Policy Studies Journal, Vol. 30, No. I , 2002 (58-69)

Immigrant Needs and Local Government Services: Implications for Policymakers Dorothy Norris-Tirrelt

Upon their arrival in the United States, immigrants, whether documented or undocumented, impact the provision of local government services. Survey data collected from four immigrant groups (Nicaraguans, Haitians, Central Americans, and Mexicans) in Miami, Florida, and Las Vegas, Nevada examine the question of whether country of origin is a predictor of local government service utilization by immigrants. The findings suggest that immigrants, regardless of country of origin, share similar characteristics and attitudes regarding life in the United States. The major differences among the immigrant groups studied appear to be in their plans for the future. The Mexican respondents were likely to be described as sojourners, with plans to return to their home country, while the other groups intended to settle permanently in the United States. At the local level, these findings suggest that policymakers must be sensitive to motivations of the immigrants who locate in their areas, understanding the implications for service delivery in multilanguage, multiculture communities.

For the last 200 years federal immigration policy has focused on who can enter the United States, why they can enter, and how long they can stay. However, while they have limited control or influence over the number or characteristics of the immigrants who settle in their jurisdictions (Muller & Espenshade, 1984; Simon, 1984), local governments directly provide the bulk of services to the over 12 million documented and undocumented immigrants who entered the United States during the last two decades (Lollock, 2001). The immigrant’s choice of residency depends much more on the location of fellow countrymen and family than on any government policy (Drachman, 1992; Massey, 1990, 1986). Until recently, past immigration patterns largely determined where new immigrants would locate. However, as greater numbers of immigrants enter the United States, communities not traditionally thought of as host or gateway cities are experiencing the impacts of immigration on a daily basis.

Today local government officials, regardless of geographic location or historical pattern, need to know as much as possible about the immigrants locating in their communities in order to make appropriate operational and strategic decisions. Effective analysis of the utilization of government-provided services is difficult because records have not typically identified “immigrant” as a category of usage (Loveless, McCue, Surrette, & Norris-Tirrell, 1996). The research presented focuses on immigrant groups in two cities, Miami, Florida, and Las Vegas, Nevada, to consider whether immigrants share characteristics and attitudes toward government services such as police, fire protection, and sanitation regardless of country of origin, or whether country of origin is a useful indicator of potential impacts on local services.

The article begins with a brief look at the pertinent existing research on

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Symposium on Immigration: Norris- Tirrell immigration. The findings of a survey of four immigrant groups (Nicaraguans, Haitians, Central Americans, and Mexicans) regarding characteristics, perceptions of government, and future plans are then presented and discussed. Finally, implications are offered for local government decisionmakers as they consider the impacts of current and future immigration on their communities.

Previous Research

Much of the recent research on immigration emphasizes its financial implications. For example, prior efforts have analyzed revenue versus expenditures in the form of taxes and public service utilization. Many scholars suggest that when immigrants first arrive in the United States they are unfamiliar with, or reluctant to participate in, public programs available to address their particular needs (Borjas & Trejo, 1991; Simon, 1984; Tienda & Jensen, 1991). Therefore, newly arriving immigrants contribute more in taxes (federal and/or state income taxes and sales taxes) than they consume in public services (e.g., Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Medicare, and food stamps). As a result, immigrants provide a net financial benefit for federal and state governments. This point becomes more salient considering recent legislative efforts, which further limit immigrant use of public services.

Researchers have also demonstrated that as immigrants become more familiar with available public services, they have a higher propensity to participate in these programs (North & Houston, 1976; Simon, 1984). Studies focused at the local level have reached differing conclusions on net financial impacts. Weintraub and Cardenas (1984) in their study of undocumented immigrants in Texas concluded that the average undocumented alien in Texas provided a net fiscal benefit to the state of between $195 and $214. Muller and Espenshade’s (1984) study of undocumented and documented Mexican immigrants in California found that each immigrant in the study produced a net fiscal burden of $1779 to the state and $140 to the county in 1980. Research by Loveless et a1. (1996) in Miami, Florida concluded that immigrants whether documented or undocumented cost roughly $25 a year more than citizens for the first 8 years following arrival. While uncertainty remains about the actual fiscal impact of immigrants, each of these studies argues that immigration also produces indirect effects, such as the cost of social services for displaced native resident workers.

Driving this research is the insufficient reimbursement from the federal government for the cost of supplying services to immigrants, a problem of increasing concern with implementation of the Personal Responsibilities and Work Opportunity Act of 1996. Nevertheless, local governments continue to provide services, and the emphasis on economic analyses does not offer strategies for anticipating the need for particular services and managing immigration in their jurisdictions. A look at what is known about current immigrants provides a context for the research presented here.

Contemporary Immigration

Recent immigrants share some characteristics, such as a desire for political and religious freedom and economic opportunity, with their historic counterparts. However, those arriving in the United States in the last two decades

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Policy Studies Journal, 30:l pose a new set of issues for public management and service provision. Several important factors distinguish contemporary from past immigration groups (Passel, 1986). First is the presence of significant numbers of undocumented or illegal immigrants in the recent groups. While exact numbers of undocumented are unknown, this group has identifying traits. For example, Passel (1986) found that undocumenteds have a higher level of workforce participation than either legal immigrants or native citizens, suggesting participation in the informal sector of the economy. In addition, Drachman & Ryan (1991) identified a pattern of isolation for undocumented immigrants that produces little if any reliance on government for assistance.

Second is the desire of contemporary immigrants to maintain close ties to their homeland and cultural heritage. This has resulted in the development of cultural enclaves or segregated neighborhoods of immigrant groups. This “geographic compartmentalization” (Winsberg, 1979) has both positive and negative consequences for the immigrants and the larger communities in which they settle. For example, the presence of a well-established Cuban enclave in Miami provides new arrivals with opportunities for low-wage jobs but also negates the necessity for them to develop English skills (Portes & Stepick, 1985). Ultimately, such compartmentalization rejects the “cultural melting pot” that drove the assimilation and acculturation processes of previous immigration waves.

Third is the array of countries from which current immigrants migrate. Historically, a majority of immigrants came from a few European countries, making them more “like” established citizens. Today’s immigrants come from virtually every region and nation ‘in the world, magnifying the variety of languages and cultural norms that must be accommodated. Even at the local level, patterns established 30 years ago have shifted. For example, immigration in Miami, Florida has changed from largely Cuban in the 1960s to a much broader base of nationalities in the 1980s (Loveless et al., 1996). Even though many of the immigrants come from Caribbean and Central and South American countries, the “same part of the world” as the earlier Cubans, language and cultural norms differ significantly. Political and economic instability throughout the world including Eastern Europe, former Soviet bloc countries, China, Columbia, El Salvador, Haiti, Panama, Mexico, and other Caribbean and Latin American nations, continues to diversify the flow of immigrants, both documented and undocumented, into the United States.

Additional research on immigrants examines immigrant characteristics, perceptions, and attitudes during three phases of migration: premigration and departure, transit, and resettlement (Drachman, 1992; Drachman & Ryan, 1991). The first stage, premigration and departure, emphasizes social, political, and economic factors. For example, Haitians in past years have left their home country due to extreme to poverty and fear of political reprisal for expressing an opposing view to the ruling party. The transit stage examines the range of factors associated with the immigration relocation journey including the actual trip and refugee camp stays. Of particular importance to this research is Drachman’s (1992) study of Southeast Asian, Haitian, and Soviet immigrants. Drachman’s research suggests that the final migration stage of resettlement is when cultural issues including differing views of health, education, and help-seeking behavior become critical and argues that social and governmental conditions in the

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Symposium on Immigration: Norris- Tirrell immigrants’ countries of origin will influence their resettlement adjustment to the new environment. Differential adjustments by specific immigrant groups in turn can be expected in terms of demand for or utilization of local government services. Therefore, if local government officials are to adequately prepare for and serve immigrant groups, it is important that they operate under a set of assumptions that accurately reflect characteristics and attitudes that can produce differential adjustments among groups. The research presented here examines the characteristics, perceptions, and attitudes toward government of different immigrant groups.

Research Design and Method Four immigrant groups from Caribbean and Central American countries,

three located in the Miami area of southern Florida and one in Las Vegas, Nevada are the focus of this study. While both cities have historical patterns of immigration, the Mexican immigrant group residing in Las Vegas allowed consideration of an important set of variables: the influence of the political environment in the immigrant’s country of origin coupled with close geographic proximity that permitted travel to and from the immigrant’s home country. Previous researchers have argued that strict adherence to survey research techniques is impossible when studying populations that consist mainly of undocumented immigrants (Stepick, 1992), a major consideration for this research. Due to these methodological limitations, a multiphase opportunity sampling technique was utilized in collecting the Miami data to select field survey participants including both documented and undocumented immigrants. An opportunity sample was also employed in Las Vegas and included both documented and undocumented participants. However, no effort was made to determine if individual respondents were documented or undocumented in either location.

A 13-page interview instrument designed to provide information regarding characteristics, attitudes, and plans of the immigrants was used to collect data in both locations. The instrument was developed in English and translated by native speakers into Spanish and Haitian Creole. The survey was administered by bilingual and trilingual interviewers, on a one-to-one basis in Miami and in group settings in Las Vegas.

In Miami, data were collected, in two phases, between November 1988 and October 1989. In the first phase, immigrants were interviewed at local agency and community sites including a baseball stadium and the Miami Archdiocese, which served as temporary shelters for the massive influx of Central American refugees during December 1988 and January 1989. To increase participation by Nicaraguan and Haitian immigrants, trained interviewers collected additional surveys during a house-to-house canvas of random blocks in selected Nicaraguan and Haitian neighborhoods. In the analysis presented, Nicaraguans (237) constitute 43% of the population studied and Haitians (222) make up 40% of the cases. An additional 10% (54) are classified as Central American and include Salvadoran (26), Guatemalan (1 8). Mexican (l), Panamanian (1). Costa Rican (l), and Honduran (1). (See Loveless et al., 1996, for a detailed description of data collection regarding this sample.)

In 1991, the survey was administered in Las Vegas, Nevada under the

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Policy Studies Journal, 30:l auspices of the Nevada Association of Latin Americans (NALA).’ Participants in five classes of English as a Second Language were asked to fill out the questionnaires. A Spanish-speaking social worker from NALA was present to assist the respondents. The Nevada data collection process added 40 Mexican cases to the analysis.

Two categories of data collected on the four immigrant groups are analyzed. The first category consists of variables relating to common demographic characteristics as well as language and literacy skills of the immigrants. The second category of variables focuses on the immigrants’ knowledge of, experiences with, and attitudes toward government agencies in previous countries and in the United States, and the immigrants’ future plans. These data are useful in assessing differences and similarities in expectations of government services by immigrant groups.

Immigrant Groups Compared

Immigrant demographic characteristics, attitudes, needs, behaviors, and perceptions associated with government as these concepts impact provision of municipal services are the focus of the comparison. Such information coupled with reasons for immigrating and plans for the future provide local government agencies with important indications of the kinds of services required by immigrants.

Demographic Characteristics The demographic characteristics of the four immigrant groups

studied-Nicaraguan, Haitian, Central American, and Mexican-are compared in Table 1. On average, the Haitian respondents were the oldest (36.9 years), while the Mexicans were the youngest (29.9 years). The Mexican group had a slightly higher average length of years in the United States than the Haitians (8.2 vs. 7.4), but both of these groups had been in the United States significantly longer than the Nicaraguan or Central American respondents. The median education was highest (9 years) for the Nicaraguan and Central American groups. The Haitians had the highest percentage reporting that they speak (40%), read (25.5%,) and write (23.2%) English, but the lowest literacy in their native language. In contrast, over 98% of Nicaraguans and Central American respondents indicated literacy in their native language, with 10% fewer Mexicans (30) reporting that they speak English.

Attitudes Toward Utilization of Government Services Immigrant attitudes toward the utilization of government services were

examined by a series of questions asking if they would turn to government for help under varying “problem” circumstances such as needing a place to live, resolving a dispute with a neighbor, or if they were the victim of robbery.

Table 2 lists the percentage of responses indicating a majority of the respondents in the four immigrant groups agreed on the choice of government as a source of help in only two problem categories: fire and assault. Additionally, over 75% of the three Miami respondent groups (Nicaraguan, Haitian, and Central American) indicated that in the case of robbery, government was a source of help. In general, the Haitians and Mexicans were more likely than the other groups to perceive government as a source of help. The Mexican immigrants were the only

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Table 1 Immigrant Demographics

Central Nicaraguans Haitians Americans Mexicans

Average age 31.2 Median education in years 9.0 Percentage male 57.6 Average years in U.S. 1.6

Median 0.8 Percentage who:

Speak English 11.9 Read English 13.6 Write English 10.6

Read in native tongue 98.7 Write in native tongue 98.7

Percentage who:

36.9 8.0

54.1 7.4 7.0

40.0 25.5 23.2

51.1 42.0

30.8 9.0

37.0 0.8 0.3

15.1 17.0 13.2

98.1 98.1

29.8 6.0

60.0 8.2 8.0

30.0 15.0 15.0

90.0 90.0

group to rely on government when needing a ride to the hospital (possibly by calling the 91 1 emergency service number). In general, the responses indicate less understanding regarding the role of government in areas of rights, legal issues, and unfair treatment. The experiences of immigrants in their home countries where values may differ on these issues may help explain these responses.

The respondents were asked a series of questions to solicit their opinions, perceptions, and expectations about nine government services in the United States including youth and elderly programs, police, and buses. Table 3 presents the responses to questions that utilized a 5-point Likert scale to ask whether respondents felt more or better services within each category were needed. A higher score indicates a higher perceived need for the government service. In general, respondents agreed with the need for more or better services. The number one and two individual program priorities for all groups were more programs for the elderly and youth. The need for more parks tied for second for the Mexican respondents. Improved bus service, parks, medical care, and garbage collection fell in the middle of the priority list for the average respondent, but the precise ordering depended on the immigrant group. The criminal justice services were given the lowest priority by all of the respondent groups except Nicaraguans, who ranked police services fourth overall. Again, the immigrants’ experiences in their home countries must be assumed to affect their perceptions of need for services in the United States. If police were feared in their home country, most likely the immigrant respondents would not desire additional police services in the United States.

A question of interest for local governments is whether the perceptions of need for government services is a function of differences related to experiences brought from their native countries or length of stay in the United States. If the latter, municipalities with certain immigrant groups may experience an increasing demand for services over time. To test this question, the relationship between

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Policy Studies Journal, 30: 1

Table 2 Government as a Potential Service Provider in Problem Circumstances

Central Nicaraguans Haitians Americans Mexicans

Problem (n = 237) (n = 222) (n = 54) (n = 40)

Sick Need housing Need ride to hospital Need job Question about law Question about rights Need food Unfair treatment No running water Fight with neighbor Need trash removed Have fire Robbed Assaulted

0.0% 3.0% 2.5%

10.5% 7.6% 6.3% 1.7% 5.1%

14.3% 21.1% 50.6% 76.8% 75.5% 86.5%

1.8% 5.9% 9.0% 5.4% 8.1% 9.5%

20.3% 23.9% 13.5% 5 I .4% 3 1.5% 55.0% 79.7% 77.0%

0.0% 5.6% 1.9% 9.3% 1.9% 7.4% 1.9% 3.7% 9.3%

29.6% 77.8% 85.2% 72.2% 83.3%

2.8% 0.0%

73.7% 13.2% 37.8% 5.3%

13.2% 16.7% 8.6%

40.0% 11.8% 83.3% 35.3% 57.1%

&&: policeman or another city official for help if they had the indicated problem.

*Percentages represent the proportion of respondents indicating they would go to a

Table 3 Perceived Need for Government Programs

More elderly programs More youth programs More buses More parks More medical care Better garbage collection More police More prisons More courts

Central Nicaraguans Haitians Americans Mexicans

4.33 4.02 3.83 3.77 3.47 3.54 3.77 3.32 3.18

4.33 4.21 4.03 4.14 4.16 3.97 3.55 3.71 3.40

3.94 3.50 3.43 3.35 3.28 3.30 3.17 3.11 2.96

4.33 4.3 1 3.62 4.31 4.10 3.83 4.00 3.40 3.62

&&: “Somewhat Agree” = 4, “Neutral” = 3, “Somewhat Disagree” = 2, and “Strongly disagree” = 1.

The 5-point Likert scale responses possible for these questions were “Strongly Agree” = 5.

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Symposium on Immigration: Norris-Tirrell length of time in the United States (logged) and immigrant group perception regarding selected government programs is examined in Table 4. A positive correlation reflects an attitude of increased need for government services over time. Length of stay has little correlation for the Mexican respondent group perceptions except for better garbage collection. However, the remaining three groups tend to have an increased perception of need for government services over time, with the correlations stronger for the Nicaraguans and Central Americans.

Table 4 Correlation of Length of Time in the United States With Perceived Need for Government Programs (Significance Is Provided in Parentheses)

Need for government services

Government responsiveness

More elderly programs

More youth programs

More buses

More parks

More medical care

Better garbage collection

More police

More prisons

More courts

Immigrant responses to questions regarding plans for the future provide some of the most interesting and perhaps useful indicators of potential impacts on local government. Table 5 presents the results of respondent future plans. A majority of the respondents plan to learn English. The Mexican respondents would be expected to answer that they expected to learn more English since the survey was administered in English as a Second Language classes. All groups indicated an interest in furthering their education and learning new job skills. These plans indicate a desire for personal improvement that would be beneficial in the United States or their native country.

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Table 5 Immigrant Future Plans (Percentage Indicating Selected Plans for Next 6 Years)

Central Nicaraguans Haitians Americans Mexicans

Learn English 79.8 60.6 75.6 87.5 Become US. citizen 57.9 35.2 90.7 42.5 Remain in current location 60.8 70.8 56.3 55.0 Bring more family to U.S. 62.7 52.5 75.9 20.0

Over 90% of the Central American respondents plan to become citizens, while only 35% of Haitians hope to become citizens. This may in large part represent a measure of acculturation due to longer length of stay in the United States. The Haitians have been in the United States longer, realizing that obtaining citizenship is a long and difficult process. Additionally, Haitians may perceive that favoritism toward refugees from Communist nations affects decisions regarding immigration status. Relatedly, Mexican immigrants may feel that widespread poverty in Mexico produces harsher rulings regarding their status. In addressing a measure of mobility, a majority of the respondents in each group planned to remain in their current location. Finally, over a majority of the respondents, except for the Mexican group, plan to bring family members to the United States in the next 5 years.

Implications for Local Government

Immigration is a growing topic of concern for local government decisionmakers across the United States. One of the important lessons learned from cities that have historically served as host communities for immigrants is the need to know as much as possible about who immigrates to a given locale. The research presented here suggests that the Latin American and Caribbean immigrants surveyed have similar characteristics and attitudes about government. In terms of demographics, the immigrants possess similar characteristics in a number of areas. They tend to be in their 30s with low levels of education and a low degree of English language skills, although the large majority in all groups except Haitians are literate in their native tongue. The lack of proficiency in oral or written English presents one of the greatest challenges for local government. Communicating information regarding available public services and the appropriate usage of these services is a vital function for local governments. Therefore, as immigrant populations grow in a given locale, local governments must consider how to effectively communicate with constituents. This challenge is further complicated when multiple immigrant groups that do not share language locate in one area. Local decisionmakers are faced with printing materials in various languages, utilizing translators, and/or hiring employees with multi- lingual skills. In some communities the discomfort with multiple languages has

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Symposium on Immigration: Norris-Tirrell resulted in “English only” movements that can increase the potential conflict between native residents and immigrants. Decisions regarding information- sharing strategies should be made after thorough investigation of the costs, both tangible and intangible.

Another finding important to local government decisionmakers is the respondents’ perceived need for government services. Again no clear patterns differentiate the immigrant groups in terms of potential for service demand and utilization. While this research was unable to distinguish legal status of the immigrants’ responding, all groups have a relatively high perceived need for government services. The Nicaraguans and Central Americans have significant correlations between need for government services and length of time in the United States. Nevertheless, two issues emerge of particular interest to local government decisionmakers: immigrant future plans and immigrant longevity in the United States.

Immigrant future plans included learning English, becoming a U.S. citizen, remaining in their current location, and bringing family to the United States. From the pattern of responses to these questions, the immigrants can be typed in one of two categories: “sojourners” seeking temporary respite in the United States with the goal of returning to their home country, or “settlers” planning to stay in the community and send for additional family members. This differentiation is clearly seen between the Miami immigrant groups as a whole and the Mexican group located in Las Vegas. The Miami groups appear to be examples of true immigrants with plans for settling permanently in the community and bringing nuclear and extended families to the United States to join them. The Las Vegas group, on the other hand, appears to be more of the sojourner type of immigrant, serving as temporary workers who send their money back to their country of origin and intend to return there. They are interested in finding work to support families left behind as well as acquiring skills and perhaps enough money to establish better job prospects in their native country. A combination of geographic and political factors of the immigrant’s home country may be useful in drawing conclusions about immigrant type. For example, the proximity of Mexico to Nevada, the availability of relatively well-paying hotekasino jobs, and the stable Mexican political environment allow these immigrant workers to utilize services in the United States while retaining strong family ties and goals of resettling permanently in Mexico at a later date.

For sojourner immigrants, the role of local governments is more temporary or fluid in nature. Since these immigrants do not plan to stay for the long term, assimilation and acculturation processes may not be of a high priority. However, public safety and health issues must be handled quickly, requiring public employees (e.g., police officers and health department workers) to have language skills and an understanding of the immigrant culture. From a more global perspective, encouraging immigrants in their quest to make life better for themselves and their families in their native country may accrue benefits in the long run by lessening the draw of the “better life” in the United States. For the settler immigrants, on the other hand, local governments have a more direct role to play in assuring the utilization of appropriate public services so that immigrants improve their economic and social positions in the community, allowing the geographic area to benefit from its newest residents.

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Policy Studies Journal, 30:i Relatedly, the length of time the immigrant has been in the United States

strengthens the hypothesis that immigration and local governments have a recursive relationship: as local governments are able to help immigrants become a part of the community (e.g., be gainfully employed, participate in political processes, educate themselves and their children), immigrants contribute to the community’s economic health, and the community is then in a stronger position to better serve residents and future immigrants (Loveless et al., 1996). Most immigrants come to the United States with a personal perception of the role of government based in their experiences in their home country. The fact that they left that country suggests that many of their perceptions regarding government in general are negative. If immigrants left their home countries following persecution by government or military officials, they are probably less likely to both expect government services and to utilize them.

As local government decisionmakers learn about the immigrant groups locating in their communities, historical and current event information regarding the immigrants’ home countries can offer important cues for understanding how they feel about government and estimating service utilization. Political issues, particularly related to human rights, and type of government (e.g., dictatorship, Communist) logically influence an immigrant’s inclination for utilization of government services. Regardless, length of stay in the United States affects the usage of government services. For example, Miami experienced a severe increase in the utilization of ambulance and hospital emergency room services before new Nicaurguan and Central American immigrants learned that they could access health care through other means. However, as immigrants reside for longer periods in U.S. communities, they learn about available services and appropriate usage. The responses of Haitian immigrants, who on the average have been in the United States for a longer period of time, support this argument.

Immigrant type, settler or sojourner, and length of time in the United States look to be important variables for local governments in both operational and strategic planning. Continuation of this research in a range of communities with significant immigrant populations may provide a fuller understanding of the role of country of origin, immigrant type, and longevity in the United States on local government demands. Identification and analysis of these factors regarding immigrants residing in their multiculture, multilanguage communities can move local government decisionmakers toward a position of planning rather than reacting to unanticipated events.

***

Dorothy Norris-Tirrell is assistant professor, Division of Public Administration, University of Memphis. Her research interests include immigration policy, nonprofit administration, and organizational development and change.

Note ‘The Las Vegas data was collected under the supervision of Dolores Brosnan. Dr. Brosnan

was also instrumental in the analysis of the data for this article.

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