran was allowed to

dominate the everyday religious life of the people to a degree unseen in other Muslim

lands.275 When the Safavid Shahs embraced Shiism as the state religion in the

sixteenth century, it became an integral ideological support of the Monarch and the

social system.276 Iran became a Muslim territory greatly differentiated from the rest

of the Sunnite world, and for the first time since the Muslim conquest in the seventh

century, a viable political unit.277

Differences Between Shii and Sunni Islam

A few of the differences between the Shiite Islam religious establishment of

Iran and the Sunni Islam establishment of the Ottoman Empire show an important

difference in the social structure of both societies. The Shiite sect of the Iranians was

the "Twelver" because of their belief in a line of twelve heavenly inspired Imams who

served as infallible leaders and teachers of a community of believers. At the root of

the difference is the relationship between religion and state, since the Shii’s refused to

275 Said Amir Aijoumand, The Turban and the Crown The Islamic Revolution in Iran (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 12.

276 Reza Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century A Political History (London: Rienner Publishers, 1989), 2.

277 Ann Lambton, "Impact of the West on Persia," International Affairs , 33 (Washington, DC: Oxford University Press, 1957), 12.


138

give the governing powers any legitimate authority.278 Because the Mahdi, who will

return at the end of time, is the sole legitimate ruler, there is no place in society for

the temporal ruler.279 In the absence of the missing Imam, power was delegated to

the ulema. Because of this the ulema were allowed to prevail and to increase their

power independently of the government. Because of their close connection to the

people, they listened to the complaints of the people against the unjust despotic rule

and when they could, they defended them.280

Educational Establishment

During Safavid Iran, the educational system was controlled by Shiite Islamic

thinking. The maktab, the mosque schools which taught the elements of the Koran

and religious literature to a minority in the community, and the medrese, the

theological schools which gave higher religious education, formed the entire

educational establishment.281 These institutions ensured the social development of

children and youth.282

278 Aijoumand, 11.

279 Vanessa Martin, Islam and Modernization The Iranian Revolution of 1906 (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1989), 15.

280 Aijoumand, 11-14.

281 Cuyler Young, "The Problem of Westernization in Modem Iran," The Middle East Journal 11, 1948, 48.

282 Reza Arastah, Education and Social Awakening in Iran. 1850-1960 (Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1962), 13.


139

Purpose of the Government

The main purpose of the government in the medieval era was to keep order

and external defense, and like other institutions it was subject to the authority of the

Seriat.283 The traditions were medieval in character and its society feudal in

organization. In Safavid society the Shah was at the top. At the base of the

hierarchy were the common people which consisted of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers

and the small merchants in the city. In between the Shah and the common people

were the religious offices. The close alliance which grew between the ulema

(religious classes) and those in the bazaar community (merchants, artisans or trade

guilds) formed an integral characteristic of Safavid society. Because under the

Safavids the ulema attained control of a vast amount of land and property, their

interests were the same as the merchant class. In addition, some ulema became

members of the landowning class.284

While the Shiite religious ulema wielded much influence, there continued to be

integral ideological hinderance to the solidification of clerical power under the

Safavids which decreased the possibilities open to the Shii ulema to take advantage of

their control over the masses. The Safavids claimed that they descended from the

Imam Musa, and used the title of Shadow of God. Because they claimed to have

descended from the Holy Imams and to have been directly appointed by God to be the

283 Lambton, 12-13.

284 Roger Savory, Iran Under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 185.


140

Lieutenant of the Lord of Age, they had legitimate authority.285 The Monarch had the

power over the ulema since he made clerical appointments and was in control of the

endowments that constituted the source of financial support for the institutions of

religious learning. The Sayyeds, a group that had a semi-clerical status and claimed

to have descended from the Prophet and the imams provided strong competition for

the Shiite jurists.286 The ulema tolerated the situation since the declaration of Shiism

as the religion of the state heightened both the Shiite faith and their own position

within society.287 Thus under the initial Safavid rulers, the mostly state-sponsored

ulema, had very little connection with the local population and strongly upheld the

political polity.288

The above are, in brief, a few of the main characteristics of the Iranian social

structure which were forced in the eighteenth century to meet the West. In this

society the ruler was absolute and there was no distinction between Church and State.

It was a society where political commitment did not depend on a contractual basis

and in which the individual’s social purpose was fulfilled through the group.289

285 Martin, 16.

286 Arjoumand, 12.

287 Martin, 16.

288 Nikki Keddie, Roots of Revolution An Interpretive History of Modem Iran (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981), 11.

289 Lambton, 15.


141

Advent of the Oaiar Monarchy

The eighteenth century was among the most chaotic of Iran’s lengthy history.

After the collapse of the Safavid Empire in 1722, seven decades of bloody tribal

warfare occurred. Ultimately the chaos was halted during the 1790s by the

foundation of the Qajar Monarchy.290

Policy of Divide and Rule

Since they had no military security, no administrative security, central

administration and very little ideological legitimacy, the Qajars remained in power by

following two specific policies. Their first policy was to retreat whenever they were

faced with harmful antagonism. Taking advantage of the communal conflict within

the divided society formed the second way in which the Qajar Monarchs maintained

control. An example of retreat could be seen in the action that the government took

when the ulema in Tehran demonstrated against the building of a statue representing

Naser ad-Din Shah. In order to calm the protest the government said that since such

monuments went against the Islamic condemnation of three dimensional representation

of human beings, it had to be removed.291 The Qajar policy of exploitation and divide

and rule was easy since Iran was fragmented into a medley of linguistic, geographic,

tribal, religious and racial groups. The lack of communication during this period

290 Aijoumand, 16.

291 Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 41-44.


142

made this already divisive atmosphere worse.292

Because the Qajars caused one group to fight another, they were enabled to

rule over the entire society with great glory and titles such as Kings of Kings,

Supreme Arbitrator, Shadow of God, Guardian of the Flock, Divine Conqueror and

Asylum of the Universe. One would say that the Monarchy was unlimited by the

laws, institutions, checks and balances, and was one of the most absolute systems in

the world. When Malcom, in the History of Persia II. tried to explain the

constitutional limits placed on the British king, the Shah said, "Your King then

appears to be more than a mere first magistrate. So limited an authority may be

lasting but can have no enjoyment. I, on the other hand, can elevate and degrade all

the high nobles and officers you see around me!" While for nineteenth century

Europeans the Qajar Monarchy represented the perfect example of the powerful

ancient despotisms, In truth, the Qajar Monarchy controlled society not so much

because it was strong, but because society was extremely feeble.293

Social and Religious Structure

Thus despotic power was in the hands of the top social group which comprised

of the Shah, his court, household, ranking members of the administration and the

tribal leaders. The Shah and his court dominated the taxation process and gained

292 Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century A Political History. 2-3.

293 Abrahamian, 47.


143

most from its revenues. The influence of the aristocracy came from their ownership

of land, livestock and in the family connections that the individual could established.

The merchants were the most revered group in Iranian society and increased their

social status and utility as trade expanded.294

The peasants who formed the majority of the population, were only interested

in their immediate problems of daily life. They formed 60% of the population and

inhabited 40,000 villages and hamlets that were dispersed throughout the country.295

They saw the Shah as someone distant from them and above them.296 Because few

landlords gave the peasant an opportunity for education, the peasants had very little

knowledge of the outside world.297

The most influential group in society were the ulema. Like the political

establishment they were antagonistic to any change which might harm their status and

regarded innovations as un-Islamic and heretical. The position of the ulema at the

time of the Qajars was more powerful than it had been under the Safavids. What

made them more powerful?

While the Safavid leaders could gain legitimacy through their claim of having

294 Guity Nashat, The Origins of Modem Reformism in Iran 1870-1880 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 9-11.

295 Donald Wilber, Reza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran (New York: Exposition Press, 1975), 19-21.

296 Joseph Upton, A History of Modem Iran as Interpretation (Cambridge, Massachussetts: Harvard University Press, 1965), 27.

297 Wilber, Reza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 19-21.


descended from the Imam, this was not true with the Qajars. The Qajars could assert

no religious charisma and unlike the Safavid they had few ulema who were dependent

on them. While they designated the leader of the Friday prayer for each city, as well

as some of the judges, the mujtahids were more popular and connected with the

populace and not connected to the central government. If an important mujtahid

condemned the government program the masses listened to him.298 Because the

mujtahids openly asserted that the Hidden Imam had given responsibility of directing

the public not to temporal leaders but to the religious establishment, the Qajars were

not able to gain divine sanctity. As Hamid Algar clearly stated in his writings,

"Religion and State in Iran," many mujtahids saw the Shiite state as a contradiction in

terms. They were Monarchs who saw themselves as being God’s spokesman on earth

but were seen by the important religious leaders as being the usurpers of God’s

authority.299

After the fall of the Safavid Empire in 1722, the members of the Shiite

hierocracy had to continue to subsist on their own, completely economically

independent of the state. That, along with the fact that the mujtahids, the upper ranks

of the Shiite hierocracy, earned money from the waqf donations and religious taxes

rather than from state funds, increased their power.300 While the difficulties of having

298 Keddie, Roots of Revolution An Interpretive History of Modem Iran. 31-33.

299 Abrahamian, 40-41.

300 David Menashri, Education and the Making of Modem Iran (Ithica and London: Cornell University Press, 1992), 19-20.


145

to independently flourish in the short run caused a quick decrease in religious

learning, in the long run it caused the Usuli religious and intellectual movement, to

flourish.301

The main practical difference between the clergy of the Shii and the Sunni is

their notion of the doctrine of ijtihad. More and more the Shiite clergy underscored

the independent influence of the most qualified clergy, the mujtahids and ayatollahs,

to give independent judgement on all concerns under the jurisdiction of Holy Law.302

The mujtahids were given more power because of a reexamination of their role which

had occurred in the eighteenth century. This took place because of a fight between

the Usuli and Akhbari branches of Imami Shiism over the responsibilities of the

mujtahid. The Usuli movement, which won over Akhbari traditionalism, grew

outside of Iran in the holy cities of Ottoman Iraq, and comprised of revitalization of

Twelver Shiite jurisprudence that controlled the last decades of the eighteenth century

and the entire nineteenth century. It meant a re-affirmation of the notion of ijtihad,

and caused an increase in the influence and independence of the Shiite hierocracy.

The growth of religious jurisprudence tremendously enhanced the rights of the Shiite

mujtahids as the rightful interpreters of Sacred Law.303 The Usuli movement meant

the independence of the religious authority of the ruler, and therefore the

301 Aijoumand, 12-13.

302 Nikki Keddie and Eric Hoogland, The Iranian Revolution and the Islamic Republic (New York: Syracuse Press, 1986), 4-5.

303 Martin, 18-19.


146

independence of the Shiite leaders, because of the ability to collect religious taxes for

the Hidden Imam. In addition the autonomy of the hierocracy from the Iranian

authorities was increased by the fact that the leading mujtahids lived in the holy cities

of Iraq, which were under Ottoman jurisdiction.3114 Thus the Shiite ulema dominated

the religious institutions.

Because of the continual defeat of the Qajar rulers by the hands of the Czarist

Russia, by the second half of the nineteenth century the ulema began to gain more

power. While the government officials only had contact with the masses through the

tax system, the ulema, because of the many religious, judicial, educational and

cultural activities were continually in touch with the people in their communities.305

Certain ulema became leaders of increasingly powerful movements against Western

encroachment and Iranian governmental policy from early nineteenth century onward.

The war against Russia in 1826, the rebellion against the tobacco monopoly in 1891-

92, the annulment of all economic concession by Baron de Reuter in 1873, and the

Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911 were all successful movements in which the

ulema were in the forefront of action.306 During this time the educational and judicial

institutions were also dominated by the Shiite ulema.

304 Aijoumand, 14.

305 Manochehr Dorraj, From Zarathustra to Khomeini Populism and Dissent in Iran (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1990), 89-90.

306 Keddie and Hooglund, 4-5.


147

Educational Structure

Because education trains the human mind, it is an integral part of the social

structure.307 From the earliest times, education in Persia was of a religious character.

When Persia was overrun by the Arabs in the middle of the seventeenth century,

while Islam became the new religion, the religious tradition stayed more powerful

than ever before. Because Arabic was the language of Islam and therefore only those

who knew Arabic and Islamic theology could instruct and educate, from that time

educational responsibility was given to the clergy in the mosques. After colleges

were established in the Islamic world, religion was still the central element of the

educational program.308

Prior to 1851 the state had no interest in education. Because the maktabs and

medreses run by the ulema emphasized the memorization of the Koran, Shiite Islamic

theology and Arabic, children were enveloped in a religious atmosphere and were not

taught any utile scientific or analytical work which was of relevance to the county’s

needs. The traditional manner of Iranian education was memorization, and asking

questions was not advised. One graduate of the system questioned whether the only

desire of the education program was to prepare the road for heaven or whether


308 Sadiq Issa Khan, Modem Persia and Her Educational System (New York City: Columbia University Press, 1931), 33.


148

students were expected to be prepared for the real world also.3119

Much superstition was taught to the child from when he was very young.

These superstitions were much more forceful in the rural districts in the far away

parts of the country than in the large cities. Since the number thirteen was seen to be

a bad omen, the student who received a thirteen on his tests felt sure that he would

fail. Even some enlightened people used superstition to rationalize their point and in

most of the villages and uncultivated towns, people felt that prayers could take the

place of action. Issa Khan Sadiq in Modem Persia and Her Educational System said

that science and the scientific method, which were absent from the curriculum, were

essential for the Iranians to understand that superstition was absurd.311’ The lack of

science in the educational system is contrasted with the growth in scientific

understanding occurring in the Ottoman Empire during the same time period.

Legal Structure

What was the legal structure of Qajar Iran? Because legal transformation was

such an important issue in the Iranian reform movement, it is important to describe

the essential characteristics of the judicial system during the Qajar period. Unlike

education, the enactment of law took place in two kinds of courts, the Shar (ulema-

run Seriat courts based on Shiite jurisprudence) and the Urf (customary law presided

309 Menashri, 41-42.

310 Issa Khan, 89-90.


149

by the Shah, government and their representatives). Similar to the practice of most

Muslim countries, civil law was dealt with by the Shar (religious courts) courts.

Civil law included personal law such as marriage, divorce, wills and transfer of

property. It dealt with religious rights and duties and crimes against religion, such as

heresy and sacrilege. In providing judgements, the ulema were independent of and in

no way answerable to the state authorities.311

Criminal cases were seen by the state authorities in the Urf or customary law

courts. While these cases were mostly tried in the secular courts, the problematic

cases were refereed to the mujtahids, who went according to the^eriat. There was a

certain amount of overlap between the |eriat and Urf system in Civil law, although

the two systems were theoretically separate. Because there was no particular ruling to

see which courts had the authority to deal with those matters, the ambiguity led to

rivalry between the Shar and Urf courts, the former saying that the latter was not

legitimate.312 Because they would deal with the Shar law run by the ulema who were

antagonistic to any program that might undermine their societal position, any reforms

in secular law had to be followed with cleverness.313

311 Martin, 8.

312 Ibid., 7-8.

313 Nashat, 43-44.


150

Sensation of Disintegration

Due to military defeats, social and economic difficulties, and an augmenting

knowledge of the political, industrial and economic expansion of Europe, starting in

the year 1800 Iranians began to sense that their nation was backward.315 It was due to

Napoleonic expansion that relations with Europe were increasing and the Western

impact in Iran was accelerated.316 At this time Iran was at her lowest in military

might, administrative skill and economic prosperity. Most particularly in the first

quarter of the nineteenth century, the European forces began to meddle in the internal

affairs of Iran. The nineteenth century was a time when Iran saw herself under

pressure from the Russians in the North and the British in India to the South. The

Qajar Monarchy was not capable of dealing with the domestic difficulties and foreign

difficulties which they encountered.317 The Qajar dynasty no longer had absolute

power since the spiritual power had been transferred to the religious leaders, and the

provinces were hassled by the tax collectors who paid the throne for their beliefs. In

the Southwestern region feudal lords were openly fighting the central government.318

The Russo-Iranian Treaties of Gullistan and Turkomanchi of 1813 and 1828

respectively, were great losses for Iran and convinced the Iranian government that the

315 Ahmad Kasravi, On Islam and Shi’ism. trans. M.R. Ghanoonparovar (Mazda Publishers: 1990), 1-2.

3,6 Young, 48-49.

317 Bahrampour, Iran: Emergence of a Middle Eastern Power. 9-21.

318 Donald Wilber, Contemporary Iran (New York: Praeger Publisher, 1963), 60.


151

adoption of Western military techniques was integral to uphold national integrity and

to avoid Western penetration. Thus the initial steps in emulating Western models

were completely in the military field. The humiliating treaty of Golestan (1813) and

Turkomenchay (1828) taught Iran, as the treaties of Karlowitz (1699) and Passarowitz

(1718) had taught the Ottoman Empire, that Western world was superior to their own

nation. This ignited in Iran, to a lesser degree than in the Ottoman Empire, the

desire to adopt and imitate Western methods to transform itself. Thus like the

Ottoman Empire, reform came about because of tremendous military defeat.319

The Reforms of Fath Ali Shah and Crown Prince Abbass Mirza

The reform movent had begun in the rule of Fath Ali Shah (1797-1834) when

the Crown Prince Abbas Mirza had tried to reform the army and turned to Europe for

military training. Crown Prince Abbas Mirza utilized French and British instructors

in presenting a Westem-style armed force in Azerbaijan which, following the

terminology of Selim III of the Ottoman Empire, he called the "New Order." He had

the same difficulty with the reactionary and traditional ulema as his non-Iranian

forerunners. Like Selim III he defended such innovations as the only way to provide

safety to the house of Islam. Abbas Mirza also dispatched students abroad to study

practical subjects, developed good relations with Europeans and promoted fair

treatment of the religious minorities. Crown Prince Abbas Mirza passed away in

319 Menashri, xi-24.


152

1833, prior to gaining the throne and after there were only fluctuating attempts to

import Western military instructors from the various countries to teach the divisions

of the armed forces.320

The Reforms of Naser ad-Din Shah

In 1848 when Naser ad-Din Shah ascended the throne he faced civil chaos, an

undisciplined army and an empty treasury.321 Because the necessity of reorganizing

the army was recognized, during the second half of the nineteenth century a great

number of European military missions from Austria, Italy, France, Prussia and Russia

were brought to Iran. Although there were some isolated steps before, it was mainly

since 1848 and the coming of Naser ad-Din Shah that a number of factors brought

Persia through a very slow process into contact with the West.322

Mirza Taqi Khan, using his experience in Turkey, mobilized the troops and

quelled the riots. During just a few years he organized a standing army of 20,000

disciplined infantry, cavalry and artillerymen.323 However, even the Russian-officered

Cossack Brigade (late in the century) which did became a serious and disciplined

force, was employed mainly for safeguarding the Shah and his court. The rest of the

320 Keddie, Roots of Revolution an Interpretive History of Modem Iran. 29-30.

321 Arastah, 20.

322 Issa Khan, 17.

323 Arastah, 20.


153

Iranian army was known for its disorder and for the sale of officer status to men or

boys with no military understanding. Besides the Cossack Brigade that was formed in

1879, the government at times depend on tribal forces that were not part of the

regular army. In return for this service the tribes were given some liberty to cause

destruction in the villages. While it must be underscored that Iran had much less

contact with the Ottoman Empire, it is still astonishing that only small attention was

given by the Qajar Shahs by the late nineteenth century to modernize their military

forces.324

Reforms in Education

The propagation of Western techniques in response to military needs was not

the only element of Western penetration. At the same time the intellectuals of Iran

were receptive to the liberty of expression in the West and the greater ability for

material development and advancement. This caused reduced emphasis on religion

which had dominated their thought during the medieval times.325 The reform of the

education system was a central element of the transformation.326

Christian missionaries dealt with education. The American Presbyterians

commenced work in 1836 in Urmiah, although the schools were actually established


325 Young, 48-49.

326 Menashri, xi.


154

in 1872 in Tehran, in 1873 in Tabriz, in 1881 in Hamadan and in 1883 in Rasht.326

The first French school was established in Tabriz in 1839 by the Lazzarite mission,

which, with Les Filles de la Charite, gradually built 76 schools throughout the

country. It was the French culture which was the means of propagating Western

science and thought in Iran.327 The school of the Alliance Francaise was inaugurated

in 1899, and the school of the Alliance Israelite was established in 1898. Naser ad-

Din Shah not only allowed these missionaries to establish their schools in Iran, but in

1851 allowed the establishment of the Dar al-Fonun.328

Iran was almost as late to introduce modem or secular education as military

reform.329 In 1851 a modem college called Dar al-Fonun (Polytechnic) was

established in Tehran with the help of Mirza Taqi Khan (Amir Kabir). Thirty

students between the ages of fourteen and sixteen were selected, completely from the

ranks of the aristocracy, landlords and top government officials.330 These students

were given technical training and the program included the medical, physical, army

and chemical sciences and engineering, mining, chemistry, pharmacy and mineralogy,

that were taught by native, English, French and German professors. Soon after the

school offered instruction in the liberal arts. Toward the end of the century, a

326 Issa Khan, 18.

327 Young, 50.

328 Issa Khan, 18.


330 Arastah, 20.


155

growing number of sons of elite drifted toward Europe for higher education where

they studied medicine, mining, chemical engineering, astronomy and political

science.332

Because the Dar al-Fonun attempted to use modem facilities, students were

given the chance to develop scientific equipment in the chemical and physical

laboratories. With the aid of a student, in 1864 one of the teachers established the

first telegraph wire in Iran. This telegraph wire ran from the central office of the

school to the main garden in the middle of the city. A college graduate was

encharged with expanding the telegraph from Tehran to the West of Iran and also

toward the Caspian Sea the next year. The library of the faculty gathered textbooks

in Persian, French and other languages. Still the influence of the clergy could be

seen by the fact that while the students were at first allowed to take band training, at

the request of the clergy, these activities were abandoned.333

As the college Dar al-Fonun expanded it contributed significantly to

scholarship by publishing various books in the sciences, medicine and the humanities.

E.G. Browne viewed a total of 161 publications, of which 70 were in the

mathematics, medicine and general science, 14 in the various branches of military

sciences, and the remaining in philosophy literature and history. Among these a few

332 Issa Khan, 18.

333 Arastah, 20-22.


156

were dictionaries.334 Arabic, theology and metaphysics were not a part of the

program but relegated to the responsibility of the ancient medreses which were

attached to some of the mosques.335

E.G. Browne reported his observation of the progress of Dar al-Fonun:

...Through the kindness of Dr Tholozan, the Shah’s physician, I was enabled to be present at one of the meetings of the Congress of Health or Medical Council held once a week within its walls. The assembly was presided over by the learned Minister of Education, and there were present at it sixteen of the chief physician of the capital, including the professors of medicine (both the followers of Galen and Avicenna, and those of the modem school). The discussion was conducted for the most part in Persian, Dr Tholozan and myself being the only Europeans present; but occasionally a few remarks were made in French. After a little desultory conversation, a great deal of excellent tea, flavored with orange juice, and the water pipe, the proceedings commenced with a report on the death rate of Tehran, and the chief causes of mortality. This was followed by a clear and scientific account of a case of acute ophthalmia successfully treated by inoculation, the merits of which plan of treatment were then compared with the results obtained by the use of jequirity which means cock’s eye. Reports were then read on the death rates and causes of mortality at some of the chief provincial towns. According to these, Kirmanshah suffered chiefly from aque, dysentary, and small-pox, while in Isfahan, Kirma, and Shahrud, typhus, or typhoid, joined its ravages to those of the above mentioned diseases. My faith in these reports was , however, somewhat shaken when I subsequently learned that they were in great measure derived from information supplied by those whose business it was to wash the corpses of the dead. Some account was next given of a fatal haenorrhagic disease which had lately decimated the Yomut Turkomans. As these wild nomads appeared to entertain an unconquerable aversion to medical men, no scientific investigation of this outbreak had been possible. Finally, a large stone, extracted by lithotomy, was exhibited by a Persian surgeon; and after a little general conversation the meeting finally broke up about 5 pm. I was favorably impressed with the proceedings, which were, from the first to last, characterized by order, courtesy and the scientific method. And from the

334 Ibid, 22.

335 Edward Browne, A Year Among the Persians (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1959), 104.


157

enlightened efforts of this center of medical knowledge I confidently anticipate considerable sanitary and hygienic reforms in Persia. Already in the capital these efforts have produced a marked effect, and there, as well as to a lesser extent in the provinces, the old Galenic system have begun to give place to the modem theory and practice of medicine.336

While at the beginning the Shah was active and happy about the school’s

success, after the manifestations of the Turkish youth in Istanbul (1876) and the fear

that the same episode would happen in Iran, he lost interest in reform and abandoned

the efforts towards modernization. Despite the disinterest the school, during its 40

years as a Polytechnic school, Dar al-Funun graduated 1100 men. Although most of

them were not happy with the political condition in Iran, with the aid of family

connections, most of them went into government service. The most active ones,

influenced by Western ideas, become a part of the various political movements so

common in Iran at the turn of the century. In the aspiration of obtaining an

administrative position, all students who had no family connections began educational

work.337 While this school contributed to the growing intellectual enlightment, it is

important to realize that this school was only open to the elite which was only a small

percentage of the social structure.338

Because Dar al-Fonun was the only modem school in the 1870s where

sciences and languages were taught, the remaining education was in the hands of the

336 Ibid., 379.

337 Arastah, 22-23.

338 Browne, A Year Among the Persians. 108.


158

ulema. The government had nothing to say about the curriculum provided by the

ulema. Most Iranian children continued to be taught at the maktabs, the traditional

primary schools for children between ages seven and twelve, where teaching was

traditional and Islamic, concentrating at the lower levels on reading, writing and

memorization of the Koran (often without understanding its Arabic), and at higher

levels on Arabic and the traditional Islamic sciences. In Iran, Islamic philosophy was

taught much more than in the Sunni schools of the Ottoman Empire.338 Because these

schools were given no state aid, they were financed by a small tuition from parents

and religious endowments.339 Only near the end of the Qajar period were there a few

attempts, largely private, to modernize schools.340 In the 1890s, after travellers

brought reports of foreign schools, the traditional elementary school establishment

founded secular institutions. Writers published articles with the hope of reforming

childhood education.341 Still, the education of girls was limitted since only some girls

obtained an education either at home or school, and only a few attained the level of

instruction required to become a mujtahid.342

After having finished instruction at the maktab, a student was able to go to a


339 Nashat, 146.

340 Keddie, Roots of Revolution an Interpretive History of Modem Iran. 31-32.

341 Arastah, 50.



159

medrese or school of higher education to prepare for a religious, legal or teaching

job. Medreses were present in all towns, were connected to Mosques and were

upheld by waqf grants. There, the students were taught Arabic and Persian literature,

interpretation of the Koran, logic, philosophy, the £eriat and fiqh.344 The education at

the time was different than in the Ottoman Empire, where science and rational

thought had already made an impact.

Judicial Reform

The government made many efforts, though unsuccessful, to reform the

judiciary. During the Qajar period, especially when there were powerful reforming

minsters, the government attempted to increase the power of the governmental court

and its legal responsibilities.345 In the 1850s courts of justice were established to try

civil cases, but soon vanished. In 1858 and 1862 decrees were enacted establishing a

Ministry of Justice with provincial branches, thus initiating a novel authority into the

judicial system.346 Naser ad-Din Shah established the Ministry of Justice in 1858 by

dividing the affairs of the government among six ministries. However, this was a

creation in name only since the Ministry of Justice was only the Amir-i divan with a

new title, and his function continued to be the responsibility of the High Court of

344 Nashat, 146-147.

345 Keddie, Roots of Revolution An Interpretive History of Modem Iran. 32.

346 Martin, 8-9.


160

Justice.346

In December 1870, more attempts to ameliorate the judicial system through the

Ministry of Justice were conducted under the Mirza Huseyn Khan, elected Minster of

Justice, Pensions and Religious Endowments in December 1870. The most effective

means of distributing justice did not appear to be achieved by the dual system of law

dominated by two inherently antagonistic powers, the civil authorities and religious

authorities. It also had a built-in tendency toward strife between the civil and

religious groups. Mirza Huseyn Khan’s main goal of developing a powerful central

government to ensure the endurance of reform was hindered by the judicial system,

which was dominated by the provincial governors and the religious leaders. The

spirit of the judicial reforms, more than any of the later reforms of Mirza Huseyn

Khan, bore a resemblance to Ottoman and Western models.347

During the ten months he had this position he attempted to give the country

independent tribunals and a unified code of law. He established novel standards for

regulations and underscored equal treatment for all and attempted to increase the

power of the central government by developing tighter central domination of the

judicial process. A Court of Investigation to hear petitions, differentiate between

right and wrong and report in writing to the Minster of Justice, a Legislative Court to

enact rules equally applicable to every case and class, a Criminal Court to investigate

346 Nashat, 44.

347 Ibid., 44-48.


161

cases of assault, identify the one responsible and the seriousness of the crime and an

Execution Court to enact all the decisions of the Ministry of Justice were among the

four specialized courts established.349

Two weeks later the establishment of a Commercial Court to monitor

commercial transactions and problems and a Land Court to investigate old leases and

land claims was announced. However, the proclamation did not properly explain

what kind of law would be used in the commercial courts nor did it explain whether

these courts were supposed to utilize laws of Western origins as the Ottomans had

done earlier or if the Commercial Code would be drawn from existing Shar and Urf

Laws. The kind of law needed for the legislative court, the most significant of the

new courts, was explained in an ambiguous manner. During this time the ulema

increasingly monitored the Shar courts and posed more and more of a challenge to the

secular reforms.350

While Mirza Huseyn Khan was diplomatic in his relations toward the ulema,

he stated his true opinion of the ulema to a close friend:351

I believe that the mullas (clergy) should be entrusted with all matters that pertain to them, such as leading prayer, preaching, performing marriage and divorce ceremonies, answering religious questions, and the like, so long as that does not contradict the interest of the State.352

349 Ibid., 43-47.

350 Ibid., 47.

351 Ibid., 48.

352 Ibid.


162

It was not only the resistance of the ulema that hindered the successful

implementation of the judicial reform program proposed by Mirza Huseyn Khan.

Lack of previous preparation was also a reason for which the reforms were not

characterized by success.352

The Code of the Tanzimat, a much more important bill, was enacted in 1875.

While the Tanzimat Code held provisions for judicial reform, it dealt mainly with the

reform of taxation and conscription. Among the institutions created, it developed a

five-man council that included a representative from the Ministry of Justice, whose

duty was to supervise the affairs of the subjects. The appendix code, which stipulated

the responsibility of governors, showed this hazy phraseology: "Whatever happens in

the province, be it a dispute, an argument of the Jeriat or non-^eriat nature, or

disagreement concerning property, it should be referred to the Council of the

Tanzimat." Thus, by transferring control of the jurisdiction of the Urf courts to the

Council of Tanzimat, the Code tried to remove the judicial authority to the

governors.353

The Tanzimat Code did not only meddle with the duty of the Shar courts, it

attempted to indirectly dominate them. The ulema were antagonistic to the Code,

understanding any wish to enact tighter domination over the judiciary, including the

Shar courts, that would harm their power. They may also have been apprehensive of

352 Ibid.

353 Ibid., 53.


163

Article 43 of the Code which put some of the waqf property, the main source of

control and independence of the clerical class, under the domination of the Majlis.

Any attempt by the government to lessen clerical regulation of these would have

brought forth their anger. Even after the reforms were conducted most people still

sent their difficulties to the Shar Courts, which were less expensive and gave faster

responses that the Urf Courts.355

After he came back from a journey to Europe in 1889, Muzaffar al-Din Shah

called for the law to be codified. Translations of the Code of Napoleon and the

Indian Code were begun but never finished. While one of the principal difficulties

with these reforms was locating the personnel to enact them, the main hinderance was

the antagonism of the influential groups, in particular the ulema and the provincial

authorities. The ulema saw all reforms as a threat to Islam. The increased

centralization menaced the independent power structure of the religious establishment.

The law reform efforts threatened the duties of the mujtahid, the highest ranking of

the ulema, and implied government domination of an integral source of finance.

Thus, besides the creation of a Ministry of Justice, judicial reform during the time of

the Qajar Monarchy made little advancement. Because the £eriat did not exist in a

form that was understood by the common citizen and the Urf law was unwritten, the

secular authority was feeble.356

355 Ibid., 53-54.

356 Martin, 4-9.


164

The lack of success of the Iranians in legal reform can not be compared to the

reforms of the Ottomans at the same time period, which though not prefect, had

progressed much farther and caused all civil jurisdiction except that of personal status

to fall within the jurisprudence of the secular authorities. There, the jieriat was no

longer the law of the Ottoman Empire, the role of the Sultan-Caliph as supporter of

the JJeriat was weakened and the legitimacy of the ruling institution was much less

rooted on Islamic grounds. While in the Ottoman Empire the legal reforms

introduced after 1839 moved progressively away from the eriat, this was not true of

Iran where the Shiite ulema continued to wield political influence. The Iranian

national movement, antagonistic to concessions, capitulations, disadvantageous

commercial treaties and heavy foreign debt that was Iran’s legacy from European

imperialism, joined forces with Islamic traditionalism.357 Thus, it is clear that in the

nineteenth century in Iran no real advancement was made in detaching the state from

dynastic duties and changing it into a service-giving organization under national

sovereignty.358

Cultural Changes

Besides educational and judicial innovation and reforms, there were many

cultural changes which changed the face of Iran.

357 Richard Pfaff, "Disengagement from Traditionalism in Turkey and Iran," Western Political Quarterly (March 1963), 82-83.

358 Aijoumand, 33.


165

After the country was opened for commerce and travel, the European powers

who sent provincial embassies on special missions commenced to establish regular

diplomatic relations with Iran. British, Russian, French, American, German and

Belgian permanent legations were established in Tehran.358

A brief description of the modernized town of Tehran in the 1800s shows the

extent of the external impact of the West. There were two European hotels which

intersected Tehran, especially in the northern quarter, by several wide, straight

thoroughfares, some of which were even lit by gas, and one of which certain

Europeans called the "Boulevard Des Ambassaduers." There were also the French

and Italian consulates, and a little further down the office of the Indo-European

Telegraphs, and a few European shops. "Nigaristan" (Picture Gallery), the home of

Fath Ali Shah, was located close to the English Embassy, and took its name from the

many paintings which decorated the walls of its chambers.359 In the second part of

the 1870s, gas and electrical lights were presented to the capital. The lighting of the

central streets around the ark, the Tupkhaneh Square and the royal palaces was

another amelioration started by Mirza Huseyn Khan.360

There was also the development of newspapers and printing. Mirza Huseyn

Khan was very influential in explaining to his colleagues the significance of good

358 Issa Khan 20.

359 Browne, A Year Among the Persians. 100-105.

360 Nashat, 159.


166

newspapers. The sole newspaper printed in Tehran at that time was Ruznameh-vi

Dowlat-i ’Aliveh-vi Iran. Because he felt strongly about newspapers, he also initiated

a French-language newspaper after the Shah’s first European trip in 1873. On that

trip he had bought a modem printing press from Istanbul to print Persian, Arabic and

Latin books. With the aid of the Baron de Norman, a Belgian engineer

knowledgeable about railways and printing, Mirza Huseyn Khan published the French

language newspaper La Patrie to tell the outside world about Iran.361

Two other weekly newspapers established under his direction were the

Ruzriameh-vi Nizami first published December 1876 and Ruzriameh-vi Tlmiveh va

Adabiveh . issued two months later. Both focused on military and scientific affairs

but also wrote of general developments in the outside world, especially Europe. Two

years later a new newspaper called Mimkh declared the following goal:362

This Mirrikh newspaper will contain the official news concerning the armies of the Exalted Government of Iran, the translation of official telegrams from other states, a comprehensive account of the sciences prevalent in Europe, and some material concerning civilization, and the rights of man.363

One article entitled "Bashar" or "Mankind" told the reader the worth of an

individual should be determined by success and knowledge, and not by birth:364

361 Ibid., 141-143.

362 Ibid., 143-144.

363 Ibid.

364 Ibid., 144.


167

Our ancestors divided men into three groups: the nobility and aristocracy, the subjects and the poor, and the slaves. The civilized world today, which is at the dawn of progress of science, no longer agrees with that classification.Today honor is achieved through merit and not birth. Whoever possesses the right religion, the correct conviction, and perfect knowledge is sovereign and excellent.365

The development of the modem postal system in the country was of greater

importance. Mail delivery, before this time, had been carried out by private

individuals who rented the postal service for government service. Mirza Huseyn

Khan, during the Shah’s visit to Vienna in 18 /3, employed an official of the Austrian

Post Office to build the Iranian postal system along European lines. Thus by 1877,

because a weekly service connected Tehran with important European cities like

London, Paris and Berlin, Iran had entered the International Postal Union.366

The expansion of the telegraph system was another significant step in

developing the country’s communication system. Built in 1859, the first line,

connected Tehran with Sultaniyeh one hundred sixty miles to the Northwest. In 1860

the line was extended to Tabriz, and in 1863 it was connected to Julfa in Azerbaijan,

on the Russian border. Because a short time later the British government tried to

build direct communications with India, it gave Iran a direct link to Europe in

exchange for the ability to transmit the line through her territory. Since the service

which connected Bombay, Tehran, Istanbul, Baghdad and Europe on one hand and

Tabriz, Julfa, Tehran and Russia was very rudimentary, messages between England

365 Ibid.

366 Ibid., 157.


168

and India took a long time before arriving. In 1872 when the Iranian government

under Mirza Huseyn Khan’s direction signed a novel accord with the British

government that added a third wire from Julfa on the Russian border to Bushihr on

the Persian Gulf, the situation increased remarkably.367 The above are some of the

cultural surface changes that had taken place in Iran.

While during the initial years of the nineteenth century the Qajar Shahs

promoted European relations, following the Turkish Revolution of 1876, he no longer

allowed the propagation of European ideas and science. However, he wanted to use

of the externalities of European civilization to his benefit. Thus he financed his lavish

courts and government in exchange for unequal and harmful economic concessions.368

Expenses of the Shah and Hostility Ignited

The European travels of the Shah were extremely expensive and could not be

paid for by the small finances of the country. Most Iranians believed that the advent

of Western institutions, industries and methods of communication were more

rewarding to foreigners than to Iranians. Great Britain and Russia were given

concessions to construct and operate toll roads, railways, street car and telegraph

lines, to build banks, develop forests, mineral deposits, the fisheries of the Caspian

Sea and the oil resources of the country. In addition, the Iranians were extremely

367 Ibid., 157-158.

368 Young, 50.


169

antagonistic to the lavish foreign travels of the Shahs to the European capitals which

incurred tremendous expenses on the Iranian people. Most Iranians believed that all

the innovations were in the interest of the Shahs and Europe, instead of the common

Iranian people.369 Because the Shah was basically a tyrannical ruler who wanted to

maintain his control over the people, he did his very best to prevent the liberal and

threatening ideas of deep reform to infiltrate the minds of the masses.370

Intellectual Thought

While the tangible effects of Westernization, both technical and ideological,

barely reached the masses, Western political, social and economic theories and

institutions created a revolution among the intellectuals. The schools run by the

foreign missionaries were mainly channels for Western ideas and served as a stimulus

for the development of government schools turned away from the traditional religious

education in teaching courses similar to those taught in the European schools.

Printing presses were built in the country and translations of French books appeared.

Newspapers written abroad in Persian flooded the country, and also foreign trade and

the establishment of European firms in Iran in the fields of banking, diplomacy,

education and communication all represented additional channels of impact. Inspired

by European institutions and order, the Persian colonies began to publish newspapers,

369 Wilber, Contemporary Iran. 52-62.

370 Browne, A Year Among the Persians. 98-99.


170

which they covertly brought to Iran, deprecating the situation in Iran while exalting

the conditions in Europe.371

The knowledge of the superior military power, economic influence, material

advancement, democratic and liberal institutions and the well-organized systems of

law, education and administration of the West, ignited sensations of frustration, envy,

antagonism and even enmity. Some intellectual leaders promoted Western

materialism and democratic institutions, others tried to go back to the spirit of the

ancient customs and religion.372 While only few of them publicly promoted

secularism, the intellectuals were inspired by French secular thought and many

wanted to reduce the dominance of the ulema in politics.373 Still others hoped for

social and political reforms that would ignite successful competition with the West.374

For all, advancement, liberty and education were inseparable. Iranian intellectuals ,

little by little, began to understand that for modem military techniques to be effective,

the entire social, economic and political order had to be transformed.375 Laws had to

be based on those of the Europeans and Ottomans who had progressive governments.

They condemned bribery and wanted to give justice to all citizens. Laws were not to

be disobeyed even by the Monarch. However, they did not realize that the Tanzimat

371 Issa Khan, 19-20.


373 Lambton, 116-117.


375 Menashri, 27.


171

reforms of the Ottoman Empire were a continuation of previous reforms that had no

such roots in Iran.376

Patriotism, secularism, anti-clericalism, hate for arbitrary rule and the desire

for constitutional rights were among the main characteristics of the intellectuals.

Although a strong current of Islamic revivalist spirit, generated by Jamal ed-Din

Afghani, did exist among the intelligentsia of the time, the main support of

Westernization was to be found with the advocates of secularization.377 A small select

segment of the population were introduced to new ideas of the duty to the fatherland.

They wanted political, military, and judicial institutions based on Western models,

and underscored the necessity of law.378

Similar to Sadeq Rifat Pasha and Seyyed Mustafa Sami in the 1840s and the

Young Ottomans in the 1860s and 1870s, the Iranian Muslim intellectuals believed

that Western education was important for liberty and socioeconomic advancement. In

Iran, however, those ideas became known only the second half of the century with the

advent of a new group of intellectuals cultivated in Europe. Their thought was

influenced by French eighteenth century thought on education (Rousseau, Condorcet)

and many held that liberty and illiteracy could not be had taken together. Because of

the all-encompassing religious tendencies of the Iranians and their own traditional

376 Nashat, 28-30.

377 Amin Banani, The Modernization of Iran. 1921-1941 (California: Stanford University Press, 1961), 21-22.

378 Nashat, 3.


172

cultivation, however, they attempted to accommodate Western ideas with Islam.379

Because so much relied on education, the intellectuals attacked the traditional

religious schooling system as stagnant and unable to meet the challenge of the modem

times. They criticized traditional Islamic instruction for inculcating distorted social

perceptions which infiltrating the mentality of the religious and even of the political

establishment. They were criticized social traditions valuing lineage above merit and

asserted that the reason for the advancement of the West was its liberty, a product of

universal education. Against the background of almost universal illiteracy, some

intellectuals propagated mass education for the progress of the individual.380

There were some poets that could be seen as the developers of patriotic poetry

in modem Iran. They had a tremendous impact in awakening the Iranian people.

Their poetry was circulated among the intellectuals or was published abroad

anonymously in Persian, in such writings as Hablol Matin. Irshad. Akhtar. Oanun.

Havat and Charge-Rus.381 These thinkers criticized the ulema, political establishment

and social and economic elites for purposefully keeping the people ignorant, illiterate

and in constant need.382

Beginning in 1825-1826 Ja’far Ibn Ishaq had said that knowledgeable people


380 Ibid., 31-39.

381 S.R. Shaflaq, "Patriotic Poetry in Modem Iran," The Middle East Journal. VI (Washington DC, 1952), 420.

382 Menashri, 39.


173

were Gods most loved creatures. Learning, he said was more vital than praying. He

differentiated between religious and scientific knowledge and said that those who were

only knowledgeable of religious law were abased and ignorant.383

The following editorial is from a Persian periodical published by a group of

Iranians in Cairo. The Spencerian reasoning and anti-clerical tone of the article is

representative of the opinion of a large number of Iranian intellectuals at the time. It

also shows the depth of the Western impact upon the Iranian intellectuals.384 For

example, it said:

Our purpose in founding this periodical is to create a revolution in ideas, particularly in the ideas of the young who are still receptive to education...In the first place, we should not be afraid of the word "revolution."Revolutions are the educators of mankind. Revolutions breed progress and advance civilization.385

This editorial explains that while before revolutions were incited by prophets

who were influenced by the needs of the time, today, through rapid communication,

revolution would be achieved through rational and scientific thinkers.386

The need for transformation was without a doubt. Some progressive clerics

said a constitution in harmony with the £eriat was essential. The intellectuals found

this faulty because if one wished to base the government and the rights of the people

383 Ibid., 31.

384 Banani, 22.

385 Ibid.

386 Ibid., 22-23.


174

upon the Koran, one must understand that there was much of great importance in

contemporary society such as elections, taxation, tariffs, the tenure of the presidency

and responsibilities of ministers that was untouched in the Koran. Thus the

intellectuals were unreceptive to the notion of a constitutional regime in harmony with

the Serial. They felt that European laws had been developed with equity and in

harmony with the necessities of the time. Thus in the time before Reza Shah the

intellectuals were influenced by the West and were anti-clerical.387 For example:

We must adopt these gratefully and establish a "civil code" for ourselves...We must also model our fundamental criminal, commercial, and other codes on European models. If we examine all the feqh and hadith books until doomsday, we shall never find any sensible answers to these problems. Likewise, if all the mujtahids were to put their heads together, their combined intelligence would be inadequate to cope with these matters. Therefore, we must respectfully approach the house of the "unclean and heathen" farangi and implore them to save us from our ignorance and misery...Mullas and zealots will persecute us and call us irreligious, but the truth is that true Islam is not opposed to civilization.388

Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzadeh

Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzadeh was one of the earliest reformers. Mirza Fath

Ali Akhundzadeh translated works from English and French and contrasted the beliefs

of constitutional and parliamentary rule with the traditional system in Iran. He was a

rational secularist, believing that it was not possible to harmonize Islam with the

387 Ibid., 23-24.

388 Ibid., 24.


175

modem state, since Islam was too dictatorial, and therefore not reconcilable with

liberty and equality.389 Because he was a strong proponent of social reform and one

of the initial advocators of Iranian nationalism, his political writings concentrated on

the reasons for Iran's loss to Russia and Iran’s chaos. He said that the Islamic

conquest and tyranny were the chief causes for Iran’s problems. He condemned the

government, the Shah and tyranny in his writings.390 He was one of the intellectuals

who did not try to reconcile Western views with Islam and was openly anti-clerical

and anti-Islamic.391

Muhammed Khan Sinaki Majd al-Mulk

Muhammed Khan Sinaki Majd al-Mulk, a top level bureaucrat, in 1870,

published Risala-vi Majdiyva. one of the first writings to admonish the government of

Iran for the lack of correct laws. He partly blamed the ulema for their inability to

stay away from tyranny, their paradoxical judgement and their opposition to the new

education. He also criticized the government leaders for their haphazard actions and

for their debasement of law.392

389 Martin, 5.

390 Nashat, 31-33.


392 Martin, 5.


176

Abd al-Rahim Talibov

Abd al-Rahim Talibov was also one of the main poets of the group. His

works were important in modernization since they spoke of social reforms. He tried

to forewarn the Monarch Naser ad-Din Shah to salvage the country.393 Abd al-Rahim

Talibov, in Kitab-Ahmad (1894), a book written to teach a young boy of European

progress, underscored European accomplishments in science, history and geography.

In addition, he wrote about the regulations of behavior, and differentiated these with

the backwardness of Iran. Similar to other reformers he believed that law was the

key to advancement and declared that he wanted to establish legislative and judicial

institutions.394 He was one of the greatest advocator of the expansion of the new

education and believed that the absence of knowledge and spiritual poverty were the

enemies of freedom. His educational philosophy was best seen in Ketab-e Ahmad

(The Book of Ahmad), a book, inspired by Rousseau’s Emile. This book was

essentially a dialogue between the author and Ahmad and Mahmud (recalling

Rousseau’s Sophia and Emile).395 He said to them:

Should we possess the potential, i.e. knowledge, and understand the meaning of property, we would not squander what we dissipate now...But we don’t have potential and we lack education. Why? Because we don’t have laws. We don’t have (proper) maktabs, (new) schools, or teachers, and, other than some mythical books, we have no literature. ..We have neither motivation nor educators. Therefore we don’t possess wealth...(Therefore) any Muslim who is

393 Shaflaq, 420.

394 Martin, 5-6.

395 Menashri, 36.


177

a patriot and loyal to the Shah will admit that if we will (only) have a constitution, we will have education, and (consequently) will possess wealth, order and independence. But if we ignore these truths, we will be nothing but fools who betray their nation, homeland and religion.396

He believed that it was the responsibility of the government to provide

schooling and that it was essential that parents send their children to school to be

instructed. Unlike his colleagues, he argued that education had a role in advocating

social and occupational progress.397

Talibov told his son Ahmad why he did not want to send him to a maktab:

If the akhund teaching (your brother) Mahmud had gone through the same teacher training customary in other countries, if he had passed the same exams as they do, if our education system had any resemblance to that of the developed countries...I would have allowed you to study at a maktab. You see how after studies of only four months in the new school you have gained more knowledge than Mahmud who is attending the old maktab for over three years, and you already know English and German, before the age of nine, the students at the new schools study the history of their nation, the principles of religion, the first elements of geometry and arithmetic, geography, physics, chemistry, literature, and several foreign languages. At the age of fifteen, they fully master the science of law and life sciences. But the tollab (students of medrese), even at the age of seventy, are still stuck in the laws of taharat (purification), wondering how to spell that word.398

Adib-e-Pishawuri

Another famous poet was Adib-e-Pishawuri. He was known for his knowledge

of Islamic theology, philosophy and literature. He spoke of the moral and national

396 Ibid.

397 Ibid., 32-36.

398 Ibid., 43.


178

renaissance and wanted to eradicate the laziness of the past and bring back the ancient

glories of the ancient Persian Empire. This longing for the past is contrasted with the

Ottoman vision of the future.399 He wrote:

If the eyes of thy fortune were enlightened,In thy hands there would have been a sword; on thy body a coat-of-mail.Thou wouldst have cleansed the country of all causes of disgrace;Thou wouldst not have fallen low before the whites and blacks.We must needs weep over that land and soil which has to exist according to the wishes of its evil-wisher- The soil whereon thy naval cord was cut on birth;The soil which gave nourishment to thy body and soul.Thou shouldst love it for the sake of thy religion;Thy Prophet said so, and it ought to be so.Shouldst thou possess very little of this love,Then though needst not consider thyself a good Muslim.400

Mirza Yusuf Khan Mostashar al-Dowla

Mirza Yusuf Khan Mostashar al-Dowla was another important reformer and

proponent of secularism who wanted to reduce clerical influence whenever possible.

The younger generation of reformers saw him as a teacher and a source of

guidance.401 He wrote:

The Sheikh ul-Islam [Seyhulislam] and I see fit that all questions pertaining to disputes should be removed from the control of the ulema and should be placed under the control of the Ministry of Justice. Henceforth, the ulema should not interfere with disputes and should limit their meddling to matters related to religious practices, such as prayer, fasting, preaching, marriage,

399 Shaflaq, 421

400 Ibid., 422.

401 Nashat, 31.


179

divorce, burials, and the like, in the same way it is done in Europe.402

Mirza Yusuf Khan attached similar significance to the propagation of education

but considered a constitutional regime its prerequisite. Once such a regime existed,

education was essential for its perpetuation. In Yek Kalime (A Single Word), 1869-

1870, he claimed that a single word contained the key to progress: law. There he

said that law was the secret of European advancement. In particular he praised the

French codes of law and admonished the way of current Islamic law was practiced.

His solution was a separation of religious and secular activities in law, by which the

^eriat was to deal with such religious concerns as prayer and fasting, while the codes

of law based on the French model could conduct the worldly affairs of the Iranians.

Because he understood that such as idea could stir religious resentment, Mustashar al-

Daula attempted to prove that the law developed by the people’s representatives in

their legislative assembly could be harmonized with Islamic law. He asserted that such

an assembly was rationalized on the basis of the hadith, the Muslim tradition of

consultation.403 However, without obligatory state-run education the rule of law

would not survive.404

402 Ibid., 31-32.

403 Martin, 5.



180

Sepahsalar (1826-1881)

While Sepahsalar (1826-1881) is famous for his political rather than his

intellectual career, he had a significant role in the country’s intellectual advancement,

since he was stirred by a deep love for the West and an intense wish to mimic its

civilization. The Treatises Ilm va Jahl (Knowledge and Ignorance) and Tarbivvat

(Culture) reflected his view best. In Ilm va Jahl. inspired by the Muslim historian Ibn

Khaldun, he differentiated nomadic with sedetary life in order to manifest the level of

development that had been attained. At first, in the state of wildness and lack of

cultivation, man just tried to survive. Although with the commencement of education

the second period dawns, people were not yet able to use science and technology.

Finally appears the part of civilization in which education advances enough for man to

dominate nature. He said that it was the responsibility of the government to require

parents to send their children to school for the advancement of the state and progress

in Tarbivvat ,40S

Influenced mostly by the Young Ottomans, Sepahsalar was interested in the

development of a constitutional order to ensure political liberty and social justice.

Since the only way to attain perfection, progress and distinction was by knowledge,

he believed that a European-styled education system was essential.406

...A governor cannot understand his duties without education and a knowledge of world affairs and history...enabling him to study the governments that have

405 Ibid., 30-32.

406 Ibid., 35.


181

attained progress...In Short, individuals can by perspicacity transform a small nation into a strong and great one; similarly, it is possible for individuals to destroy a great nation by sheer carelessness.407

Malkum Khan (1833-1908)

From amongst the Iranian intellectuals and reformers who thought of education

as the main necessity for liberty and advancement, Malkum Khan (1833-1908) was

one of the most significant. He studied in Paris and lived abroad for many years and

lived in Istanbul at the time of the Ottoman reforms. He knew much of the thought

and manners of the West, which he hoped to bring to Iran. His first treatise, Daftar-e

Tanzimat (The Book of Reforms) enabled him to become the first propagator of

comprehensive educational transformation.408

He explained his view of education as a necessity of advancement and for a

constitutional order. He stated that the endurance of Iran was contingent on

knowledge, and unless it adopted Western education, Iran could not equal the success

of the West. He said that soley the propagation of education had allowed the West to

build a political order rooted on justice in Neda’-vi ’Edalat (Call of Justice). He said

that Iran was in chaos due to the lack of constitutional justice and the inability of its

leaders to understand the significance of education. In Dastag-e Divan (The Divan

(ie Court System), he said that the progress of instruction was integral for the creation

407 Ibid.

408 Ibid., 29.


182

of a new civilization and in Osul-e Adamivvat (Principles of Humanism) he stated that

only knowledge made human life significant.409

Malkum Khan, in the first issue of his paper Oanun (Law), underscored that

Iran’s hopes for advancement were contingent on education. In issue number 11 he

questioned: "Who is the greatest of Iran’s kings?" and answered: "He who rescues

Allah’s worshippers from the courtiers’ suppression by spreading knowledge and by

establishing a constitution."410

He criticized the fact that it was inheritance instead of a person’s intelligence

that indicated his status. This caused the elite to have little need and the lower classes

little reason to ensure their children’s education. Malkum made fun of the current

practice in his Dastgah-e Divan:411

One of my sons has extraordinary talents, but he does neither pursue knowledge nor do I encourage him to study. The reason is that in Iran, one can be appointed minister even if one has no education; the rank of brigadier- general can be bought for 500 tomam; and a person can be made commander- in-chief at the age of fifteen. But I, even if I knew seven languages, would still have to be the servant of a vacant-minded illiterate. Even should my son study public administration, it will still be the children of the rich who will become provincial governors.412

Many critics attributed the following frequently quoted statement to Naser al-

409 Ibid., 34.

410 Ibid.

411 Ibid., 39-40.

412 Ibid.


183

Din Shah: "I want my courtiers to be illiterate and lacking in understanding and

knowledge to the degree that they will not be able to tell whether Brussels is a city of

a cabbage." Writing in the tenth issue of the Qunun, Malkum condemned the Shah of

wanting to keep his subjects as illiterate and uneducated as he could, and to eradicate

the arts and sciences in order to prevent the demand to be treated like human

beings.413

In the following poem he condemned the ruler of the time as egotistic and

unnationalistic since he gave concessions to the foreigners:414

Is it not that the condition is upside down, and that the whole country has become a place of demons?

Is it not that tyranny and lawlessness have increased and that the people are in misery?

Is it not that the King has become a beggar, the country desolate, and the people in distress from oppression?415

Most of the criticism, however, was pointed at the ulema. Here Malkum was

the most condemning writer. In Nowm va Yaqza he made one of his characters say:

"Those most hostile to the ordering of the country, the education of the people, are

the ulama and the fanatic grandees." It is true that the new education threatened the

ulema since they would no longer dominate education and would lose an integral

source of income.416

413 Ibid., 40.

414 Shaflaq, 422-423.

415 Ibid., 423.



184

The instructors of the maktab were in most cases lower-ranking mullas

deficient in education and pedagogical training. In his book of fictitious travels in

Iran, in which he unveiled the evils of Iranian society, Hajj Zayn al-Abedin

Maraghe’i talked of an encounter with such a teacher who had never heard the word

geometry and did not know elementary arithmetic: "I asked him to write one

thousand two hundred and thirty-four, he wrote 1000200304." Maraghe’i concluded:

"I realized that he was a true akhund."417

During the 1850s and 1860s and early in 1870 he tried to persuade the Shah

and high government leaders to reform as Europe had done. In his first works of the

1860s, believing that Constitutional Monarchy and other European institutions were

not suitable in the Iranian context, he highlighted the reform of the administration.

He believed that the European states were secure since they had effective

administration which brought good order and led to the growth of trade and progress.

Hence he advocated clear rules in the Iranian administration. In addition he stressed

legal improvement in the form of codes of law, which most likely came prior to all

advancement. He called for more dramatic reforms by the end of his career. In his

newspaper Oanun published in London, he desired the reduction of royal influence by

an assembly named the Majlis-i Shaura-yi Kabir-i Milli. (The Great National

Consultative Assembly), to be made up of the most prominent members of society.

This establishment would promulgate laws to regulate all aspects of the government.

417 Ibid., 42.


185

Ministries, though appointed by the Shah, would be requested to respond to the

Assembly. Malkum put heavy emphasis on law as the way to prevent tyranny and

make the government in Iran more efficient. At the same time, with the goal of

moving the impact of the ulema on the side of the reform movement and against the

current state, Malkum identified reform with religion in order to make transformation

more appealing. He depicted a complimentary picture of the ulema as the leaders of

a future reform movement to establish an assembly.418 This is different than Ottoman

reforms, and is due to the influence of the ulema in the social structure and the deep

religiosity of the populace.

He was one of the three liberals put to death in Tabriz by the order of the

Crown Prince, Muhammed Ali, who later as Shah was opposed to the constitution and

invaded the Majlis in June of 1908. He and the others who were killed were

extremely important in inciting patriotic feelings and igniting the revolutionary

period.419

Conditions in Iran at the Turn of the Century

What were the conditions in Iran at the turn of the century? While at the turn

of the century the economic situation was improving, there was no progress at all in

political life. Misgovemment, tyranny and injustice was rampant and worsening.

418 Martin, 6.

419 Shaflaq, 422-423.


186

However, the accompanying economic progress, augmenting international relations

and political understanding, made the unchanging tyrannical political life unacceptable

and caused a revolutionary atmosphere. Against this background of constant bread

riots, misgovemment of the provinces and the tyrannical rule of the new governor of

Tehran, public discontent over the Shah’s lavish coming trip to Europe and the

arrogant conduct of the Belgian director of Customs administration, Monsieur Naus,

an alliance and rebellion was ignited between the hierocracy and civil society.420

The Constitutional Revolution

Notions such as those of Malkum Khan transformed traditional beliefs of the

nature and role of the government and influenced a few ulema.421 Intellectuals and

the lower and middle ranks of the ulema who were unhappy with the current

situation, commenced to secretly convene together to examine the liberal ideas taking

place in Western Europe and advocated new rules for the society.422 While the

background of the intellegencia was diverse and comprised of clerical, bureaucratic,

landowning and mercantile elements, they were able to unify on the philosophy of the

Enlightment, the notion of advancement and political ideas like nationalism and

420 Aijoumand, 36.

421 Martin, 7.

422 Lambton, 9.


187

democracy.423 Thus the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911 was the traditional

point when the Old Order was finally broken and a new one established. The ulema

were very influential in the process. Because none of the ulema had any experience

with Western-styled government, the secularizing characteristic and the dramatic

institutional transformations that would come about were not exactly clear to the

ulema. In addition, in order to make them a part of the reform movement, the

intellectuals had hidden their ideas in orthodox terminology.424

The Constitution

When Iran enacted the constitutional parliamentary government in 1906, she

transcended the medieval Islamic theory of government to a modem system rooted in

Western theory without any of the interceding occurrences and knowledge of checks

and balanced which had occured in the West and Ottoman Empire.425 This is an

important difference which must be considered.

The central segment of the constitution was a translation of the Belgian

constitution of 1830. The constitution declared the nature of government and the

constitutional powers of the Monarch who ruled by the grace of God and the will of

the people of Iran. The constitution, which combined Western and Islamic ideas and

423 Aijoumand, 35.

424 Martin, 1-7.

425 Lambton, 15.


188

institutions, even had a Bill of Rights. While subject to strict harmony with the Seriat

and approval of the ulema, it embraced all decrees of Western liberal democracy

based upon the seventeenth and eighteenth century concepts of natural law and the

natural rights of man. However, it tried to establish a Western liberal democracy

with secular and separate institutions such as the legislative, executive and judicial

branches without the notion of the separation of Church and State, the basic

prerequisite of such a system.426 Because of the strong impact of religion and the fact

that the ulema had been influential in the Revolution of 1906, Shiite Islam was named

the religion of the state.427

It is essential to realize that the Constitutional Revolution aimed to decrease

the influence of the Shah, not as a component of political reform, but because the

Qajar Shahs had allowed Western encroachment to take place. Therefore the

Monarch’s power had to be reduced in order to halt the European powers, not Islam.

This was manifested by the fact that the Shiite mujtahids were active in the

Constitutional Revolution of 1906. Thus the constitution was not an attack on the

Islamic nature of the state. The constitution was characterized by many religious and

secular contradictions which show the lack of a rational and positive basis to the new

constitution.428

426 Banani, 17.

427 Issa Khan, 33-34.

428 Pfaff, 84.


189

One sees the contradictions when studying the different articles of the

Constitution: 429 The following show the strict Islamic nature of the government:

Article 1: The official religion of Iran is Islam of the true sect of the Ja’fariah Ithna ’Ashariah. The Shah must protect and profess this faith.

Article 2: The Majlis, which has been formed by the blessing of the Imam ’Asr, may God speed His appearance, and by the grace of His Majesty the Shah, and by the vigilance of the Islamic ’ulema, may God increase their example, and by the Iranian nation, may at no time legislate laws that are contradictory to the sacred laws of Islam...It is self-evident that it is the responsibility of the ulema to determine and judge such contradictions. Therefore it is officially decreed that in each legislative session a board of no less than five men, comprised of mujtahids and devout fuqaha, who are also aware of the needs and exigencies of the time,...be nominated by the ulema. The Majlis shall accept this board as full members. It is their duties to study all the legislative proposals, and if they find any that contradict the sacred laws of Islam, they shall reject it. The decision of this board in this respect is binding and final. This provision of the Constitution is unalterable until the coming of the Imam Asr, may God Speed His appearance.

Article 18: All sciences and crafts may be freely learned and taught accept those that are forbidden by the Sharia.

Article 20: All publications, with the exception of heretical books and literature harmful to Islam, can be freely circulated and censorship over them is forbidden.

Article 58: No one shall become the Minister of the state unless he is a Muslim and a native citizen of Iran.

Further, all positions in the new administrative and judicial machinery such as notaries public, military personnel and judges were allowed only to Muslims.430

429 Banani, 17.

430 Ibid., 17-19.


190

The Constitution guarantees the following civil rights which are in conflict

with the Islamic regulations:

Article 8: The people of Iran shall have equal rights before the laws of the state.

Article 9: The Life, property, home and honor of every individual areprotected against all molestation. No one shall be molested except by the order of and in the manner provided by the laws of the state.

Article 10: Except in cases of major crime, no one shall be summarily arrested without the written order of the Justice of the Court as provided by the law. The charges against the arrested person must be declared to him within twenty-four hours of his arrest.

Article 11: No one shall be denied the jurisdiction of the court competent in his case and be referred to another court.

Article 12: No sentence may be handed down and carried out unless provided by law.

Article 13: The house and home of everyone is safe and protected. No one shall enter any domicile by force except by the order and in the manner provided by law.

Article 14: No Iranian may be exiled, refused residence, or forced to reside in a particular place except where provided by law.

Article 15: No ones property may be expropriated except with legal warrants and then only after the settlement and payment of just compensation.

Article 17: Denial of access to one’s property is forbidden unless required by law.

Article 22: Mail shall be exempt from confiscation and censorship except when provided by law.

Article 76: All trials shall be public unless they disturb order or offend morality. In such cases the court may rule for a closed trial.

Article 94: No taxes shall be levied except by law.


191

Article 97: Everyone shall be treated equally in matters pertaining to the payment of taxes.431

The first Penal Code ever enacted in Iran was given to the Majlis for approval

on January 1912. This Code, which consisted of 506 articles, was the initial attempt

to apply the Napoleonic Code upon the^eriat in Iran. It was signed by three

mujtahids, who declared that it was deemed worthy by the standards of the Jeriat and

that its new elements did not contradict the laws of the jeriat.432

Patriotic Poetry

After the proclamation of the constitution in 1906 and the liberty of the press

that followed, patriotic poetry grew flourished. The daily papers published much of

the patriotic writings of the Iranians. During the constitutional period the patriotic

poetry was political, social and nationalistic.433

The patriotic themes were marked with a revitalization of Iranian traditions.

The glorification of the ancient Empire of Iran was the natural form that the new

nationalist movement would take. They described Iran’s Aryan race and even tried to

praise the Zoroastrian faith. The great empire of Darius and the teachings of

Zoroaster: good thoughts, good words and good deeds were very often referred to.

A nationalist opera called the Resurrection was composed by Eshghi during the period

431 Ibid., 18-19.

432 Ibid., 36.

433 Shaflaq, 423.


192

of 1920-24. Describing the great kings of ancient Iran and the Prophet Zoroaster

rising to life to be dismayed at the present conditions of the country, the song ended

with a prayer of Zoroaster for Iran.434 This is different than the Ottoman Empire,

which wrote of progressive modem themes of the future, not of the past glories.

Thus one sees the greater scientific and rational understanding of the Ottoman Turks

than the Iranians who were inspired by the ancient victories.


Because schools have been called factories for producing human beings, before

terminating this section on the history of Iranian reform before Reza Shah it is

necessary to examine the educational innovations. It will be seen that science and

rationalism were not elements of the new educational structure during this time. This

is important since this would prevent rational human beings to be a part of the social

structure. What was the characteristic of education in Iran during this period directly

before the advent of Reza Shah?

Shiism became the religion of the state due to the strong influence of religion

and the fact that the ulema had led the Revolution of 1906. Article 18 of the

Constitution stated that the study of all sciences, arts and crafts was permitted except

those forbidden by Islamic law, and Article 20 said that all publications except

heretical books detrimental to Islam were kept from censorship. All of the laws

434 Banani, 15.


193

passed by parliament on education were characterized with the Islamic spirit.435

The Second Session of the Majlis in 1910 established a Ministry of Education,

Waqf and Fine Arts to deal with educational matters. The proclamation of mandatory

elementary education for all, the gathering of educational statistics, professional

instruction for teachers, the establishment of adult education classes, the publication

of textbooks, the declaration of the responsibility of the Ministry to dispatch students

to Europe and the establishment of libraries, historical and scientific institutions, and

historical and technological museums were among the many modem innovations

advocated by this law. This law also advocated the establishment of a Consultative

Board to be connected to the Ministry whose duty it would be to resolve conflicts

between the religious schools and the state schools. Yet the Fundamental Law of

Education passed by the Majlis in 1911 showed the continued power of the clerics.436

The Fundamental Law of 1911 manifested the continued influence of the

religious establishment. Article 7 said that non-Muslim students could not ask to be

instructed in their religious laws at the state schools, article 14 of the Fundamental

Law of 1911 said that the Ministry of Education forbid the utilization of any textbook

which would be harmful to the morals and religion of the Muslim students and article

17 said that the curriculum of elementary and secondary schools was required to

435 Issa Khan, 33-34.

436 Banani, 90.


194

instruct in the Shii religion.437 Articles and books concerned with religious topics

were censored by an export on theology designated by the Ministry of Education.438

Clerical power hindered many other provisions of this law. The articles

regarding the liscencing of schools, principals and teachers, the uniform use of the

approved textbooks in the maktab as well as the state schools, the maintenance of

hygienic standards in the classrooms, the requirement that the maktab pupils take state

examinations, and the ban on capital punishment, continued not be met.439 As far as

the education of girls was concerned, they had to attend special schools and were

instructed by women. Women were permitted to be taught such subjects as

penmanship, or in secondary schools, Arabic and the general sciences by old men.

Co-education was presently not to be discussed.440 In the modem schools opened

after the Constitutional Revolution no teachers were available other than the students

of religious colleges who instructed as they themselves had learned and were seldom

improved in their techniques. Because the method of learning was through

memorization, pupils had to memorize Persian poems, the Koran, Persian grammar,

catechism, history and geography. Each class period was about one hour in length,

during which the child had to sit completely motionless and quiet. If he/she dared say

437 Ibid.

438 Issa Khan, 33-34.

439 Banani, 90-91.

440 Issa Khan, 41.


195

a word to his neighbor, or worse still, to smile, he was criticized. To ask questions

when the instructor was explaining was a great offense, while to ask questions at

other times was considered rude. At that time students did not feel respected and

were made fun of in front of their peers. When they were punished the teacher made

them feel that it was by caprice not because of the community’s desire. In the

curriculum of learning by rote, lacking stimulus and movement, the child was inspired

by nothing.441 ^

The child was forced to perform the difficult duties of the school and to

memorize as many facts as possible for about twelve to fifteen years. The child was

not taught that medical science was more effective than written prayer. The fact that

the same course of study was prescribed for towns, villages, mountains and seashore

demonstrated that the curriculum was not chosen according to social utility. With the

knowledge that he/she learned in school, upon graduation he/she was not at all

professionally prepared for the real world. Those who completed secondary schooling

showed no creativity or aggressiveness. While they had alot of knowledge about

books they had no leadership qualities.442

In Iran at this time, unlike the Ottoman Empire, there was a scarcity of

libraries. Few of the existing libraries had historical and geographic collections of

stones, plants and animals, and laboratories of natural and physical sciences, which

441 Ibid., 95-97.

442 Ibid., 97-100.


196

were necessary for effective instruction. In contrast to the Ottoman Empire, even the

School of Medicine had no laboratory for anatomy. The Ministry of Education at that

time began to provide laboratories for secondary schools, but most of these

laboratories were not utilized since there were hardly any teachers who had the

knowledge of their practical use and the techniques of science. It was not understood

that the instruction of science had to be accompanied by observation and

experimentation .443

Issa Khan Sadiq in Modem Persia and Her Educational System said that in the

transforming economic development, novel educational notions were integral.

Curriculum and methods had to be chosen with the desire to advocate social goals

based on the needs of each individual community. He believed that the method of

education in Iran was not in line with the modem view of teaching, which believed

physical as well as intellectual activity was essential to child life, that interest was the

best catalyst for effort and that knowledge had to be attained by action.444

Iran did not at all understand Dewey’s theory on education which stated that

education and school should prepare the child for adult life. Instead of bringing him

to the center of school life and shaping his ability and interest, education in Iran was

a process of cramming information and skills that were thought to be of utility to

adults. In Europe, the L’Ecole Nouvelle taught manual skill and expression through

443 Ibid., 108-109.

444 Ibid., 97.


197

the building of objects that appeal to the child. It sharpened the creative and

reasoning power of the mind by teaching arts and crafts, liberal writings and poetry

about what the child experienced himself.445 This was not at all characteristic of the

education in Iran.

It was the "Ecole Active" which prepared children and adolescents for both

material and spiritual life. In order to best develop manual skill, confidence and the

ability to engage in observation, contact with nature and knowledge of its laws and

health, Western schools attached significance, for example, to carpentry, culture of

the soil or care of animals. The ideals of endurance and utility were of the utmost

importance. Even Turkey included this process of "orientation" in her curriculum.446

Part of the scientific thought process of the Enlightment which promoted experience

and more time on such subjects as mathematics and science, rather than dogma, it

formed an integral part of the educational thought process.

Issa Khan Sadiq felt that the instruction, not memorization of the physical and

natural sciences, was the key to the destruction of belief in fate and superstitions. He

felt that the same means brought to the Western world its influence and advancement

in manufacturing, transportation, communications, finances, commerce and morality.

The inductive method was the only one worthy of displaying the power of man: first,

accurate observation, second, the precise recording of the facts observed, third, the

445 Ibid., 97-100.

446 Ibid., 98-99.


198

proof of those facts, and, finally, the discovery of the underlying principle or law.

These steps could be followed in laboratories, in the classroom or in the field.447

According to Issa Khan Sadiq the most important element lacking in secondary

schools in Iran was extracurricular activities. He believed extracurricular activities to

be the best way to enable youth to attain initiative, self-reliance, leadership, a spirit of

cooperation and confidence in his own abilities. He also felt that teachers should

place less emphasis on learning by rote and that students should be given the chance

for self-expression and questioning at any time.448

Impact of the Reforms

Despite the fact that the different governments that were in power during the

Qajar Monarchy advocated reforms, the modernization that proceeded Reza Shah was

in no way as successful as what had occured in the Ottoman Empire during the same

time period. In 1920, despite the relations that it had had with the West, Iran

continued to be a completely Oriental nation, much as it had been a century earlier.

Neither Western technology nor Western ideology had deeply penetrated the country.

This was especially evident in the technological changes.449

While the relatively few members of the intelligencia had been impacted by the

447 Ibid., 101-102.

448 Ibid., 101.

449 Banani, 28-36.


199

West, Iran as a nation remained completely untransformed. In addition, the extent of

Westernization among the upper class was not consistent. The majority of them did

utilize a lot of European good in their daily life, for example, clothing, toilet articles,

paper and glassware, but electricity in the house was still very rare even in the cities.

While some of the members of the upper class possessed vehicles of transportation,

there did not exist any paved roads anywhere in the country. While it was not

unusual for an elite family to have at least one son who was exposed to Western

clothing, Western ideas and theories in Europe, when the young men returned to Iran

family structure, marital relations and idiosyncrasies continued to be Persian.450

The impact of the reforms was even less upon the merchant class. While the

wealthier merchants formed a powerful minority in Iranian society, despite their

business ventures with the West, they showed much less Westernization than the

landed aristocracy of the cities. All the small merchants, shopkeepers, artisans,

craftsmen and petty officials, lived completely unaffected by Western ideas.451

The peasantry, the largest component of Iranian society, lived as they had for

centuries. The religious attitude and comprehension of Persian history was taught by

the local molla and by the stories of the travelling storyteller or those who had

learned the Persian classics and legends. While some villages had contacted the

externalities of Western civilization through the main roads and while the homes of

450 Ibid., 28-30.

451 Ibid., 29.


200

the more prosperous merchants had a few items from the West, none had any notion

of Western ideas and concepts. The great number of villages in the remote regions

had even less contact with anything from the West. The tribal population of Iran (in

1920 roughly 15% of the total) continued to be totally unaffected by modem progress

of any type.452

Thus while the Constitutional Revolution transferred power from the Absolute

Monarchy to Constitutional Monarchy, neither the governmental establishment nor

any of the certain actions taken prior to and following the revolution transferred much

beyond the externalities of Iran. Less than two decades after the revolution,

despotism would return and foreign influence continue.453

The chaos after the end of the World War I brought the rise to power of Reza

Khan (later Reza Shah Pahlavi), who from 1925-1941 attempted to reform Iran.454

Unlike the Ottoman Empire, the reforms conducted in Iran prior to Reza Shah were

not characterized by science, rational thought and positive law. Reza Shah would

continue in the spirit of these earlier surface reforms in Iran. Before the story of

Reza Shah Pahlavi one will examine the reforms conducted in Turkey under Mustafa • (

Kemal Ataturk. Ataturk would continue on the foundation of the scientific, rational

and positive reforms of the Ottoman Empire.

452 Ibid.

453 Kasravi, 2.

454 Bahrampour, Iran: Emergence of a Middle Eastern Power. 9-10.


Reproduced

with perm

ission of the

copyright ow

ner. Further


without

permission.

TIKM0J&

' Sea o f O Marmara

TfjarJattUtti

L h r J ?

Aegean1 oSea

G ulf o f Antalya G*l/*l/y ilS

/il/ztrftrM ( I J

Syria omuz.,Mediterranean Sea Cyprus

Figure 4 . Map o f Turkey (CIA - Atlas o f the M iddle East, 1993) , 46.

201

CHAPTER 5

ATATURK AND THE RATIONAL, POSITIVE AND SCIENTIFIC BASIS TO HIS

REFORMS

Turkey After the War

In 1914 the Ottomans entered World War I. By the end of 1918 it appeared

as if the "Sick Man of Europe" would finally die. Tired by eight years of almost

constant fighting, the once victorious Ottoman Empire was depopulated, demoralized

and vanquished by the allies.457 Because about 2.5 million Turks died in the War,

Anatolia and Eastern Thrace were left with a population of 13,269, 606.458 Because

the Turks had failed to achieve national homogeneity in the multi-ethnic Ottoman

Empire and after the signing of the armistice at Mondros on October 30, 1918, the

Ottomans were compelled to sign the Sevres Treaty on August 10, 1920 which

divided the non-Muslim and non-Turkish lands of the Ottoman Empire into many

different states. In protest to the Mondros Treaty Armistice and the Sevres Treaty,

the Turkish nation embarked on its war of liberation under the command of Mustafa



202


203

Kemal (later Ataturk). Most of the territory within the national boundaries laid down

by the National Pact of 1920 were ceded to Turkey in the Lausanne Peace Treaty.459

Mustafa Kemal- Who was he?

It was Ataturk who would revitalize Turkey, and through his singleness of

purpose transform a dying Empire into a homogeneous state.460 He had graduated

from the military school (Harbiye) in which the ideas of the French Revolution were

propagated. He believed, as did all the Ottoman intellectuals in his generation raised

on the revolutionary ideas of the Young Ottomans, in constitutional government and

fundamental rights and liberties. That the sole way to salvage the Empire was a

radical transformation in the political system to be based on Western democracies,

was proved to him by the failure of the Young Ottomans and the Party of the Union

and Progress. His dedication to the modem state against the absolutism of the Sultan-

Caliph is seen in his statement, "freedom is my character."461

Differences with the Reforms of the Ottoman Empire

What made Ataturk different from the reformers of the Ottoman Empire?

459 Jacob Landau, Ataturk and the Modernization of Turkey (Colorado: Westview Press), 50.

460 Lord Kinross, Ataturk A Biography of Mustafa Kemal Father of Modem Turkey (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1965), 429-430.

461 Renda and Kortepeter, 25.


204

Westernization had only occurred at the start of the nineteenth century, when it was

understood that the Ottoman Empire would decay if the army was not rejuvenated.

During that time, Westernization had taken place slowly, first in the Turkish army

and then in the central and local administration. Thus, it was the endurance of the

state, rather than any belief in the virtues and benefits of Western civilization, that

formed the main reason behind their initial desire to Westernize. The Islamic

community was hesitant to embrace transformation and clung to Ottoman beliefs.

Even those who advocated modem reform were emotionally attached to the Ottoman

past. Because the Westernization movement upheld traditional institutions such as the

medrese and the Islamic legal system, while at the same time implementing Westem-

style institutions and methods, it did not deeply reach the hearts and minds of most of

the population.462

Ataturk differed from his contemporaries since he felt that advancement could

not be accomplished within a multi-racial Ottoman state and believed that a successful

modernization program could not combine the old and the new. The program of

modernization had to have a radical character to impact all of the Turkish society and

transform most of the traditional ideas and institutions. Thus a tremendous break in

the psychology of the people was essential. Because he believed that the Turkish

people had to be able to think for themselves and had to be liberated in order to deal

with worldly problems, he believed in constitutional government and human rights

462 Landau, 51.


205

and liberties. Thus, he felt that political transformation meant the eradication of the

absolutist Ottoman state for a democratic system with boundaries between the ruler

and the ruled. He also wanted to present a Western social, cultural and economic

value system to promote the Turks to augment their abilities in the economic,

scientific and cultural fields.463

Degree of Secularization

One of the central characteristics which distinguished the Kemalist Revolution

from other modernizing movements in the Islamic world was the degree of secularism

undertaken by the Turkish Republic. Because he saw it as an integral element of

modernization and social transformation, secularism was the basis on which all other

Kemalist reforms were established. The job of modernization was to transform the

mentality and conduct of the Turkish people from reserved, passive, influenced by

collective religious values, to active, outward looking, rational people. Thus

secularism meant not only to disassociate the state from Islam but to expand the

autonomy of the individual in society and to free the human mind from the limitations

of the traditional culture of Islam where the individual had no role.464 Because

Ataturk strongly believed that the influence of religion over the minds of the Turks

had to be broken if his program was to be successful, since many times in the past the

463 Ibid.

464 Ozbuden and Kazancigil, Ataturk The Founder of a Modem State. 3-5.


206

ulema had hindered the reform process, he was to disassociate religion from the state

in a country where religion and state had always been inseparable. He believed that

the notion of God was one of the chains with which the priests and ignoble leaders

kept the people obedient. When incited by the clerics they became fanatical and

unreceptive to all transformation. Because he saw Islam as a hinderance to

advancement, the Kemalist philosophy had much in common with the rational,

Western positive, and libertarian philosophy of the Enlightment.465 It was like the

Protestant tradition in that it put emphasis on the complete privacy of the individual

consciousness.466

He had as his goal to bridge the divide between the masses and the

Intelligencia. His conception of the "sovereignty of the people" was the basic

political principle he applied in his reform program. Because he did not want to

simply ape Western institutions, his goals for the establishment of a new society were

nationalism, a national economy and a positive way of looking at life. He highly

honored the scientific methodology and because he felt that science was universal and

that Western civilization was rooted in science, he believed that the Westernization of

Turkish society through a positive approach would secure the universality of the

reforms. Ataturk’s famous words were: "The best and the real guide in life is

knowledge and science" manifests his positive attitude against religious dogma. This


466 Heper, 350-351.


207

phrase presented a secular, nation-state notion of the new Turkish Republic against

the religious-based traditional Ottoman Empire.467 Ataturk still said he was a believer

but a rational believer for whom Islam was a natural religion, in harmony with

science, logic, knowledge and reason.468

Rational and Positive Characteristics

His rational and positive way of thought can be seen in his speeches, thinking,• •

actions and reforms.469 Because Ataturk had a deep understanding of what could and

could not be achieved through the Turkish political process during the 1920s and

1930s, he had a plan and made practical decisions as he dealt with specific matters.470

One characteristic of Ataturk was his knowledge of the significance of propaganda to

make people understand his programs, and the want to understand for himself what

people were thinking so that he could amass popular support. His policy of going

before the people, explaining in detail every step of his plan, aided in keeping his

program mass-based and to avoiding political revolution.471

Ataturk would achieve in Turkey the most profound revolution that had ever


468 Kinross, 437.

469 Ozbuden and Kazancigil, Ataturk The Founder of a Modem State. 4.

470 Landau, 126.

471 Smith, Turkey: The Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly 1919-1923. 77-89.


208

occurred in the people of the Orient.472 Ataturk’s success over the encroaching

European allies ignited a strong national emotion that had ever been among the

Turkish masses.473 The establishment of a Republican state with a constitution, the

establishment of an elected parliament and other institutions, the disestablishment of

Islam by taking religious officials from their institutionalized positions, the

secularization of education and the courts, the emancipation of women politically and

socially and the use of the Latin alphabet were among his many accomplishments.474

While Turkish leaders had talked of reforms for almost a century, it was the powerful

and authoritarian leadership of Ataturk and his successors which changed this talk into

action.475 Throughout his series of reforms is a rational thought process which

showed a logical and positivist method of reasoning and institution building.

The Grand National Assembly opened its first session on April 23, 1920.

Ataturk, who had risen through the military, approached this new and formidable

challenge as a soldier. As during the war, reform was to take place in gradual steps.

Farsighted in planning and practical in execution, from 1920 Ataturk had reached the

decision that change that would take place in the future of the nation should be

472 Rene Marchand and Jean Deny, Petit Manuel de la Turquie Nouvelle (Paris: Jean Haumont, 1933), 4.

473 Peretz, 157.

474 Landau, xii.

475 Smith, Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly 1919-1923. 92.


209

maintained as a national secret in his conscious, and when it was the proper time,

would be revealed to the rest of society.476 His national secrets were formulated with

the consultation of his closest friends, especially Ismet Pasha. With the help of Ismet

Pasha, Ataturk tried to gain political independence for Turkey, and later in the

rebuilding and reform, Ismet Pasha helped to execute the Kemalist modernization

program.477 To carry out his agenda, he surrounded himself with intelligent

collaborators whom he called "men of the future."478

Eradication of the Sultanate

The most difficult reform, the eradication of the Sultanate came forth during

the peace talks in Lausanne on November 1, 1922, after the decree of the Grand

National Assembly to transform the Ottoman Empire into a new Turkish state on

October 30, 1922.479 The main part of the ideology of the former Ottoman regime was

Islam under the Sultan-Caliph, who was both the temporal and spiritual leader. The

separation of the Sultanate from the Caliphate and then the eradication of the

Sultanate on November 1, 1922, was part of Ataturk’s secular national identity of the

new state in which he wished to move Islam to the sidelines. This act ended 631

476 Kinross, 430.


478 Landau, xii.



210

years of Ottoman rule in the world. Then on October 13, 1923, the Grand National

Assembly passed a law that made Ankara the capital of Turkey. Like all important

decisions, the vote was preceded by a preliminary gathering of the People’s Party, the

only political party at that time that had a legal existence.480

Republican Party

The People’s Party became the Republican Party on August 1923. Therefore

because throughout his rule he would be supported by the intelligencia in the

Republican Party, he ruled with a strong class foundation. Thus he had strong

institutional backing to his rule.481 The Republican Party reached into every part of

Turkey and gave Ataturk the institutional basis needed to disestablish Islam.482

The Establishment of a Republic

Ataturk long believed that Turkey should become a Republic. Almost a year

later, once victory and an honored treaty had made his success solid, he was in an

effective position to achieve his goal. Because the new parliament that he had picked,

and a new party which he had founded and now led, had created new channels of

480 Marchand and Deny, 124-139.


482 Pfaff, 89.


211

power, the commencement of this great reform was near.483 His handling of the

Republic is noteworthy since he had a specific plan and method of action which was

both positive and rational.

He tested the idea of a Republic on his closer associates. At a dinner at

Chankaya, where a few trusted journalists were present, he said that he had been

reading the history of the French Revolution and had made a few notes on the word

Republic. After a discussion took place on its exact meaning, Ataturk explained his

plan for a Republic. His friends were to discuss it among themselves and then when

ready it would be divulged to the party.484

The news of the Republic spread. For the local press it was still off the

record, but Ataturk, divulged his plans to the world in an interview with a Viennese

newspaper. He said that the Turkish state was already a Republic, in all but name.

The first article of the law which defined it declared that its sovereignty belonged to

the people, the second that the sole representative of the people was the Grand

National Assembly.485

The interview ignited Ankara since the notion of a Republic was completely

contradictory to the traditional Muslim state. The menace of transformation aroused

an uproar, both in the media at Istanbul and in the lobbies of the parliament, where

483 Kinross, 430.

484 Ibid., 431.

485 Ibid.


212

no real Republican movement had existed before. The Republic was a concept that

ignited great opposition from right to left. Those who were against all radical

changes wanted to maintain the Caliphate, and some said that if there were to be a

Republic, then the Caliph would be its president. Some wanted Constitutional

Monarchy, with the Caliph was the sovereign, others wanted a Republic only if it

were a liberal democratic Republic based on the Western model, like that of France

or America.486 The main argument against the Republic made by the conservative

opponents in Turkey, was that it hurt the connection of the Turkish people with both

their own Islamic and Imperial past, and with the rest of the Islamic world.487

Because Ataturk understood that a debate could prove deadly, he felt it essential that

the Republic coerced by other methods prior to giving the opposition time to unite.488

In order to solve the problem Ataturk very skillfully planned a ministerial

chaos. A crisis occurred and created a condition which Ataturk interpreted as

anarchy. After the country had been without a government for two days, he invited a

few friends, including Ismet and Fethi to a dinner at Chankaya. During the meal he

declared that the next day they would declare the Republic of Turkey. There was no

disagreement.489

486 Ibid., 432.


488 Kinross, 431.

489 Ibid., 432-433.


When Ataturk was alone with Ismet they drew the draft of the Republic. In

the constitution they added that the type of government in Turkey as a Republic. The

president would be elected by a Grand National Assembly. The president appointed

the prime minster, who would later appoint the other ministers, with the agreement • •

but no longer the initiative of the Grand National Assembly. This gave to Ataturk the

influence he needed. The following day new provisions were placed before the

People’s Party Caucus, the body that now had political power. Regardless of the

number of protests, the meeting could do very little but accept the new constitution.

The Republic was announced on October 29, 1923. Thus the Assembly as persuaded

into declaring a Republic and the first cabinet was formed on October 30, 1923.

President Ataturk chose Ismet Pasha as the prime minister, who chose the cabinet

ministers.490

The declaration of the Republic gave the political means to modernize the

country.491 In contrast to most new nations, the Turkish Republic was ethnically

homogeneous: over 90% of its population spoke Turkish as their mother tongue and

over 98% said Islam was their religion. At the same time the national consciousness • 0

created by Ataturk and his associates closed the gap that had before divided the

Ottoman elite from the Anatolian peasant majority.492 The second and even more

490 Ibid., 430-433.

491 Landau, 50.

492 Mardin, "Religion and Secularism in Turkey, 58-59.


214

radical action came a few months later.493 Once again the logical and rational manner

of his reforms can be seen.

The Eradication of the Caliphate

Opposition to his reforms was still strong, especially in the religious

institutions backed by artisans and villagers, in other words, the majority of the

people. In order to keep his own position and the secular reforms, he had to

annihilate the remnants of Ottoman theocracy.494 He felt that because the Caliphate

was a symbol and rallying point for the forces of religious reaction, it was a threat to

the new secular regime. He wanted to abolish the Caliphate since it was the link with

the Islamic past and its eradication would menace the hierarchical organization of the

religious establishment and complete the break with the Ottoman past. Its eradication

would complete the final separation between the temporal and spiritual power.495

The news of the abolition of the Caliphate was foretold, as in the case of the# •

Republic, by a foreign periodical. In this interview, Ataturk stated in a logical

manner that the Caliphate inherently denoted more than administration or government.

Because there existed another institution, he said that the Caliphate was repetitive, an

anachronism that needed to be terminated not repaired. He said that Turkey needed

493 Kinross, 437.

494 Paul Stirling, "Religious Change in Republican Turkey," The Middle East Journal XII (1958), 395-408.

495 Kinross, 437-438.


215

religion without artifice, which meant nothing contradicting reason or antagonistic to

progress.496

Following the proposal he rejected that he himself should assume the role of

the Prophet’s successor, he went to a tribune, and in a short speech symbolic of the

future he spoke of, stated that the program he had in mind would transform the entire

face of Turkish life. For the Islamic state under which twenty generations of Turks

had lived and died, they were to substitute a secular and scientific administration.

The Caliphate was to be eradicated and the remaining Osmanli princes exiled. In the

great tumult of the Assembly, the People’s Party followed its leader’s orders with

military exactness, and against the coronation the entire theocratic regime crumbled;

the tie that connected Turkey to its Asiatic traditions was broken. On March 5, 1924,

a line of motor cars transported the Caliph and his family on the initial stage of their

exile. Along with them went the notion of God.497

After he had disconnected Turkey from her Ottoman heritage by turning a

religious state into a Republic and eradicated the position of Sultan and the Caliph, he

wanted to transform the outlook of the people and all the personal details of their

lives which connected them with their oriental past. He felt that this was much more

difficult than rebuilding the political structure. He said: "I have conquered the

496 Ibid., 438.

497 H.E. Wortham, Mustafa Kemal of Turkey (London: Holme Press, 1930), 162-163.


216

enemy. Can I conquer the people?"498

Abolition of the Dervish Orders

Because they were independent, would very likely oppose his secular

government, and had influence over the masses, his next target was the dervish

orders.499 Traditionally they were antagonistic to the established authorities, were

places of rebellion, and their central followers were among the artisans and peasants

who were against the novel European ideas.500 In 1925 the Kurds in Eastern Turkey

rebelled against secularization under the leadership of a Nakshubendi Sheikh, Sheikh

Said of Palu. They were told to revolt in order to restore the Caliph and abolish the

atheistic Republic.501 Ataturk had understood the importance of religion in the

Kurdish rebellion and the significant place that Islam had in the lives of the masses.502

Later that year all the dervish orders were outlawed, their establishment was

confiscated, their monasteries closed, all their magical religious practices were

interdicted and their property transferred to the state.503 In August 1925 he declared

498 John Limbert, Iran at War with History (Colorado: Westview Press, 1987), 240-241.

499 Kinross, 467-468.

500 Stirling, 397.


502 Feroz Ahmad, "Politics and Islam in Modem Turkey," Middle East Studies v. 27, no. 1, January 1990, 3-21.

503 Stirling, 397.


217

their eradication in a speech at Kastamonu:

To seek help from the dead is a disgrace to a civilized community... I flatly refuse that belief today, in the luminous presence of science, knowledge, and civilization in all its aspects, there exist, in the civilized community of Turkey men so primitive as to seek their material and moral well-being from the guidance of one or another Sheikh. Gentlemen, you and the whole nation must know, and know well, that the Republic of Turkey cannot be a land of Sheikhs, dervishes, disciples, and lay brothers...the heads of the brotherhoods will...at once close their monasteries and accept the fact that their disciples have at last come of age.504

A set of laws enacted the decisions and from that time onward Turkey would

at least in theory be free not only from the sheikhs and dervishes, but also from the

fortunetellers, magicians and witch doctors. His plan had been to remove religion as

a political instrument. He did this by keeping it from the people through a series of

radical breaks from such powers that could as living symbols be antagonistic to the

state.505

Reforms in Headgear and Dress

On his travels through the region of Kastamonu, in what is said to be one of

his strongest acts, Ataturk struck at another symbol of Turkey’s Oriental past. His

decision to eradicate forever the traditional headdress, the fez, was to abolish a

tradition firmly rooted in every individual in Turkey. To a Muslim headgear was of

symbolic importance, showing his place in society and separating him from the

504 Kinross, 468.

505 Ibid., 468-469.


218

infidels. Although the fez was only a century old and ironically had been a Greek-

Christian fashion, it soon became a as much a symbol of Ottoman and Islamic

orthodoxy as the turban had been.506 He believed that since the fez was symbolic of

the Ottoman and Muslim tradition, it had to be taken away.507

While many of the Turks had honored the Caliphate and mourned at its

passing, it was to far away to have much significance for the average Anatolian

peasant. The clothes he wore, however, were very significant to him, especially his

headdress. The central requirement of the headdress was that it would not hinder the

people from reaching the ground when praying.508 Therefore his program to get rid

of their symbol and in its place put the hat was a very daring gesture.509

He started by giving peaked hats to his bodyguard. When they did not cause

problems, he gave them to the entire army, and sent out instructors to teach their

benefits in the sun or rain against the peakless fez. The soldiers accepted.510

Certain of the acceptance of the army, he started to convert the regular people.

He toured the Black Sea Coast region on August 1925. At Kastamonu he called a

public meeting and even appeared in a pajama. On purpose he chose to first reveal

506 Ibid., 469.

507 Limbert, 24.

508 Geoffry Lewis, Turkey. 3rd ed. (Washington, DC: Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, 1965), 91.

509 Kinross, 469.

510 Limbert, 241.


219

these different religious reforms to a province that was known for its reactionary

feelings and conservatism. He dealt there first because if his plan succeeded, the

result would be twice as successful in other places. Rationally calculating the effect

of his public image, he knew that in such a city as Izmir, where he was already

known, the people would look not at him but at the hat. In Kastamonu they would be

viewing him for the first time and would see as an entity, hat, pajama and all.511

The people, gathering in the main road from their mountain villages, barely

knew what to expect from their first view of their national hero. In one of the

villages an artist had drawn on a wall an imaginative portrait of the Ataturk as a

tremendous warrior with a great mustache and a sword that was seven feet long. A

student among them remembered the scene several years later and described the shock

at seeing the conqueror dressed in the clothing of the unbeliever:512

When the President walked slowly down the street, gathering the crowds, there was not a sound. The clean-shaven Gazi was wearing a white, European-styled summer suit, a sports shirt open at the neck, and a panama hat. The few officials applauded frantically, urging on those near them, but a flutter of hand-clapping was all that they could muster, so great had been the shock.513

However, the shock was slowly absorbed. Outside Kastamonu the Ataturk got

out of his car and went into town ahead of his following, initially carrying the hat in

his hand, then lifting it on his head. His helpers did the same. While a generation

511 Kinross, 470.

512 Ibid.

513 Ibid.


220

earlier they may well have been stoned by the crowd if they had acted in this manner,

now they were saluted with quiet curiosity. During his tour, Ataturk’s interest in

costume, and particularly headgear, was made clear to everyone. Sometimes he was

hatless, in which case a few people out of deference took off their own fezes.

Examining a military detachment, he removed the cap of each soldier and studied it

with attention.514

He explained logically that the traditional Anatolian male clothing of baggy

trousers used much more material than the European cut suit while the fez, with its

skull-cap beneath and its cloth wrapped round was much more costly than a European

hat.515 Because he said that every one of the costumes could make an additional

modem international suit, he had a very practical approach to the problem.516

All this predicted what was to come next. To make an open statement of

national policy in which civilization was equaled with the international mode of dress,

he chose the Port of Inebolu. Dressed in his pajama’s, he walked through the streets

while the people crowded around to kiss his hands and his garments. He spoke with

all sections of the population, asking about their personal problems and telling them

about his plans that lay in the future horizons. For two days he participated in

organized parties where he gave speeches exalting the intellect of the people. On the

514 Ibid., 471.

515 Lewis, Turkey. 91-92.

516 Ibid.


221

third day the climax was reached.517 He said:

Gentlemen, the Turkish people, who founded the Turkish Republic, are civilized; they are civilized in history and reality. But I tell you...that the people of the Turkish Republic, who claimed to be civilized, must prove that are civilized, by their ideas and their mentality, by their family life, and their way of living...They must prove in fact that they are civilized and advanced persons in their outward aspect also...I shall put my explanation to you in the form of a question.518

"Is our dress national?" Cries of "No!"

"Is it civilized and international?" Cries of "No, no! "519

He then talked of the head-dress with a brim, which he said he wanted to say

openly. The name of this headdress was ’hat.’ The braveness that the pronouncing

the term had can be seen in the fact that in the Turkish idiom of that time, sapka

giymek, ’to put on a hat,’ meant ’to repudiate Islam’ or ’to enter the service of a

foreign power.’520 Now that the word had been pronounced, there could be no

hiding. While in Kastamonu not a murmur was echoed at the heresies his words

contained, his authority now became more concrete.521

Ataturk then dealt with those who felt that the hat, an alien form of headdress

was unnatural for the Turks:

517 Ibid., 470.

518 Ibid., 472.

519 Ibid.

520 Lewis, Turkey. 92.

521 Kinross, 472.


222

To these people let me say that they are very unobservant and very ignorant. I should like to ask them why it is permissable to wear the fez, which is a Greek head-dress, and not the hat. Further, when, why and how did they come to wear the gown, which is the garment peculiar to Byzantine priests and rabbis?522

Soon after his Black Sea tour, all government officials were forced to wear

hats instead of fezes, a special allowance being given for this purpose. On October

25, 1925 a law was enacted by the Grand National Assembly which forced all male

citizens to wear hats from November 28, 1925. Wearing the fez became a punishable

offense. Two days later in every town and village the police began to confiscate all

fezes.523

However, the law caused alot of riots. At Sivas, Ezerum, Marsh and a dozen

other towns, angry crowds stoned officials. The clerics urged the attack of the

atheistic government which advocated the hat that the Prophet and the Koran had

forbidden. The crowds were inflamed by the placards in the name of Islam on the

walls of the public buildings, which led to mass protests beneath the green flag of

Islam. The riots had been expected by the government, who sent Tribunals of

Independence in advance to the danger spots. After the troops had hanged, shot and

incarcerated hundreds of Turks, the rebellion stopped and all Turks rushed to find a

hat to wear.524


523 Ibid., 94.

524 Limbert, 242-243.


223

In a speech of October 1927 Ataturk explained his action in these terms:

Gentlemen, it was necessary to abolish the fez, which sat on the heads of our nation as an emblem of ignorance, negligence, fanaticism, and hatred for progress and civilization, to accept in its place the hat, the headgear used by the whole civilized world, and in this way to demonstrate that the Turkish nation, it its mentality as in other respects, in no way diverges from civilized social life.525

Other Symbolic Changes

Along with the fez, Ataturk transformed some other symbols which affected

the lives of individuals even more than structural changes. The Turkish finance

calendar, rooted on the culmination of Greek months and the hijra year, had been

more and more in use in the Ottoman administration since the late eighteenth century,

and in 1917 had been changed to the Gregorian months, though still with a modified

hijra year. On December 26, 1925 it was abolished, and the Gregorian calendar and

era officially adopted. At the same time the twenty four hour international clock was

said to be the only legal measurement of time.526

Conversation, saying goodby and goodday, the saluting of superiors and

inferiors was transformed. The hat was raised over the head to respond to a greeting

and the handshake took the place of the triple bow. A minor innovation was the

appeal made in 1930 by the Turkish government to the entire world, that only the

Turkish names of cities should be used in addressing letters to Turkey: thus Ankara,


526 Ibid., 471.


224

Istanbul, Izmir, Edime; not Angora, Constantinople, Smyrna, Adrianople. Two years

after it was declared that letters to the old names would not in the future be delivered.

On December 3, 1934, a new law interdicted the use of distinctive religious clothing

by the clerics outside of their places of prayer.527

Another major innovation which touched all Turks was the law which made

the utilization of surnames required from January 1, 1935. Before the Arab system of

names had been used. Ahmed, Son of Mehmed, could be differentiated from other

Ahmeds whose fathers were also named Mehmed by the addition of the word

indicating his place of birth or physical trait. Men of ancient lineage could have a

surname but the majority of the people did not. From that time onward each family

was required to pick a surname. For example Mustafa Kemal became Kemal Ataturk.

The titles Pasha, Efendi, Bey and Hanin were declared void. In May 1935 it was

said that all official establishments should have a weekly holiday from 1 pm on

Sunday until Monday morning which shocked Muslims because of the implication of

the Judeo-Christian tradition that God needed to rest after his labors.528

Reforms Concerning Women

The reforms of Ataturk had a tremendous impact on the social customs in

modem Turkey. One of the most important of those reforms was the liberation of


528 Ibid, 111.


225

Turkish women. Ataturk did not want to only enact brave innovations among the

elite, but wanted to transform the destiny of all women. Because of his honor for

law, he wanted to present a totally new legal framework regarding the rules of family

relationships in order to firmly implant the ideal of equality between men and women.

The process had started during the Ottoman time and laid the framework for

Ataturk.529

While emancipation of women had begun in the first half of the nineteenth

century, most of the accomplishments belonged to members of the advantaged urban

elite. Most of the Muslim Ottoman population still believed in male superiority.530

Thus the position of women in Turkey had changed very little since the time of the

Prophet. Regardless of increasing discussion of her predicament, both before and »•

after the rule of Abdulhamid, she continued to live under the dictate of Islam, in

seclusion. It was a collective, in addition to a personal duty to monitor her

behavior.531

The sudden entrance of the Ottoman Empire into World War I helped Turkish

middle class urban women enter new fields of activity such as employment in post

offices, banks, hospitals. The participation of women in the war was an integral part

of Turkey’s struggle for independence. During the war they took the place of men in

529 Nermin Abadan-Unat, "The Modernization of Turkish Women," The Middle East Journal XXXII, 1978, 291-294.

530 Ibid., 291.

531 Kinross, 581.


226

certain jobs, in factories, offices, and public services, and were even recruited into a

labor batalian, of parliamentary type, in which they cleaned the streets of

Constantinople. By near the termination of the war, a family law was passed which

introduced a type of secular marriage which gave women monogamous rights.532

Because the road had been paved, Ataturk was able to carry it near its final

destination. In his speech of February 3, 1923, he acknowledged the deeds of

Turkish women during the fight for national independence. "The Turkish women

have fought bravely for national independence. Today they should be free, enjoy

education and occupy a position equal to that of men; they are entitled to it." 533 But

still there was much to be done. Early in 1923 an uproar grew over the insistence of

a deputy that women should be involved in the census for representation under the

new electoral law. When the deputy said that women would not be given the right to

vote, the chaos was not alleviated. Because of the uproar caused by the above

suggestion, the deputy was not able to finish his speech.534 ••

Ataturk, however, was always trying to rationally and logically prepare the

field for a new way of thinking, purposely choosing reactionary places for the goal.

At the Congress of teachers in Ankara both sexes were included. However, women

sat apart, separated by many rows of seats. On hearing of the meeting a deputation

532 Ibid., 291-293.

533 Abadan-Unat 293.

534 Kinross, 477.


227

of hojas called upon Ataturk to protest. Ataturk sent for the president of the Teachers

Association and in front of all scolded him. "What had you done in the teachers

meeting?" "How dare you do it?" "This is a shame!" the hojas looked happy. But

Ataturk continued. "You called the women to the teachers meeting. But why did you

make them sit apart from the men? Don’t you trust yourselves, or have you no faith

in the virtue of these ladies? Let me never hear again of this segregation of women"

The deputies were stunned.535

From that time onward he spoke frequently of women. He believed that since

women were the mother of man, they needed to have at least the same education if

not a better education. Since Turkey needed better men with better minds, educated

mothers were essential. At that moment he could not go so far as to imply that

women should shed the veil.536

In Kastamonu he spoke more clearly. He said that because a social

organization consisted of both men and women, it could not progress without the

involvement of both.537 He said:

A society of nation consists of two groups of people, called men and women. Can we shut our eyes to one portion of a group, while advancing the other, and still bring progress to the whole group. Can half a community ascend to the skies, while the other half remains chained in the dust? The road of progress must be trodden by both sexes together, marching arm in arm as

535 Ibid.

536 Ibid.

537 Ibid.


228

comrades...538

Talking of what he had seen on his tour he began to speak of female clothing.

In his speech at Kastamonu on August 30, 1925 Ataturk had attacked the veil as well

as the fez. Ataturk questioned why a woman had to hide herself. In his questioning

he prepared public opinion for his big reform.539

In some places I have seen women who put a piece of cloth or towel or something like it over their heads to hide their faces, and who turn their backs or huddle themselves on the ground when a man passes by. What is the meaning of this behavior? Gentlemen, can the mothers and daughters of a civilized nation adopt this strange manner, this barbarous posture? It is a spectacle that makes the nation an object of ridicule. It must be remedied at once.540

His lectures and ideas were backed by positive laws to enforce the

amelioration of the status of women. The most significant date for the progress of

Turkish women was the adoption of the Swiss Civil Code on October 4, 1926 which

put women on the path to advancement. After the adoption of this system of Western

private law, Turkish legislators underscored the significance they had in the notion of

equality before the law, regardless of sex and advancing the position of Turkish

women in the family. This decision legally interdicted polygamy, repudiation, gave

the right of divorce to both men and women, made civil marriage obligatory, by its

important silence allowed marriages between Muslim women and non-Muslim men


539 Marchand and Deny, 223.



229

and took away the inequality between men and women in inheritance laws. Thus the

handicaps imposed on women by Islamic law were swept away. The legal freedom

improved the status of Turkish women within the family, in particular, among the

younger generation.541

While there had been many legal reforms under the Tanzimat and Young

Turks regimes, and large areas of law under the control of the Seriat and jurisdiction

of the ulema had been abandoned, mainly in the realm of administrative, commercial

and criminal law, this was the first time that a reformer had been bold enough to

encroach upon the intricacies of family, personal status and religious life, the reserve

of the interpreters of the Holy Law.542

The Turkish Civil Code, based on the Swiss Civil Code, did not transform

Turkey automatically. While in the towns and villages close to the main road and

railway lines, the new laws of marriage, divorce and inheritance were in general

respected, in the many villages that comprised the rest of the country, the ancient

customs continued. Even though the law gave them extensive rights, there were few

village women who were courageous enough to defend themselves against their

husbands, brothers and fathers.543 Still the Turkish Civil Code, in harmony with its

Swiss prototype, did not allow complete equality between husband and wife. While

541 Abadan-Unat, 294-295.


543 Ibid.


230

the husband was the head of the family, the wife was required to obey the husband,

the wife was encharged with the duties of the household and needed the consent of the

husband to practice a trade.544 Even in the provincial towns, although polygamy

vanished, the women in the condition of the un-Westemized classes, did not

improve.545 In one manner the weight of custom had required a change in the new

code. The minimum age for marriage, which was 20 for men and 18 for women in

the Swiss Civil Code, was reduced first to 18 and 17 and later in June 1938 to 17 and

15 respectively. Still from then onward women at least legally had a new freedom

and dignity.546

The Municipalities Act of April 16 1930 gave women the ability to vote at

municipal elections. Their political emancipation was completed on December 5,

1934 by a law allowing them to vote in the election of the deputies and to be elected

themselves. In a renown speech, Ismet Pasha told the Grand Assembly not to regard

this act as a generous gift, but as a remedy of a previous harm. He said that in a

country whose women fought alongside men, women were owed rights also. During

the general election of February 1935, due to the new law, seventeen women were

elected to the Grand National Assembly out of a total membership of 399.547

544 Abadan-Unat 294-295.


546 Kinross, 482.



231

The unveiling of women, already accepted among the educated classes in the

big towns, made only slow advancement in other places. It was not until 1935 that a

ban on the veil was presented at a Congress of the People’s party, and even then no

action was taken.548 While it is true that outside the large urban centers, the

Republican reforms touched only a small percentage of woman, in every generation

the girls were increasingly refusing to wear the veil as their female ancestors had.549

The total emancipation of women had an immediate repercussion on their

education. Because education now meant to prepare her for a life outside the home,

the number of students increased rapidly, notably in the university of law, medicine

and dental school. Also physical education was systematically organized in the

schools for the young girls.550

Educational Reforms

The reform of education was one of the central aspects of the secularization of

culture. One of the central reasons for which the Turkish intellectuals were against

the Islamic clergy was their deep feeling that through its influence and its virtual

monopoly on juvenile education, it had been instrumental in delaying the advancement

of the Islamic world by at least two hundred years, as compared to Europe. Ataturk

548 Lewis, The Emergence of Modem Tutkev. 271.




232

radically reformed this area by secularizing education and repressing the mosque • •

schools. Ataturk declared a war on ignorance since he understood that the progress

of Anatolia into a modem state was not possible without the correct education of all

the population. It was felt from the beginning that a significant step in the

Europeanization of Turkey had to be the introduction of a European system of

education.551

Although from the commencement of Ottoman reform, the influence of the

ulema in legal, social and educational matters, had been reduced, they continued to

hold much power and a large part of the educational establishment of the country was

still under their domination. In fact, after the eradication of the Sultanate and all

other institutions of the old regime, they were the only power in Turkish society with

the strength, unity, organization and authority to menace the rule of the new

regime.552

The Ministry of Education "Maarif Vekaleti" was one of the eleven ministries

founded by the government in 1920. The domination over educational institutions

attached to Religious foundations was given to the Ministry of Foundations and

Religious Affairs. The medreses, practically the only other institutions for higher

learning in Turkey outside Istanbul, were transferred to the Ministry of Education and

later replaced by a system of state schools based largely on the French system, in the

551 Peretz, 79-81.



233

curriculum of which religion found little or no place. This change cut off almost

completely the supply of religious trainees. Because the abolished Ministry of the

£eriat was replaced by a new Presidency of Religious Affairs, directly under the

Prime Minster, the government could directly control the licensing and appointing of

all religious functionaries throughout the country. The administration of waqf was

also made a separate department under the government.553 • •

While Ataturk believed that the instruction of religion had to be given privately

at home, religious lessons were not dropped right away from the curriculum but

instead phased out. While at first this continued on a voluntary basis, they were

discontinued in the middle or junior high schools, and later in the secondary schools

and in 1923 religious instruction was withdrawn from the curriculum of the primary

schools as well. Thus the disassociation of religion and state led to a ban of religious

teaching in schools.554

Ataturk, with his tremendous sense of timing, waited for the right moment to

unite the school system through the Law of the Unification of Instruction of March 3,

1924. As always, he preferred this bold approach to halfhearted measures which

might have been less opposed at the commencement but would not have solved the

difficulties in the long run. In a step toward the secularization of Turkey, the law put

all educational institutions such as the medrese’s under the domination of the Ministry

553 Stirling, 396.

554 Landau, 157-159.


234

of Education.555 By putting all these institutions under unified, secular control, the

nationalists were in a position to transform a new generation into the shape they

wanted.556 Istanbul University, which had already been reformed in 1919, after the

establishment of the Republic, was given new facilities and was legally reshaped into

a modem institution.557

The Law for the Unification of Instruction was an integral move in the

establishment of a united, modem, secular and egalitarian national educational system.

Its nation-building was particularly important in a country where identity was often

Islamic rather than national, and which was fragmented into numerous regional,

tribal, racial and linguistic units. In fact, Turkey was the only state in the Middle

East with a secular school system uninfluenced by political fluctuations.558 Not only

was instruction taken from the control of the ulema, but the path was opened for co

education of both of the sexes.559

The difficulty of this system was to encourage educated people to live and

work in the remote villages. Instruction in Turkey could not be the same for the city

and country children since many of the country children were hampered by inadequate

555 Ibid., 185-186.

556 Smith, Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly U919-1923-). 99.


558 Landau 186.



235

facilities. The best teacher training could offer nothing to make the city-trained

teachers to want to instruct in the remote villages.560 Because the 40,000 villages had

to be helped Ataturk gave particular attention to the modernization of villages and

practical primary education to the villagers. The Village Law of March 18, 1924 led

to the modernization of the villages. After, these programs developed into a program

known as Village Institutes.561

In the Village Institute Program the Turks started to teach the villagers to

instruct each other. From the farms, the Ministers of Education called farmers who

owned their own land, had done their military service and were literate. In groups of

ten they were sent to farms for one year of instruction by certified teachers. Their

mornings were filled with book learning and their afternoons were dedicated to

manual skills and farming methods. Farmers who passed the final examination went

back to their villages as teachers in reading, writing, arithmetic, citizenship,

elementary nature study and better farming. In ten years of the Republic, 6, 307

villages were supplied with 7,000 farmer instructors.562

These temporary measures made a tremendous impact on the difficult problem

of primary education and by 1950, the Republic had twenty Village Institutes, an

560 Eleanor Bisbee, The New Turks Pioneers of the Republic 11920-19501 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951), 86-88.


562 Bisbee, 87-88.


236

educational innovation of which the Turks boasted. Villagers who had terminated

their five year primary schooling and were skilled in farming, crafts or housekeeping,

could enroll in a Village Institute for a five year course along with further book

learning. The best students were given special instruction to become health officers

or midwives. Graduates returned to their villages to teach primary classes to

demonstrate improved methods of work and living.563

Legal Reform

Once Ataturk had eradicated many of the external signs of Islam, he no longer

wanted to allow the existence of Islamic law in the land. At this point in the time,

the external aspect of the Turkish people, or at least the approachable male members,

had been transformed. Now a dramatic reorganization of the legal establishment was

required to change family life and outlook to be in harmony with the common practice

of Western nations.564 This was integral in the transformation of Turkey.

At the beginning of 1924 the Minister of Justice, Seyyed, advocated the

restoration, in an ameliorated form, of the liberal family law of 1917. Ataturk,

however, did not want a law based on the ^eriat.565 He said:

I wish to declare categorically (he said in a speech at Dumlupinar on August 30 1924) that the basis of civilization, the foundation of progress and power,

563 Ibid., 88.


565 Ibid., 272.


237

are in family life. A bad family leads inevitably to social, economic, and political enfeeblement. The male and female elements constituting the family must be in full possession of their natural rights, and must be in a position to discharge their family obligations.566

• •On April 8, 1924 Ataturk eradicated the separate ^eriat courts, where the

theologian judges enacted Holy Law. On April 20, 1924, the new order was assured

in the Republican constitution adopted by the Grand National Assembly, which

ensured the legislative authority of the assembly and gave judicial jurisdiction solely

to the independent national courts. The courts of justice were transferred to the

Ministry of Justice and shortly afterward were secularized. On September 11, 1924 a

commission of 26 lawyers labored to apply the Swiss Code to Turkish needs. The

final code was passed by the assembly on February 1926 and was put into effect on

October 4, 1926.567 Thus at the time of the eradication of the Ministry of Canon Law

and Pious Foundations, the new Turkish Civil Code, an application of the Swiss

Code, was effected on October 4, 1926.568 (also see section on women for Turkish

Code). After this, the legal system was secularized and established religion lost its last

domination over the secular rulers. From that time onward, training for law had

nothing to do with Islam, and no Islamic regulations were upheld by the state. Thus

the rules of the Seriat were declared null and void. The privileges that Muslims had

566 Ibid.

567 Ibid.



238

over non-Muslims were lost and all citizens were equal before the law. A new Penal

Code and the law of Contracts also came into force the same day as part of the legal

code.569 The authority of the state was now completely for reform and laws and

agencies which upheld law, were becoming more and more influential.570

When the new School of Law in Ankara was founded to train new lawyers it

was opened by Ataturk with these words:

The greatest and at the same time the most insidious enemies of the revolutionaries are rotten laws and their decrepit upholders...It is our purpose to create completely new laws and thus tear up the very foundation of the old legal system.571

Ataturk was attempting to replace the old identification with Islam with the

new loyalty to their fatherland.572 All further programs aimed at making the Turkish

people more secular, national, modem and less Islamic in nature.573

While the second article of the 1924 constitution had commenced with the

words: "The religion of the state is Islam," (a formula which existed since the

Ottoman Constitution of 1876), on April 5, 1928 the People’s Party decided to

eradicate this clause from the Constitution. Five days later, on April 10, 1928 the

569 Stirling, 397.


571 Kinross, 482.

572 Smith, Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly ('1919-1923). 103.



239

real disassociation of state and religious affairs was attained when the constitution

deleted article 2 of the constitution which stated that Islam was the religion of the

Turkish Republic.574 Thus like in the West, religious credence became a matter of

private conscience.

Transformation of the Script

Now that Islam had been disestablished, and Turkey and was legally and

constitutionally a lay state, secular and modem in her constitution, laws and goals,

there continued to be one powerful symbol that tied her to the Orient and

differentiated her from the Western community of nations- the Arabic script.575 Thus

after the Grand National Assembly enacted the constitutional changes that made

Turkey legally and constitutionally a secular state, the next priority of the new

assembly was to reform the Turkish alphabet.576 It has been said that one of the most

audacious cultural reform of the Republic was the adoption of the Latin alphabet,

which liberated the Turkish language from the Islamic and Arabic impact.577

After the spread of Islam, for religious reasons Arabic, the language of Islam,

was adopted by the Turks despite the fact that the consonant systems were difficult



576 Kinross, 501.

577 Marchand and Deny, 240-241.


240

and that the Arabic characters, were not suited to the writing of Turkish. With the

complexity of the characters and accents, its paucity of vowels and its ambiguity of

sounds in differing contexts, it was difficult for an ordinary Turk to read, and even

educated Turks made many mistakes. This led to the growth of separate languages,

that of the Ottoman Mandarin class, which was largely unspoken, and that of the

people, which was spoken but unwritten. This excluded the bulk of the population

from most written literature. How could the nation advance without an alphabet that

all people could read?578

Ataturk felt that as long as Turkish was written from right to left, it could

never spread the ideas and values of Turkish civilization. The Arabic script gave a

psychological background to the Oriental ideas which stood as the real enemies of the

Republic. Its difficulty served to hinder universal literacy.579

The simplification of the script was not a new topic and had been discussed

during the Tanzimat years, against the powerful sentiments of the Islamic

establishment. The more dramatic idea of replacing the Arabic alphabet completely

by the Latin was discussed in Turkey in 1923 and 1924, but was rejected. In 1927,

because the Kemalist regime had complete control and the religious establishment had

been weakened, the situation had changed.580

578 Kinross, 501-502.

579 Wortham, 188-189.



241

Linguistic nationalism was to make it easier for the Turks to read and write, as

well as to cut young Turks off from their Ottoman heritage and to replace the

conservative outlook of the past with a modem one. He wanted to create a new

generation of Turks that instead of looking back to how things had been done in the

past, would see reform and transformation according to the needs of the time as

natural.581

Although he was determined to reform the alphabet he did not want to enact it

without unanimous backing. Therefore, it was not until 1928, after preliminary

discussions that he commenced this project. He designated an alphabet commission to

prepare a new script, and understanding that if left to itself the commission would

take years, he decided to attend the meetings of the commission in person. Early in

the process he questioned his main nominee on the commission, Falih Rifki, how long

the transformation would take. Because the consensus was five years, this allowed for

a time period in which both scripts could be taught in schools and printed side by side

in the newspapers. Ataturk, however, did not agree since he said that in such a case

the Turks would read the Arabic script and ignore the new Latin alphabet. Thus he

said that the transformation would occur in three months or not at all.582

The new alphabet was ready after six weeks. Once again, in introducing his

reforms, he was logical and rational. As always, Ataturk was selective in his choice


582 Kinross, 502.


242

of audience. While for the introduction of the hat he had chosen a reactionary part of

the country, for the introduction of the new letters, he designated the more

progressive hub of Istanbul. In addition, he chose a popular audience gathered one

August evening in the Saraybumu Park for a People’s Party occasion. Ataturk took

his place on the platform amid applause from the audience, many of whom had not

set eyes on their hero before. On another platform a modem jazz band played, and

alternately a group of Egyptians sang in a sad Arabic tune. After having listened to « •

this for a while, Ataturk asked for a notebook and began to write in it. As he did

this, he passed the sheet over to Falih Rifki. It was a draft of a speech written in the

Latin script.583

Afterward Ataturk stood and called for someone who was able to read Turkish

to come up to the platform and recite their contents. A youth presented himself, but

seeing the Latin script could not say a word. Ataturk said that because the youth did

not know the true Turkish alphabet he could not read it. He then gave it to Falih

Rifki, who read it before all:584

Our rich and harmonious language will not be able to display itself with new Turkish letters. We must free ourselves from these incomprehensible signs that for centuries have held our minds in an iron vise. You must learn the new Turkish letters quickly. Teach them to your compatriots, to women and men, to porters and boatmen. Regard it as a patriotic and national duty...and when you perform that duty, bear in mind that for a nation to consist of ten or twenty percent liberates and 80-90% of illiterates it is shameful...We shall repair these errors, and in doing so I want the participation of all our

583 Ibid., 503.

584 Ibid., 502-503.


243

compatriots...Our nation will show, with its script and with its mind, that itsplace is with the civilized world.585

• •

Everyone applauded and Ataturk stood to drink a toast to the crowd with a

glass of Raki in his hand. Raising it to his lips he said "Sultans drank this. Kings

have drunk it. I want to drink it with my people." No sign of disapproval was

shown.586

Once antagonism was muffled he declared that passages in the new alphabet

would be written from then onward in the newspapers, and that within three months it

would entirely replace the Arabic. From autumn onward all teaching in the schools

had to be done with the new alphabet, an order which caused confusion among the

school masters, who had not yet mastered it.587

The new script became the law on November 1928. Presenting it to the

Assembly as the key which would make Turks literate, Ataturk referred to it not as

the Latin but as the Turkish script. Arabic was replaced from the end of the year

onwards. That evening the alphabet was displayed in colored lights, on the main

buildings of Ankara.588 From 1928 onward all school children learned the Latin

alphabet. To most of the literate youth, all that was published before 1928 was as

585 Ibid., 503.

586 Ibid., 504.

587 Ibid.

588 Ibid., 505.


244

foreign as another unknown language. The new alphabet also moved against the

traditional identification of teacher and religious functionary since they now taught

different alphabets.589 A School of the Nation was established under the leadership of

Ataturk whose object it was to create a literate population of all those who could not

read and write. Within a year more than a million children had received its diploma.

The children and the illiterates, who had no knowledge of the Arabic alphabet,

learned most rapidly and they were quickly teaching both their parents and

grandparents. The older generation had more difficulty in adapting to the

transformation and many continued to use Arabic script in private. For the younger

generation, however, it was the reform which most appealed to their imagination and

patriotism since it freed them completely from the Ottoman past.590

The new alphabet was a simple expression of the Turkish language and was

very easy to teach and learn. The spelling did not have as difficult rules and all that

was needed was a few days to learn it. The number of citizens knowing how to read

passed from 685,040 in 1927 to 2,103,255 in 1932.591

589 Stirling, 397.

590 Kinross, 505.



245

Innovations in Turkish History

His reform of the Turkish alphabet led logically to a reform of the Turkish

language in terms of the abolishment of Persian and Arabic forms. This was

accompanied, less logically, by research to discover a novel version of Turkish

history. He established the Turkish Linguistic Society and The Turkish Historical

Society to accomplish the above goals.592 He promoted the study of Turkish history

by the people to fill their souls with the love of their Turkish heritage.593

To alleviate the harm done to their national confidence due to the failure to

eradicate all the foreign words from Turkish, the reformers developed a new

philosophy of language called the Sun-Language Theory. This Theory which was

advocated at the Third Turkish Linguistic Congress, held in 1936, said that all the

existing languages came from Turkish. Thus in using any necessary Arabic and

Persian words, the Turks were merely applying their own heritage. Also at the time,

Turkish historians were saying that all the superior people of antiquity were either

Turks or had progressed because of the spread of Turkish civilization. The history

taught in pre-Republic Turkey had been mainly of the Islamic dynasties. Now in

schools Islamic history was dropped from the school curriculum and the history of the

Turks from the time of the Huns was taught.594

592 Kinross, 528.

593 Smith, Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly 1919-1923. 103-105.



246

The Death of Ataturk

Ataturk’s death on November 10, 1938 was a great shock to the Turkish

nation. In his will he left all his wealth to the state. He had set about to create a new

man with new values as a gardener cultivated new plants. The lengthy mourning for

Ataturk by a grief stricken nation was proof of the great admiration the Turks had for

his achievements. When he died, Istanbul was silent. For three night children tore

ribbons and bows from their heads and everyone cried. On the last night they stayed

out in the streets until morning. World War II tremendously affected the self-

sufficient Turkey, but due to the effectiveness of Turkish administration developed

by Ataturk, the nation avoided the great danger of the War.595

Ataturk established a Republic on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire where

rational thought, science and positive law had begun to develop. He continued to

greater lengths in enacting reforms based on the above characteristics. The extensive

reforms legislated by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk during the early twentieth century

established secularism as the key to constitutional theory and political order in

Turkey. Despite the tumultuous changes in regimes and constitutional renewal, this

principle has endured to the present.

Now one must turn to the story of Reza Shah Pahlavi who would continue the

reforms of the previous Qajar Monarchs. In contrast to Ataturk his reforms were not

based on rational thought, scientific methodology and positive law.

595 Kinross, 539-567.


Reproduced

with perm

ission of the

copyright ow

ner. Further


without

permission.

•tbalfonTurkmenistan

IQtyt-AnrilC aspian (

MASHHAD

___

T W H I . / S . Hm »iI h ix l ii r A /**J { t w i t l i c i f l l tU m m V <¥■ -'Mtts-( t . A .I/lilA

I r a n. Fm I I

- SHAHR.V Y A N t KOAO

i iw W

: Sir Cbtih bn^ 4 . FlUfiato

S 'n i/i o l , t t n b

UWAIT

S

KlRlkZ iiH IO *

nnnM^MftUrilCfty Pakistan

P ciiia ii « >.,<7/4/S au d i \>

A rab ia‘Um tm I

6 m S « B ltw iM ' ' - ^ V * r * 6 w l4ftG ulf o f Oman Arabian ! Sea

t« MOftenUnited s*

Figure 5 . M ap o f Iran (CIA - Atlas o f the M iddle East, 1993) , 26.

247

CHAPTER 6

REZA SHAH AND THE LACK OF SCIENTIFIC, RATIONAL AND POSITIVE

BASIS TO HIS REFORMS

Description of Iran in 1920

Although when World War I began, it had stated its neutrality, Iran was

invaded by Great Britain, Russia and Turkey. Because the British took control of the

Persian Gulf, the Turks took over Azerbaijan and the area of Hamadan and the

Russians took control of the North, Iran was no longer an independent entity.596

Autonomous governments and movements in provinces had taken over the

administrative powers that had once been in control of Tehran. In Gilan, Azerbaijan,

Kurdistan and Khorasan, provincial movements led by members of the Democratic

party gained political power and declared their autonomy.597

Thus as 1920 began to reach its end, Iran seemed to be splintering into many

different states. Starvation, destitution, weakness and apathy were prevalent, and it

appeared as if Iran would soon be dismembered. About a quarter of the Persian

596 Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 9-11.

597 Reza Ghods, "Iranian Nationalism and Reza Shah," Middle Eastern Studies V.27, no.l, January 1991, 35-45.

248


249

population was comprised of ten major groups: Shahsavons, Kurds, Lurs, the Arab

tribes of the Gulf, Bakhtiari, Qashqa’i, Khamsah, Baluchi, Hazara and Turkoman.

Each of the tribes, well known for their individualism, had their own form of

organization, language, traditions and areas of control. By 1921 almost every tribal

group in Iran had declared their independence from governmental control.598

While 90% of the Iranians were Shiite Muslims, there were many different

ethnic, racial and linguistic groups who lived isolated from each other, disallowing

unity in Iran. Even among 90% of the Shiite population, there was no sole language

spoken by most. Less than one third of the population conversed in Persian while

others spoke other languages such as Turkish, Arabic, Kurdish, Baluchi, etc.599

Foreigners have many times said that the extreme individuality of the Persian people

is a mirror image of the divided physical landscape where they live.600 Any new

regime would have to confront the power of the deep-rooted social and economic

traditions in order to achieve modernization and Westernization.601

Who was Reza Shah? His Background and Advent to Power

It was in this atmosphere of the dismemberment and disunity of Iran that Reza


599 Peretz, 496.

600 Richard Frye, Persia (New York: Schocken Books, 1960) 14.

601 Wilber, Riza Shah: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 36.


Khan (later Reza Shah Pahlavi) would arise to power. Who was this infamous man

who was destined to make a mark on Iranian history? Reza Khan’s life was similar to

Ataturk’s since both came from the background of a military family and had risen

through the ranks of the army without any formal education. Reza Khan was signed

up as a private in the Cossack Brigade at the age of sixteen, and during a time

spanning many years he rose from rank to rank and came to be described as a man of

great courage and dedication to his country. By the year 1921 he had advanced to the

position of General in the Cossack Division.602 During this time period he became

well-acquainted with the country and the people. He was extremely upset about the

chaotic situation in Iran and the loss of territorial integrity. The dismemberment of

Iran and the rising power of Russia increased his desire to throw the foreigners from

his country.603

After having solidified his control over the armed forces by appointing former

military associates to key command posts, Reza Khan maneuvered into the area of

politics. He was helped by the belief that was developing in the capital, that he was

the sole person able to maintain internal security. In his own presentations to the

armed forces, he aided in establishing his reputation as being the only invaluable man


603 Ibid., 9-11.

250


251

in Iran.6(4 Sayyed Ziya, after the coup d’etat of February 1921, attempted to follow

an extreme and independent course of action. The reorganization of the armed forces

and the crushing of Kuchek Khan and his Bolshevik inspired movement in Gilan were

the main feats of this government. Reza Khan was the sole person responsible for

these accomplishments and let the people know that fact.605

The year 1922 was one in which Reza Khan concentrated on putting down the

revolts and bringing back governmental authority to the country. The political and

tribal insurrections in Azerbaijan, Luristan, Kurdistan, Fars and Khorasan

were successfully suppressed by Reza Shah, who took maximum political credit for

these accomplishments. As early as 1923 Qavam was replaced by Mostowfi ol-

Mamalek as Premier. Although Reza Khan maintained the position of Minister of

War, by that time he was seen to be the main power in the government.606

Reza Khan developed a profound antagonism toward the Majlis during the two

year period that he had acted as Minister of War. In contrast to Ataturk, by nature

he distrusted legal procedure and constitutional democracy. Thus, in 1923 as the

election of the Fifth Majlis drew closer, Reza Khan knew that if he did not want to

face a hostile Majlis again, he had to gain complete control over the government.

After an attempt on his life, he was given the pretext to arrest the Prime Minister.

6(4 Ibid., 70.

605 Banani, 40

606 Ibid., 41.


252

Reza Khan was appointed prime minister on October 1923 by Ahmad Shah, who fled

Iran.607 Reza Khan, who kept his position as Minster of War, shortly declared that

Iran had fallen into chaos because of domestic uncertainty.608 The tremendous support

that Reza Khan had initially among the progressive intellectuals, who regarded him as

a stabilizing modernizing force and the savior of the nation from foreign

encroachment, was similar to Ataturk’s popularity in Turkey. In fact, the autocrats,

the ulema, merchants and workers who had suffered from the years of internal

warfare, were happy to see Reza Khan.609

His Anti-Clerical Characteristic

Like Ataturk, Reza Khan wanted Iran to adopt the methods and techniques of

the West in order to become a Western nation-state.610 Secularism, backed by

material advancement was the inevitable part of nationalism.611 Similar to Ataturk in

Turkey, his actions were noted to be anti-clerical. While there are contrary

statements regarding his own personal practice of Islam, he definitely felt that the

Muslim clergy, who tried to influence the masses for ulterior motives, were an

obstacle to progress. He seemed to have understood that Islam could not form the

607 Ibid., 41-42.

608 Wilber, Contemporary Iran. 70.

6(19 Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century A Political History. 94-96.

610 Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi. 21-22.

611 Banani, 46.


253

basis of the society that he wanted to develop and thus wanted Iran to be free of

clerical influence which was reactionary and obstructive. According to members of

his retinue on the state visit to Turkey, he believed that progress in Turkey had beer,

great because the powerful influence of the clergy over the masses had been broken.

In his public statements he underscored the achievements of the pre-Achamenid and

Sassaned periods. It is even said that he thought of making the pre-Islamic

Zoroastrian faith the official religion of Iran.612 While Ataturk wanted to completely

turn from the past, Reza Shah not only upheld the institution of the Monarchy but

also advocated the renewal of the ancient Achamenid Dynasty.613

Anti-clerical Atmosphere Among the Intellects

Many of the supporters of Reza Khan, a large number of whom had left the

religious establishment, saw the domination of the clergy as the greatest hinderance to

progress.614 Those who advocated reforms saw Islam as the blame for stagnation.

The lack of education system, the seclusion of women and the acceptance of fate, all

were attributed to Islam.615 Abdollah Razi, the editor of the periodical "Resurrection"

was one of the central proponents of anti-clerical feeling. He said that the depravity


613 Lenezowski, xvi.

614 Banani, 50.

615 Lenezowski, 40.


254

of Iran was due to the clergy and thus he felt that all religious practice had to be

stopped.616

Common ground among supporters of Reza Khan was anti-clericism since they

saw the ulema as the greatest hinderance to advancement. Newspapers, periodicals,

the theater, poetry and even popular ballads of the early 1920’s were full of this

spirit.617

Religion is a matter of heart and conscience. It should not serve political ends. For this purpose today we must embrace the idea of nation and patriotism...The interests of the nation are above the interests of religion.They are more universal and more unifying. Everyone should be imbued with the spirit of nationalism. In this way we all stand together and our reforms will not separate us.618

Inability of the Government to Reform

The rule of Reza Shah manifested significant governmental steps in all realms

of Iranian society. Regardless of the tremendous governmental expenditures and

goals of the administrators, the most evident characteristic of this time was the

inability to reform beyond the superficial level.619 This greatly differentiated the

reforms of Reza Shah from the reforms of Ataturk in Turkey. What are the reasons

616 Banani, 49-51.

617 Ibid., 50.

618 Ibid., 47.

619 REZA Ghods, "Government and Society in Iran, 1926-1934," Middle Eastern Studies V27, no.2, April 1991, 219-230.


255

for the lack of success of the reforms of Iran? On the surface the reforms of the two

leaders were very similar. This section will deal with the reforms promulgated in

Iran during the rule of Reza Shah Pahlavi. Emphasis will be placed on the lack of

positive, rational and scientific thought process as compared to Turkey.

Attempt to Establish a Republic

His decision to establish a Republic in Iran and its outcome is differentiated

from Ataturk. While Ataturk also faced antagonism, he approached the matter in a

logical, rational way in the manner of the scientific methodology. Reza Khan was not

characterized by the same process.

In the years following the Coup D’Etat, Reza Khan tried to consolidate his

position. Influenced by Ataturk, Reza Khan wanted to eradicate the Monarchy and

build a Republic with himself as head.620 In the Fifth Majlis, Reza promoted the

development of an Iranian Republic with himself as president.621

Outside the Majlis the opposition to the idea of the Republic was incited by the

religious leaders of the Shiite sect, who felt that a secular Republic was contrary to

Islam. When on March 3 the Turkish Republic annihilated the Caliphate, this further

turned the religious leaders against the Republic since in their view it would be

detrimental to the Muslim religion. It was on March 22 that the Majlis appointed a

620 Henry Munson, Islam and Revolution in the Middle East (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1988), 46-47.

621 Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century A Political History. 96.


256

18 member committee made up of deputies who were neutral on the issue, to go over

the difficulties of replacing the Monarchy with a Republic. The news of the

formation of this committee spread very quickly and the religious leaders and others

who wanted to keep the dynasty intact gathered 20,000 people in Baharestan Square.

Reza Khan dispatched 400 soldiers to clear the path through the square to the Majlis

grounds and hundreds of those manifesting were wounded or apprehended. While

sticks and stones were hurled at him, he went to the Majlis garden.622 This was much

different than Ataturk’s rational approach and skillful planning.

Because a Republic was seen as contrary to Islam and because he was never

completely committed to the idea of the journalists and intellectuals, he broke away

from the idea.623 Soon after, he made a trip to Qom, a hundred and fifty kilometers

South of Tehran and the home of some of the most revered Shii leaders in the

country, in order to consult with these religious authorities about the Republic. After

a long talk he came back to Tehran on April 1 and gave a speech to the Iranians

ordering them to refrain from all thought of a Republic:624

Compatriots. Experience has demonstrated that a government must not oppose public opinion. It is for this reason that the present government had never shown any desire to oppose such opinion. From the very first day my personal aim was, and is, to protest the grandeur and welfare of Islam, the independence of Iran, and the total interests of the country and nation.

622 Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 78.

623 George Lenezowski, Iran Under the Pahlavis (California: Hoover University Press) 23.



257

Whosoever opposed my aim shall be considered as an enemy of the country and any such persons will be severely punished. The present ideology, that is republicanism, has created confusion and disorder in the country."I myself and all the armed forces in Iran are ready to protect and preserve the glory of Islam. This I consider to be one of my important duties. I have always wanted to see progress and promulgation of Islam and have the highest respect shown to the office of the clergy. At the time when I had the honor to pay my homage at the Shrine of the Innocent Fatimah at Qumm [Qom], I exchanged ideas with the religious authorities and we came to the conclusion that it would be better for the welfare of the country if all efforts to promote a republican form of government were halted. From now on our efforts should be directed towards reforms, the strengthening of the fundamentals of religion, and the independence of the country.625

Thus seeing the mood of the nation, Reza Khan, never fully committed, no

longer advocated a Republic, conceding that Republicanism was contrary to the values

of Shii Islam. In exchange for his abandonment of republicanism he gained the

support of reformers that they would not back the Qajar dynasty. This compromise

led to Reza Khan’s establishment of his own dynasty. The Socialist and Progress

Parties conceded to designate him Supreme Commander in Chief of all the armed

forces in 1925.626 The terrified clergy was elated to uphold Reza Khan’s desire for

the ancient monarchical forms with the establishment of a new dynasty, the Pahlavi

Dynasty.627

625 Ibid.


627 Young, 53.


258

Establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty

Ultimately in December 1925, he brought together a Constituent Assembly to

overthrow the Qajar Dynasty and established the Pahlavi Dynasty with himself as

King. Reza Khan adopted the Pahlavi family name after a language used in Pre-

Islamic Iran. This underscored Iran’s nation instead of Islamic identity the same way

that Mustafa Kemal had adopted the name "Ataturk" - Father of the Turks to highlight

the same idea in Turkey.628 On December 15, 1925 Reza Shah returned to the

Constituent Assembly to sign the oath of the office which read:

With God as my witness, I swear on the Qu’ran [Koran] and by everything that is holy to me, that I shall dedicate all my strength to the independence of Iran, the integrity of the realm, and the rights of the people. I shall preserve the foundations of the constitution, and shall work for the country in full conformity with it. I shall work for the propagation of our faith. Standing in the presence of Allah, who watches over all my deeds and actions, I promise to strive for the happiness and glory of Iran and the Iranians. To this end I implore the assistance of Allah, and the cooperation of the teachers of Islam.629

After, he rose from the chair, put the Koran in both hands, kissed it twice and

then placed it on the table.630 Following his coronation, the prime minister spoke of

Iran’s glorious past, especially the pre-Islamic time (in particular the Sassaned

period). He compared Reza Shah to some of the earlier leaders who had glorified the

628 Munson, 47-48.


630 Ibid.


259

nation.631

Article 36 of the Supplement of the constitution was revised in December 1925

by the Constituent Assembly, which was elected under the supervision of the

government. It read as follows:632

The Constitutional Monarchy of Iran is vested by the Constituent Assembly, on behalf of the nation, in the person of his Majesty, the Shahanshah Reza Shah Pahlavi, and still shall remain in his male progeny generation after generation.633

The transformation of his status from prime minister to Shah and founder of

the Pahlavi Dynasty occurred during the Fall of 1925 and Spring of 1926. These

events were significant mainly because they consolidated his absolute authority. He

no longer reigned, he ruled.634

Although his coronation paved the way for limiting the influence of the clergy,

because he was still Shah, he was still an integral part of the traditional and religious

political, economic and social structure. Thus his legitimacy as Shah was still in

many ways defined by Islam.635 His understanding of this can be seen by the fact that

in all ceremonies that had proceeded the coronation, the Shah underscored his

reverence for Islam. In addition his words probably came from his need to


632 Banani, 43.

633 Ibid.

634 Wilber, Contemporary Iran. 72.

635 Pfaff, 87.


260

commence his rule with the support of the religious leaders in the country. Thus on

April 25, 1926, many dignitaries convened in the formal ranks in the audience hall of

the Gullistan Palace.636 Reza Shah spoke:

First, my special attention had been given to the preservation of the principles of religion and the strengthening of its foundations and its will continue because I know that one of the most valuable means of unifying and solidifying the social life of Iranians is the perfect foundation of religion.637

After he was crowned in 1926 the state was more and more identified with the

ruler. His rule was inspired by traditionalism and patrimonialism, and not any

ideological blueprint. The Shah eschewed routinizing governmental duties and wished

to modernize Iran without changing the patrimonial structure of society, which was

his central source of domination. One of the central reasons for the lack of success of

his reforms was the above characteristic of the Iranian government and Reza Shah.• •

Reza Shah, unlike Ataturk, saw the state as merely an extension of his own influence

and reputation. He did not see the difference between the condition of Iran and his

own, and thus all his reforms aimed at augmenting his own welfare at the cost of the

well-being of the country.638 General Arfa, his steadfast supporter wrote:

I was an executive far removed from the level of command, but nevertheless on account of his direct interest in every detail of all branches of national activity, and particularly in the army, I was frequently in direct contact with


637 Ibid., 115.

638 Ghods, "Government and Society in Iran, 1926-34, 219.


261

him. My life, my work, my happiness or distress depended directly on him.639

Government

In fact, the country depended on Reza Shah, who was too insecure to give• •

others authority. Thus he differed from Ataturk who surrounded himself with capable

men of the future. There was no increase in personal initiative possible under Reza

Shah’s autocratic rule. The continual necessity of the Shah and his army did not

allow the rationalization of the bureaucracy. A third of the budget was given to the

army since the army was central to the society that the Shah developed. It was the

means to attain internal security as well as a symbol of the Shah’s influence and

Iranian independence.640

Reza Shah had total domination over the political process since he had

military, bureaucracy and court patronage. While during the previous twenty years,

from the first to Fifth National Assemblies, independent politicians had campaigned in

the cities, from the 6th to 13th National Assemblies the Shah wanted to influence the

results of each election and thus the character of each Majlis.641

Parliament and the cabinet were reduced to a rubber stamp in order for Reza

Shah to increase his personal domination. In 1927, communist and socialist leaders


640 Ibid., 100-120.



262

were incarcerated or compelled to escape the country. Shortly after, all other

political parties were shortly stripped of power. Influential leaders such as Mudarres,

Mossadegh and were not allowed to participate in public life since they were forced to

abandon their seat in the Majlis. The Iraneh No (New Iran) and afterward the Hizb-i

Taraqqi or Progressive Party superseded the Progress Party which had loyally backed

the Shah. Because the Shah became more and more suspicious of institutions, even

ones that seemed loyal, in 1932 he dissolved the Progressive Party with the excuse

that it advocated Republicanism.642

While previous Monarchs had formed cabinets after lengthy consultation with

influential politicians, because the parliament had been reduced to a rubber stamp, the

Shah was able to personally choose his cabinet ministers. The power of the

politicians determined not by the Majlis but by the Shah.6*3

Reza Shah shut down independent newspapers, denied the deputies their

parliamentary immunity, and more importantly banned political parties in order to

maintain total domination.644 Because of this he was unable to develop an effective

channel through which his nationalist goals could be told to the people and which

would allow them to actively participate in order to achieve them.645



644 Ibid.



263• »

Thus unlike Ataturk of Turkey, Reza Shah (and later his son), who saw mass

participation in politics as a menace rather than an upholder of the regime, did not

create channels through which the new middle could participate in the political

process.646 Although Reza Shah was able to coopt some of the old upper class, he

was unable to hold any support from the traditional middle class. While Ataturk had

gained the support of the intelligencia in the Republican Party, Reza Shah eventually

lost his civilian backing. Because he did not develop social foundations for his

institutions, he rules without the help of an organized political party and was not

successful in creating methods by which his national goals could be explained to the

people.647 Because of insecurity neither Reza Shah nor his son Mohammed Reza Shah

created a political environment where power could be transferred in an orderly

process. Thus they disillusioned the part of society whose approval they required in

order to gain political legitimacy, (later Mohammed Reza’s insecurity to give political

elites a part of the power alienated them and would later cause the elite to bring the

masses against the Monarchy).648

Reza Shah was not able to achieve the great spirit that Ataturk created in

Turkey. It was clear by the mid-1930s that the Shah in many instances surrendered to

his love of influence, riches and tyrannical control. Because many of those



648 Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century. 6-7.


264• *

antagonistic toward him were killed, a reign of terror emerged. While Ataturk

promoted individual initiative, Reza Shah scared people so much that they eschewed

any direct responsibility and gave only optimistic, though incorrect reports of their

activities. Moral degeneration and a sense of resignation and despair permeated the

regime.649 This is the irrational structure of society that the ideas of the Enlightment

had wanted to sweep away.

As soon as he realized that he had complete domination, Reza Shah enacted a

number of social reforms. He never developed a systematic blueprint to

modernization, wrote no major thesis and never delivered a last testament as Ataturk

had done. To reconstruct Iran in his own image of the West was his ultimate goal.650

Cosmetic Changes

As in Turkey, there were some basic cosmetic changes which transformed the

surface of society. Military titles were abolished, a solar calendar was used instead

of the Muslim lunar calendar, weights and measures were standardized, a system for

the uniform registration of documents and records was built and family names were

adopted to replace the ancient difficult way of address.651 In order to reduce social

differences, the regime eradicated the remaining honorific titles such as Mirza, Khan,

649 Peretz 505-506.

650 Abrahamian, 140.



265

Beg, Amir, Shaykh and Sardar.652 He eradicated the mourning processions and

spectacles played during the month of Moharram, discouraged actions of dervishes

and fortune-tellers, interdicted the sacrificing of camels and sheep, and even opened

some mosques for tourists.653

Similar to Ataturk, because Europe was prosperous, Reza Shah wanted to copy

its clothing.654 The traditional costume ensured the survival of old lifestyles which

had been characteristic of passiveness to foreign domination and the feeling of

inferiority that Reza Shah sought to eradicate.655 In 1928 the Majlis interdicted all

traditional ethnic clothing and all adult males, except registered clergymen, were

compelled to wear the Western-styled dress and the Pahlavi cap.656 Because the

European brimmed hat made it unfeasible to put one’s forehead on the ground when

prostrating in prayer, he attempted to require that all Iranian men to wear European

brimmed hats. Also he tried to compel all Iranian women to stop wearing the

chador.657

Names of Persian origin were adopted for the months and some cities lost their

traditional Arabic names. The goal of this program was to supersede European and


653 Lenezowski, 40.

654 Munson, 48.

655 Lenezowski, 39.


657 Munson, 48.


266

Arabic words, in particularly those utilized for new inventions like airplanes,

elevators and torpedoes, as well as scientific and medical terms. While the search

was followed intensely by the Farangestan (Iranian Academy) for about 5 years, it

was abandoned following the abdication of Reza Shah. Because some of the most

dramatic inventions were vetoed by the Shah himself, the program never attained the

depth of what had occurred in Turkey. Iran did not imitate the example of Turkey in

abandoning the traditional Arabic alphabet and spelling. In this policy of developing

the psychological atmosphere in which Iranian things would seem equal in value with

those from foreign lands, in 1925 it was even said that Latin lettering must not to be

publicly displayed on cinema posters and shop signs.658

The above transformations were all surface changes which had some

similarities with the cultural changes that occurred in Turkey. It is in examining the

real impact of the changes that one understands that positive, scientific and rational

foundations did not form a basis of his program.

Economic Modernization

Reza Shah's economic program was said by Amin Banani to be characterized

by "an appetite for industrialization far beyond the bounds of economic rationale, not

for the sake of efficiency and welfare but as a symbol of prestige and status." 659

658 Lenezowski, 38.



267

Economic modernization, as with the rest of the social system at the time,

focused on Reza Shah. Reza Shah made the government the source of all economic

initiative, and every industrial plant constructed during this period was owned either

by the Shah or the Iranian government. Because state control of the economy

centered all Iranian commerce in Tehran, Iran’s other commercial centers, especially

in the North, had much difficulty. While Tehran had electrical power, paved

highways and many private buildings, the provincial cities had much less modem

facilities and infrastructure.660

The peasant class paid the most for the Tehran-centered monopolies in sugar

and tea (1925), cotton piece goods (1924), wheat (1941), opium (1928), tobacco

(1929) and many other commodities which the state dominated and highly taxed.

Because the peasants consumed these commodities, they were hurt by the taxes on

sugar, tobacco and tea. Because, many of these monopolies were given to royal

favorites, they were poorly and corruptly run, and few were lucrative. Although

factories were built, most of them were run by military officers on the Shah’s royal

estates. Thus instead of considering the condition of the general Persian population,

he used government funds for his own prosperity.661

In an attempt to curtail foreign domination of the Iranian economy, in 1928,

Reza Shah abolished the remaining foreign capitulations. While Iran declared her

660 Ibid.

661 Ibid, 101-102.


268

right to fix its customs duties, since it never produced tariffs to protect the infant

industry, a government act of 1930 developed foreign-exchange control. The

National Bank of Iran, or Bank-i Melli, was established to be a symbol of the

country’s financial strength and superseded the British Imperial Bank in printing

currency. While it was established to loan to industry at lower rates than in the

bazaar, unlike the traditional bazaari creditors, the National Bank gave loans to the

Shahs pet projects and relatives instead of creditworthy bourgeois enterprises.662

The Trans-Iranian Railroad which linked the Bandar Gaz on the Caspian to

Bandar Shahpur in the Persian Gulf was the main economic development of Reza

Shah’s reign. Unlike Ataturk, who made utility a major part of his reforms, the

railroad was, like the rest of the Shah’s plan, more a symbol of national integrity than

a real economic advantage to Iran. To pay for the $125,000,000 Trans-Iranian

railway, the Shah increased the cost of tea and sugar, both dominated by government

monopolies. Because the railroad was paid almost completely by the peasantry, it

was a financial burden which far outweighed its benefits. In addition, the Trans-

Iranian Railroad was not useful since both of its termini were on Iranian soil. What

then were the goals of this expensive project? To bring prosperity to the Shah and to

help his internal policing especially in Northern Iran could best describe the goals of

this costly investment. Because troops could easily be moved to the North to

suppress rebellion it did have some strategic importance. The railroad also helped in

662 Ibid., 102.


269

diverting prosperity for the North into his bank account.663

Reza Shah built many roads. While from 1925 onward, 2-3 million dollars

annually were given for highway construction and 17,000 miles of roads were

constructed, like the railroad, their economic usefulness was limited to moving goods

from one royal estate to another.664

Unwilling to fight the conservative elements because of the anxiety of hurting

his own power, Reza Shah focused on advocating state direction of economic

development in politically peripheral areas. He worked especially on establishing

economic symbols of modernity. Because the Shah eschewed increasing the tax

burden of the landowner class to pay for development plans, out of the total revenues

for the fiscal year ending March 20 1939, less than four million rials were a land tax

out of a total revenue of 1,528 million rials. His policy augmented the status of the

landlord and brought the tenant farmers completely under the domination of the

landlord.665

In addition to becoming wealthy through the landed property illustrated before

and through his shares of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, the Shah gained riches

through extensive confiscation from the displaced tribal leaders. These acts of utmost

tyranny were done using the excuse that a secure belt in Northern Iran was needed in

663 Ibid.

664 Ibid., 102-103.

665 Pfaff, 92.


270

order to protect the country from the Bolshevik threat. The Shah’s deep-rooted

feeling that all transformation had to come from him is shown by his belief that his

ownership of all the estates was necessary in order for the peasants to raise their

standard of living. In truth, the standard of living of the peasants was reduced since

the Shah confiscated grain money and horses from the villages. The hardship of the

peasant which had already increased because of the sugar and tea tax, augmented even

more from the feudalistic policy of the Shah.666

It is admitted by a sympathetic biography, that after his fall from power he

transmitted to his son a bank account of some L3,000,000 and estates adding up to

more than 3,000,000 acres. The British legation said that because of his interest in

property, the Shah confiscated the land of major landowners and by diverting their

irrigated water, crushed the peasants. Royal hotels, casinos, palaces, companies,

charities and foundations were paid for by all his acquired wealth. All those

committed to work for the Pahlavi Monarchy received positions in the court and

pensions as favors.667

Economic modernization was accompanied by social modernization programs

which also meant to enhance his own power.668





271


In contrast to the finances allocated to the army, the average percentage of the

educational budget in the total expenditure was only 4%.669 Yet, because the Shah

understood that the tremendous illiteracy and ignorance took away from Iran’s

international reputation, he enacted some small steps to ameliorate the educational

program.670 He felt that most of the ignorance and superstition which hindered

progress was due to the limited education of the clerics who dominated the

educational curriculum.671

There were no more than 10,000 students enrolled in the national (state and

private non-religious schools) when Reza Shah ascended to power. While by 1921

the Ministry’s control over the educational process was still slight, Reza Shah wanted

to expand the new state system to meet the needs of the entire nation. The

development of an effective, centralized Ministry that would have total influence over

education of the entire country was integral.672

The development of the High Council of Education in 1921, a policy-making,

consultative adjunct to the Ministry of Education, with the power to promote

administrators and teachers, was the initial education legislation of the new regime.

669 Banani, 108.


671 Lenezowski, 40.

672 Banani, 91.


272

To learn of the programs of schools in Europe and to develop for the first time in

Turkey, a curriculum for teacher training colleges for men and women were two of

the main tasks of the Charter. The Council also had many other responsibilities. To

discuss the utilization of waqf endowments for the support of state schools, to judge

the qualities of people looking to open private schools or to publish periodicals or

newspapers, to promote teachers in the state schools, to choose students to be

dispatched to Europe on government finances, to accept textbooks chosen by the

Ministry of Education and to develop a sub-committee of the Council to reform the

instruction of the maktabs were among the many duties of the Council.673

The first complete program for elementary and secondary education to appear

in Iran, was drawn up in 1921 the Ministry of Education. The Ministry of Education

issued standardized tests to students of all national, state and private schools at the

end of the sixth, ninth and twelfth grades. Successful candidates received official

certificates.674

Three secondary schools to instruct teachers, including one for women, were

built by Reza Shah in 1927. One hundred students, starting in 1928, were dispatched

abroad on government scholarships. 35 % of those sent abroad were chosen as future

teachers. 200 students educated abroad, had by 1934 become secondary and college

teachers. Colleges in Tehran were combined and expanded into the University of

673 Banani, 92.

674 Ibid.


273

Tehran during the same year.675 Although conservative Islam did not look well upon

the Western practices of autopsy and dissection on February 4, 1935 the Shah laid the

foundation stone of Tehran University and inaugurated the Anatomical Building.676

Most of the opposition to the dissection of human bodies in the new faculty of

medicine came from the religious establishment.677

At the end of April 1935 it was announced that the Teachers College at Tehran

would offer a course in the ancient Pahlavi language of Iran. While attacks on Islam

grew, this was an action designed to highlight the achievements of the Achamenid

period.678

Because schools were constructed mostly in metropolitan areas, education in

the rural areas, was basically ignored. The few teachers who were compelled to

teach in rural areas continually tried to be sent to Tehran because of the Tehran-

focused society developed by the Shah. This is different from the Village Institute

Program of Ataturk which provided an institutional framework for advocating

teaching in the villages. Because landlords as well as others had an interest in

ensuring the continuance of the status quo, success in the educational reforms would

have ignited their protest. Since Reza Shah was himself the largest landlord who


6/6 Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 163.

677 Lenezowski, 40.



274

wanted to ensure the existing order, there were practically no schools on the royal

estates. In order to bolster the traditional elitism and provide manpower for the royal

bureaucracy, elementary instruction was ignored in favor of secondary and college

level education. Thus most of the graduates of the veterinary and agricultural

colleges were compelled to work on the Shah’s estates.679

As did all the modernizing policies of the time, the educational system

mirrored the autocratic social system which advocated utmost loyalty to the figure of

authority. Because the new schools were basically created to develop the skills that

the Shah needed without threatening his position, instead of promoting the acquisition

of practical skills and liberty of thought, all schools and colleges underscored rote

memorization of useless subjects. Thus the authoritarian structure imbedded in the

school system reflected the fundamental insecurity of the Shah. Even the small

percentage of students admitted to the colleges with the help of royal connections,

quickly became disenchanted with the hurdles that stood in the way of social progress

and participation. In addition, the abundance of college graduates as compared to the

small amount of bureaucratic posts available was a major difficulty in the post-World

War ere and added to the antagonism of the newly educated middle class.680

Most colleges and secondary school graduates embarked on government

service as office workers, skilled technicians, public administrators, school teachers,


680 Ibid., 104-105.


275

court lawyers, medical doctor or university professors. While prior to Reza Shah, the

intelligencia had comprised of a small stratum whose members came from diverse

backgrounds, during Reza Shah’s rule the same intelligencia increased to total 7% of

the country’s labor force, and became a modem middle class. They not only shared

common views toward social, economic and political modernization, but also had

common educational, occupational and economic backgrounds.681 The increased

educational opportunities, the promotion of higher education and the sending of

students to the United States and Europe all contributed to the development of a new

intelligencia, a direct result of the Shah’s reforms. While they were not antagonistic

to the modernization program, they deplored the slowness of progress and lack of

liberty. Because they wanted democracy, they were alienated from the Shah.682

Reforms Concerning Women

In 1934 after Reza Shah’s trip to Turkey where Ataturk was trying to increase

the position of women, he tried to do the same. Soon educational institutions, in

particular Tehran University, accepted both male and female students. Heavy fines

were placed on public places such as cinemas, cafes and hotels which showed

prejudice toward women. Most integral of all, Reza Shah abolished the veil. Top

officials after 1935 were fired if they did not bring their wives unveiled to office


682 Lenezowski, 41.


276

celebrations.683

The Shah visited the new Normal School with the Queen and two of the

Princesses who were all unveiled, on January 8, 1936. The Queen handed out the

diplomas to the female graduates of the Faculty of Medicine and other schools.684

Reza Shah stated:

I am exceedingly pleased to observe, that as a result of knowledge and learning, women have come alive of their condition, rights and privileges...the women of this country, previously isolated from society, were unable to demonstrate their intrinsic abilities, and to display their inherent capabilities. I should say that they were unable to do their part and render their proper share of service and sacrifice to their dear homeland. Now, however, they are going to enjoy social advantages other than that of their outstanding privilege of maternity...Ministers and daughters! Now that you have entered society and moved ahead for your own happiness and welfare of your homeland, you must bear in mind that it is your duty to work...The future happiness of the country is in your own hands. You are to be the educators of the next generation. Be good teachers so that you may educate good pupils.685

There were, however, many setbacks. Some women, especially women of the

older generation, remained indoors until after the abdication of Reza Shah instead of

being compelled to go outside unveiled. It was evident after 1941 and even in the

mid-1970s, that it would take a long time before the chador was abandoned

completely.686

Unlike law in Turkey, law in Iran still saw men as more important in a


684 Lenezowski, 173.

685 Wilber Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. 173-174.

686 Lenezowski, 98.


277

number of significant aspects.687 The religious notions of Islam continued strongly in

laws which dealt with marriage, divorce, polygamy, inheritance, family matters and

offenses against morality. In addition, women were denied the ability to vote and run

in public elections. While during the period from 1926 to 1940 laws dealing with

those problems were transformed in four instances, each transformation continued to

uphold the original beliefs of the ^eriat. Thus there were many conflicts and

contradictions between the laws of the ^eriat and the newly promulgated laws.688

It was stipulated in article 180 of the Penal Code of 1926 that if a man killed

his wife or her lover upon finding them in the act of adultery he was free from

punishment. If he killed his daughter or sister in the same situation, he faced up to

one to six months of incarceration. However, under reverse circumstances, no such

consideration was given to the wife, sister, or daughter.689

While marriage became secular in law, the majority of the laws concerning

marriage adhered to the decrees of the £eriat. There were, however, many

contradictions between Jieriat notions and the new secular ones. While Article 1056-

57 of the Civil Code followed jSeriat law by legalizing temporary marriages, it

departed from the jSeriat in articles 1041-43 which declared a legal age necessary for

marriage. In addition, marriage certificates were given by these bureaus solely if the


688 Banani, 80.

689 Ibid., 81.


278

stipulations of the law had been honored, and marriages and divorces were not seen

as legal unless they were registered in civil bureaus. This law, however, which was a

major move from the dictates of the ^eriat, was not completely followed since no

official bureaus were established in many of the rural districts.690

The concurrence of both parties to the marriage was made necessary in

Articles 1062, 1064, and 1070 of the Civil Code. However, in most of the instances

these laws were not followed. Though not allowed in the |eriat, article 1035 of the

Civil Code allowed the rupture of an engagement, ever after arrangements for giving

the prenuptial money by the groom to the bride were completed. Article 942, 1046

and 1049, taken straight from the ^eriat, permitted men to have four permanent wives

and an unlimited number of temporary wives.691

Patterned after the Koran (II, 229-230), articles 1057-58 in the Civil Code

delineate all the reasons for divorce according to the £eriat. An example of an

anachronism was the persistence of the triple divorce, whereby the divorced couple

could not remarry unless the women entered a consummated marriage with another

man first. While a Muslim man could marry any woman provided that she was not

an idolater, (Koran II 220) article 1059 forbid the marriage of a Muslim woman to a

non-Muslim. 692 This is very different than what occurred in Turkey.

690 Ibid.

691 Ibid., 81-82.

692 Ibid., 82-83.


279

While no Western law permitted such liberal divorce, article 1133 of the Civil

Code stated that a husband could divorce his wife at any time he wanted. The two

main differences between men and women in their ability to obtain a divorce was

delineated by the Iranian Code. While women required specific conditions, divorce

was seen as a natural right of man and he needed no specific circumstances and while

men did not require a reason for divorce, women were required to have a reason and

were required to prove it in court. The Civil Code, in harmony with the eriat,

declared that children legally belonged to the father. Custody went to the father in

cases of separation. Also laws concerning inheritance were in harmony with the

^eriat.693

The law promulgated by the Majlis on November 24, 1938, requiring medical

certificates prior to marriage was a compromise between the old and the new. This

law required certificates for all brides and grooms proving the lack of disease, to be

given by doctors chosen by the Ministry of Justice. However, brides to be were free

from giving certificates proving no disease in the genital organs. This was a difficult

compromise made for the modesty of women who did not want to undergo such an

examination by a male doctor.694 The lack of success in the promulgation of positive

legal reforms concerning women is contrasted to the success that occurred in Turkey

at the same time.

693 Ibid., 82-84.

694 Ibid., 84.


280

Legal System

As seen before, Shii Islam comprised of two systems of law, the Shar and the

Urf, or canon and secular law. While Shar courts were meant to dominate personal

status and civil law, and Urf cases dealt with the state, in practice most judicial

jurisdiction belonged to the Shar courts.695

It was shown that an attempt prior to Reza Shah was made to enact a secular

legal system by the enactment of the constitution and the Fundamental Law of 1906

and its supplement of 1907. In 1908, a court was established to resolve differences

between the Civil and Shar courts. While the codification of laws was attempted,

because of the conflict with the clerics, this was a very tedious job. The Office of the

Attorney General was established in 1910 and ultimately in 1911 further

reorganization of the judiciary occurred. In order to step around the antagonism of

the clergy, the experimental and nonpermanent character of these acts was

underscored. Because of the clergy, a supplement to the Fundamental Law said that

no laws contradicting the Seriat could be promulgated. In 1915, after a commercial

code was enacted on the same ephemeral basis, no more dramatic steps occurred until

the advent of Reza Shah.696

As soon as he became prime minister, Reza Shah declared that the judiciary

695 Ibid., 68.

696 Ibid., 69-70.


281

system should be reformed.697 The judicial system, however, once again was an

example of Reza Shah’s want to secularize and modernize Iran for his own

international glory and personal domination.698 Also the lack of positive law

foundations was evident.

The Civil and Penal Code reflected the impact of judiciary models from the

West. While the state courts of 1922 were given partial appellate jurisdiction over the

Seriat courts, this was further increased in 1926 by the Penal Code of 1926 that had

laid the way for the abandonment of Seriat provisions. While corporal and capital

punishment were maintained, the circumstances for their utilization were curtailed

radically. Also the Penal Code of 1926 presented Western notions into Iranian law for

the first time. While the |eriat law was ambiguous on matters of insane criminals

articles 38-41 of the 1926 Civil Code exempted the insane from punishment. Article

276 manifested another Western notion by specifying circumstances of unhealthy

sanitation, crueity to criminals and the utilization of offensive language, in addition to

traffic misdemeanors and other violations against the law.699 While the new Code

approved in 1928 augmented the influence of the secular courts over the religious

courts, the new legal code gave many concessions to religious law, which before had

controlled all issues. The Code specified cases to be dominated by the state and Shar

697 Ibid., 70.


699 Banani, 74-80.


282

courts and no cases were to be given to the Shar courts without the permission of the

state courts and the Attorney General.700

In order to increase Iran’s international prestige and his personal influence, in

1927 the Shah dismantled the old decentralized Ministry of Justice and established a

new, centralized ministry in charge of forming new codes of law. He said to a

gathering of lawyers and judges: "The prestige of a nation depends on the quality of

justice. I expect of you the most honorable conduct that will at once bring justice and

prestige to our nation."701

Davar, the Swiss-educated lawyer, was empowered with reshaping the

Ministry of Justice and enacting the new legal code. He put educated Iranians in the

new Ministry of Justice and underscored honesty, which unfortunately only had a

short-lived impact on the corruption in the judicial system. The judicial reforms, due

to Davar’s influence, the judicial reforms were the most effective attempt to

rationalize society under Reza Shah.702 The Majlis enacted bills giving more power to

the Ministry of Justice to enforce the newly proposed laws on April 30 and November

3,1929. Modem educated lawyers replaced those judges trained traditionally. Davar

presented altered versions of the French Civil Code and the Italian Penal Code, even

though some of these proclamations went against the Koranic canons and codified Shii


701 Ibid.

702 Ibid.


283

rules regarding personal issues like marriage, divorce and children’s guardianship.703

Davar also moved the prosperous right of registering legal documents from the

ulema to secular attorneys, established a hierarchy of state courts and a Supreme

Court. Most important of all, gave the state judges the authority to decide which

cases were to be administered in the religious or secular courts. At the same time he

radically curtailed clerical influence in the National Assembly, their number fell from

24 in the fifth Majlis to six in the tenth Majlis.704

On November 30, 1931 the Majlis approved a law redefining the jurisdiction

of the Shar courts as special courts. While article 144 of the Code of 1911 had

defined the jurisdiction of the Shar courts as issues "delineated and prescribed by the

laws of Islam," article 2 of the new law said that Shar courts were established to

administer cases which were defined within their jurisdiction by laws of the realm.

Thus no cases could be delegated to the Shar court without permission of the state

courts and office of the Attorney General. Article 7 of the law said that the problems

relating to marriage and divorce and the designation of trustees and guardians, were

the sole responsibility of the Shar courts. Later on, all decisions of the religious

courts had to be approved and monitored by the Attorney General. The Civil and

Penal Codes of 1939 and 1950 ultimately provided no space for Jeriat law at all. The

movement from the Seriat principles was defended from the Western and secular

703 Banani, 70-73.

7W Ibid.


284

stance. In 1939 a state takeover of all religious lands and foundations (waqfs).

Because of this, the ulema lost power not only in politics but also in legal, social and

economic affairs.705

While before the government had underscored the Islamic nature of all its

reforms, by 1936, Reza Shah ignored the antagonism of the clergy. Because

prudence was no longer required, on December 27, 1936 laws causing the lasting

secularization and Westernization of the judiciary system were promulgated. This

occurred when a law relating to the restructuring of the Judiciary system and the

employment of judges was passed by the Majlis. Judges were now required to have a

degree from the Tehran Faculty of Law or from a foreign university, showing three

or more years of study. All previous judges of the Ministry of Justice who did not

hold such a degree were required to pass special examinations in Iranian and Foreign

law to stay employed by the Ministry and not rise above the rank of 6 on a promotion

scale of 11 ranks.706

By putting the following employment requirements for judges, it eliminated

many of the clerics from the judiciary and their power was reduced. However,

because the Judiciary system had expanded, the abrupt exclusion of a larger number

of previous legislators would have severe repercussions. Because there was not a

sufficient supply of qualified people to work in the newly expanded judiciary, the

705 Ibid., 70-79.

706 Ibid., 72-73.


285

prime minister of Iran in the last years of the Shah confirmed that in 1936 chaos

occurred in the Iranian judiciary system.707

The dramatic transformations that occurred under Reza Shah did not replace

the values of the Seriat which were central to the Iranian social structure. While the

Seriat notions continued less in criminal law than in civil law, the laws of Iran now

became a confusing medley of the Jieriat and the Western secular codes.708

The tension between the old and new legal systems was solved in an ad-hoc

manner. Supported by the fanatical religious masses and protected by the

constitution, the clergy was very influential. The ability of the government to have

liberty in the charge and dismissal of judges, was the sole article of the constitution

that was redefined during the reforms of the judiciary. The specific Jeriat decrees

continued completely untransformed.709 The legal texts of the Faculty of Law of the

University of Tehran explained:

In regard to the many differences that may appear between the secular and the Sharia [£eriat] laws, the second article of the Supplement to the Fundamental Law specifies that at no time may the laws be contradictory to the Sharia. But we know the Islamic Sharia is not limited to the Shi’ah fegh. Furthermore, if we were to follow the fegh scrupulously today, we would soon reach an impasse. Therefore, we interpret the second article of the Supplement to the Fundamental Law to mean that new laws should not conflict with the Sharia in principle, otherwise that article would be impractical.710

707 Ibid., 73.

708 Ibid., 80.

709 Ibid., 76.

710 Ibid., 77.


286

While in practice Islamic practice was undermined, the constitutional decrees

declaring the Shii Islam the official state religion and appointing the Shah as the

defender of the faith were never changed. This is significantly different from Ataturk

which made the separation of Church and State the basis of his constitution. By the

end of Reza Shah’s rule, while the impact of Western laws upon the manners of the

people was great, it was not as great as what was said in the statute books. While the

social and cultural norms were transforming among the urban popuiation, in the

villages the ancient ways had not vanished.711

If Reza Shah’s rule had truly been a constitutional monarchy, Davar’s legal

reform, with its stress on bureaucratic structure and routinization, could have

rationalized the Iranian judiciary. The routinization of the procedures of the Ministry

of Justice was hindered by royal obstruction as Reza Shah became more and more

greedy and tyrannical. The Ministry of Justice was utilized by Reza Shah to legalize

the seizure of property and to incarcerate those who opposed him politically and did

not want to sell their property to him. Because Judges were given no independence

of decision, they were required to carry out the caprices of the Shah without doubting

their legality. By the termination of Reza Shah’s rule, because of the above

circumstances, corruption and insecurity prevailed among the judges and lawyers.712

711 Ibid., 47-84.



287

Conclusion: The End of the His Rule

Throughout his rule, Reza Shah became more and more paranoid. In his

political administration, his personal insecurity about his modest background and

limited qualifications for his position were expressed. He had murdered not only his

antagonists, but also those who had been instrumental in his advent to power by the

termination of his rule. To eschew execution or dishonor, the Swiss-educated Davar

committed suicide. Left without his loyal advisors, Reza Shah became alienated and

increasingly used force to achieve his goals. The divide and rule policy of earlier

times were relived as movement and was circumscribed by internal passports and

administrative and military officers fought and competed with one another. The

depravity which emanated from the Shah infiltrated all of society and became

institutionalized.713

Because of his insecurity, he had no allies, even among those who had

advanced the most material during his reign. The land of the tribal Khans was

confiscated and transferred to the Shah or those in the royal circles. Many tribal

leaders, members of the old nobility and many of the previous supporters of the Shah,

were incarcerated or executed.714

Reza Shah transformed the class structure in Iran. A new landed oligarchy

which consisted of a combination of those landlords who had eschewed having their

713 Ibid., 110.

714 Ibid., 111.


288

land confiscated, court favorites, army officers and high bureaucrats who had gained

land through their links with Reza Shah and his court, was formed. The recently

formed upper class did not gain from Reza Shah’s rule. Because the Shah wanted to

conserve the feudal structure, security in the countryside was provided by depraved

gendarmes and army personnel. Reza Shah, because he was the most powerful

landlord, hurt the peasants by transferring to them the burden of agricultural taxes.

By 1939, land taxes which were diminished greatly, formed only a quarter of 1 % of

the total tax revenue. Although the landed upper class was not very active in their

support of Reza Shah, they did not oppose him. In fact, following World War II it

became a central upholder of Mohammed Reza Shah’s regime.715

The peasants were hurt tremendously by the military taxes on sugar and tea.

Reza Shah’s promotion of industry to the detriment of agriculture and the

consolidation of prosperity in Tehran gave the rural poor more misery. There was

great hardship among the millions of peasants who formed the bulk of the population.

In the rural areas, social relationships continued to be as they had been before Reza

Shah despite the transformations in the composition of the upper class. The

patrimonial structure of these relationships were empowered by the Shah’s legislation

and military presence. Only a small number of peasants were brought into the

growing urban proletariat by the oil fields and by the construction of projects and

factories developed by the state capitalism of the Shah. Thus the peasant was

715 Ibid.


289

increasingly alienated from the government.716

While the uncertainty of Reza Shah’s rule allowed the old bazaari to increase

more, his centralized capitalism halted their prosperity and independence, particularly

in provincial cities like Tabriz and Mashabad. In addition this social class had tight

connection with the ulema who had lost much property due to the secularization

program of the Shah. The merchant class in Persia lay in ruin and the commerce of

the great trading hubs like Tabriz, Isfahan and Sultanbad was paralyzed.717

Because the Shah was too insecure to allow even symbolic participation, the

Iranian nationalism he sought to achieve in his reign never developed strong roots in

the minds of the Iranians. Because the elite that dominated Iran’s political system

was limited only to the royal favorites, there was no circulation of elites, and the

government was inherently shaky.718

Because they saw him not as a nation-builder, but as a self-interested

establisher of a new dynasty, the younger generation found little to admire in Reza

Shah. He was not seen as a sincere reformer who challenged the traditional forces,

but as a tyrant who consolidated the conservative landed elite. During the 1930s, the

displeasure of the younger generation came forth when Iranian students in Europe

demanded the freedom of all those apprehended for political reasons and the

716 Ibid.

717 Ibid., 112.

718 Ibid.


290

foundation of a Republic. They condemned Reza Shah as a tool of British

imperialism.719

This instability burst forth after Reza Shah’s abdication from power in 1941.

Ann Lambton stated:

Reza Shah had failed to create a situation in which people could find scope ineffective and creative social action...No outlet had been left for the ambitions and the capacities of the individual citizens. As a result...when Reza Shah went, and with him the hollow regime which he had built up, there remained a spiritual vacuum.720

The fact that the Iranian public was not happy at the time of Reza Shah’s

abdication in 1941 is very well known.721 By the time of his abdication he had

enough wealth to become the richest man in Iran.722 He once said: "For me nothing

is impossible...There is not problem so great that my willpower cannot deal with it;

to me this great mountain ahead of us looks like a smooth plain." Along with this

great sense of confidence, he never gave credit to anyone for their suggestions and

never won the personal trust of his subjects.723 During World War II the superficial

and unsuccessful characteristic of Iran’s transformation became evident.724 Of course



721 Ghods, "Iranian Nationalism and Reza Shah," 35.



724 Banani, 151.


291

it is true that Iran was historically less prepared for the type of reforms that took

place in Turkey. Less Iranians had been educated in Western educational institutions

or attuned to European mentality, and Iran had had much less contact with the West

than was the case in Turkey on the eve of Atatiirk’s revolution. In addition, Iran was

not as unified as the homogeneous nation of Turkey, where 90% of the population

was similar in religion, linguistics and ethnicity.725 This paper, however, has

concentrated on the fact that because science, rationalism and positive law did not

form the foundation of his reform, he was unsuccessful. His rule was characterized

by much of the tyranny that the leaders of the European Enlightment had sought to

eradicate.

725 Peretz, 506.


CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSION

Today Turkey is regarded as a secular Republic where the disestablishment of

Islam has occurred. Turkey is the only Muslim state whose constitution declares that

secularism is one of the central principles of the state and where the legal system,

even in the realm of personal standing such as family life and inheritance, is totally

secularized. Because the constitution interdicts religious discrimination, laws hold no

decrees prejudiced by religion and teaching religion at private schools is entirely at

one’s discretion. Although Turkey is still a Muslim land, where the role of religion

in the private lives of the Turks appears to be very comparable to religion in the

private lives of the Americans in the United States, the disestablishment of Islam is

irrevocable. Despite alterations in the regimes, Islamic revivalism and constitutional

renewal, secularism continues to be the foundation of the Turkish constitutional theory

and political life.

Iran, on the other hand, since the outbreak of the revolution of 1978-79, is a

theocratic state where Shiite Islam monitors all aspects of public and private life. In

contrast to Turkey, the legal system, educational establishment, and all laws

governing human behavior are Islamic in nature. Unlike Turkey, the Iranian

292


293

constitution stipulates that Islam is the state religion.

The purpose of this Thesis was to trace the secular reform movements that

occurred in Turkey and Iran, both during the Ottoman Empire and Qajar Monarchy

and then during the time of Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk and Reza Shah Pahlavi. How it

that Turkey brought about the disestablishment of Islam while Iran did not? The

objective of my research was to prove that while science, rationalism and positivism

formed the basis of Ottoman and Turkish secular reform movements, this was not true

in Iran both during the Qajar Monarchy and the rule of Reza Shah. All reform that

followed these periods are out of the scope of this paper.

The Scientific Revolution which occurred in Europe during the 1500s

transformed thinking forever. The method that scientists followed to obtain their data

was comprised of three parts: observations, a generalization induced from

observations and experimental tests of the generalization. Nothing, including

religious belief was any longer accepted as a given. Gradually the methodology of

the scientist reached the intellectual community and reshaped their thinking. They

saw science as the savior of the human race and a propellant to the improvement of

the human condition. The idea that men are bom equal, that law is man-made and

adjusts according to the circumstances, the notion of positive law, the importance of

reason and experience, the values of life, liberty and property, universal education

and Enlightment, toleration, and the end to superstition were all brought forth from

the lessons of science. The French Revolution was the turning point of European


294

history and even the modem age.726

Because nationalism and liberalism stood together in opposition to the Church,

a breakdown in the hierarchy of the centralized state developed and secularism

arose.727 Because modernization had caused a breakdown of the traditional order, the

French Revolution brought an end to the time when government was made up of only

a few elite members who monopolized political life. Thus the French Revolution

marked the commencement of the era of secular rule in the name of the people.728

Before modernization legitimacy was gained in a traditional framework of

Monarchical rule and religious sanction. In the modem nation-state, legal rational

legitimacy replaced charismatic leadership and total obedience. This type of rule is

characterized by the depersonalization and regulation of power through general

positive laws. In the modem state the chances for random ad-hoc exercise of power

are reduced and the link between the law and state is especially close. Because law is

no longer seen to be the expression of the will of God or governed by the dictates of

nature, modem law is positive law. In the modem state, law is the expression of the

state.729

Thus secularism arose in Europe after the dawn of science, rationalism and


727 Tibi, 1-39.

728 Bendix, 8-11.

729 Poghi, 101-105.


law promulgation. The scientific and literary writings that had taken place served as

a propellant to the secularization of European society would have a profound effect on

Muslim thinkers in the modem era.

An essential element of political development in the Middle East has been the

steady detachment of the political order from the impact of Islamic traditionalism.

The Ottoman Sultans and the Qajar Shahs more and more found it integral to

supplement the dictates of the Jeriat by royal decrees. The Ottoman Empire and

Qajar Iran were similar in that they both had to constantly interact with the Muslim

countries around them. They both increasingly found the framework of the Seriat

inadequate in everyday affairs, and because of military defeats and advancement that

had come to Europe after the Scientific Revolution and subsequent Enlightment, both

countries were forced to reform their societies.730 This paper had shown that there

was a remarkable difference in the reforms that took place in Ottoman Turkey and

Qajar Iran. While the reforms in the Ottoman Empire were characterized by positive

law, science and rational thinking, this was not true in Qajar Iran.

The presence of science, law and rational thinking in the Ottoman Empire

provided a very significant background and basis to the subsequent reforms enacted in

the Republic of Turkey under Ataturk. Reza Shah, however, would continue to

730 Pfaff, 79-81.

295


296

reform in the spirit of the previous Qajar Monarchs.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Reza Shah were similar in many respects: both

rose to power through the military, both wanted to change their traditional multiethnic

societies into modem nation-states, both connected modernization with

Westernization, both wanted the state free of foreign encroachment, both saw that

change in their countries included enacting reforms concerning all sectors of society,

and both attempted to force women to participate in public life.731 While they both

harbored a deep hostility toward the clergy and wanted to reduce their power, they

were not against Islam as a matter of private conscience.

The outcome of Ataturk’s revolution caused the redefinition of the political

community where the society withdrew from the Islamic framework into that of a

newly defined Turkish nation. The Turkish revolution, in developing a secular

national identity totally abolished the religious basis of legitimization. This

transformation caused the complete displacement of the former ruling class - political

as well as religious - by the members of the secondary (bureaucratic and intellectual)

elites.732 In Iran, however, they did not withdraw from the Islamic framework and

the religious basis of legitimization was enhanced. Thus, in contrast to Turkey, the

former ruling class, political as well religious, were not displaced by the members of

the secondary (bureaucratic and intellectual) elites.


732 Landau, 9.


What were reasons for which the reforms were successful in Turkey and not

Iran? In answering this question it is integral to understand that two different

societies are being compared. Throughout the paper references have been made to

the differences between the Sunni and Shii Islam. In addition, the Turkey that

Ataturk ruled was much more homogeneous and prepared by the previous Ottoman

reforms than the very divided and ethnically diverse society that Reza Shah inherited

from the Qajar Monarchs who laid very shallow foundations for reform. For the

above reasons, Reza Shah could not have accomplished all that Ataturk had. This

thesis, while not discarding those very important elements of the social structure in

both countries, has concentrated on the importance of science, rationalism and

positive law as the basis of secularism and the disestablishment of Islam.

An interesting subject of further study would be to examine the events that

occurred after Ataturk and Reza Shah. To what extent did later reforms move away

from the ideas of the eighteenth and early twentieth century reformers? To what

extent did the laws and institutions survive to present? To what extent did Islam

continue to dominate the outlook of the masses in both countries?

297


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abadan-Unat, Nermin. "The Modernization of Turkish Women.” The Middle East Journal XXXII (1978): 291-306.

Abrahamian, Ervand. Iran Between Two Revolutions. New Jersey: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1982.

Adnan, Adivar A. La Science Chez les Turcs Ottomans. Paris: 1939.

Ahmad, Feroz. "Politics and Islam in Modem Turkey." Middle Eastern Studies 27 (1991): 3-21.

Akzin, Benjamin. State and Nations. New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday andCompany, Inc., 1964.

Allen, Henry. The Turkish Transformation A Study in Social and Religious Development. Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1939.

Algar, Hamid. Religion and State in Iran 1785-1906 The Role of the Ulama in the Oaiar Period. Berkely: University of California Press, 1980.

Alter, Peter. Nationalism. New York, Melbourne, Auckland: Edward Arnold Division of Holder and Stoughton, 1989.

Amirsadeghi, Hossein. Twentieth Century Iran. New York: Holmer and MeierPublishers, 1977.

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities The Origin and Spread of Nationalism. 2nd ed. London: 1983.

Arastah, Reza. Education and Social Awakening in Iran. 1850-1960. Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1962.

Aijoumand, Said Amir. The Turban for the Crown. The Islamic Revolution in Iran. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.

298


299

Armstrong, Harold. Mustafa Kemal An Intimate Study of a Dictator. New York: Minton, Balch and Company, 1933.

Armstrong, John. Nations Before Nationalism. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1982.

Bahrampour, Firouz. Iran: Emergence of a Middle Eastern Power. New York: Theo Gaus’ Sons Inc., 1970.

Bahrampour, Firouz. Turkey: Political and Social Transformation. New York: Theo Gaus’ Sons, 1967.

Bakhash, Shaul. The Reign of the Ayatollahs Iran and the Islamic Revolution. New York: Basic Books Inc., 1990.

Banani, Amin. The Modernization of Iran. 1921-41. California: Stanford University Press, 1961.

Barchard, David. Turkey and the West. London: The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985.

Baron, Salo. Modern Nationalism and Religion. New York: Meridian Books, 1960.

Barthold, W. A Historical Geography of Iran. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1984.

Bendix, Reinhard. Kings or People Power and the Mandate to Rule. California: Princeton University Press, 1978.

Berkes, Niyazi. Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization. New York: 1959.

—. The Development of Secularism in Turkey. Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964.

Bill, James, and Carl Leiden. Politics in the Middle East. 2nd ed. Boston, Toronto: Brown and Company, 1984.

Binder, Leonard. Iran Political Development in a Changing Economy. California: University of California.

Bisbee, Eleanor. The New Turks Pioneers of the Republic. 1920-1950. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1951.


300

Brass, Paul. Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison. London: Sage Publications, Inc., 1991.

Breuilly, John. Nationalism and the State. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982.

Browne, Edward. A Year Among The Persians. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1959.

—. The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909. Great Britain: Frank Cass and co., 1966.

Cameron, George. History of Early Iran. Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1936.

Chambers, Mortimer, Raymond Gew, David Herlihy, Theodore Rabb, Isser Woloch, and Alfred Knopf. Western Experience. 4th ed, New York: 1987.

Chehabi, H.E. Iranian Politics and Religious Modernism. New York: CornellUniversity Press, 1990.

Connor, Walker. "Nation-Building or Nation-Destroying." World Politics (1972): 319-355.

Cottam, Richard. Nationalism in Iran. Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press.1979.

Christensen, Arthur. LTran Sous Les Sassanides. Denmark: Otto Zeller Osnabruck, 1844.

Davison, R. Reform in the Ottoman Empire 1856-1876. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1963.

Djemal, A. Memoires of a Turkish Statesman 1913-1919. N.Y: Doran, 1922.

Dofney, Jacques, and Akinsola Akiwowo. National and Ethnic Movements. California: Sage Publications, Inc., 1980.

Dorraj, Manochehr. From Zarathustra to Khomeini Populism and Dissent in Iran. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1990.

Doyle, William. The Old European Order 1600-1800. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978.


301

Edwards, John. Language. Society, and Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985.

Enayat, Hamid. Modem Islamic Political Thought. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982.

Esposito, John. The Islamic Threat Mvth or Reality? Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.

—. Islam the Straight Path. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Farah, Caesar. Islam. New York: Barron’s, 1978.

Fischer, Michael. Iran From Religious Dispute to Revolution. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980.

Frey, Frederick. The Turkish Political Elite. Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press.

Friedlander, Melvin. Conviction and Credence and U.S. Policymaking in the Middle East. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991.

Frye, Richard. The Heritage of Persia. London: Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1962.

—. Persia. New York: Schocken Books, 1960.

Gellner, Ernest. Postmodernism. Reason, and Religion. New York: Routledge, Yy jl.—. Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press, 1983.

Gibbs, E. J. A History of Ottoman Poetry. Ed. E.G. Browne. London: Luzac and Company, 1905.

Ghods, Reza. Iran in the Twentieth Century A Political History. London, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Adamantine Press limited, 1989.

—. "Iranian Nationalism and Reza Shah." Middle Eastern Studies 27 no. 1 (1991): 35- 45.

—. "Government and Society in Iran 1926-1934." Middle Eastern Studies 27 no. 2 (April 1991): 219-230.

Haas, William. Iran. New York, 1946.

Habesci, Elias. The Present State of the Ottoman Empire. London: no. 47, Pater-


302

Noster Row, Printed for R. Baldwin, 1784.

Hale, William. The Political and Economic Development of Modem Turkey. London: Croom Helm, 1981.

Hayes, Carlton. Nationalism a Religion. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1960.

Heper, Metin. "Islam, Polity, and Society in Turkey: A Middle Eastern Perspective." The Middle East Journal XXXV (1981): 345-363.

Heyd, Uriel. Foundation of Turkish Nationalism. London: Luzac and Harrill Press, 1949.

Hillmann, Michael. Iranian Culture A Persianist View. New York: University Press of American.

Hourani, Albert. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 183.

Hunt, Chester. Ethnic Dynamics. Illinois: the Dorsey Press, 1974.

Issa Khan, Sadiq. Modem Persia and Her Educational System. Columbia University Press: New York City, 1931.

Joseph, Bernard. Nationalism Its Nature and Problems. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929.

Kamrava, Mehran. The Political History of Modem Iran From Tribalism to Theocracy. Connecticut: Praeger, 1992.

Karpat, Kemal. Social Change and Politics in Turkey. The Netherlands: EJ Brill, 1973.

—. "The People’s Houses in Turkey, Establishment and Growth." The Middle East Journal. XVII (1963): 55-68.

Kasravi, Ahmad. On Islam and Shi’ism. Mazda Publishers, 1990.

Keddie, Nikki, and Eric Hooglund. The Iranian Revolution and The Islamic Republic New York: Syracuse University Press, 1986.

Keddie, Nikki Iran Religion. Politics and Society. Great Britain: Frank Cass, 1980.


303

—. Roots of Revolution An Interpretive History of Modem Iran. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981.

—. Religion and Rebellion The Tobacco Protest of 1891-1892. Frank Cass and Company, Ltd., 1966.

Kellas, James. The Politics of Nationalism and Ethnicity. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991.

Khomeini, Imam. Islam and Revolution. Trans. Hamid Algar. Berkley: Mizan Press, 1981.

Kinross, Lord. Ataturk A Biography of Mustaft Kemal Father of Modem Turkey. New York: 1965.

Kohn, Hans. Nationalism: Its Meaning and History. New Jersey, London: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1965.

Kruger, Paul. Kemalist Turkey and the Middle East. London: George Allen and Unwit Ltd, 1932.

Kushner, David. The Rise of Turkish Nationalism. London: Frank Cass, 1977.

Lambton, Ann. "Impact of the West on Persia." International Affairs 33 (1957).

Landau, Jacob. Pan-Turkism in Turkey. London: 1981.

—. Ataturk and the Modernization of Turkey. Colorodo: Westview Press.

Lenezowski, George. Iran Under the Pahlavis. Stanford, Califomi: Hoover University Press, 1978.

Russia and the West in Iran 1918-1948 A Study in Big-Power Rivalry. Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1949.

Lewis, Bernard. The Emergence of Modem Turkey. 2nd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1968.

—. "The Impact of the French Revolution on Turkey." World History (19531: 105-25.

Lewis, Geoffry. Turkey. 3rd ed. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1965.

Lewis, Thomas. The United States and Turkey and Iran. Cambridge: Harvard


304

University Press, 1951.

Limbert, John. Iran at War with History. Colorado: Westview Press, 1987.

Mango, Andrew. "The State of Turkey." Middle East Studies 13, Number 2, (1977): 261-275.

—. "Understanding Turkey." Middle East Studies 18, Number 2 (1982): 194-214.

Marchand, Rene, and Jean Deny. Petit Manuel de la Turquie Nouvelle. Jacques Haumont, 139, Rue Broca, Paris, 1933.

Mardin, Serif. The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought. Princeton: 1962.

Mardin , Serif. "Religion and Secularism in Turkey." In Ataturk Founder of a Modern State, ed Ali Kazancigil and Ergun Ozbuden. Connecticut: Archon Books, 1981.

Marlowe, John. Iran A Short Political Guide. New York: Frederick A. Praegar Publisher, 1963.

Martin, Vanessa. Islam and Modernization The Iranian Revolution of 1906. New York: Syracuse University Press, 1989.

Menashri, David. Education and the Making of Modem Iran. New York: Cornell University Press, 1992.

Munson, Henry. Islam and Revolution in the Middle East. London: Yale University Press, 1988.

Morier, James. The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Isfahan. New York: Random House, Inc., 1824.

Nashat, Guity. The Origins of Modem Reformism in Iran 1870-80. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982.

Oaksmith, John. Race and Nationality An Inquiry Into the Origin and Growth of Patriotism London: William Heinemann, 1919.

Olmstead, A.T. History of the Persian Empire. London: University of Chicago Press,1970.

Ozbuden, Ergun. Social Change and Political Participation in Turkey. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1976.


305

Pahlavi, Mohammed Reza. Answer to History. New York: Stein and Day Publishers, 1980.

Parsa, Misagh. Social Origins of the Iranian Revolution. London: Rutgers University Press, 1983.

Peretz, Don. The Middle East Today. 5th ed. London: Praeger, 1988.

Pfaff, Richard H. "Disengagement from Traditionalism in Turkey and Iran," Western Political Quarterly (March 1963): 79-98.

Poggi, GianFranco. The Development of the Modem State A Sociological Introduction. California: Standford University Press, 1978.

Porter, Sir James. Observations on the Religion. Law. Government and Manners of the Turks. 2nd ed. London: Printed for J. Nourse.

Price, Claire. The Rebirth of Turkey. New York: Thomas Seltzer, 1928.

Ramsaur, E.E., The Young Turks. Princeton: 1957.

—. The Young Turks Prelude to the Revolution of 1908. New York: Russell and Russell, 1970.

Reid, James. Tribalism and Society in Islamic Iran 1500-1629. California: Urdena Publications, 1938.

Renda, Gunsel, and Max Kortepeter. The Transformation of Turkish Culture and the Ataturk Legacy. New Jersey: The Kingston Press, Inc., 1986.

Rex, John. Race and Ethnicity. Open University Press, Milton Keynes, 1986.

Rogers, William. A History of Ancient Persia. New York and London: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1929.

Saikal, Amin. The Rise and Fall of the Shah. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1980.

Salehi, M.M. Insurgency Through Culture and Religion The Islamic Revolution of Iran. New York: Praeger, 1988.

Sarc, Omer Celal. "Economic Policy of the New Turkey." Middle East Journal II (1948): 430-446.


306

Savory, Roger. Iran under the Safavids. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1980.

Shafer, Boyd. Nationalism Myth and Reality. New York: Harcourt Bruce and World Inc., 1955.

Shaflaq, S.R. "Patriotic Poetry in Modem Iran." Middle East Journal VI (1952): 417- 428.

Shaw, Stanford. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modem Turkey. I Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.

—. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modem Turkey. II Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977.

—. Between Old and New The Ottoman Empire under the Sultan Selim III 1789-1807. Massachussetts: Harvard University Press, 1981.

Shuster, Morgan. The Strangling of Persia. Washington: Mage Publishers, 1961.

Smith, Elain. Turkey: Origins of the Kemalist Movement and the Government of the Grand National Assembly 1919-1923. Washington: Judd and Detwiler, Inc., 1959.

Smith, Anthony. The Ethnic Origins of Nations. New York: Basil Blackwell Inc., 1986.

Siavoshi, Sussan. Liberal Nationalism in Iran The Failure of a Movement. Boulder and London: Westview Press, 1990.

Stirling, Paul. "Religious Change in Republican Turkey." The Middle East Journal Volume XII (1958): 395-408.

Streyer, R. Joseph. On the Medeival Origins of the Modem State. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1970.

Sullivan, William. Mission to Iran. New York and London: W.A. Norton andCompany, 1981.

Sykes, Percy. A History of Persia. New York: St. Martin’s Press, I, 1963.

Tibi, Bassam. Arab Nationalism. New York: St. Martin’s, 1991.


307

Thomas, Lewis. "Recent Developments in Turkish Islam." Middle East Journal VI (1952): 22-40.

Upton, Joseph. A History of Modem Iran An Interpretation. Massachussetts: Harvard University Press, 1961.

Villiers, Gerard de. The Imperial Shah An Informed Biography. Boston, Toronto: Little Browne and Company, 1976.

Volkan, Vamik. The Immortal Ataturk A Psychobiography. Chicago: ChicagoUniversity Press, 1984.

Webster, Donald. The Turkey of Ataturk Social Process in the Turkish Reformation. 1939.

Wilber, Donald Newton. Iran Past and Present From Monarchy to Islamic Republic. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981.

Wilber, David. Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran. New York: Exposition Press, 1975.

—. Contemporary Iran. New York: Frederick Praeger Publishers, 1963.

Wilson, Sir Arnold. Persia. London: Emest Benn Limited, 1932.

Worthham, H.E. Mustafa Kemal of Turkey. The Holme Press: 1930.

Young, Cuyler. "The Problem of Westernization in Modem Iran." The Middle East Journal II (1948V- 47-59

Ziya, Gokalp. "The Ideal of Nationalism." Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, ed. Niyazi Berkes, London: (1959) 71-85.

Zonis, Marvin. The Political Elite of Iran. New Jersey: Princeton University Press,1971.


INFORMATION TO USERS

Documents

Transcript of INFORMATION TO USERS