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TO MY FRIENDS

The serious brain injuries I suffered in my auto accident in May havehealed very much more rapidly than the doctors anticipated. I am almostcompletely recovered.

People have been so marvelous to me-the best way I know to say how Ifeel is to tell you that when I hear james Taylor singing "You've Got aFriend," I nearly cry. I feel that the song is being sung to me by the manypeople who are being my friends.

WIN readers'contributions have enabled us to pay over one-fourth of our(so far) $2,000 accident-caused bills. And somebody gave us a car.

-Bobbie Carichner

PS: Work on the barn is coming along real well. We expect to be fully movedup to the farm by the end of September. Watch for further word. -WlN

HOME FOLKSmarilyn albertconnie bleakleybruce christiansondonna christiansondiana j daviesralph digiajen elodieleah fritzmargaiet haworthneil haworthiack horowitzmarty jezerpeter kigerclorothy lane

elliot linzerjackson maclowctavicl mcreynoldspeter merlinkaren messerjim peckigal ,oodenkowendy schwartzlorraine shapirobonnie stretchmayer vishnerlinda woodmike wood

STAFFmaris cakarssusan cakarsburton levitskymary mayo

IN THE PROVINCESmichael brunson (box 12548, seattle,wash.98l1l)ruth dear 15429 s- dorchester, chicago,ilr.)seth foldy (2322 elandon dr., clevelandheights, oh.)becky and paul (somewhere in new mex-ico)jim gehres lbox 7477, atlanta, 9a.30309)wayne hayashi (lO2o kuqpohqkue4., honolulu, hi. 968f9)timothy lange (1O45 l4th st., boulder,co.)mark morris (3808 hamilton st., phila-delphia, pa.)paul obluda (544 natoma, san francisco,ca.94l03)

CL'W2peace and freedom

tfi rough nonviolent action

339 lafayette streetnew york, new york 10012telephone /.212l. 228-027 O

wlN ls publlshed twlce,monthlyexcept July, August. and Janu-ary when lt ls publlshed monthlyby the WIN Publlshlng Emplrewlth the support of the war Reslsters League. Subscrlptlons are05.OO Per year. Second class Pos.tage pald at New York, N.Y.IOOO1. lndlvldual wrlters are responslble for oplnlons expressedand accuracy of facts glven.Sorry-manuscrlpts cannot be return€d unless accompanled by aself-addresscd. stamped envelope.Prlated ln U,S.A., WIN ls a mem-ber ot the underground Pre35 syn-dtcato and Llb€ratlon News Ser-vlce.

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menupoge 6:

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poge 28: Reviews

page j2: Letters

Back Cover: Tad Richards

October 1,1971Volume Vll, Number 15

David's Diary:A Journey to Hanoi

Grand J uries

First Aid

Will Success SpoilGay Lib?

What to Do Until theRevolution

Resistance lnsideDraft Board

lnvitation to a Party

BICYCLE CARAVAN FOR PEACE

The New England Committee for No,Nonviolent Action and War Tax Resis-tance are planning a 6o-day bicyclecaravan this fall for the purpose of ex-plaining and helping to organize wartax resistance in local communitiesthroughout New England and NewYork State. We are hoping that thisresistance will surface in nationwidelocal actions during "Life Giving Day-A Day of War Tax Resistance," calledfor Wednesday, November 24,1971,the day before Thanksgiving, and willcontinue to grow thereafter.

On November 24 people will "actout of their resistance to the qontinuedabuse of their resources by the Ameri-can government" by stopping the with-holding of their federal taxes fromtheir salaries by filing either a W-4E

form or revised W4 foim with theiremployer. (Write for further details.)They will also pledge to refuse to pay

the federal excise tax on telephone ser-

vice. We will suggest that resisters pooltheir refused war tax money into localalternative funds whereby the moneywill be rechanneled to local communitygroups. These actions will take place inconnection with a Press Conference or oiother public action.' The bicycle caravan, tentativelyscheduled to begin in Orono, Maine, onSeptember 27,and to end November24 at Andover, Mass., will bring theCall to Resist War Taxes to thousandsof people who are not normallyreached by the movement.

Needed resources for the march in-clude loaned or donated bicycles(preferably women's bicycles) andaccessories, ponchos, knapsacks,.flash-,lights, canteens, cameras, film, food,more bicyclists (including some withspecial skills) and an estimated $4500to meet the costs of the trip and itspreparations.

For more information or if youwant to participate, write:

North Atlantic War Tax ResistanceRFD 1 Box 430Voluntown, CT 06384Phone: 203-37 6'997 oRichard

Evans

THE FREE SCFIOOL BIJS

What? A free school? A free school-bus? A mobile commune? Filled withhippies? And all kinds of propaganda?

And funded by the War ResistersLeague???? Well . . . you see.. .

A lot of us in the movement have

been talking about communication,sharing and spreading our ideas outsideof ourselves, our communes, our group,our community, our city, our state;but how can we really share feelings,philosophies, lifestyles, and experiencesbetween people and not just names ona mailing list?

The Free School Bus's solution is togo in person to stay in a community ofother persons to share knowledge andexperiences. The Free School ,,buske-

teers" are gathering information aboutand experiences with alternative philo-

sophies, lifestyles, institutions whichare developing and working in the SanFrancisco Bay Area-alternatives basedon life instead ofdeath, real people in-stead of impersonal organizations,sharing instead of cutthroat competi-tion. We hope to be able to share thebasic concepts behind these alternativeswith other communities so that theycan apply these concepts to their ownsituations and create their own alterna-tives. We on the bus will learn abouttheir experiences, problems, and suc-cesses, in this way building upon eachother's experience. ln the process, wewill begin to set up a network ofcommunication between groups with a

similar problems or objectives.The bus will stay in communities for

for two or three weeks, so that we canreally acquaint ourselves with the peo-ple, and the situation, and have time tohelp with the actual groundwork forsetting up alternatives. We will staylong enough so that people can reallyshare, not just lay raps on each other.

The Free School Bus is leaving theBay Area at the end of September tojourney slowly across the country (intwo or three weeks) stopping briefly totalk with and exchange ideas with,groups along the way. Our first actualstay will be in the Tampa Bay Area ofFlorida during the first three weeks ofNovember. The rest of our plans de-,pend upon the response we get fromgroups; we will go wherever we feelneeded and wanted.

lf you are interested in having thebus in your area some time this year,or would like information, or if youhave some information or experiencelo share, contact the Free School Bus

as soom as possible so that we can

work out our tiaveling schedule. Ourmailing address is:

The Free School Bus2400 Ridge RoadBerkeley, C494709Phone: 415-843-4Tl

f urie Matthaei

CUBAI{SCALL FORPUERTO RICAN I NDEPENDEI{E

The case for Puerto Rican independ-ence will be raised at the 26th sessionof the General Assembly by RicardoAlarcon, the Cuban Ambassador to theUnited Nations. Submitting a docu-

'ment previously submitted to theSpecial Committee on Decolonizationby Moviemento Pro lndependencia de

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Puerto Rico (MPl) in1962, the Cubanswill base their arguments on prargraph5 of General Assembly resolution1514 (XV) of December 1960, whichprovides that "immediate steps shall betaken, in Trust and Non-Self-GoverningTerritories or all other territorieswhich hove not yet ottoined independ-ence, to transfer all powers to thepeoples of those territories, withoutany conditions or reservations, inaccordance with their freely expressedwill and desire, without any distinctiohas to race, creed or colour, in.order toenable them to enioy complete inde-pendence and freedom." -s.K.c.-

THREAT TO LIBERTIESWORSE THAN INMcCARTHY ERA

The threat to civil liberties in thiscountry is "more dangerous" than atany other time in history-including"the McCarthy years in the 1950's.". So concluded a committee of theyoung lawyers section of the AmericanBar Association in a 28-page reportwritten by a committee of 14 underRobert Pincus.

''While this situation is not yet ata crisis point, our civil liberties pro-blems are serious enough for us toconclude that we are dangerouslyclose," the report said.

While it named the underlyingcause as "national stress" broughtabout by "a highly unpopular war inSoutheast Asia," it also blamed'.'some of our nation's higheslleaders" whose words and deeds con-tributed to "the present climate ofrepression." Specifically cited werethe government's rhetorical attackson dissenters, the placement ofinformers on campuses and inactivist organizations, a readiness toengage in "unprecedented"electronic and photographic sur-veillance, the accumulation ofdossiers on private citizens in allwalks of life and the Vice President's,critical remarks about the media.

-j.P.

REV. KOEN SPEA|(S FROM TAIL

The Rev. Charles Koen, Chairman,of the National Black United Fronts,made the following statement shortlyafter he began serving a six-monthsentence in th-e St. Louis,.Mo., County

Workhouse. The Rev. Koen was sen-tenced on a charge of Assault on a

Police Officer. The incident was sup-posed to have taken place in 1968 in aSt. Louis police station, after he hadbeen taken there following his arreston a traffic charge. Police said he had I

no tail lights on his car. Both the Rev.

Koen and Leon Dent, who is now injail, were severely beaten. Among otheother wounds, the Rev. Koen sufferedfractured hands, a fractured head andother severe bruises. He was hospitalizedfor some time. On june 28, the Mis-souri Supreme Court turned down hisappeal on the sentence. The Rev. KoenKoen's attorneys filed motions for a

rehearing. This motion was rejected bythe Missouri Supreme Court on Friday,J uly 1 6, and the Court ordered theRev. Koen to begin serving his sen-'tence at 1 1 :00, J uly 19. Other appealsare being made to the United StatesSupreme Court.

Deor Stoff Members, My Brothers ondSisters in Coiro, and OppressedPeople in the Nation:

I want you to know that the Uni-verml Spirit is here in joil. Pleose re-moin strong brothers ond sisters in CoiroCoiro. The Notion of oppressed peopleond especially Block oppressed peopleis depending on your strength ot thishour.

ot fighting this evil system. Fosting ondgetting our bodies together is one ofthe highest levels of discipline. Brothersand sisters through mony doys of fost-ing your bodies moy become weak, butyour soul becomes so strong thot youcon eventuolly tune into UniversolPowers for direct strength. I proy forthe day when our spirits c0n operlteand exist on the same level. I osk ofyou to give up meot once o week onSoturdoys os o positive beginning.

THE KEY TO VICTORY IN THESTRUGGLE DEPENDS UPON OURABILITY TO TUNE INTO UNIVER.SAL POWERS'

Once we hove collectively occom-plished the objective of tuning intopowers of the universe, no form orexistence of evil can stand in our woytoword obtlining o just form of hunrunlife. This key to freedom and solvotionis the one we lost sight of when tokenfrom the Garden of EdenAfricons-mony Africons-lost sight while exist-ing in the Gorden becouse they becomeoverpowered with European evils.

The victory is ours! The time isnow! Enduronce, suffering, doing with-out shall produce discipline ond intune-ment to Universal Powers which shollbe our guide to solvotion, liberotion,ond total freedom.

I remain yours in spirit ond love.

-Rev. Charles KoenJ'Spirit"

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@IVtsAT @MMANDERRELEASEDAS@

On August 28, Major Joseph West-brook, West Point graduate and winner'of three Silver Stars as a combat com-mander, left Vietnam for the US, afterfinally winning his plea for release as a

CO. lt had twice been reiected'by theArmy.i During his second tour of duty in

lVietnam, he had refused to accept anyassignments contributing directly tothe war. He said he had never favored

.the Vietnam war but that now he,opposes all war.: "l made it a point never to look at:the people I killed, but one day I de-.cided to do it, and I was devastated,".he told one reporter. -t.P.

FOR MORE STATE LAU6CHALLEI{GING

UNDECLAREDWARS

Though such laws, enacted in Massa-

chusetts and Minnesota, have thus farbeen rejected by the courts, a campaignto get more states to pass similar legis-

lation was launched at a recent attornattorneys' conference at NorthwesternUniversity Law School. ln attendancewere the assistant attorneys general ofMassachusetts and Minnesota and theattorney general of New Mexico.

Purpose of the campaign is to rein-force the move for an early SupremeCourt ruling on "the unlimited usurpa-tion of legislative power" by the Presi-

dent in prosecution of th6 war." The Massachusetts and Minnesota

assistant attorneys general asserted at a;press conference after the'meeting that'even though the laws in their respectivestates have thus far had no legal impactimpact, they are politically significantin that they have put the states onrecord as being opposed to the lndo-china war. -,.P.

TELLING IT LIKE IT IS.The small auditorium of the New

York Association of the Bar was

filled with about 400 people. Therewas fianding room only. One 40-year member of the Bar Associationwas heard to femark that he hadrarely seen such a large attendanceat a Bar Association lecture.

The lecturer was Telford Taylor,an alert man who looks young forhis years. Taylor graduated fromHarvard Law School, worked in the

Attorney General's office in Washing-ton in the Thirties, and when he

retired from the Army in 1963 as a

brigadier general, began to teach lawat Columbia University.

Taylor is the author of a book,Nurembeig and Vietnam, in whichhe compares the two. Twenty-fiveyears ago, at the end of World War ll,Taylor was the United States' chiefcounsel for the prosecution at thewar crimes tribunal in Nuremberg,Germany, where Nazi leaders wereconvicted. He heard that body ruleofficially that "individuals have

international duties which transcendthe national obligations of obedienceimposed by the individual state." Andhe heard our chief prosecutor at thetribunal, U.S. Associate Supreme CpurtJustice Robert .lackson, go so far as

to say, "lf certain acts of violationsof treaties are crimes, they are crimeswhether the United States does themor whether Germany does them. We

are not prepared to lay down a ruleof criminal conduct against otherswhich we would not be willing tohave, invoked against us."

Taylor himself has gone on recordas saying that the My Lai massacre

was not simply "an aberration" of ourpolicy, and that the responsibilityfor such atrocities must go all the wayup the chain of command to thehighest generals and executives in thegovernment.

Taylor emphasized in his talk that-unlike at Columbus, Georgia-the tri-bunal at Nuremberg tried the com -

manders who gave the orders, not thesoldiers who were expected to carryithem out. ln fact, f apan's GenerallTomayuki Yamashita, prosecuted inTokyo, was hung for "failure toproperly control the conduct of histroops under his command", even

though he was not fully in touchwith his troops and was not technicallyablg to "prbperly control" them.

Taylor intimated that a governmenthas a self-serving motive when it triesover-enthusiastic underlings likeCalley. lf soldiers are permitted tokill indiscriminately in the beliefthat they will go unpunished, what'sto prevent them from liquidating theb rass?

lnterhational law makes it a crimeto harm civilians, and even goes so faras to include those troops of the otherside who have laid down their weapons.

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But Calley was not charged, Taylorsaid, under the so-called laws of war.And so it was not decided in his case

whether such slaughters in Vietnamfall outside the pale of protected"acts of war." Calley was tried formurder, just the same as if he hadshot a comrade in arms or had killedhis wife back home-

Taylor indicated that where theNuremberg precedent lost all itslegitimacy to prosecute the higher-upswas when the Allies failed to pro-secute those officials who had orderedwholesale fire bombings of civilian .populations, such as at Dresden andHiroshima.

We now have a situation where thegovernment of North Vietnam saysthat American bombcr pilots are notprisoners of war, by definition, butare war criminals, and that theyshould be tried and executed forattacks which were not specificallyaihed at military irrstallations. Taylorexpressed the opinion that our actionsat My Lai and other carnages wouldseem to give the North Vietnamesesome justification for such a claim.

During the question period Taylorwas asked whether he thought a

bomber pilot could refuse to flymissions, and use in his defense at a

court martial the claim that to riskmurdering civilians in a bombing raidwould leave the pilot open to pro-secution like that of Calley. Taylorsaid he doubted that there would besuch a court martial: the army wouldhush up the incident and kick thepilot out its back door.

Another questioner asked that bythe nature of modern weapons, as

demonstrated in Vietnam, it seems

impossible any longer to wage counter-insurgency wars without killing civil-ians as a by-product. "ln other words,war crimes are now an Americaninstitution, aren't they?" Taylorreplied that even if modern warfarecould be waged in such a way that itwere not illegal by international law,it would still be self-defeating. Whenyou cannot win against the guerrillas,all that's left, he indicated, is genocide.

:Robert Wolf

Gt wHo QUIT WEST POINTWINS DISCHARGE

Cary Dunham, who quit West Pointlast September as a CO and automatic-ally was ordered to enlist, has won his

discharge. His original discharge appli-cation was rejected and after a U.S.

district court upheld the ruling, he re-

signed from the academy. However,the court of appeals ordered a new hear-,

ing on grounds that the military hear-

ing officer was "not knowledgeable inCO matters." A second hearing was

held June 16 but Dunham didn't knowthe outcome until he recently got a

brief wire calling upon him to reportto Fort Dix "to arrange for separationprocessing."

Dunham's attorney was Joan Gold-berg of the Emergency Civil LibertiesCommittee. His obiection to war, he

said, started while teaching bayonettraining at West Point and crystalized"with the first news of MyLai." Nowhe is an objector to all war. -J.P.

CHARG E PENTA@N @NICEAI.SMILLIONIS SPENT ON PR

By concealing from Congress thebudgets of three key agencies, the Pen-tagon hides from Congress millions ofdollars in public relations expenditures.

So charged Jonathan Bingham, a

New York Congressman, on the basisof a report prepared at his request bythe General Accounting Office.

The three agencies are the Aero-space Audio-Visual Service, the Officeof lnformation for the Armed Services,and the Military Recruiting Service.Their budgets for fiscal 1970 totaled$48 million. Though the Pentagon hadmanaged to conceal their budgets onthe grounds that their films and othereducational materials are supposedlyintended only for internal use by themilitary, in fact they "are also widelydistributed and presented to the publicpublic," Bingham pointed out.

This military propaganda is supple-mental to that issued officially by thePentagon through the AssistantSecretary of Defense for Public Affairs,

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BULLDOZERS ANDCOI{CUSSION BOMBS

These two weapons are the latestused by the US as substitutes for thenow notorious and outlawed chemicaldefoliant Agent Orange, and their effecteffect on the land of South Vietnam is

totally destructive.So charged two American scientists,

Professors E.W. Pfeiffer and A.H.Westing, following a three-week studyfor the Scientists' lnstitute for Publiclnformation.

Westing pointed out: "EverY daY

from dawn to dusk; between 100 and

150 huge plows are making flat waste-

lands, while sererely upsetting theenvironment." He added that theplowed land now totals 750,000 acres,

including 2,500 acres of rubber trees.

Describing the specific effects ofthe operation, Pfeiffer said: "The ero-

sion of the topsoil is seriously affectingthe water-holding capacity of the landand is preparing the way for seriousfloodings. For the wildlife, it alreadyhas been disastrous."

Regarding the concussion bombs,designed to explode horizgntally with-out cratering the earth, Pfeifferasserted: "Each time a concussion

{t:'

bomb is dropped, all animal life withinaJ60-acre area is instantly killed."

Although these 15,000-ton bombswere intended originally for deforesta-tion, military and US Embassy officialsadmitted to the scientists that theyalso are being used as antipersonnelweapons.

As for the outlawed Agent Orange,they found that 1.5 million gallons ofit have been turned over to the SouthVietnamese Army, making it possiblefor them to use it even though it has

been linked to fetal malformations.They characterized this action as "theheight of irresponsibility. -1.P.

FMNICE CONTI NUES A-T ESTSD ESPITE \4,ORLDW D E PROTEST

On August 14, only a day after pro-tests from .lapan and New Zealand andPeru's threat to break diplomatic rela-tions, France carried out her fifth1971 nuclear test in the South Pacific,dropping an H-bomb at MururoaLagoon.

It was the 44th test since Franceexploded her first nuclear bomb 11

years a8o, despite mounting protests,and government officials announced

four days later that the present serieswould continue.

Peru's threat to break diplomaticrelations was announced personally byPresident Alvarado. New Zealand'sprotest, its I 1th, was made as thatcountry hosted a meeting of SouthPacific leaders who had adopted a

strong resolution on the issue. f apan'sdeep concern is prompted by the un-forgotten horror of Hiroshima andNagasaki. -t.P.

PHILADELPHIA RESISTERSENTEI',ICED

Wayne Lauser, a Philadelphia resis-

ter, was sentenced to two years in Phila

Philadelphia District Court August 20.About 'l 0:00 a.m., 50 people held avigil outside the court building, whichis in the heart of the downtown busi-re

ness area.Most people were close friends or

resistance co-workers with Wayne. At1 1 :30 George WilloughbY came out ofthe small courtroom. He and Rev.

Dave Gracie announced the sentence.

A half hour of singing followed' lt was

a very Quakerly sort of serious vigil.

-Neil Benson

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DA/ID,S DIARYI left for Moscow on Thursday evening, luly 29, en

route to Tokyo and, if my luck held, Hanoi. I wasflying with Joe Urgo of the Vietnam Vets; and in

Japan-at a peace conference-we were to join withMike Murase, a New Left iapanese-American fromLA, Len Chandler, a black folksinger from LA,Antonia Acevedo, a high school student from PaloAlto, and Judy Lerner from New York Women Strikefor Peace. After .lapan, if all went well, J udy, Joe, andI would go on to Hanoi.

Russia begins when you board the huge Soviet jet,with its four engines, two on each side, at the rear ofthe plane. From an engineering standpoint, the plane

seems perfect: The jets are like a giant's hand thatpicks up the plane as if it were a paper glider, scootingit into the air. ln the entire flight, from New York toTokyo, there was no air turbulence; it was the

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smoothest jet flight I had ever had. But from the

American consumer point of view, the ship seems

stripped down for maximum utility. There is no littledrill about what to do with the oxygen mask when itdrops down in front of you; there are no little oxygen

masks. The racks overhead are casually stuffed withhandbags and camera cases and other bits of baggage

that would petrify any captain on an American airline.And the hostesses are proof that in Russia women are

not treated as sex obiects. Cheerful, nlassive, huge ofhip and thigh and chest, they appear at your side rvhen

when summoned but otherwise leave you entirely toyou rself.

ln any event, I am in Soviet hands, having reached

the ripe age of 41, having spent my political life as an

avowed opponent of the Soviet system (as well as ofthe American system), having been called at various

times an FBI agent and an agent of the ClA, and hav-

ing once even been honored by an attack in. an

English-language Soviet iournal' I am on my way to

Moscow.One of the first things one notices about Russia is a

certain shoddiness in small things. The glass I am

served on the airliner is cracked half way down. There

seems to be no ice. The seats are too close together.

The money and skill has gone into making this one ofthe world's finest and safest iet liners-not one of the

most comfortable. The aircraft is designed to get one

swiftly from one point to another-no more, no less.

We arrive in Moscow after a brief stop in London.Two Russians are on hand to meet us and to guide us

as swiftly as possible through customs. We are taken,

Joe and l, into a large empty hall with a sign in Eng-

lish, "VlP reception." We wait there while Erick, one

of the two Russians from the Soviet Peace Committee,handles small details. Our baggage is not even opened.

We whisk away in a cab for the transit hotel, which is

in Moscow, but not downtown. The elevators do notwork; we walk upstairs to our room. One of the

Russians leaves. Erick comes up for some whiskey and

talk. Moscow. lt seems strange to me, who in August

of 1968 stood on the streets of Pragu.e and watched

Soviet tanks roll by, to be sitting in a hotel room inMoscow talking with a member of the Soviet Peace

Committee.One warning to all travelers on Aeroflot: They

have no effective system of air reservations. At every

point that we took Aeroflot we were told the flightwas filled, we could not get on, there would not be

another flight for a week, etc. That we had reserved

space in advance did not matter; the flights were

always filled; the passengers were always left'in terror

of being stranded. And we did always get on, once at

the very last moment. One gets the feeling Russia is

mired in red tape with no easy way through it. And I

think, looking back, that the real reason things are

everywhere a bit shoddy is not that Russia is poor,

but that even minor repairs and replacementsprobably require the filing of many forms.

On Friday morning we are taken downtown tosee the Kremlin, Red Square, and a magnificent new

street with tall buildings' The air is clear, it is warm

and sunny, and the city looks somehow like a

siigtrtly rundown Stockholm. A little poor, a littlegrubby, but busy. Red Square is vast and the towers

of the church that sits in the center of the Square are

breathtakingly beautiful. Everywhere there are

flowers, as in Scandinavia. ln the shops there are long

lines waiting to buy the goods. We visit a bookstore

and find it iammed with PeoPle.

ITA(ANoRt *t"rGtND

After our day in Moscow we drive to the airport,my camera filled with color shots, and take off forTokyo. Moscow has been warm, sinister, completeeven with two beggars who asked me for a ruble(which is close to a dollar-either meaning the goingrate for beggars is very high or they were Russian

optimists). The Russians are a large-boned people andfor the most part as unattractive as Americans. Theyshare with us a certain gracelessness, a certain coarse-

ness, and also a certain directness.It is now Saturday, July 3'l , and Joe and I have

been on a direct flight from Moscow to Tokyo. Bytheir time, in Japan, it is just before noon. By ourbody time it is the hour to sleep. I keep thinkingsomeone is going to find my dossier, discover I am nota Communist, not a liberal, and not naive, and decidetherefore to send me back to America, certainlydecide not to admit me as a delegate to the GensuikyoConference (The Japan Council Against Atomic and

Hydrogen Bombs). We are met by Hirano, Kugai, and

a young man, Nagao, to whom I attach myself for the

two weeks in Japan, since he speaks good English,after a fashion. We are put up at the Green Hotel, inrooms a little smaller than iail cells, with TV sets, airconditioning (essential in Japan during August), and

free green tea in the hallway.I am not sure if one can explain the Japapese peace

movement, because I am not really sure if one can

explain-or understand-Japan. I think it would be

quite easy for an American, coming to .lapan with

visions of tea ceremonies, karate, kimonos, geishas,and samurai, to take one look around at the businesssuits, the air conditioning, the Western-style buildings,and to say,"My goodness, Japan is really very Western,isn't it?" To complicate matters, I have the feeling theJapanese think they are very Western, aren't theylThey aren't. Not at all. They are an island people wholived in substantial isolation not only from the West,but also from any direct contact with the rest of Asiafor most of their history. The line of the emperorgoes back, unbroken, for two thousand years until itbecomes misted and lost in myth. No invasion wassuccessful until the Americans came in 1945, inundat-ing the land of the rising sun.

The Japanese plan things; and once things are ' t

planned, they stay planned. Their language does nottranslate easily, their children must learn three differ-ent alphabets, their men are often exceptionallyhandsome, their society is almost obsessively clean.And they plan things. They organize things. The JapanCommunist Party runs Gensuikyo. The Japan SocialistParty runs Gensuikin, the opposition anti-A and -Hbomb group. (The two opposing peace groups met onalternate hours in a huge hall in Hiroshima and ralliedon different days in Nagasaki). ln addition, Beheirin is

a kind of .lapanese "New Left" peace movementwhich is tied to neither political party. Now, tocomplicate things, the Japan Communist Party takes a

position independent of the Soviet Union (making itvery unlike the American Communist Party, whichfollows the Soviet line, but making it somewhat likethe ltalian Communist Party) while the Japan Social-ist Party is not a moderate grouping but is, in someways, more radical than the Communists and has a

strong pro-Chinese wing.ln the past I had attended a meeting of Gensuikin

and of Beheirin (1966), and now, as a member of thePeoples Coalition delegation, I was attending theGensuikyo Conference. lf in Russia I had felt surpris-ingly free to wander around-not that I had tried towander very far-in Tokyo I felt under constantconstraint. Gensuikyo had a total of some 45foreign delegates ("Our honored foreign guests"), thusscoring a clear vixtory over Gensuikin, which hadrelatively few honored foreign guests. But it wasessential that none of the guests get lost, kidnaped, or

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damaged. There was actually some slight danger ofright wing violence, and the Korean delegation had a

Uoay guaid. One was also provided for the two

delegales from North Vietnam' But all of us felt under

guard. lt seems that each of us had one young

Jrp"n.t" assigned to make sure we did not get lost' lfwe left the conference hall, we had to explain where

we were going. Our time was fully scheduled, even

though the schedule was not a fruitful one'

tn tokyo we spent three days in preliminary

sessions with each delegation giving prepared speeches'

Morning and afternoon the delegates read off the

speechei and they were translated. There was much

';Long live the Seventeenth World Conference against

R and H Bombs," "Long live the heroic struggle ofthe Palestinian peoples," "Long live the people's

struggle in Vietnam," etc. I do not mock these slogans'

in in'i"tnutional conferences one is quickly reduced to

what might be called international cliche, with all

shades und nuunc.t of feeling eliminated' ln fact, one

begins to censor one's own thoughts so that they

come out in words that can be translated and under-

stood. Anyway, we sat, morning and afternoon,

listening to the many speeches and then pickedup printed copies at the end of the day. No real politi-cal discussion at all. Every speech could have been

printed in advance and handed out, with the wholepreliminary conference consisting of a half day forreading everything; then we could have spent two and

a half days of serious political discussion in smallergroups.{ So there was a sterile feeling to the conference,endless speeches, lack of political dialogue, rigorousplanning. To offset this were the moments of deep

beauty and emotion when one realized how honored

the Japanese were to have foreign guests and howwarmly they responded to all of us. At the vast

'Rumania, Angola, ltaly, Cuba, and a half dozen other-places. Novelli of ltaly sang arias on the train tot{iroshima. Carmichael of Australia explained how the

various Communist Parties were shifting towardi independent positions. The Venerable Wipulasara sang

a very lovely Ceylonese sonS one night, Abdullah Seek

lsmail radiated humor, Padilla showered off cliches in

his speeches. One night as we sat with Pestena Carlos

from Angola, a militant with the MPLA (Popular

' Movement for the Liberation of Angola), he broke

down suddenly and began to weep as he explained

that he had many many good friends in Portugal, but

that it was necessary all the same to take up arms'

Here was no monolithic bloc of Communists, but

men and women who had come from a long way off,

most of them from serious and active struggles; and

one felt (or at least t felt) that while the disagreements

over violence and nonviolence separated us, the

involvement in struggle united us, so that in a tense

and beautiful way we were loined and our time

together was wistful and yet loyous' And who knows?

lf ior me the Communists seem less monolithic, more

human, more different one from another, then per-

haps in different corners of the world some are re-

evaluating pacifism; for in all encounters there is an

exchange and in fruitful encounters both sides gain'

We left Tokyo on August 12, stayed overnight in

Laos, and on Friday, August 13, arrived in Hanoi'

public sessions we would all sit on the dais. We wouldbe introduced. Young girls would then storm theplatform from both sides with armfuls of flowers

wt ict't they presented to us. At the end of the program

our Buddhist priest, Rev. Sato, would rise, pick up his

little drum (which looked like a tennis racket withskin stretched tight instead of strings, a flat little

Hunoi is not easy to write about. judy Lerner and

I kept saying to each other, as we sat in the reception

room at the Hanoi airport, "lt's true. We're really

here, in Hanoi." We had not been certain the US

authorities would not arrange in some way to delay us

in Laos. We had not been certain the Aeroflot flightwould have room for us. And yet we were there, on

the auspicious day of Friday the 13th. We each were

given a bouquet of flowers and then driven off to the

Hao Binh Ipeace] Hotel, one of the two hotels

housing foreign guests.

paddle of taut leather) and begin to beat on it, leading

us, like a pied piper, down from the dais and directly

into the mass of humanity packed into the hall,

straight down the center aisle toward the rear door.The lapanese, at first shyly, and then with mounting

enthusiasm, would reach out hands to touch the

delegates, to shake hands, to make some physical con-

tact with this international presence that had come

to stand with them in their struSgle' The thing was toogenuine not to be moving every time it happened'

Reserved as I am, I began to feel like a politician,

smiling, wondering, when I had made the rear door, ifperhaps I would win the election.

And so, through Tokyo, Hiroshima, Nagasaki- Sur-

viving the horror of visiting the victims of the bomb-

ings, standing mute at the site of the blast in Hiro-

shima, watching the candle ceremony the night ofAugust 6. And talking with foreign delegates. There

were fascinating delegates from Russia, lndia, Spain,

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Let me try to outline Hanoi in notes beforetrying any political discussion. lt is a land which seems

almost under water'during the monsoon season. As

one flies in over the city lhe fields are mirrors catch-ing the sky. The rice is only barely above the water.The Red River rages muddy through Hanoi itself, bare-barely diked against disastrous flooding.

Everywhere on the streets are bicycles. Likemosquitoes, like restless hordes of insects, so dense inthe streets that it is hard to cross. Our little caravanof cars drove in from the airport with horns con-stantly blaring to clear a thin lane in the middle of theroad. The city seems larger.than Saigon, very French,very old, and half in ruins from age and lack of repair.tsomb damage is not widely seen-the bridges havebeen repaired and there are fewer visible ruins than lhad expected. But the bomb shelters are literallyeverywhere. Every street in downtown Hanoi has a

string of concrete pipes stuck in the sidewalk atintervals of fifteen feet or so, making it possible forthose on the street to take instant shelter. Everybuilding seems to have a large bunker-type shelteroutside of it. Many side streets have heavily plankedshelters. ln Saigon, when I was there in 1966, thebarbed wire and guard posts and armed sentriesbehind sandbags were everywhere. ln Hanoi there areno guards, no barbed wire emplacements or sandbags-only hundreds upon hundreds upon hundreds of holesin the sidewalk and shelters built between buildings.

The buildings themselves once housed alargeFrench colony and are now in disrepair. The moneyand time is not available for repainting and in thetropic climate mold grows quickly, discoloring thewalls and eating into the plaster. There is a beautyabout the city, but it is a sad beauty.

The children! The whole population seems atmoments to consist of children. They are everywhere.They seem to rise with the sun and do not pause untillong after dark. lf we step out of our hotel, theycrowd around, curious to see white skins and also

amused by Joe Urgo's long hair and beard. They donot beg, they do not talk. They stand, watching us.

lf you approach them, they back away. lf you waitlong enoulh they will come forward and touchyour hand. The adults do not restrain them. lf we

walk into the department store, with its thinscattering of goods, they follow. lf we walk to thesecond floor, they follow us still. Watchful, curious,shy, holding each other's hands.

And the affection the Vietnamese demonstrate is

stunning to a culture as cold as ours. Men walk the

streets hand in hand or arm in arm, as do women.

Small children carry still smaller children on theirbacks. The Vietnamese smile easily; they touch one

another, even at the highest level. At the close of our

reception by Premier Pham Van Dong, each of us,

men and women, is embraced and kissed on each

cheek. How can a people so openly affectionatefight so fiercely?

The poverty is everywhere and is visible. There is

no class of wealthy. Everyone is poor. There is no TVand, at least in our hotel rooms, no radio. The Premier

himself earns not more than $60 a month and there is

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a story about a Western reporter, interviewing Ho ChiMinh, who asked him to compare things when he was

in the West forty years earlier with his position then inVietnam. Ho is reported to have laughed and said,"Forty years ago I was a dock worker and now I amPresident of North Vietnam, but one thing remains theth.e same: I still earn $50 a month."

Quotations from an interview with Luu Guy Ky,head of the J ournalists Association: .",1n the lifetimeof man, there is only one period when we do not

study and learn new things-when we die." "Happinessfor the family is when the children surpass the father.""We are Marxists, but we seek to buitd the iociety ChristChrist talked about two thousand years ago." "lt is

hard for us, the land of the water buffalo, that we mustmust fight against the nation that flies rockets to themoon."

Truly, the water buffalo are everywhere. Traveling

through the countryside one gets the impression each

child has a water Liuffalo of his own. And it is there,in the countryside, one sees the poverty, sees teams ofwomen, wor[ing two by two, scooping water out ofthe fields with a large dipper they swing betweenthem. The old ladies scuttling forward carrying thedouble load suspended by the shoulder pole, whichthe men in our delegation cannot even lift off theground. The occasional child with open sores on itshead, or with distended belly, evidence of disease notyet controlled. And, ther! is the countryside, one sees thethe ugly squat French pillboxes, burned out andabandoned, empty guardians over a lost empire.

We passed lines of armed troops marching some-

where. We passed rows of Chinese and Soviet tfucks,brand new. We crossed the rivers in ancient ferries and

were told that we must get out of the cars while we

cross so that if the ferry sinks we will not be trappedin the cars.

There is no air conditioning, but there are large

fans in the ceilings that work quite well. ln any event

it is not as hot as.f apan, only terribly damp. The rains

come twice a day or more, so hard they can wake you

from a sound sleep, leaving you confused for a momentmoment to find mosquito netting over your bed.

The food is superlative, unlike any other l've had

elsewhere, unique, related to but different fromChinese.

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These are not, of course, pacifist comments. Yet itseems wrong to make 'rpacifist comments" at thispoint. Better to absorb, to understand, to realize thatsome questions that have a burning importance in theUnited States are not relevant here. I asked, for exam-ple, what happens to young men who oppose militaryservice and they answer simply that the question

does not arise. This does not mean (l think) that no

one would dare refuse, but that literally, given theirculture and their situation, the question really doesnot arise. And one realizes that, except for individualsaints, the CO is a development of the ProtestantWest, primarily of England and the United States.

What does a pacifist say of their violence? To look,in the war museum, at their ingenious implements ofguerrilla war is to be as deeply shocked as to look atthe technological horrors we have hurled against them.One, it is true, was devised in defense, and the otherfor offense; but the wounds are as deep in either case,

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the pain as real to the man whom it touches. I was so

badly upset that on the second day I went to one ofthe translators and said there were two things I mustsay to him. First, that if the American delegationlaughed or smiled a great deal, it was because we werealways close to weeping, and second, that I washorrified by the guerrilla weapons, that I did notbelieve in violence, even in self-defense, and somehowwanted him-and the Vietnamese-to understand that,even as I sought to understand what force had heldthem tofether for so long and bitter a struggle.

How far away, in Hanoi, the chants of, "Ho, Ho,Ho Chi Minh, the NLF is going to win"! And howreal the children in the streets, the bomb shelters, thepoverty, the gentleness! That is, our slogans, ourarticles, and even many of our actions are cliches, areabstract; but this, Hanoi, is real and deeply movingbecause it is real. This is taking place day by day,this clear determination, this sacrifice of all comfortsto equip an army, this simple and unshakable deter-mination to win control of their own nation fromony outside force.

These are notes, not an article. Notes on rising at5 a.m. on Sunday in order to watch the Catholic mass

(the church was jammed, with a number of youngerpeople), on a visit to a Buddhist pagoda where a smallgroup of old women were saying daily prayers led bya priest in saffron robes beneath an impressive assort-

ment of golden Buddhas. Notes on the visit to an artmuseum, notes on falling ill. On one day we were toride to Halam Bay, several hours from Hanoi, and I

was told-to gCt"in thE first car with Mr. Quat, it havingbeen arrlnged that the two of us could travel alone forpolitical discussion. A great honor, but I was feelingill. I fell asleep. Mr. Quat gently got into the front sdatand I stretched out as best I could in the Russian-mademade car and slept all the way up. Arriving, I foundmy room and slept again. They came with a doctor, a

nurse, made an examination, left pills, came back twohours later with more pills, asked the next morning ifthey had awakened me when they came twice in thenight to make sure I was all right. I had a fever ofnearly 1 04 degrees, as I found out later, and shouldnot have felt so silly about not having had the politicaldiscussion. Antibiotics took the fever down quickly,though I lost my appetite for the marvelous food forthe remaining visit. The advantage, however, was th-at

I got to see their hospital, their clinic, and theirconcern.

Notes. Notes not because I didn't sit for two days

and try to write an article, because I did try, but ru

because too much happened and I need time to digest

it and reflect upon it. Years ago, A.i. Muste came toHanoi and took a political path with which I dis-

agreed; and that left me politically estranged from A.J.in the last months of his life. Now I have taken the

trip and Hanoi will never again, in my mind, be linked

with Moscow. lt will be Hanoi, home of friends, point.of transformation, of change. But the dimensions ofthis change I do not yet understand, cannot yet chart.Yes, I am stilla pacifist. Yes, I still protest the jailingof poets and the invasion of Czechoslovakia. Yes, I

Party. Yes, yes, yes, I am still-l think-ideologicallysafe, sound, pure. Yes, but I am not sure. My smugand reflexive anti-Communism is gone forever. Myeffort to find some way to creatively blend Marxismand the teachings of Gandhi remains even moreimperative.

I think back to the first day in Hanoi, when mydossier finally caught up with me. The Russians-trapped in red tape-may not have realized who theyhad admitted, and the Japanese also may not haveknown. But the Vietnamese did, in detail. ln thereception room at the airport as I was taking pictures,one of the Vietnamese said, "You are a good photo-grapher,"and I said nq I was only an amateur. He said,

"Nq you are good-and also a good writer." Then I knewhe had me confused with someone elsgand I asked himwhere he had seen my writing (and was wondering whohad a name that could be confused with mine.) WINmagazine-l have read you there." Yes, indeed he had.He knew my positions. My dossier was there in theirheads and still I was welcome as a friend. Judy Lernertold me, another day, after having had lunch with theVietnamese women's group, that they were so glad toknow my positions had changed and they recalledletters I had written to them in Hanoi five or moreyears ago. And still I was admitted. (l could not helpbut wonder ileven my article on homosexuality was

in the dossier, but did not choose to ask). I had cometo Vietnam as an unrelenting opponent of Americanmilitary actions there, but not as a friend of Hanoi. I

left Vietnam in a different frame of mind. Perhapswhen the war is over their unity will be gone and theircity will be oppressive. But for now it is strangely free,and they as a people have remained strangely gentledespite their war.

Why have we, as a nation, launched our mightagainst this people? Forget all world politics, all geo-

political considerations. Why did we choose this nationas an enemy when it would make so honorable a

friend? lp the normal course of events, Vietnam is farfrom the necessary path of empire. The French wan-dered into it almost by accident and the Americanrole is equally ambiguous. They might have lived outtheir national life in relative retreat from the modern

, world, but accident brought them into it, sendingAmericans there to Hanoi, and taking their ownpeople to far lands as envoys, seeking aid and learninghow to handle modern weapons.

We have, I suspect, only begun to learn fromVietnam. lts greatest lessons are yet to come. Theywill not be on the field of battle but, as in my owncase, in reaching some other level within us. Are theyable to fight and remain gentle because they are

Buddhists? How is it possible-what is the secret-thatpermits them to be so genuinely warm to Americanswhen we have inflicted such terrible suffering onthem and when those of us who visit Hanoi are auto-matically the wrong people because the ones who havedone the most against the war are behind bars?

These are only notes, only a beginning for whatmust be written. Only the beginning of a iourney thatwill continue through the years to come, long afterthe flight left Hanoi for Moscow on the first long

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still have contempt for thg American Communist lap home. _DAVID MCREYNOLDS

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\II

Dverything you wanted to knsw about Grand Jurie$

Recently, the two of us were subpoenaed to appearbefore a.Federal Grand Jury in Los Angeles. lt lookslike this is going to be an increasingly common experl-ence for people in the movement, so we think it'sworthwhile to try to describe and analyze our experi-ence.

We are staff at lnstitute/Mountain West, a school/organizing center/community of rad ical nonviolencein Denver. From this base not only are we quite able

to get into trouble on our own, but also we get tomeet a lot of other trouble-makers. Burt met DanEllsberg at the War Resisters lnternational, inPh!ladelphia, in 1969. Since that time we have had awarm, if somewhat sporadic, relationship with him.

After Dan had identified himself as the person 1[?a ,.t.ur.d the pentagon papers, we gave a story to a

local paper saying that Dan is a friend of ours, that we

had seen his decision to release the top secret informa-tion grow over a period of nearly two years, and thatthe actions of the Berrigans and draft'resisters hadhad a great influence on him. We knew we were

taking a risk in writing the letter, but the politicalstatement seemed strong and clear enough to make itseem worthwhile.

After the story was printed in the Rocky MountainNews, the FBI visited Burt for a friendly chat aboutDan. But the only think Burt would talk to themabout was why they are FBI men. Thus, the .l usticeDepartment [srcl tried a more coercive approach.One day the FBI brought subpoenas for us to appear

in Los Angeles five days later. They told us the

government paid for our travel (@$.10 a mile) indother expenses ($1 6 a day "subsistence" and $20 aday witness fee).

Our first reaction to the subpoenas was hilarity,with just a touch of hysteria behind it. At no timewas our basic strategy in question-we would notanswer any questions. ln the midst of a lot of sillykidding around we managed to read a packet ofmaterials about grand juries we had just received fromNoncollaboration (588 Ninth Avenue, NYC 10036).That sobered us up a little, enough to decide thatperhaps it would be a good idea to talk to a lawyerbefore we went to LA.

The National Lawyers Guild was meeting inBoulder while all of this was going on, which meantthat the best radical lawyers in the country were righton our doorstep. As a result of some contact work byfriends, we sat down two days later with Karen JoKoonan, Barry Litt, Peggy Nelson, and Peter Young,all of LA and all of whom had done extensive legalwork with political grand juries, and with RudySchware, a Denver lawyer who has helped us on manyoccasions, and with .lohn McTernan, an LA lawyerwhose office was already involved in the Ellsbergaffair.

We had been feeling that we would go before thegrand jury, refuse to testify, and then go to jail for along time. Possibly we would simply be dismissed, butthis could only be the result of a whim of the USAttorney; we had no control over the situation as longas we were determined not to testify. At the meetingin Boulder we learned that we were involved in some-thing much more complex than that.

The lawyers taught us that we could have muchmore influence over our fates than we had thought.

As the situation stands now, grand juries are totallyKafkaesque. You are not told what is being investi-gated or whether or not an indictment against you is

being considered. The jurors refuse to identify them-selves, even in response to a direct question. Thereare no rules of evidence and few of procedure' Andthe lury has tremendous, if indirect, power to punish.

But the government's strategy of using grand iuriesas a club to break the movement has resulted in acounter-attack aimed at taming them. The strategy ofthe counter-attack is to develop a set of rules withinwhich grand juries would have to operate. The tacticfor this is to test different aspects of their procedures

in appeals to the Supreme Court. lf this works, it willbecome possible for a layman to learn what the rules

are and why they're that way, and then to defendhimself in a grand jury proceeding. But at this timewe would advise against going into a grand jury roomwithout the help of counsel. Without the lawyers and

law workers who helped us we would have has as muchmuch chance as a rat in a psychology lab. And we arepeople who have defended ourselves, and advocateself-defense, in regular courts.

There are other differences between grand juryhearings and regular courtroom proceedings thatinfluence our tactical choices. The grand jury room is

closed. The only people inside are the jurors, the US

ab

Attorney, a court reporter, a secretary, and the wit-ness. Not even the witness's attorney is allowed inside,which leads to the ridiculous game of going out to thehallway after every question to consult with yourlawyer. This also means that there is no chance tomake any sort of public statement through what yousay to the jury.

We also felt that we were definitely sword-bearersin these proceedings, not stars, and that affected ourtactics in a conservative direction. So, to each questionquestion other than those asking our names, address,ages, and whether or not we were there under.sub-poena, we responded with a page and a half statementof legal reasons why we would not answer. Weinvoked the First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, andTenth Amendments to the Constitution as well as anumber of other objections including marital privilegeand improper use of the grand jury.

What might have happened to us when we refusedto answer questions, and what has happened to someother people, is to be taken before a federal judge foran "immunity hearing." This ploy is designed to stripyou of your right to use the Fifth Amendment, whichis currently the only ground for refusing to testifywhich has strong legal standing. There are two formsof immunity which might be granted: use andtransactional. Use immunity, a creation of the SafeStreets and Organized Crime Act of 1970, says thatyour testimony before the grand jury cannot be used

as evidence against you in later criminal proceedings,

although independent evidence about the same mattercan be. Transactional immunity is stronger, sayingthat you cannot be prosecuted at all on any matterthat you have testified about to the grand jury.

After immunity is granted you are taken backbefore the grand jury and asked the questions thatyou previously refused to answer. If you still refuse,you are taken back before the iudge, who iails you forcontempt of court. You can be put away until youdecide to testify or for the life of the jury, which-ever comes first. (Grand iuries are impaneled for up to18 months.) There's a kicker here, though. By thetime the grand jury is dismissed, another may have

been impaneled; and this new one may call you andask you the same questions over again, with the sameresults. This has happened at least once.

None of this happened to us. After asking us 1 5 to20 questions each, and not getting answers, the jurydismissed us. We could be called before the same grand

grand jury again, but this seems unlikely. The fact thatthey didn't offer us immunity makes it not unlikelythat we could be indicted as accessories or part of a

conspiracy. Or they could just forget about us.

We don'i have bad feelings about the way we con-ducted ourselves before the grand jury, but it raisds

some serious issues. We certainly don't feel that ourcommitment to nonviolence requires that we be"truthful and open" to a grand jury that is trying,toframe our friends. That would be dishonest, in theform of violating a trust that friends have placed inus. But what about refusing to talk for a battery oflegalistic reasons rather than saying in plain English

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that we think the work of the jury is illegitimate and

immoral?The only thing we wanted to do less than go to

jail in LA was to testify. We might have approached itdifferently if we had been central figures in theinvestigation, rather than peripheral ones. But as

things actually stood, we were ready to go to iailrather than testify if that was necessary, and we were

also quite ready to play legal games to stay out.Further, after talking with the attorneys, we

were convinced that playing the legal Sames was an

important part of the over-all strategy of taminggrand juries. We had the feeling of being part of a

large and important proiect.

On an analytical level, we think there are three

important points to make about grand luries. The

first is that they are being used by the government in

an attempt to break the movement. ln this, they are

taking up where HUAC left off. There is a Special

Task Force of the .l ustice Department's lnternalSecurity Division that coordinates the work of the

Federal Grand Juries around the country. lts iob is tocreate the illusion of a unified [! ] , conscious, left con-

spiracy, and then to smash their creation.The second point is that the juries are being used

to isolate the radicals. They are serving notice on

liberals that "if you deal with these people, even peri-

pherally, you're liable to end up in iail for a long

time." The liberal who is not willing to give possibly

incriminating evidence has two choices: Either risk

being put in jail for contempt on refusal to testify,or else be ptrt in a position of not knowing anythingthat might interest a grand iury that's interested in

everything. The second choice essentially means

getting out of the movement.The third point is that the iuries are being used to

divert public attention away from the violence and

lawlessness of the government. lf they can create the

illusion of a unified conspiracy, then only the few

"ringleaders" are really accountable; all the rest of the

movement is made up of "dupes." From the

government's standpoint, this is a much more favor-

able version of reality than to have to face the idea

that millioni of Americans are dissenting out of theirown intelligence and sense of outrage. The govern-

ment wants people to believe that it is the Berrigans

and Ellsbergs that create dissenters, not the Nixons,

.lohnsons, Kennedys, Eisenhowers, and Trumans, withtheir lying and murder.

As for strategy, we guess we've made it clear thatwe feel that the grand i.uries should be confrontedwith a solid and consistent policy of noncollabora-tion. There are both practical and philosophicalreasons for doing this. On the practical level, it is verydifficult to know what information it is and isn't safe

to give to the Feds. lf they are engaged in building theillusion of a grand conspiracv and if they're not toocareful about the truth, then any little scrap ofinformation, certainly any name that is mentioned,becomes something for them to work with. Further,once you've answered one question about a subject,you've lost any legal grounds you might have had forrefusing to answer any other questions on the same

subject. So once you start testifying you increase,rather than decrease, your chances of going to jail(assuming that you draw the line against testifyingsomewhere).

Philosophically, we feel that the grand iuries are

engaged in illegitimate work, iust as Selective Service

is. So all the arguments for noncooperation with thedraft apply here as well. We feel we don't have tospell those arguments out here.

Finally, an idea that interests us, but about whichwe have questions, is the strategy of convening"People's Grand I uries" to investigate the govern-

ment. Grand juries originated as a device to protectcitizens from tyrannical government. Perhaps we

should re-invent them for that purpose. lt would be

interesting to convene a iury to ask whether the

Jr-tstice Department, through that Special Task Force,

is engaged in a criminal conspiracy to deprive citizensof their civil and other liberties.

There is a danger here of reproducing parts of theexisting system that we dislike. We're not sure thatthat trap can be avoided. But it's worth giving some

thought to. - Burt Wallrich -Anne Guilfoile

. .. o . o . . o . . .but werg afraid t0 ask*

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We are, truly, the children of Christopher Street.

The riot at the Stonewall in June 'l 969 was the

beginning of the present gay liberation movement.

Unlike its predecessor, the homophile movement,

this new gay militancy does not desire quiet accom-

modation with a fundamentally sexist society. (After

all, aren't the maiority of homosexuals, who can pass

as straight, already accommodated-as an invisibleminority?) lnstead, like the women's movement, itseelqs to challenge the very basis of the sexual roles,

which have long been sacrosanct as the natural order-the only order-of human relationships'

When the people of Christopher Street first fought

back at the police harassment that had been their lotin New York, they were expressing their refusal any

longer to tolerate oppression as a condition of theirhomosexuality. This was the signal fd us to come outof our closets. To learn about the Ston.ewall (many

months later, in Newsweek) was the impetus for me

to accept my own homosexuality. I was gay and

proud, because at last I had seen gay people whom I

cguld respect and love.The movement was contagious, like the "disease"

of homosexuality that psychiatrists had been pontifi-cating about for years. Once the idea began to spread

that our oppression was not inevitable, there could be

no turning back. And so it was for me. The gay move-

ment started in Boston shortly thereafter, at the

beginning of 1970, with the activation of the Homo-

phile Union of Boston and the forming of the

Daughters of Bilitis and the Student HomophileLeague.

At first these groups fulfilled principally service

and social functions in a city where little but the

bars and the cruising grounds had ever existed before'

Political activism was an afterthought to most of the

people involved in these early efforts, and consisted

solely oian appearance before a legislative committee

considering reform of the state's Draconian sex laws'

For many of us in SHL, such modest actions were

not enough. Changing the law, however admirable,

could not be viewed as an end in itself, because the

law was more a consequence than a cause of our

oppression. Thus we started the Gay Liberation Front,

not as a splinter of the older organization but, instead,

as a political extension of it. As we all worked out ofSHL, however, GLF was never able to achieve a

separate identity. lt remained in the shadow of the

other groups, organizing danQes and participation in

the April Moratorium, which drew support from the

gay community. By autumn GLF no longer existed,

but it had provided the impetus for its successors:

7o

WILL

SUCCESS

SPOIL

GAY

LI B?

Gay Women's Liberation, Gay Male Liberation, andthe Monday Night Study Group.

Relating to the community and to the largersociety proved a difficult task. Here the women wereevidently more successful than the men. Throughoutthe fall and winter GML was preoccupied with its ownproblems and was scarcely able to relate to anyoneoutside of itself. The group's attempts at self-definition became an obsession, and disagreement atthe meeting was discouraged by the more-radical-than-thou syndrome characteristic of the male power gamethroughout the movement as a whole. Many of us

who had been connected with GLF were driftinglaway because we could no longer identify with thegroup.

The establishment and collapse of a communitycenter was the "great leap forward" that nearlydestroyed GML. The center was meant as a social andpolitical focus for gay males, a place in which indi-viduals could interact freely. Noble motives, to be

sure. But the members of GML could not overcomethe ghetto mentality that encourages homosexuals todespise themselves and each other. Patterns of'conduct learned under oppression cannot be easilydiscarded, and mutual suspicion is no foundation for.4.sound working relationship. That the community'center

collective broke up in February, only a coupleof months after it had been formed, should have beenno surprise. An analysis of its failure is essential, andGML has since begun to learn from this bitterexperience.

The collective seemed to be cursed from thebeginning. One of its members, a mysterious indi-vidual who called himself Wade, absconded after beingtrusted with several hundred dollars. (This same'iWade" has since ripped off several other GLF's, mostnotably in Washington and in Milwaukee.) A dis-heartening echo of the everyday oppression byhustlers and extortionists. Laxity with its finances was

typical of the collective-only two of its memberswere employed-and it quickly amassed a deficit of$800. But money only symbolized the deeperproblems of living together. The prevalence of ani-mosity among the members prevented the communitycenter from contributing to its community (whichhad given it some support, but not enough) andproved that gays, no matter how liberated theythought they were, had yet to learn how to trust oneanother.

Certainly GML was not alone; the problem of trustwas manifest throughout Boston's gay movement.Relations between the organizations were usuallytenuous, and misunderstandings were commonplace.At times the militants and their more conventionalcounterparts in HUB and DOB were barely onspeaking terms. The women were often angered bymale dominance of common projects and refused tocooperate when they felt (justifiably) that theirwishes were being ignored. Thus did GLF (the onlygroup which attempted to accommodate both sexes)

break up when the women walked out. Similarly,.planning for a Gay Solidarity Day in April disinte-grated when it became obvious that there was

precious little solidarity left to celebrate.This organizational disarray, however, was not the

only cause of our slow growth. Even with its largecollege population, Boston is a conservative city. (ltbanned books until fairly recently.) The idea that gaypeople should actively protest their oppression wasslow to develop-slower than in many other citiesacross the country. The pionbering efforts of the earlyhomophile groups in places like New York and SanFrancisco had antedated Boston's first stirrings byyears. Movements do not often mushroom out of a

vacuum; the beginning is slow and requires much preliminary labor to alert people to the existence of analternative to their oppression. Fear, especially thefear of "being exposed" as a homosexual, must beovercome before an individual can say,"l am gay andproud." So it should not be surprising that our firstGay Pride Week last year had such a small turnoutand was barely noticed.

At first the prospects for another Gay PriUe Weekhardly seemed any more promising. But our earlyefforts had begun to pay off. Not only were the dif-ferent groups finally able to cooperate, but also manymore people were now willing to participate in apublic program. ln the intervening year our activitieshad been discussed by local newspapers and television.The public was becoming aware of our existence, andthe idea of gay liberation had become more widelyknown and understood within the homosexualcommunity itself. Organizations like SHL, HUB, andthe Homophile Community Health Service arecounter-institutions which offer help that the societyoutside is unwilling to give. As recently as two years

ago there had been nothing. Now people are beginningto change, and the movement is the tip of the iceberg.

Gay Pride Week was a celebration of what had'been accomplished and an attempt to reach morepeople. We sponsored a successful week of seminarswhich culminated with a teach-in Friday nigh.t. Our .program climaxed Saturday with'a march of 150-200people through downtown Boston to present demandsto four institutions symbolic of our oppression: a

Mafia bar, the police headquarters, the State House,and a nearby cathedral. Then we adlourned to theCommon for a poetry reading, a "book dumping" ofanti-homosexual writings, and a "closet smashing"ceremony. That evening we had a dance at the CharlesStreet Meetinghouse, where last year pressure fromthe mayor's office had forced the minister to cancelour dance. Some of us later marched with Boston'scontingent in New York's Christopher Street parade,

on Sunday.Our success in presenting a week-long program

demonstrated that the local gay movement has at lastestablished itself as a coherent political and socialforce. Something concrete now exists; our earlyefforts are paying off. However, not all the omens ofthe week's activities are as pleasant to contemplate,and we had best consider how they affect our work.Now we are where women's liberation was two years

ago: we have finally been noticed by a curious public,and our cause is becoming accepted, at least as a

reality of everyday existence. Attendant upon the

.delectable rumors of Lifi and Newsweek cover itories'

though, we discover that new problems plague our

" su ccess. "At first we had to build our own movement for

ourselves. We received little help from the rest of the

Movement, iust the ieers that homosexuality was

"a bourseoii disease that does not exist under.

ioiiuiii".';sudly, here the Left has been as bigoted as

the Right. Read Eldridge Cleaver: "Homosexuality is

a sickness, iust as are baby-rape or wanting to become

head of General Motors'" Or the snide attempts of

Tom Hayden and Jerry Rubin to lampoon their

enemies ty insinuating that they are fags' Presumably

the dedication of the early homophile organizations

was not revolutionary enough to inspire their enthu-

siasm.- Presu mably, also, fag-baiting prevalent th rou gh-

out the Left expressed anxieties about a subiect that

was too hot for many of its members to handle'

Christopher Street marked the marriage of homo-

sexuality with political radicalism' No longer would

gay people within the Movement accept.an invisibility

io iff.t.nt from that in the greater society' resigned

io *ff., its gibes in silence. But now, after struggling

for Movement acceptance, gay liberatioh is in danger

of becoming iust one more Leftist cliche' another

Gay liberation, like women's liberation, seeks tochallenge this traditional concept of power and

authority. True, at times we have failed and have

allowed individuals to advance their ambitions at the

expense of the movement. But we have not forgotten

our purpose. How well, we are entitled to ask, do

these "leaders" understand our efforts? I suspect that

their understanding is limited to the knowledge that

we have attracted a lot of people. They are politicians

who sense that it would be unwise to ignore this

constituency any longer- Why should we feel be-

holden to them? Why shouldn't we be suspicious ofany individuals or organizations that suddenly tell us

that they are our friends?Like the Socialist Workers' Party. Until six months

ago they, too, had found us too hot to handle and

w:ould have nothing to do with us. Homosexuals who

were discovered were immediately expelled from the

Party. fad wheqr they advocated Socialism, they

fashionable Cause.

We discover that we have been canonized as one of

the revolutionary vanguard; Uut the sincerity of such

lip service is suspect. Little has changed in the way'friou.r"nt people act toward us' However earnestly

the Black Panthers may say they accept us as

comrades-in-arms, our brothers and sisters who

attended the Revolutionary People's Constitutional

Convention leained that they were still fags and

dykes. And similar magnanimous pronouncements by

the likes of Hayden and Rubin are belied by their

machismo. That they presume themselves leoders of

the New Left is a reflection of the striving for power

by heterosexual males that is so characteristic ofconventional politics' So little has changed-the idea

that a few men should exercise authority over the

masses of their followers remains.

7L

6A( 51TR5 UNIIT

\

ffi\

proudly pointed to the example of Cuba, a nationthat has harshly repressed its moricones. Now, lvith-out a word of apology, they assure us that they areon our side. I do not trust them. I know their pro-pensity for joining other people's movements, forattempting to subvert them for their own purposeswhile taking credit for accomplishments that were nottheirs. Two years ago it was the Gl's, last year thewomen-and this year it's us. Surely, they shouldknow a fashionable cause when they see one!

The first indication that SWP had changed its anti-homosexual policy was when the National PeaceAction Coalition, which is controlled by the Party,announced its plans for a gay contingent in theApril 24 March on Washington. This was the first timethat we had been sought out by the organizers of a

demonstration. Gay people who participated wereenthusiastic about the experience, although theynoted that they had been placed at the end of themarch and that the gay speakers came on as thedemonstration was breaking up. Martha Shelley,formerly of New York's Radicalesbians, wasapproached by NPAC to be a speaker, then was rudelyrebuffed, because, she suspects, her politics were notacceptable to SWP.

Shortly afterward, the planning committee forBoston's Gay Pride Week began to meet. Attending,along with representatives of local gay groups, werethree members of the Socialist Workers' Party. Theyassured us, curiously, that the Party had many gay

members. (Where had they been all this time? Hadthey all come out en mosse?) But they attended thesession! not as members of a gay caucus within SWP,

which ilould be logical if tf,ty were trying to in-fluence its policies, but as individuals. By this time, I

and several other members of the planning committeewere openly suspicious of their motives.

Our misgivings were quickly confirmed. Apparentlyas its contribution to our Gay Pride observance, SWP

sponsored its own "Forum on Gay L.iberation" with-out the committee's prior consent or knowledge. Thefirst that any of us learned of it was from handbills,which implied that it was part of the Week's activities.Not only was it scheduled to conflict with a regularmeeting of the Student Homophile League, but itstwo speakers, supposedly members of the local gay

community, included one Party member who had

attended one SHL meeting and a SWP politicalcandidate imported from New York. These "repre-sentatives" were also to present themselves to thelocal media as spokesmen for our organizations.Evidently, we could not be trusted to present ideas ongay liberation to the Party's satisfaction.

And so the disquieting presence of the SWP con-

tinued throughout the rest of Gay Pride Week,generating considerable resentment. By the time orthe teach-in on Friday, many of us had had enough.The sight of Party members hawking The Militont andattempting to place their literature on the gay publi-

cations table was the last straw, and the meetingbecame an angry confrontation between the SWP and

the gay people. Several of the women attacked theSWP for exercising the same high-handed tactics

toward the gay movement that it had used toward thewomen's movement the year before. They coulddetail how groups had been infiltrated and subverted.By now they had the support of the audience. Nomatter what the SWP members said, they were dis-believed, and at times heckled, because, by now, gays

were aware how they had been used.

Boston was not alone, as we discovered in NewYork. These tactics are also being used on gay groupson the West Coast and elsewhere. lt seems that ourgrowth into a full-fledged movement has entitled us tobe exploited as a promising source of converts forSWP. How ironic that gay liberation, dedicated as it is

tci openness and freedom from the traditional roles ofauthority, should be the prey of-a rigid, hierarchicalparty that embodies the macho mentality we areattempting to transcend! No amount of glib positionpapers can convince that such an organizationrepresents my interests and desires.

No one, however enlightened, can create a move-ment for us. l'resent SWP's arrogant insinuation thatwe should be grateful because they are doing us afavor-as if we were incapable of acting for ourselves.

Their "help" is a humiliating reminder of our oppres-sion as people who have been subjected to thedecisions and whims of others.

The infiltration by the Socialist Workers' Party,like the specter of police infiltration, is the price of oursuccess. To date, the movement's openness has been

its greatest strength. No one voice can speak as thespokesman for gay liberation. There is a healthy, if attimes trying, interplay of ideas; and a variety of organ-izations now exists to fulfill different needs. Thepurpose of gay liberation is to give homosexuals an

outlet from the paranoia that society forces upon us.

Not only do we want to create alternatives to the barsand the urban meat racks; we must also challenge theSocial Lie through political action. We must encouragean atmosphere where gay people can trusl each other.

Already, two years after Christopher Street, theseaims seem endangered. There is a certain exhilirationin not having to hide any longer, to shout that we aregay and proud. "At a time when other movementpeople talk about 'going underground,' " one sister

has written, "the gay movement has come out." But,as the New Left has learned, there is a price that a

conformist society exacts of its dissidents.Repression is a ubiquitous reality. To discover thata trusted associate could be.a police agent"is a very

heavy experience. lt is an issue that gay people seem

reluctant to realize in their zeal to liberate themselves.

I do not doubt J. Edgar Hoover's apparatus; I must inprudence assume "that there is an FBI agent in every

mailbox." This is a fact of life, just as are the variouspunishments that the Sovernment can mete out at

will.But why should weletthot stop us? We have tra-

ditionally been an oppressed people. ln Amerika, a

nation where gays have always been non-people, wehave no alternative to an open, spontaneous move-

ment. Anything less*ideological rigidity, clandestineterrorism, or allowing ourselves to be intimidatedinto silence-cannot possibly free us. -lohn Kyper

Reports from the spring 1971 Washington directaction campaign are that the affinity groups were im-portant supports for individuals in confrontation withpolice. A theory some of us have had-that the best

,

way to organize for mass nonviolent confrontation is

in small Broups-was bolstered.But wl don't live always in confrontation, fortun-

ately; evidence comes from a different quarter thatsmall groups help sustain individuals when tangibleprogress or even large-scale action doesn't exist. Re-

ports from England, where "the movement" isn'treally moving, are that nearly twenty small groups

have sprung up out of training workshops.

What is an NRG?Nonviolent Revolutionary Groups (NRG's, or

Energies) arise from already existing friendships orties of workplace or religion, and range in size fromthree to twelve individuals. They use a variety ofnames, sometimes depending on their basis of affinity.

rvl'rattcdountil the

COMESThey grow as cells grow, by division, and can pro-

liferate rapidly when conditions are ripe. They seek tolive the revolution now, experimenting with simpli-fied and shared lifestyles, even while preparing for theemergence of a mass revolutionary movement. TheGroups do not usually live together, but never-

theless have a commitment to each other as persons

which provides a good movement context forindividual growth. The Nonviolent RevolutionaryGroups serve the people, teach a perspective of social

transformation, and develop their ability to use directaction.

The team as the building block of a mass move-

ment makes sense because it meets the dilemma ofcollectivism versus individualism. Unlike some of the

old communist cells it is not secret or conspiratherefore it cannot hold individuals to it rigidlyimplicit threats. On the other hand, there is sufficiecommunity to help the individual overcome his or her

excessive attachment to self.The often criticized tendency in mass movements

terror of repression is even more likely ifrin an unstructured mass facingStudies of combatants in battlefield conditions havE

shown that the solidarity of the small unit is crucial in

conquering fear and withstanding attack. Fear, of

other hand, the positive movement feelings of joy and r '

celebration of community can be captured by teams. -, ,

The solidarity which enables people to withstand the ,+rriii

Do

tha

dor

ne(

' iecpotprc

, aft,pr0

mo

course, is the central weapon of repression. ln amovement of small groups we may hold hands against

repression and continue to struggle. J:,;j

r--1:-....^-- - --^..-^ -L^..11 ,.:i:li+jiThe Nonviolent Revolutionary Groups should

have enough analysis and broad

strategy in common that . ..,,,r,,

t/-ht

-ffi

iiffi

they can help each other at critical points. They are : Develop a campaign in your area which makesnot directed by a central committee, however, and sense in terms of your anaiysis of the Americanthey develop their own particular strategies in the system, has relevance to where people subjectively arelight of their varying circumstances. Some will want to in y6ur locality, and makes a diffeience in a strategyto work within the coalition of poverty and anti-war for fundamental change. That's not easy. you may"'Sroups, helping in that way to build a mass movement want to be involved in campaigns already underway,with radical goals. Other NRG's may focus on issues like a local rent strike, farmworkers boycott, anti-warnot yet in the popular consciousness, such as the activity, etc. The same hard questions can be asked ofdestructive impact of US foreign aid on Third World analysis, goals, and strategy. When your campaign isnations,orgayliberation,relatingdiscreteissuesto , underway,keeptheotherNRG,sinformed.the big picture and the long-range goal of social Which is more important_national or local action?transformation' which is more important in a book-the paper orHow can I start an NRG? the ink? Obviously there will be no revolutionary

Talk about it with people you know who want nonviolent movement in this country without strongfundamental social change and are willing to struggle Srassroots organization and national struggle. No cityfor it. Don't be grim, because it is a great adventure can be transformed unless the nation changes drasti-but share frankly the fact that this is a very major cally. Our society cannot be changed neighborhood

fragmented selves and soulless organizations, replacing strategy, which either projects a confrontation some-it with concentration and community. where (e.g., Washington, DC) and then urges us to

Prepare for your life together by training. NRG's drop everythingfor that, or digs into a neighborhoodwill, of course, vary in their training activities: some somewhere and forgets about national impact.

commitment. lt means giving up the characteristicscatter of liberal activities which frequently results in

may involve camping, or service work, or meditation,or music. We strongly recommend at an early pointgetting trained in group dynamics; knowing how topractice group democracy can save a lot of hasslingand needless leadership struggles later on.

by neighborhood.The false dilemma results from short-sighted

Sound strategy links the levels in a multi-levelmovement. The strategy underlying the NRG,s con_nects national struggle to grassroots organizing.

A local NRG probably begins its campaign withpreparatory activities like research, fact-finding, and

Another major aiea of training is analysis. How are negotiations, then moves up to public education. '

local issues defined in terms of the large structures of organization, and the drawing in of allies. lf its goals

society? How do you relate your own life to the have not yet been reached, it moves into direct, bodilylarger process of social transformatio"? H; ;;;. confrontation with injustice and oppression.

unemployment or the draft or r"cig in'vou,,;;', As an NRG nears the crunch on a significant issue,

local situation relare to its history und;o'th. ".itr"y ::^t:Ytttt

from the network of groups and communi-international picture? Are there i*r.ai],.'j.;#;" ties can ioin the struggle to make it successful. Some-

which the movement can make *fri.n *ln,t';;;i;' times, the struggle can achieve national or even

be co-opted, leaving the system ,n.r,un*Iji'""''' international proportions. As Martin Luther King Jr.Acr rhrough a'cleaily-defiied, limited pru;..i.^"" l::io ',

Birmingham and Selma, a national struggleDon't wait tol long beiore doing this; experilnce is :11

gto* out of local work, shaking the federal

that the healthiestlrorp, have been those which-hlve government from a thousand miles away.

done some action shortiy after formation. lt doesnlr - noY do we coordinate?

need to be the world's perfect or most militant pro-- A:,il any decentralist approach, we wonder how

iect-then what would you do for an encoreZ rfi. im- we.will.ioin together in a network. Not by a hier-portant thing.is clear definition of goals for the atchically controlled, bureaucratic structure directedproject, ro yiu can have a really good evaluatior from the center, nor by the charisma of a leader.

afterwards. Maybe you should do several more llmited We pin our hopes on consensus on goals andproiects to develop the group's ability and ortr"ulfr

-- :.ti'.|tqY,

mutual need, association, and the spirit.more. Don't be sidetracked by success-if .n usp.ci-of ylile_the Program for a New Society provides only

your development (say, nonviolent tr.inin*J is reallv the bare bones of analysis, it provides a directionbeautiful, don't give in right away to rf,. uir.io

-"' towards consensus which may be furthered throughspecialize. There will be lots of time later f; that. training, common discussion, newsletters, (and the

forthcoming publication of AeAG,s strategy book).The growing crises and alienation within the Empireprovide the need-we either help each other to makesubstantial change or go under. Association is alreadyhappening through exchange of workers (even acrols

national lines) ariS rhe hitch-hiking network of visitsand gatherings. T[re spirit is there, as always but it isperhaps sought mbre anxiously in these days ofgreatuncertainty. -RROGRAM FOR A NEW SOC|ETy

A QUAKER ACTION GROUP

?rawvt161 C=avreto

I

L

ffi

-., [IEttr B[tn[Itlrstsrrutttiuring the past month, ten other people and I have

been doing Resistance counseling at the Berkeley and

Oakland draft boards. ln the Oakland office we have

set up a literature and counseling table inside board

office space; in the Berkeley office we are iust outside

in the hallway. Besides the physical and psychological

effect we have on registrants, we interact quite often

with Selective Service employees. Through our con-

tact we attempt to use a process of love and truth touncover the relationship between the draft, the war,

and other social disorders.Some of us working the tables have chosen to con-

front the whole of Selective Service by refusing to

cooperate and by encouraging others to dothe same'

To us the correlation between the draft and the war is

obvious. But by the same token, that-relationship is

not apparent to employees of the draft' This does not

m"urrihut they are insensitive, inhuman killers who

should be blown up; it only means that they have not

been exposed to-or are not accepting of-the logic

we have. lf we are concerned with changing attitudes,

we need to relate with respect. We are fellow search-

ers. Because for a draft board employee to come to

see her work as immoral is not a victory for me nor a

defeat for her. lt is a victory for us all and for truth'

We who have resisted the draft or taxes need to re-

member how long it took us to come to our actions'

The decision to leave one's iob is certainly nP easier'

We must remember that we can help people and'can

change people only if we are their friends'

T[e arait board proiect has largely been the

pleasure of making friends. I have had lunch and

snacks with employees of both the Berkeley and Oak-

land boards, and have often talked with them and

with the building manager' The building manager is

understanding of our position, if not sympathetic' and

is honest abo-ut what Soes on between his office,

Selective Service, the Oakland police, and the US

Attorney's office. I am unable to write about all the

kinds of interaction I have had with employees of the

Selective Service because of their fear of being fired'

While I wish that fear was overcome, I respect their

trust in me and their right to make decisions for

themielves. I want none of my friends to be fired'

although I want all of them to quit'Rt i'nis time I feel very much involved with the peo

people in the Oakland Federal Building' I meet new

members of the building daily and many seem to

[now already who I am. I find also that I don't really

know the exient of the impact we are having or the

extent to which we are reaching people' The women

in the manager's office ioke that I am getting to be a

regular "*pi-oy"..

One day recently a woman working

in"the building whom I had never met waited outside

to warn *" of .n impending arrest, in spite of the

obvious risk to her government iob'Unfortunately, not all the women working for the

Selective Service are my friends, or are even open to

discussion. We are harassed with arrest, or the threat

of arrest, weekly, whenever the draft people, the po-

lice, and the US Attorney's office can agree' On

July 23,one of the Selective Service women pulled a

citizen's arrest for the charges of trespassing and,

believe it or not, disturbing the peace. The followingFriday, however, the charges were dropped.

Effects on registration in the Berkeley board have

been positive from our standpoint and negative from

Selectlve Service's. At the Berkeley board our table is

positioned iust outside the door so that potential

registrants stop there before going in. Today, as I talk

to the men, the draft board clerk, hoping to counter

my influence, comes outside to my table and gives

information sheets to the men.

The process of change outlined here is slow, but

sometimes the urgencyof action fools us into think-

ing that our only way to succed in bringing change is

Uy aoing things which work fast and require littletime or effort. Unfortunately, there aren't any such

tactics. We can blow up buildings, but buildings don't

make war. We can kill people; but that is not change

either, only a relection of the value of human life' The

hope ior revolution in America is that we all make it

together.--OriioU must be to raise consciousness and help

people commit themselves to action. Confrontationalpolitics is useful to the extent that it accomplishes

these goals. The purpose of confrontations should be

to pose a position or statement in contrast to that

which you oppose. Against the violence and inhuman-

ity of America, the polar opposite and, therefore, thegreatest contrast we can offer is love. ln a state that

seeks to make itself invulnerable, we must offer our

vulnerability, our willingness to suffer pain, in order toto "win the hearts and minds of the people." To the

extent that we have offered care and love to the

people with whom we have contact-to that extent

our vulnerability (i.e., to potential arrest or imprison-

ment) will produce a change in people's thought.

I6

),It

-Marc Coleman

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SPRINIGTIMEINTHEBRTJSHEA Belated RePort

A fiddler, Henry Van Hoy, in Union Grove, North Caro-

lina,which is in the foothills of the Brushy Mountains, needed

to raise some money for the continuation of the school

which paid his salary as a teacher. This was 47 years ago,

three years before the origination of the Grand Old Opry.

So he called together a fiddler's convention, which was held

on a rainy Easter weeken(, and charged admission to every-

body who entered the schoolhouse without an instrument.By this year, the reputation of the event had spread to

such an extent that the convention was held in a circus tentthe length of a football field and a half. And it was held two

miles down the road from Union Grove School' in a cow

pasture owned by one of Van Hoy's sons, so that 70 acres

could be provided for camPers.

This year, for the first tirhe, there were more younS' peo-

ple who had come for the event from out of town than there

were of the local people who usually come out from nearby

Winston-Salem. As one local man told me, "Goddamn, this

is the most people I ever seen together without a necktie!"It was a veritable Woodstock in the South, though the young

people were much more sedate in their behavior and more

serious about their music, and there were more older people

to be seen-polite but friendly-since most of the musicians

have spent a score of years learning the intricate Bluegrass

music.This is country where a man's iowls will be rounded with

a plug of tobacco he's chewing, and hei'll take the pause to

spit to think before he answers. lt'swhere a motel advertises

on roadside billboards,"soundproof Rooms." lt's where the

.lohn Sipe Violin Company in Charlotte advertises, in the

iiddl"r'r convention program book, that it offers "Sound

Advice."There were about 6,000 people iammed into the tent,

cheek by lowl on benches, by Saturday night, the last day' of the three-day event-which ends with informal gospel mu-

sic around campfires when the Easter sun rises. Upwards of20,000 pilgrims had flown, rode, cycled, and hitched in from

all over the country and paid $3 each to enter, before the

event was over.It began at daylight, as people crawled out of tents and

cars. string instruments in hand; and it continued on stase-one performance after another with barely a pause for the

judges to hear their names-untilafter midnight on Thursday,

Friday, and SaturdaY.

L8

The performers had come from as far away as Canada and

Mexico.There were 200 bands, competing for $3000 in prize

money and titles of Champion Fiddle, Banio, Guitar, Man-

dolin, and Best Band.Electric instruments were not allowed. So there were no

steel guitars. But there were dobro, washtub bass, musical

saw, iug, mouth harp, and bagpipe. There were a few older

local 'people

who took the stage to perform solo buck and

wing dances. One of these men was introduced as a local

moonshiner, and the kids stood up and applauded'

The circumstances were so informal that the emcee, one

of Van Hoy's sons, made announcements like, "Say, we have

a special request. Could somebody bring 12 Cokes up to the

stage?" He iater brought on stage a beautiful boy about six

who looked like he was the son of hippies' The boy was lost'

Pierce Van Hoy asked him, "Son, is your daddy in the audi-

ence? ""Yeah.""With your mother?""No, with his girlfriend."

There were some children, mostly in family bands, who

played and sang with surprising proficiency and casualness'

They were always given a good hand. But nearly the best

ovation went to Dewey Dowell, who's about 80 and lives in

Uni6n Grove. He shuffled out on stage-he could barely

walk-and he was wearing the black swallowtail coat that he

wore at the first fiddler's convention 47 years ago when he

was named Champion Fiddler. He played a couple of long

square-dance tunes, and when he finished, the kids applaud-

ei and cheered nearly as long as he'd played' Dewey Dowell

looked out over the audience with moist eyes and never

thought he'd see the day when so many youngsters would

applaud to hear his music.

Probably the best ovation of the whole event went to a

team of clog dancers from a nearby town. There were about

ten boys and girls. The girls'young white legs looked sexy

in theii minisklrts and red panties, and even the boys looked

L'il Abner-sexy in tight ieans and tee shirts' I can't describe

clog dancing exactly, except to say that it's done in patterns

something like square dancing.But thestepsare heel kicking,almost tapdancing' lt must

have looked awkward at first to the natives when the Scots

or lrish first came here with it. But it was beautiful' lt was

worth the trip to Union Grove iust to see it' But the kids

were wowed. For most of them, this must have been the first

time they'd seen whites who could dance a real native Amer-

ican dance.I can only tell you that throughout the convention I

cheered until I was hoarse, I clapped my hands in time to

the music until theywerechapped and cracked,and I danced

in the aisle-when I wasn't hoisting the nearest wine iug-until lsprained my ankle. And even that didn't stop me'

The Van Hoys say in their advertisement of the conven-

tion that "those attending may expect the program to be

authtntic and fast-moving." lt was so authentic that their

barnwasconvertedintoabazaarforAppalachiancraftsmen,

vluS

where you could see (and buy) a quilt being sewn or a wood-en toy being carved. And it was so fast_moving that I cameaway feeling that it is one of the last true American experi-ences that the average folk can afford. lt was as real as moon-shine. _Bob Wolfe

, A I-IAPPY LITTLE MI.JSIC FESTIVALlf you've grown sick.and tired of laying out good money

on festivals which are little more than schemes-and rip_offsorganized for the prideand profit of cultural capitalists, thenbe sure to take in next year,s Fox Hollow Festival of Tradi-tional American Music. This year,s was held from August 5through August 9 where ittras been for the past harf decade,on the home_property of Bob and Everyne Beers of peters-ourg, New York-a rural village tucked halfway betweenAlbany and the Massachusetts-border.

Electrified instruments, while not a silly no_no at FoxHollow, were easily outnumbered a hundred to one by psal-teries, penny whistles, autoharps, fiddles,concertinas, mando_lins, banjoes, dulcimers, and (of course) acoustic guitars. Theonly name performers to appear were John Haitford, whowrote "Gentle on My Mind,,, and Oscar Brand, the infamoussinging pornographer, who entertained everyone with a de_lightfully filthy 1 7th century ballad of how the severed butextensive genitalia of King Philip of France enabled him toascend to the English throne. The outstanding musician, how-ever, was a fellow named Dave Bromberg who,s well on hisway to stardom. He's played lead guitar on Bob Dylan,s lasttwo albums, received standing ovations wherever he,s ap-peared, and writes some of the weirdest lyrics ever penned.Don't pass up any chance to hear him.

Perhaps "Festival of Traditional American Music,,is a bitof a misnomer; for a good deal of the fare at Fox Hollowwas recently composed, while Gaelic, Scottish, and yiddishsongs intermingled with the American. I guess it could easilyhave been called a folk festival, but somehow that label con.notes the big bashes that used to be held at Newport eachsummer. Let's not quibble about tags, although the term I doprefer is "home-grown music.,,

So much talent was present at Fox Hollow that I couldn,tpossibly name everyone who deserves credit. I would, how-ever, like to mention a few who were the most impressive:

First of all there was Michael Cooney, u u.r*til. youngfellow who has all the presence and wit of pete Seeger, anjis one of the finest-and subtlest-ban.lo pickers around.

Then there was Bill Spence, a locai musician who playsone of the world's few hammer dulcimers-an instruineiiwhich looks like the innards of a baby grand piano, is playedlike a xylophone, and sounds like a harpsichord.

Atso there was Alan Stowell, a virtuoso country fiddlerwho, by the way, is a member of Wildflowers, a cooperative,performer-run book i ng agency.

And there was Lou Killen, who came from across the seato squeeze out salty old f igs on his concertina.

Then there was Bessie Jones, a hefty black woman whobrought the entire family, including her six_year-old grand-son, to sing the rollicking songs of her native Georgii Sealslands.

Finally, there were the hosts of Fox Hollow, Bob andEvelyne Beers, who appeared with their daughter, MarthaNagler, to play the traditional music of the northeastern

quarter of the United States- Martha,s husband Eric, an ac-complished musician in his own right, was unfortunately notable to leave the conscription-free sanctuary of Toronio toaccompany his wife and in-laws.

Unlike Woodstock, Altamont, and powdei Ridge, therewill be another Fox Hollow Festival next year-and the yearafter, and the year after that.The price isn,t prohibitive_thisyear it was 912.50 for the full five days-and no quick_buckpromoter is trying to hustle the audience and performers.Campgrounds are located nearby, and a good time will cer-tainly be had by all. _Steve Suffet

DOCKTHE @TTON PATCH EVIDEI{CE

Dallas LeeHarper and Row, New york, 1971

$s.98

Clarence Jordan was an unusual man for a Southern Bap-tist preacher and farmer. He once told a pastor who pointedout a $10,000 cross on the top of his church that he hadbeen cheated. "Time was,,, Jordan said, ,,when Christianscould get one of those for free.,,

This book is the story of Clarence Jordan and KoinoniaFarm, the interracial community he founded near Americus,Georgia, to teach better farming methods and the brother_hood of all men. Dallas Lee has written what is probably themost thorough and honest contemporary history we have ofan intentional community. He is especially to be commend_ed for his frankness in dealing with the frequent squabblesthat plagued Koinonia.I A native of Talbotton, Georgia, Clarence Jordan gradu-ated from the University of Georgia in .l933

with a degreein agriculture. At college, he was enrolled in the ROTC Cav-alry which, incredibly enough, they still maintained. At thelast minute, Jordan realized that he was a pacifist and heresigned from ROTC just before getting his commission.

lnstead of becoming a cavalry officer, .l ordan enrolled inthe Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville. Hestayed there long enough to pick up a doctorate in GreekNew Testament. During his long stay in Louisville, Jordangot deepJy involved with the problems of the blacks and thepoor. lt was the tag end of the depression, and he saw peo-ple coming to Louisville from farms all over the South in afutile search for jobs. Finally Clarence Jordan and his wife,with the help of Martin and Mabel England, worked out theidea of a farming community in the South that would teachboth better farming methods and the brotherhood of all men.

After receiving a large donation from a pacifist who madehis money constructing quartermasters, buildings for theArmy, the Jordans and Englands bought land near Americus,Georgia, in the fall of 1942.And so Koinonia (a Greek wordfor fellowship, pronounced coy-no-KNEE-a) was born.

Koinonia had hardly opened before the Ku Klux Klanvisited to protest the fact that the J ordans and Englands atelunch at the same table with their hired black farm hand.However, the early years were relatively calm. Some of Koi-

z9

nonia's early agricultural experiments, particularly the intro-duction of poultry and improvements in peanut growing,

were well received by local farmers. Moreover, the communi-

ty was extremely successful economically. By 1950, there

were 14 people on the farm and a series of land purchases

had brought the total acreage up to 1 1 00 acres, all paid for.By 1950, Koinonia had also developed its character as a

community. After.spending some time living in the commu-nity on an uncommitted basis, a person would be asked tojoin. lf he did join, he was required to dispose of any wealth

he had-and not to Koinonia. One woman who had $80,000wanted to give it to the community. Jordan refused, saying

it would make for an unhealthy relationship, and suggested

that she give her money to the poor or throw it in the river'

She decided to leave the farm instead.Koinonia was explicitly Christian and fundamentalist.The

members of the community worshipped together, memorized

Bible verses together, sang hymns together. Accepting thespiritual guidance of the community's leadership was consid-

ered a necessary condition of living there. Although visitorsand employees were allowed !o participate in the decision-

making aboutwork and practical matters, only full members

could make decisions regarding religion.As Koinonia developed closer ties to blacks in the area,

hostility towards it gradually increased.The real trouble, how-

ever, did not begin until 1954, the year of the Supreme Court

decision on school segregation. Since the local racists couldnot get back at the Supreme Court, they started taking it outon Koinonia. ln the summer of 1955, a campaign of violence

against Koinonia began with the bombing of their roadside

market, where they sold pecans, hams, and bacon' ln August,

a boycott began, making it impossible for them to get theircotton ginned, to sell their produce, or to buy equipment'

The campaign of persecution came at a time of great in-

ternal dissension in Koinonia. Some people considered Jor-dan too dictatorial; others obiected to his frequent lectur'e

tours and felt he was not sufficiently interested in exploitingthe agricultural potential of Koinonia's vast acreage. Lots of

people who came to Koinonia were so hung up on "commu-nity" and everyone lovingeveryone that they could not func-tion creatively either in helping Koinonia economically or insolving its problems with the townspeople. As a result of this

dissension, lots of people left Koinonia with some bitterness.. By 1959, the boycott and campaign of terrorism forced

Koinonia to give up field crops. The cattle and poultry oper-

ations had already been abandoned.Only the pecan business,

largely a mail order affair, remained. From then on, Koinonia

suffered a decline, with Clarence Jordan turning most of his

energies to his lecturing and to his Cotton Patch translations

of the New Testament. The grim effects of the boycott and

terrorigm made the internal dissension even worse. By 1967

only two families, the Jordans and the Wittkampers, were

living on thd large farm.ln July 1968, the Jordans and Wittkampers and a Sroup

of Koinoniak friends concluded that a radical shift of focus

was necessary to save Koinonia. They were especially dis-

turbed that Koinonia had been so weakened by the campaign

against it that it had been unable to play a vital role in the

civil rights movement. So they looked for a better use forKoinonia's land.

One of the most pressing problems of the area around

Koinonia is that, with the mechanization of farming, all sorts

30

of poor.people, especially blacks, are being thrown off thefarm with no place to go or to work. Consequently, it was

decided to set up "Koinonia Partners" and split up the land

into small plots to be leased to the poor at a nominal fee.On

the leased plots Koinonia Partners are building houses forsale to the poor with interest-free loans.They are also settingup cooperative farming and industrial enterprises to give peo-

ple work.Those who get houses or work from Koinonia Partners

will be given technical and spiritual guidance by Koinonia'When they get on their feet they will be asked, but not re-

quired, to help others by contributing to a"Fund for Human-

ity" that will finance more acreage and other enterprises forKoinonia Partners.

Under the leadership of Millard Fuller, who assumed the

management of Koinonia Partners at f ordan's death in Octo-ber 1969, these enterprises are getting off to a booming start.

Two contractors are working full time building houses, and

contributions have enabled Koinonia to purchase 300 addi-

tional iicres. Also, because of the greatly increased interest in .

communities in recent years, Koinonia is getting a steady

stream of visitors to help with its work programs and tolearn from its long years of experience as a community.

ln some wavs. The Cotton Patch Evidence is a grim story.Theviolence and hate shown liy South Georgia is depressing

enough. More depressing, however, is the fact that the Ku

Klux Klan and Koinonia's other opponents really won.Theysucceeded in undermiqing Koinonia's effectiveness and indemoralizing one group of residents after another. However,

one cannot help but be encouraged by the amazing persist-

ence Koinonia has shown. Somehow they have managed to

carry on. And finally they may be coming out of the dark.

So far, however, there is no touch of a redeeming victoryto make Koinonia's 29-year struggle seem worthwhile- lf only

they had integrated a single church or taught some people in

Americus to accept them openly. lf only they could pointto the slightest real change in the attitude of those around

them.All in all, the history of Koinonia is an unhappy one. For

this reason alone it is essential that anyone interested in com-

munities read this book. For those who cannot learn from

the mistakes of the past are condemned to repeat them'

-Henry Bass

HO\l16foHNNYCoT HISGUN

Dalton Trumbo has turned his devastating anti-war novel

lnto a fitm equally powerful and sad. Written in 1938 with

World War I as its setting and World War ll as its specter,

f ohnnie Got His Gun is built on questions and conclusions

valid for any war, like: "Why?" "What democracy?" "Whose

freedom?" and "How come the guys who want the war

aren't the ones who go to fight it?" From old newsreels we're

shown presidents deilaiming, flags waving, soldiers marching,

ind finally the bursting of a bomb-the only violence depict-

ed in the film.The rest is the result of that violence. Doctors

hover over a shapeless mass underneath a sheet, declare the

soldier decerebrated and therefore incapable of feeling and

thinking; the only iustification for keeping him alive is thatthey might learn something from the case. Then we hearthoughts of that soldier Joe as he comes to realize graduallythat he has no eyes, no ears, no nose, no mouth, no arms, nolegs. This reality, where he reacts to growing awareness ofhis state and the invisible room surrounding him, is photo-graphed in black and white. Out of it emerge the coloredpictures of his dreams and memories. Some of these seemed

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What.re" it is a lot of peooleknow they don't like it...and manyare worki ng to chanoe i t--peop'lelike .you are startinq free schools,underground papers, food co-ops,st,titchboards, oeoplers clinics,street theatre, radical researchqrouDs , ecol oo-v acti on, Deace cen-ters, film collectives, child carecenters, and orqanizing for changeas teachers, social workers, stu-dents, factory or office workers.

Vocations for Social Chanqe is ananti-profit collective that servesas an information clearinghouse forpeon1e interested in this kind'ofwork. Sample copies of our maga-zine available on request--donationappreciated. If you would like toreceive it reqularl_v, it would begood if you could send $5--we keepgoing solely on your donations.

Yotolions for Sotiol drongelor 13, Conyon, (t 9{516

to be added'more for bulk than for content, although theffashbacks do show Joe as a "typical, nice, (middle- ) Ameri'can boy" with whom a lot of people might identify. But thedrama is in the mutilated soldier's mind as he finds a way tocommunicate and tell his keepers he wants out, that he wantsto show the world the remnants of his body so that everyonecould see what wars can do. What he has to teach they are

not prepared to learn, and the last message on the screen

numbers the casualties since -l914:

Wor Dead: 80,000,000Missing or Mutilated: 140,000,000

-Dorothy Lane

The following two recipes were sent to us from Marthaand David Maring, who note that cottage cheese is a cheap

source of complete protein that is acceptable to vegies and

macros alike. Martha and David make their own cottagecheese, which is undoubtedly healthier and cheaper thanstore-bought; l've got the formula here and will happilysend it on to anyone who's interested.

CHEESECAKE:

3 eggs

2 cups cottage cheese (fairly dry-let it sit in a sieve for a

few hours if necessary)% cup of sweetening (honey, maple syrup?)

% teaspoon vanilla

Separate the eggs, and mash the yolks and the sweetening

and vanilla with the cottage cheese. Use an egg beater or

mixer, or mash as fine as possible with a fork. Beat thewhites and fold into the cheese mixture. Pour into a greased

oven-proof dish and bake 20 to 30 minutes at 350 degrees.

You can line the dish with a crumb crust if you like.

PANCAKES:

2 eggs

1 cup dry cottage cheese

Mash the cottage cheese as fine as possible and beat in

the eggs. Drop teaspoonfuls on a hot greased griddle and

cook as you normally would for pancakes.

Which reminds me of POTATO LATKES, without which

no peace movement would be for real:

5 potatoes1 onion2 tablespoons bread crumbs1 eggpepper and salt and maybe some garlic

Grate potatoes and onions and mix with the rest of the

ingredients. (Your blender can do this but it won't taste likemy grandmother's.) Press some of the moisture out and fry

until crisp in a greased iron skillet. Serve hot with apple-

sauce or sour cream. -Deno Dovis

a-\L--/ o D

letterrsFor the past ten days we have been in a

state of stunned horror listening to reportsof helpless people being savaged by Britishroldbn which are reminiscent of the timewhen the Mzis ran amok through Europe.

It dl started in the early hours of themorning, a week ago last Monday. Troopsbroke down the doors of homes and draggedrcme three hundred men from their beds.They were not given time to dress and werebeaten and dragged off by the hair. Refugeewomen have given reports of watching theirmen having their heads beaten against con-crete walls in front of their children. Eventhe poor animals were not spared. BudgerF'

trrs, dogs, and horses were shot in front ofthe chiHren. Women who tried to help theirm€n. were hit acros the stomach with batonsro that some of them had to go to hosoital.Thc men are being held without trial and are-

being tortured. On last night]s television,womon who had been allowed to see theirintemed huibands for the first time, -

dcscribed the todure. Yet nothing is beingdone to stop it. The British government has

not even deigned to mention it.So here is the end result of a Civil Rights

hotest a few years ago, organised by a fewmisorable people who simply wanted to beallowed into the 20th century-the right torote, equal job opportunitbs! and a place inwhkh to live. They were given promises and

nothing more. In actual fact their conditionsof life ue now far worse than they everwcre. British army brutality has united themas nsver before against their oppressors. Thisweek the Civil Ridtts Association has organ-iccd them quite successfully into a program '

of Civil Disobedience not to pay rates ortexes or contribute in any way that willfacilitate the continuance of the StormontGorrcrnment.

Nobody knows what will happen next.The immediate problem is to stop thetorture. -Pat McMahon

Aisling, BoilY, Dublin

Re: Albert-Breukelman letter exchange

2lli,411,5/1. Sorry to be writing so latebut only just received the May lst issue.

Marilyn Albert's questioning of themotives of U.S. support of populationcontrgl programs is right on. New birthcontrol injections, good for three or sixmonths each, were first widely tested innorthern Thailand, not on the Americanmiddle class where they were invented-However, the program is carried out on a

cound basis: good sanitation, frequentcheck-ups by nurses, the patients are

informod that it is a new methqd, are

civen a choice of dl the available methods,-rnd

an extensive personal medical history

ir teken, Many women choose the injec'tions-less hassle' Since there is no otherbirth control Propam in the area'

women who would otherwise have no

a.t

access to modem methods of birth controlare served.

Nevertheless such programs areoriented more to research than service;they do not cover very large areas. Manypeople in the world have no access to anyof the various modem methods of birthcontrol and few have access to all of them.Government programs are usually betterdesigned to give work to people of edu-cated middle classes (as welfare in the U.S.)than to enable the poor to quit poverty.Further, govemment programs in Indiatend to concentrate more on the urbanpopulation, which is 20/, of the total,because the educated middle classes pre-

fer not to work in rural areas. Also thegeneral policy is to give the urban areaspriority in birth control measures andfood rations to keep the riot potential ata minimum while the rural areas remainoppressed.

The primary consideration in birthcontrol programs should be what thewomen want. From experiences andreadings in Latin America a few yearsago and India mote recently, we find thatpoor women 1) usually want a smallerfamily than they are likely to have, 2) are

not so ignorant as generally implied; theyusually know what birth control methodsexist even if they may not have access tothem, 3) if their husbands want manYsons, often take measures without theirknowledge. Comprehensive programsincluding health and nutrition are needed,controlled by local people to make availableall means of birth control and enablewomen and men to choose a suitablenumber of children. There is no reasonwhy the women always should take birth'control measures that may ill affect thewhole system; the English seem to becoming out with a male one Per monthpill.

"The issue rs distribution of the world'sresources and wealth. . ." We find that fewAmericans have a realistic idea of dis-parities in world consumption-we livehere on $40/person/month and are in thetop income grottp. 60% of India's popu-lation is undernourished and not becausethey don't know what foods are nourishing.A complete re-organization of the worldmonetary set-up and equitable access toworld resources, marketing, technology,and agriculfural knowledge is of course

needed. Meanwhile the poor need optionsnow, in terms of present access to resources.

One wonders how long the organicworld would last if everyone were consum-ing at the rate of the average American (notto mention the military)? Overpopulation

'puts one kind of strain on the ecosystem,overindustrialization another. How manyAmericans are ready or.able to live at theworld average level of income, or worldaverage incomes for their particulartraining or work? (Has anyone calculatedthese?) Doing this would be one way ofworking towards world citizenship, findingmore livable life styles and depriving themilitary of its supposed need to protectAmerica's business interests around theworld.

'We will simply never be able to raise

children (I mean all children) increative andloving ways until we can first fulfill every-one's most basic needs. . ." Love andtrust are certainly among the moreimportant of basic needs. We tend tothink too much in terms of physical needs

only. Love and trust are not something wedo when 'everything is all right", whenthe mess is cleaned up, when Johnny is a

good boy. Sfiouldn't the main focus ofsocial ievolution be personal transform-ation: to go beyond the bitterness ofinjustices happened to oneself, the feelingof one-upmanship because oneself wasscorned on account of sex, color, life-style, etc. and a general persecution com-plex that arises from identity with agroup? Only then are we being truly socialand creating "a humane and just society."

How are we so presumptious as totalk of "giving our children a decentworld" whether ''by simple love andaffection or through struggle." It is notour to give only ours to stop destroyingand enjoy. -Brian and Sandy Roberts

Kerala, India

An idea thai has interested me for a

long time: would it be practical toorganize some sort of informal "Beach-comUers International" which would makebits of land in attraitive areas availablefor free use all over the world to thosewho would leave "only their footprints"when they moved on? No dwelling Pro-vided or services-just a bit of land in an

attractive place where one could campaway from the throng-and move onwhen desired. A sort of Poor man's"Cabana club" that the international jetset have in theit chains of clubs aroundthe world. We have 20 acres on the ocean

in the north of New Zealand where we

eventually hope to establish some sort of"neighborhood" (not a commune-wewant individual homesteads with peoplecooperating only where they want to doso). It is mostly covered with treesthough I have a garden area cleared.Excellent swimming, good beach, lotsof lre wood, good climate for campingoutdoors in summer-I was there a monththis year with a two man tent. We alsohave ten actes of woodlot in northernVermont. I don't know how one couldwork out the details for such a groupbut it might be worth discussing ifothers find it interesting.

Biggest hassle would be those who.moved in and mizused the land with'rubbish, etc. I'd guess this would be

fairly negligible these days. It would give

a cheap way to see the world for those

who are not easily able to just bundleup in a sleeping bag-especially families-with children-and want to stay more thana few days in one place to get the "feel"of the land.

Maybe though there is enough oPen,

free land in the USA and elsewhere as is,

so there is no need? Here many farmers

in the back country would let strangers

in to camp more or less, indefinitely ifthey behaved themselves as to fueresfoctions, game, etc. -Bob Stowell

Chistchurch, New Zealaad

Although I applaud most of what Peter.Blood says in your July issue in his letterabout hitch-hiking, I differ with him strong-ly on two points: female hitchers andjailed hitchers as "political prisoners."

Peter states "it's great for guys to hitch,but a girl who does it must either be naivesuicidal, or looking for a lay." Not true atall. While it would be accurate to say thathitching is more risky for women than formen, we are hardly that helpless, nor ishitching that dangerous. I have hitched agreat deal in the last seven years, havegenerally managed to get wehre I'm going,and have not once been assaulted in anyway. This is not to say.I haven't been pro-positioned: for a single female hitcher, pro-positions come with about one ride in three.But it is quite possible to set the recordstraight by stating in a friendly but firmway that you are looking for a ride andnothing else. My experience is not purelylocal, but extends to several cross-countrytrips, going up and down the East Coastmore times than I can remember and everyregion of the U.S. except the Deep South.

On beingjailed, Peter says,". . .andwe're gonna start acting and feeling morelike political prisoners and less like lucklesssuckers if we have to spend some time inthe can." Dividing prisoners into "political"and nonpolitical is a practice to which Istrongly object, as almost everybody is im-prisoned for how she or he reacted toexisting social conditions. (l believe it wasVoltaire who pointed out how "the law, inits magnanimous equality forbids the richas well as the poor to sleep under bridges.")I would not have spent 15 days in a dirty,lousy (literally; and those crab-lice are sohard to get rid oO jail in Nebraska severalyears ago on a hitching charge if I'd hadample money for bus fare. Nor would myneighbor across the hall have robbed abank if she had inherited a substantial sum.And a// prisoners are "luckless suckers"who all committed the same identicalcrime: getting caught.

On the subject of hitch-hiking literature:a pamphlet-type guide for hitchers wouldbe very useful to those new to the art, orthose hitching in unfamiliar parts. MaybePeter and his group rvould want to considersuch a project. Although for the past yearI've traveled exclusively by U.S. Marshal, Iintend to hitch again starting in September,and would be willing to help with such apamphlet, if Peter & Co. change their atti-tudes towards women hitchers.

mountain breezes, flowers, and love,

F e d e ra I pr i s o n, o r, " rt t1r', W.' iff

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Here it is time again for my annualletter at renewal time telling you what I'dlike to see in WIN this coming 12 months.

I'd like to see more in-depth work onthe alternative cuiture, which some of uslight-headedly believe is coming to passfaster than we ever dreamed possible a fewyears ago when we were battling Daley'slegions in Chicago.

I'd like to see lots more on ecologyand how being an ecology freak can anddoes contribute to the growth and pros-pering of the cultural revolution. Too

many good folks put ecology down as acop-out or as being co-opted into minorissues which deter from the main revo-lutionary struggles. But if ecology freakscan show how the capitalists contributeto the pollution mess in our kitchens andlives by producing useless junk whichlitters our lives and dumps, then maybethose same freaks will be able to shutthose factories down which produce thejunk or encourage the workers who arebuying the junk to demand that theirplants start producing humanly usefulproducts which are ecologically sound andrecyclable.

I'd like to see some research done onwhat radical sensitivity and gestalt groupshave contributed to helping counter-culturists live in communities andcommunes together successfully.

Also, an article on the I CHINGdiscussing its ability to help folks sortout their heads would be good.

The war in Vietnam continues andmust be opposed until it is really ovet,but let's continue to work on how we arebuilding the framework for a communityculture in which war is not part of thecultural fabric.

Radical political organizing is certainlynecessary if we are to survive (apoliticalcommunes are raided just as heavily bycitizens as political communes are by thecops), but we must organize frompositions of strength, i.e. from our countercuiture foundations whetever thev are.

A few days ago, a man came up to meon the street (while I was engaged in mysummer role of carrying the mail) and toldme he was unemployed and was going totake the Civil Service test to try to get ajob in the Post Office. "Is there anythingin particular," he asked, "that I should lookout for on the test?" I answered that Inever took the test since I was a studentand only temporary Post Office help, so Ididn't know anything about it. You couldsee this pathetic look of concern and worryand fatigue, I guess you'd call it, in hiseyes. ''You know," he said, "It took meuntil I was out of work to realize thattaking the test was something I shouldhave done ten years ago. Something Ishould have done ten years ago,' he saidagain.

Two and a half years ago at my firstdemonstration (which was in New YorkCity), I bought a copy of WIN magazinefrom a "female person" who was sellingthem on the street. Having never heard ofWIN, much less seen a copy of it, I foundit, upon reading, to be a very real, verywarm piece of communication betweenhuman beings. So I decided that I wouldsubscribe; but unfortunately, as it turnedout, I didn't. Then in Washington back inApril, I came upon another copy of WIN.Again, WIN hit me as being just sobeautiful, so I resolved once again to sub-scribe. It's taken from then until now toscrape together the five dollars, but here itis. It's really something "I should have done

-Mel McDonald years ago."Canada

-Leon Variianllood-Ridge, N.J.

lf you're on our mailing list and will be moving beforethe next issue gets to you, please send us your new address(and old one), with ZtP codes of course, as this makespiddling around the mait table somewhat more pleasant.The Post Office won't forward junk mail (even if you wantit), but they will tell us your new address (after theydestroy the magazine, charge us ten cents, and take twoor three months to do it). You can do it b.etter and cheaper.

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COMMUNE Dl RECTo RY/magazine-contact with communes seeking members-$1.5o. NEWSLETTER supplements/book-lets on .'how to buy land/start communes-$2.OO. Both-$3.OO. ALTERNAT I VES-W,Drawer A. San Franclsco, Ca. 94131.

Dl RECToRY of Free Schools, PersonalGrowth, Social Changei Survey ofModern Man's Search for Utopia-$4.Oo,ALTERNATIVES, Drawer A, SanFranclsco 94131.

AGITPROP has moved-it's now a

bookshop/inrormation/coff ee center at248 Bethnat Grsen Rd., London' E2' OAAEnglandj Pamphlets, books, papers onlmperlalism, Raclsm, women and GaYOppreision, Educatlon, lndustry, lreland'and Children's Books. Send self-addressedenvelope for literature list. Or if you'retouringr come and see us.

THE SOcIALIST Tt .BUNE is for buildlnsa non-sectarlan sociallst movement. Theonly requirement for iolning us is bellef indemocracy. Send :or a fre€ sample copy.lOl2 North 3rd Street, Suite 317,Milwaukee, wisconsin 53203.

THE TURN.ON BOOK; HOW tOsynthesize LSD. THC, Psllocybin, Mesc&llne drug extractions, more. 92.0O.THE ALCHEMIST: CHEMISTRY OFHALLUCINOGENS: AII NEW. MOSIsubttances doscribed are legal, dosages andofrocts are given. Oetailecl procedures forAmphetamines, lncloles, Lysergamidas,Cannabinols, Natural Plants, many mote.33.00. Both books $4.OO. Quantity ratesavallable. Turn-ons unlimited, Dspt. 16.6311 Yucca St.. L.A., Ca. 90028.Ecatacy or refund. S€nt in plain envelope.

MAKE LAUGHING GAS. NEW bOOK,

"Making Reality More Real ', gives simple'one-st6p. one-chemlcal (easlly obtained)kitchsn tyge procedure for producingnittous oxlde at home. Also described arecletalled psychedellc and medical elrectsand exierience3 by scientists (WilliamJam6, Hum.phroy oavy) and poets (col-€rldge). send $2.oo to Tou, Dept. 16'63lt Yucca. L,A., Ca. 9OO28. Ecstacy orr6fund. Plain envelope.

Editing tevision, rewriting, from somebodywho learnad thc HARO way-at wlN.super-leasonable rates; my needs aresmall but pressing. Will consider any jobthat doesn't require leaving the Southwest.Wrlte to: Paul Johnson, Somewhere lnNew Mexico, c/o WlN.

HELP WINSell WIN on your campus orin your community. We'!lsnd you a bundle (as largeor small as you can use) andchsrge you 15d pbr copy.Yor; sell 'em for 30J. Retrrnunsold copies for credit.Write WlN, 3il9 LafayetteSt., New York, N.Y. 1fi112for further details

To be published in November:30 YEARS OF TREASON, a thousand pages

of excerpts from lhe records of the UnAmer-ican Activities Committee, 1938*1968,edited by Eric Bentley, Viking Press, N.Y.

I need someone to do sonie part-time workfor me. Pays 2 bucks an hour. The Someoneshould have a drivers license, and maybe someacademic background, thouqh practical(manual) background might be more useful.Call (2121 7A7-2390 Eric Bentley.

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LocalWRLGroups

Albany l4/RL, Box 1237, Albany, N.Y. '12201

WRL Southern Region Office, Atlanta Workshop inNonviolence, Box 7477, Atlanta, Ga. 30309

Columbus WRL, 1954 lndianola, Columbus, Ohio43201

DCtrOit WRLOakland Univ. Chopter, Oakland Univ., Rochester,Mich. 48063

Wayne State Univ. Chapter, Wayne State Univ.,Detroir, Mich. 48200

Jamestown WRL,12 Partridge St., Jamestown, N.Y.14701

Lowrence lilRL, Canterbury House, 116 Louisiana,Lawrence, Kansas

Milwaukee WRL,1437 E. Brady St., Milwaukee, Wisc.53202

Nework WRL, Box 530, Kearny, N.J. 07032

Oklohoma WRL,1335 Jenkins, Norman, Okla. 78069

lloshington l,lRL, Peoce & Freedom Through Non-violent Action, American University, Box 231,Washington, D.C. 20016

WRL Southwest Regional Office, 1003 ForresterNorth West, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87104

Austin VlRL-Direct Action, P.O. Box 7'l 61, Univer-sity Sta., Austin, Texasl8712

Ft. Worth WRL, 6157 Calmont St., Ft. Worth,Texas 761 16

Socorro WRL, Box 2452, Campus Station, Socorro,New Mexico

l,l/RL Western Regionol Office, 833 Haight St., SanFrancisco, Calif . 941 17

ln addition to the above groups. there are about adozen efforts to organize local WR L's going onaround the country. These are what we could callembryo WRL's and when they reach the stage ofbeing able to organize and work outside the WRLmembership we will list them as local WRL's. lf youwould like to begin organizing a local WRL or wouldlike information on the local WRL program pleasewrite to the National Office.

REVOLUTION & EQUILIBRIUM by Barbara Deming.Summarized in WIN's review as "an illuminatingpersonal odyssey of an eminently perceptive thinker,lucid writer, and humanely, courageously, committedhumanbeing.".... 269 pp. $3.95

THE RESISTANCE A history and analysis by Michael Fer-

ber and Staughton Lynd paperback, 293 pp $2.95

THE ORGANIZER'S MANUAL Practical suggestions forgrass roots organizing by the O.M' Collective. Paperback,

366 PP $1.25REVOLUTIONARY NONVIOLENCE

by David Dellinger.His selected essays from 1943 to the present, includingfirst-hand accounts of Cuba, mainland China, North andSouth Vietnam. 490 pp. $2.50

SAL SI PUEDES: CESAR CHAVEZ AND THE NEWAMERICAN REVOLUTION by Peter Mattiessen."At a time when violence seems to have becorne a factof public life, Chavez has maintained the principles ofnonviolence." (N.Y. Times) 372 pp. $2.95

GANDHI-HIS RELEVANCE FOR OUR TIMES Ananthology including writings by A. J. Mustg, JoanBondurant, Mulford Sibley, G. Ramachandran, etc.

383 pp. 92.95

REBELS AGAINST WAR by Lawrence S. WittnerThe story of the U"S. peace movement from l94l to1960. 286 pp. $2.95

WE HAVE BEEN INVADED BY THE 2lst CENTURYby David McReynolds. Seleoted essays from WIN, theVillage Voice and elsewhere, plus new material by oneof, our own Home Folk. Introduction by Paul Goodman.

: 27Opp. $1.25

WRL BROKEN RIFLE BUTTON $6/100, $lll2,lOd each

WRL BROKEN RIFLE PIN on heavy metal. $lND BUTTON (Nuclear Disarmament qymbgD

black and white $6/100,$lll2,l}din assorted colors $7/100, $1/10, lOd each

ND PIN black enamel on steel. $1

ro: WAR RESISTERS TEAGUE339 l,efeyette Slrect, Nw Yo*, N.Y. lllll2

I llenclose$I llenclose$

Name

for items checked.

contribution to the l{RL.

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