SPRINIC

CAMESW,TP[ruPEACE

You'll notice that this issue of WIN doesn't have the usual two colorcover printed on heavier paper. This is a result of dire poverty. We'vereached a situation where we had to choose between printing either a coveror the insides of the book. We chose the insides.

By now you have received our fund appeal. lf you have not yet responded,please do so now. If you have, you might consider making another contri-bution. Or maybe have a fundraising party for WlN. Or call up someone youknow who has money and talk them into contributing.

This issue the cover is missing. The next time more drastic cuts may haveto be made. -Eds. \(

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^HOME FOLKSmarilyn alt,er tsusan cakarsbruce christiansondonna christiansondiana j davie3ralph digiajen elodieleah frltzmargaret haworthneil haworthiack h orowitzmarty jezerpeter kigerdorothy lane

marty lauritsenjackson maclowdavid mcreynoldspeter merlinl.:a ren messefJim peckigal roodenkowendy schwartzlorraine shapirobonnie stretchmayer v ish nerlinda woodmike wood

STAFFconnie bleakleYmaris ca ka rsburton levitskymary mayo

!N THE PROVINCESmichael brunson (box 12548,seattle, wash,981ll)paul enclmer (c,/O venice draft resistance,73 market st. no. 11, venice, callf.)seth foldy (2322 elandon dr., clevelandheights, oh.)erika gottfried (4811 ne 107th, seattle,wash.98125)becky and padl (somewhere in new mex-ico)jim gehres (box 7477, atlanta, 9a.3O3O9)wayne hayashi (1020 kuqpohqkue4., honolulu, hi. 96819)tlmothy lange (1045 14th st., boulder,co.)mark morris (3808 hamllton st,, phila-delphla, pa.)paul obluda (544 natoma, san franclsco,ca.94103)

CL'W'peace and freedom

through nonviolent action

339 lafayette streetnew york, new york 10012telephone '212l. 228-027 O

WIN is published twice-monthlyexcept July, August, and Janu-ary when it is published monthlyby the WIN Publishing Emplrewith the support of the War Re-sisters League. Subscriptions are$5.0O per year, Second class pos-tage pald at New York, N.Y.1OOO1. lndivldual wrlters are re-sponslble for opinlons expressedand accuracy of facts given.Sorry-manuscrlpts cannot be returned unless accompanied by aself-addressed, stamped envelope.Printed ln U,S.A., WIN is a mem-ber of the Underground Press Syn-dicate and Liberation News Ser-vlce.

@@@o

menu__page

page

7: Dewey Canyon lll10: How We Happened To

Paint Pennsylvania Avenue

13: Let Them Eat Pie

l4: April 24: Here, There& Everywhere

page

page

page 17: The Meaning of Mayday

page 20: The Second Wave ofR esistance

page 22: The Stockade & The'Sports Arena

page 24: Maydaze

page 26: From the Top of an"Oldie's" Head'

page 28: Mayday in Boston

page 29: FBI lnvades Philadelphiafor Tea and Sympathy

page 30: Peace Fair in Atlantapage 32: Vietnamese, American

Women Meet in Torontopage 34: Reviews

page 38: Letters

Cover Photo.' John Goodwin

Cover Design.' Burt Levitsky

June, 1971

Volume Vll, Number 10

ANC

FirstWest Pc

longed r

consc ierThe ArrmonthsWest PoCooper,WRL dirLeague's

WIN, MA

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ANOTHER WEST POINTERWINS DISCHARGE

First Lieutenant Lou is Font, a

West Point graduate, won his Pro-longed ca1.npaign for discharge as a

conscientious obiector on April 12.

The Army's action came iust twomonths after its initial discharge of a

West Point war obiector CorneliusCooper, Jr., who attended the

-l970

WRL dinner to personally accept theLeague's annual peace award. (See

WlN, May 1).

ln Lieutenant Font's case, theArmy granted an honorable discharge

even though he was facing a court-martial on accusations of willful dis-

obedience of orders stemming froma confrontation with Maior General

Robert Ciccolella at Ford Meade.

"They realize they have broughtfraudulent courtmartial charges against

me, yet the charges I have broughtagainst them are verY real indeed,"commented Lieutenant Font afterhis discharge. He had accused Colonel

A. W.. Alexander, Fort Meade's Postcommander, of failing to maintainniinimum health standards at several

enlisted men's barracks. ln addition,he had publicly called for a war,

crimes trial of General Samuel Koster,commanding officer of the AmericalDivision at the time of the MYlaimassacre and of General JonathanSeaman, commanding general of theFirst Army. -1.P.

,.FESTIVAL OF LIFE"IN DENVER

ln Denver on April 3rd, as part ofthe nationwide action in commemor-ation of Martin Luther King, therewas a "Festival of Life" at the Fed-eial Building. Although the crowdwas small (about 70 people) and the

wind was continuallY hassling thechildren's art exhibit, those who cameseemed to enloy themselves. Therewere balloons of all colors, one kite(which eventually got stuck in a

tree) and people sharing food.Someone spoke from Denver'sCreative Tax Fund and aftdrwardDr; Art Evans, who has been with-holding his war taxes for 25 years ormore, spoke and read a poem writtenby a North Vietnamese.

Maria Darcia, who hoPes to run forcounselwoman in Denver, broughtdelicious burritos and asked for sig-

natures for her petition. The refusedtax money that had been collected

for Welfare Rights and Dicho Y

Hecho was then given awaY, $84.60to each group in addition to $20.00which went to Los CamPesinos inPueblo. From then on peoPle danced

together hoedown fashion, free style,and in a circle-singing together.There was plenty of ioY and warmsmiles; people seemed to really feel

their common bond. The grouP

wasn't significant in number Yet

was significant in EabTr'person'scommitment to this form ofresistance and ability to share theirioy with each other. lt was a goodday. -,.H.

CALL-INS FOR PEACE

Recentlv, the Pentagon began a

national television campaign to sell

its image to the American public and

to encourage enlistments in the ArmedForces. These commercials tell people

who are interested in enlisting to call

1-800-243'6000 for information on

their nearest military recruiters.This number is an answering service

in Connecticut, and all calls made toit from anywhere in the country are

free of charge.lf people who oppose the U.S.

military policies in lndochina and

elsewhere began to call this numberon a regular basis, the switchboardwould be lamed and the Pentagon

would have to change its televisioncommercials. Therefore, we are urgingeveryone opposed to the war to dialthis number once every daY or so.

Rap with the secretaries about thewar, ask them why theY work in such

a lousy lob, anything. People couldalso get the phone numbers of theirlocal recruiters while they're at it and

talk to them as well.This proiect wouldn't be anY

major victory if successful, but on

the other hand it requires very littleeffort, and will get people to think-ing about the possibilities of non-violent resistance.

-Cornell University VietnamMobil ization Committee

SAN FRANCISCO FEDERALBUILDING LIBERATEDon tuesday, march 16, the war

resisters league began its spring wartax resistance campaign bY sacri-

ficing 4 pacifists to the federalgovernment. in front of the irsoffice in san francisco, the wholething began at about

.l 0 o'clock with

a tax information table and leaf-letting on the Plaza in front of thefederal building. we had decided pre-

viously that paul obluda and charliequinn would try to enter the buildingaround noon to hand out literaturein front of the irs information center.the government distributes its infor-mation on taxes there so we felt itwas the most logical place to distri-

bute ours. taking into considerationthat a couple of freaks carrying a

tremendous amount of anti-warliterature iust might get stopped bysecurity guards at the door, ieffreyshurtleff and myself, carrying con-cealed leaflets, went in the back door.we wanted to be there to calm theangry throngs of businessmen whowould be trying to get out of thedoor while paul and charlie weretrying to get in. naturally the way tocalm them would be by handingthem war tax resistance leaflets.

as it turned out, not only didjeffrey and i get in with no trouble,but so did paul and charlie. in factwe were beginning to wonder if theywere going to let us do it withoutany hassles. about that time wewere surrounded by what lookedlike hundreds of federal marshals,and one at a time we were arrested,charged with distributing un..ruthor-ized literature, and taken upstairs tobe locked away.

our trial was held the same dayin the magistrate's court, magistrateowen woodruff presiding, "the peoplevs. obluda, quinn, shurtleff, andlewis." we were found not guilty andby 5 o'clock we were free to walkthe streets and plan new "crimes"against the state.

perhaps the single most importantthing to come of this rather low-levelcivil disobedience is the fact that itis now possible to distribute almostany kind of handbill in all federalbuildings here without general ser-

vices administration approval. twomore people went in wednesday butweren't hassled. the guards said theydidn't want them there, but we al-

ready knew that. in other words, nomore standing in the rain, wind,sleet, snow, etc. while trying to endthe war in indo-china. you can go

inside where it's all really happening.beyond that, i personally feel a

sort of satisfaction about the wholething. i t(ink perhaps some of us inthis means-ends revolution tend toset our goals very high, and becomediscouraged when we see so little pro-gress toward what we want ultimately.liberating the federal building maynot end war, racism, hate and suf-fering, but it was a step. a small stepi admit, but it is something to holdon to. we fought the state non-violently and won. it's easy to fight

4

SPANISH PEACE WALKERS after and taken to Barcelona where

At exactly noon on April 22, I sat they were imprisoned' They had in-

down in front of the door to1n. spun- tended to walk all the way to Valen-

ish National rourist office in New' cia, where Pepe Beunza, the first

York with a placard saying "Protest l'1n].th pacifist to be prosecuted' is

iailing of Spanish Peace W"alkers." in iail. The seven arrested Spaniards

Leaflets distributed to the Fifth are: Gonzalo Arias (the man who

Avenue crowds by six persons includ- about a year a8o was arrested for

ing a"representative of the confederated walking in downtown Madrid with a

Spanish Societies, an anti-Franco coali- pl.acard uring free elections in Spain),

tion group, told the story. Lluis Fenollosa, Mara Gonzales, Santi-

,'Seven Spanish prcifists *.r. :gn: 1:::'##a Recasens' Miguel Gil

Easter Sunday for the'crime'of After about 10 minutes of blocking

walking along the highway with the door to the Tourist office, I was

placards uring placaids uiging that their asked by the manager, Enrique

government recognize tfre iignt of Garcia-Herraiz, to move and I refused.

conscientious oblection to liar, as do He thereupon summoned the police

most western European gou.r#.ntr. who arrested me on a charge of,,They were part of airoup of "criminal trespass." ln court he said

some 150 pacifists who, "under spon- he had filed the charge because he

sorship cif the War Resisters lnter- feared I might sue the Tourist Office

national, had walked all the way in retaliation for his having ordered

from Geneva, Switzerland across my arrest' When I asserted that I had

France-to publicize Spain's intol- no such intention, he declined to

erance on this issue. The non-spanish press the charge and the case was

peace walkers were halted at the dismissed' -l'P'frontier near Bourg-f\4adame, France,and were roughed-up by Spanish rr- cr rnr! \/. a nbr ^ r

when you know you can win. and police when they sat down, in pro-we can win. -Steve Lewis (WRl/West) test, on the international bridge. The

PROTEST .f ArLtNG OFSpanish walkers were permitted tocross but were arrested soon there-

MC SURELYS APPEALSENTENCE

WASHINGTON, D.C.-Alan andMargaret McSurely have asked theU.S. Court of Appeals to set asidetheir sentences for defying the Mc-Clellan Committee of the Senate.He is under a one-year sentence andshe was given a term of three months.

The former Kentucky povertyworkers charged that Sen. John Mc-Clellan, Arkansas democrat, illegallyobtained information about papersseized from the McSurelys in 1967.The couple later refused to turn thepapers over to McClellan, who thencharged them with contempt of theSenate.

The papers were taken in a raidon the McSurely home in Pikeville,Ky., after which the couple wascharged with sedition. They and threeother persons were accused of tryingto overthrow the government of PikeCounty by organizing poor people tofight the strip-mining of coal. Thepapers were oriJered returned to theMcSurelys afler a federal court in

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Lexington, Ky. voided the seditionlaw.

Attorneys Morton Stavis andNancy Stearns, of the Center for Con-stitutional Rights in New York, toldthe appeals court that a Kentucky dis-trict attorney showed the papers toMcClellan after their illegal seizure.

This, they argued, makes thedocuments into what is known as

"the fruit of a poisoned tree," so

called because the original seizuretook place under a law later heldu nconsti tu ti ona l.

Friends and supporters of theMcSurelys are asking their senators

to censure McClellan in the same

way that the Senate censured thelate Sen. Joseph McCarthY in 1954.McCarthy was chairman of the com-mittee that McClellan now heads.

Sen. Edmund Muskie, MaineDemocrat, told one person whowrote him about the McSurelYcase: "This entire episode reveals

the need for strict guidelines overCongressional subpoena powers, in-

cluding limiting the use of docu-ments illegally seized by others."

The McSurelys were organizersfor the Southern Conference Edu-

cational Fund (SCEF), a human-rlghts group based in Louisville,Ky. Their home was bombed about15 months after the raid and arrests.

They now live in New York City.

-SCEF

IRS REFUSESMEDICAL SUPPLIES

ST. PAUL, MINN.-The lnternalRevenue Service is interested only in

cold cash, checks or money orders.A group of Twin Cities residents

tried to give the IRS about $200worth of medical supplies Wednesday

to pay the .l 970 Federal lncome Taxof Sally Buckley, a pacifist who re-

fused to pay the portion of her taxesshe thinks would go for the military.

The IRS refused to take them.The medical supplies were bought

with money collected from 200 area

residents opposed to the war in lndo-ch i na.

Spokesmen said they had hoPed

the IRS would accept the supplies in

"the same spirit" that conscientiousobjectors are allowed alternate workrather than serving in the armed forces

Miss Buckley, 26, a former iuniorcollege teacher and a Roman Catholic

turned Quaker, is a staff member ofthe Minnesota Clergy and LaYmenConcerned, an antiwar organization.

She was convicted in November,1970, of filing misrepresentative taxforms because she claimed as depen-

dents "brothers and sisters in thehuman family." -UPl

ORGANIZE THROUGHTHE SUMMER

A relatively strong coalition forpeace and justice has been created inTacoma, Wn. Tacoma is a one-news'paper urban-town located next toFort Lewis and McChord Air ForceBase. The occasion of 1 00 PeoPle(young and old, civilian and Gl)forming an active body in the strugglefor peace and justice is new and hope-

fu l.The coalition formed originally for

the purpose of coordinating local acti-vities in harmony with the nationalspring peace offensive. We conducteda fairly successful fast and vigil in thestate capitol in Olympia. The memoryand teachings of Dr. Martin LutherKing were invoked in and throughthe demand, End the War-Feed thePeople.

Now, besides wanting to share

this news with brothers and sisters

working in other "urban-towns", I

would like to share this idea for con-

tinued action. lt seems very likelythat the coalition could dissolve afterMay since the main push nationallywill be over. But, we have been askingourselves, what about July? Anotherscheduled moon-shot, no school,peace offensive finished, not andlazy weather, patriotic holiday, allpotential ingredients for an escala-

tion of the war; another invasion,the use of tactical nuclear weapons(1 megaton or less-Hiroshima style)against North Vietnam, or whateveris deemed necessary to "insure thecontinued safe withdrawal of U.S.troops. "

lf the U.S. and Saigon forces areplanning such an action then it maY

be possible that the peace move-ment here in America might have

one chance to. stop it. That chance

being what one would roughly call-continued pressure on the govern-

ment after May. This would of coursebe very difficult if not impossible onthe national level. But, local coali-tions, if they hold together, coulddo something.

Here is a tenative scenario forTacoma. During the last part ofMay people would lollow uP onpublicity following national actionsand begin canvassing neighborhoodswith iegislative petitions, the petrce

treaty and with some form ofinformative literature that could be

left with interested people. We have

been using the AFSC white PaPer,lndochina 71 and have found it veryhelpful. Then on Sunday, June 6

(D-Day anniversary and students are

back home) a public forum on thepeace actlons in the spring could be

held. Their effectiveness and what can

be done from that Point onwardcould be discussed. Of course thepossibility of escalation in JulYshould be brought up to show thenecessitY of continued#itjrnr

r.,,",for the Tacoma Coalition for

Peace and lustice

PEACE FREAKSPICKET ASHLAND

Last week, concluding an afternoonof heavy leafletting of The Reverend

William (also "Billy") Graham's evan-

gelical tour, members of the Lexing-ton Peace Council made their waY

to the U. of KentuckY's Student

5

Center Grille for a well-earned drink. in prison and living abroad. l-heseThis was the last of four days of days rnany people are justly concern-leafletting (during which time Rev. ed with the return of pOW,s fromGraham was personally leafletted) northern Vietnam, but of equal im-and being on a natural high, we met portance is the release of U.S. pOW,sto consider future action" -fhings in our own prisons men who fromwere at pretty much of a standstill tender conscience or dearly lreld po-until Don Pratt (Lexington's residenl litical beliefs refuse to comply withwar resister) arrived on the scene- the nredieval mentality of the Deaththe mceting concluded with plans Machine.hastily lbrmed for a trek to Ashland, The Friends of Resisters of theKy.'s "Federal Youth Center", a cor- Lexington Peace Council cordiallyrectional institution, as it were. And, invite comments and further com-as you might have guessed, we went munication regarding techniquesto protest the imprisonment ol re- used to ease the problems of con-ligious and political war obiect<-rr5. fined resislers.

On less than a week's notice The Lexington Peace Councilpeople from foLrr states met in Ash- Box 7008land for the festivities (granted, there Lexington, Ky.

Y.t::n]y 40 of us.) Ashland is lust SECRET 'ACT

MAINTAINSli:.-'Ji L';",-i,,u,iotl"11',il?;" J3I ruucr-EAR uMBRELLAancl is situatid on tlrc Big Sandy OVER ASIARiver between Kentucky and West Although the State DepartmehtVirginia. Vigilling out on the street and the.lapanese Ernbassy deny itsnear the prison, we had many warm existence, U.S. officials and foreign(perhaps heated) discussions with local diplomatic sources have disclosed acitizens. Such pleasantries as, "We'll longstanding secret agreement be_be back with a few of the boys. tween the U.S. and J-apan whichBe out of town before sundown," permits the U.S. to maintain aand other less hostile raps were the nuclear umbrella over eastern Asia.order of the day. Heartwarming things Knorvn as a,,transit agreement,,,ithappened, too--like when an illiter- permits American navil vessels,ate carpenter asked us to explain our including nuclear-powered submarinesplacards and then shook our hands and surface ships, to call at Japaneseand asked what he could do to as- ports while armed with nuclear war-sist. But the really profound event heads" lt further provides thatof the day occurred with the meet- American aircraft carrying nuclearing we had with a family visiting bombs may lap6 in Japan while ontheir young war resister son. Need- patrol on training flights or inless to say, they were surprised and emergencies. president Nixon hasvery deeply moved to see that so emphasized that this practice willmany (or few) people had travelled continue.long distances to support the position "The agreement has been kept

secret because there is no more

Japanese people have what has beencalled a 'nuclear allergy' that remainsfrom the atomic bombings of Hiro-shima and Nagasaki during the closingdays of World War ll." -1.p.

PENTAGON ADMITSFRAGGINGS DOUBLED

tN 1970The Pentagon disclosed on April

20 that fragging incidents among U.S.troops in Vietnanr doubled in 197O-an indication of the Gls growingbitterness over the prolonged war.

Thus the Pentagon confirmedSenator Mike Mansfield's statistics of209 fraggings in 1970 as contrastedwith 96 in 1969. ln tlie .1970

inci-dents a total of 34 officers werekilled by Gls. Senator Mansfieldcharacterized the fraggings as ,,just

another outgrowth of this mistaken,this tragic conflict." -.1.P.

RECORD ARMAMENTSFOR RACIST

SOUTH AFRICA"South Africa has budgeted a

record amount this year to maintainand modernize her armed forces,strongest on the African continent,,,the AP reported April 25.

"Spending for defense is beingincreased by $Sg million over lastyear's $443 million. lt covers every-thing from modern weapons to newu n iforms.

"South Africa's version of themilitary-industrial complex is boom-

taken by their boy.And this is really why we have touchy question in Japan than that

written this letter to encourage of nuclear arms," explained RichardSrass roots growth of amnesty legis- l-lalloran in the New york rimes,lation action fbr war refusers, lroth April 24. "A large maiority of the

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"Britain partially lifted her armsembargo recently to promise deliveryrrf seven Westland Wasp helicoptersfor anti-submarine work. The UnitedNations-imposed arms embargo hasnot been fully effective. Arms manu-facturers in several countries have nothesitated to compete for lucrativecontracts," -r.P.

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but it can never forgetwhat we say here;what we did here."

-Abraham LincolnGettysburg Address Nov. 19, 1863

It was one of those times when men, ideas and

history meet, not clash; one of those times whenactions outstrip words and leave the world whisper-ing for weeks after, trying to make sense of whathad so plainly lust occurred. Yet few words, now orlater, will ever do justice to the full meaning of theweek the veterans camped on the Mall.

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By Monday, even with less than a thousand oftheir expected numbers having shown, when the Viet-nam veterans and three gold star mothers had thegates of Arlington Cemetery slammed.in their faces,they knew the whole of Washington was watching.So were those Americans who remembered thatApril 19 waS the anniversary of the date the firstAmerican Revolution started on Lexington Green.

By Tuesday, now 1,500 strong and having'shouted demands on the steps of Congress, "occu-pied" the Mall and been held in contempt of a

court injunction prohibiting them from camping onthe "nation's lawn," they knew all America, thewhole country was watching. So were those in theworld who remembered that demonstrations ofveterans defying their own government are as rareas revolutions.

By Wednesday, still a steady thousand strong andhaving had their case taken through three courts in

'six days right up to the full Supreme Court andlegally lost, and having voted 480-400 to stay re-gardless, the vets sensed the whole world was watch-ing. So, at any rate, was a veterans'-accreditedinternational press corps. of over 500 reporters andcameramen who waited throughout the night for thebust that never came. As announced, "one way or

'another," the vcterans had taken the Mall.And then on Thursday, as if to add insult to

injury to the faltering prestige of the nine old greymen who sit on the Supreme Court whom the vetshad declared irrelevant the nigltt before, 1-l0 of theirnumber got arrested singing "bring our brothershome" on the steps of the highest court in theland. The American veterans of illegal incursionsinto three Southeast Asian countries had come home.To Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, the antiwar vetsadded a fourth "nation" invaded: "the foreigncountry of Congress," the Supreme Court, et. al,

Then on Friday, having coolly called the bluffof the President, the entire Supreme Court and theoutraged minority of Congress by throwing theirdischarge papers and medals, their Vietnam serviceribbons and silver stars and purple hearls, on thesteps of the Capitol, the Vietnam Veterans AgainstThe War brought the whole house down in laughter,cheers, o0trage, pity and tears. The greatest guerrillatheater performance of them all ended with a goodconduct medal danglingcrazily from the chicken-wire and two-by-four fence erected acioss the frontof the Capitol to keep the veterans out.

Only a Vietnam vet could have seen the realsignificance in what to many seemed their paltrynumbers. "The veterans here on this Mall," oneprescient Special Forces ex-sergeant wearing ninepurple hearts told a fund-raising party of sympa-thetic congressmen and senators, "represent a

thousand years in Vietnam."Only a Vietnam vet could have so acutely and

bitterf y characterized those members of the Execu-tive Branch, Supreme Court and Congress who stead-fastly closed their ears. "Those 'patriots' up there,"the vet lashed out after a fruitless day of lobbyingt')E'

on the Hill, "are red, white and blind."And only a Vietnam vet could have called the

combat infantryman's badge, purple hearts andbranze star he threw back at the Congress, his"merit badges for murder." Or named theirencampment "Firebase Berrigan." Or painted apeace symbol on a redrawing of the WW ll cartooncharacters of Willie and Joe.

Only a Vietnam vet and a new kind of irreverentpoet.

There was more drama in those five days inWashington than in an entire usual season of Broad-way. Four-star and even five-star hits come and go,but the "theater" the Vietnam veterans brought toWashington will endure for as long as there arewars. Staged battles, "search-and-destroy" missionsand brutal interrogations of "innocent civilians" bygrim-faced veterans in combat gear, conducted inpublic parks and the steps and halls of publicbuildings, will not soon be forgotten, nor will thereasons for their actions. One line, of the manymemorable ones made in Washington by literallydozens of the vets, will surely endure. To futuregenerations, one vet predicted, Vietnam will beknown as "the war the soldiers tried to stop."

Legends come hard these days, particularlyin this time of Vietnam. The theme of the Glswho have fought and are still fighting in lndochinamight easily be "There are no heroes here." Yet theVietnam veterans' encampment on the Mall seems

already destined to end a legend. Never before hadAmerican veterans, or indeed veterans of any war,returned their combat decorations in such dramaticfashion, or expressed so eloquently their contemptfor the government they had once fought for. Withthe first throw of the first medal by the first anti-war Vietnam veteran, the expression of a generation'soutrage was made. And watching on millions of setsof television across the land, an entire generationcheered.

And so, silently, did a surprising number ofanother generation-of cops and hardhats, house-wives and businessmen. One of the great untoldstories of the vets' encampment on the Mall was ofthe quiet dozens of middleaged citizens-Washing-tonians and tourists, cops and salesmen, in couplesand alone-who brought a constant flow of donatedfood; bail money, blankets and just good cheer.From guerrilla theater in the streets the vets wentovernight to being "guerrillas living off the land'r inthe Mall.

And then there were the telegrams of support-including one from the White House Conference onYouth-that arrived, often addressed simply,"Veterans Encampment, Firebase Berrigan, TheMall", and the stacks of checks and letters sentfrom across the country to: "Vietnam Veterans,Washington, D.C."

Another quiet story that, in rumor and real-enough fact, has widely helped in the making of ilegend is the refusal of the police-both Parks

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Department and city-to arrest the vets. "lf youthink l'm going in there at one A.M. in themorning to throw_some wounded veteran in thestreet, you're crazy," orre city police lieutenantmade history saying. Less officially, but no lessdramatically, the word came down to the sameeffect from nedrly every cop assigned to that beat.

And from the national guardsmen and soldiersplaced on alert, a similar message was brought byactive-duty Gl after active-duty Gl risking anAWOL charge, or worse, to co.me in person to theencampment: "400 of the 500 men in our unitwould have thrown down their weapons and joinedyou all," one nervous but grinning off-duty soldierreported. Replied another, "You're our hope wedon't have to go."

For all the bemedalled "war heroes" gathered onthe Mall-one report had it that there were 100bronze and silver stars amongst the group-many, ifnot most of the vets were proud of their combatdecorations only in the moment they lobbed them

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at the Congress they now despised. Cried one:',,1,m,prouder today of the servicre I have given my countrythan at any time I was over there.,, Screamedanother: "Here are my medals . . . of dishonor.,,Many of the vets were too overwhelmed with tearsto say anything and just hurled their medals back insilent rage. One group of nearly thirty, near theend, all resigned en masse as officers in the militaryreserves, and another group hurled their uniforms,helmets and toy M-16s across the fence after theirflurry of discarded medals. For many of the Viet-nam vets the end of war meant the end as well ofwar souvenirs.

The fina[ ceremony of "Dewey Canyon lll," theVietnam vets' ironically-entitled "incursion" of theMall, was historic and symbolically appropriate too.With the fielp of the Washington Park ranger andmaintenance men, they selected and planted a livingtree, a 2}-foot American elm. "After defoliatingVietnam," one o[ the vets wryly commented, ,,what

else could we do?" -Jan Barry

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pant pencvelluewlof the 6 As soon as we arrived in Washington, late in the

afternoon of April 23rd, Diana Davies and I foundthe headquarters of Peoples Coalition for peace &Justice. Outside on the sidewalk we bought stickersthat said BEWARE OF THE LAVENDAR MENACEand we pasted them on our backs. Then we wentupstairs to get our press passes. lt was in the MayDay is Gay Day office that we met the man namedMichael who kept saying to Diana, "Let's go outsidefor a walk for a fei.v minutes."

Outside, across the street in a park, we sat downon the green and he said, "l asked y:ou,to cotn.e. r ,r,,*outside because the whole building is bugged and,,i1i,-;l1r,

want to discuss something slightly illegal.,, Somepeople were going to paint uitr.it atihree ottoctin the morning, and wanted to know if Diana wouldmeet them at one in the morning and photographthe whole thing. He said there would be war gamesat ten in the morning, and dead bodies, incense,mirrors,andfireextinguishersheapedupintheshape of a rnan, to make the blood. We agreed tomeet them at one in the morning, in a loft over atheatre, two blocks away.

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We skulked around for a while, wonderingwhere to go and whether there would be enoughlight for photographs at three in the morning in thestreet. We read newspapers, paid a cab five dollarsto rush out to the memorial service at WashingtonCathedral, and hitched a ride in a tie-dyed car tothe Potomac Park campgrounds.

The campgrounds were fine-sleeping bags, fires,singing, grass, wine, and strangers gave us cheese.We wanted to stay, but it was almost one o,clock.A black man from Washington gave us a ride. He,dbeen to all the other demonstrations, but he thoughtthis one was different-best. "Those Vietnamveterans! "

When we reached the loft, about twenty peoplewere lying, leaning, Iounging around on one mattressand two chairs while a beautiful man named .lerometold the tarot gards. "Twelve pentacles. We use thepower of Nixon against Nixon and we win.,, Twoor three people rolled and unrolled pink and greenpaper stencils that were 75 feet long and

.l 6 feethigh. The stencils were for the ,,urban scape paint-ing." The message was: ORGAN IZE 4 MAy.

. Would we get caught? Somebody said, ,,The

last time we did the whole job in 4 minutes.,,Reassured, I sat down on an edge of the mattressand asked a man wearing a printed bedspread whenhe thought we might get itaried. He said t'r.,J lrrtarrived from California and didn,t know anythingabout it. Diana found some beer under the table,and we leaned around and waited. About two, I

found .lerome and asked him, "lf these photo-graphs should appear somewhere, what wouldyou like the caption to say?,,

"We are totally apolitical. We call ourselvesTheatre of the Six Dragons or Modern AmericanTheatre. Six dragons is the creative in the I Ching.We think of politics as the past tense. lt,s an artpiece. The world is a great round sculpture.,,

Somebody else said, "We did it on the routeof the April 24 march."

Jerome said, "We did it for the NationalGallery because it's a joke and the NationalGallery is a tomb. Go talk to Barry. Barry is theone who started the whole thing. He,s the oneover there-with the p4int all over his trousers.,,

Barry said, "The meaning of this painting is . . .No, I shouldn't say that. lt's a celebration. Thecelebration is that of May 4. Kent State and all theother Kent States, black and white. Rather thanmourn that day we as a movement should takethis opportunity to organize. L

'nln my work everything is sort of arbitrary,and I like to be ambiguous. lt takes on meaning.It's on the route of the marchers. ltls a great bigadvertisement for May Day."

We were now lying on the floor-on the bigpink stencils. We smiled. I asked him if he thoughthe might get caught, painting a 75 foot sign onPennsylvania Avenue in the middle of the night.

"Getting caughl doesn't have much meaning.It's our roadway. The police are cultuial vandals if

they stop us or remove the painting. Their reactionwill determine what happens.,,

There were now 34 people in the loft. Barrybegan to make assignments: people to do a timecheck, people,to roll down the stencils, people tostand on the stencils, painters, paint carriers,ste/rcil roller uppers, truck drivers.

"How many trucks are there?,,"Three panel trucks.""How many people will fit into a truck?,,"We got I7 in ours."One truck has stencils and rollers, one has

painters and paint carriers, one has.standers andall the others. Standers stand on stencil to hold itdown. Two people. unrolling and four people oneach stencil. Stencil carriers are Jamie and Ron.Unrolling the stencil is the roughest part. As stencilhits the ground we begin painting at that instant.AII paint is in cans in the trucks. Two white. Twoblue. Paint carriers follow stencil as it is unrolled.Followirig paint carriers are two painters. When thefirst team finishes, the second team begins a mirrorimage of the first. Why should we continue paintingif the police try to stop the painting: because. ltmight be a misdemeanor. Truck drivers, one, twothree. Photographers on the side. People to carrypaints: four for each team. Standees, two for eachteam. Rolling up, two eaih team. Four o,clock,and what time does the sun'rise? Four thirty. We,dbetter hustle, as soon as the trucks get back.

At about five o'clock, twenty people climbedinto three trucks. Each painter carried a big bushyroller. I was a paint carrier and in my trucl wepoured paint-one and a half gallons into each pan.

At 5:07 we jumped out of the trucks, ran tothe island, and painted a 7S-foot ORGANIZE 4MAY, frontwards and backwards, in the center ofPennsylvania Avenue-across from the NationalGallery. lt took 3 minutes. At 5:10, fifteen policecars arrived, and we ran for the trucks. I threw mypaint can into a hedge as we ran and I couldhearthe others hitting pavement. We jumped into thetrucks and drove off in three directions.,The backdoor flew open and I couldn,t reach it. Somebodyelse got it. I was lying in a heap with Barry andJudy.and a lot of other people. We were all blueand white. My bangs and nose and teeth and chinwere blue. And my shoes. The back of me waswhite. We drove fast and turned a lot of corners. Wegot away. All the trucks got away. Finally Dlanagot back to the loft. We washed our faces andturned our sweaters inside out.' Minutes later, the painting had disappeared. TheD.C. fire department had washed it away with fire,hoses.

We encountered two or three hundred thousandother people before we met the six dragons again.Street theatre was everywhere. I lit Steve Suffet,sdraft card. We saw: Andy and Amy Trompetter andPeter Schumann of Bread and puppet Theatre; aman sitting on the top of a marble pillar blowingbubbles; two people, all draped in black, their

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faces painted grey, holding a giant, billowingAmerican flag.

At the place where marshalls were yelling,"Don't go that wayl That's S.D.S. Go this way!"and S.D.S. was yelling through megaphones, "Don'tgo that way! Go this wayl"-there, right there,standing in a fountain full of snow,'was the Theatreof the Six Dragons. Barry was holding cherryblossoms, and .lerome held a giant picture ofGandhi, and the others held mirrors. They werechanting, "Come with us. Come with us." Andsnow was spilling out of the fountain-from the fireextinguishers, we guessed. I crouched down in frontof them to watch. I pointed at my blue shoes andthey smiled and kicked the snow from their feet toshow me their shoes. We gave them a fist. Barrygave us a two-handed, mystical non-fist. I turned

away and saw that we were at the same place onPenrisylvania Avenue, in front of the NationalGallery, where the painting had appeared and dis-appeared.

A spaced-out guy told us a few hours later thatthe snow had disappeared. Show. Barry had said,"Like the roadway it is painted on and the paintitself, it will decompose like melting snow."

-Kay van Deurs

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LefThcmhtPieOn April 28th, War Tax Resistance, along with

Peoples Lobby, organized a demonstration at theIRS Building in Washington, D.C.

The Peoples Lobby had requested to speakwith the head of IRS about one week before thedemonstration. (One member of the delegation,. an

IRS employee, was refused entry into the meeting.)They were told they would not be allowed in totalk with employees, and petitioned the governmentfor the use of a meeting inside. This request was

denied. They then filed a civil suit, which was

ignored.Thirty IRS employees are already members of

Federal Employees for Peace, so we decided thatdialogue and helping build this movembnt were ourgoals. Because of this decision, we decided not todo civil disobedience, as it might have caused a nega-

tive reaction.We arrived at the IRS at about 7:30 A.M. and

began to leaflet the employees as they arrived atwork. The leaflet included the peace treaty. We

told them that we were not being let inside the

public build,ing, but would like to discuss theissues with them further at lunchtime. At onepoint, a delegation of five people was allowedinside to speak to the head of lRS. One womanpassed him an ashtray and asked him'if he wouldplace money in it if he knew that his moneywould be used to buy napalm. As they were aboutto leave, he told her not to pass the plate to him. . .

a potential tax refuser?Between 150 and 200 employees, ignoring the

rainy, gray day, and the directive telling them toignore us, came outside aq lunchtime to have someof our pie and juice and to speak with us. Whenthey re-ehtered the building, we sat down on thefront steps, leaving a passage-way open, and wereled in singing by a Vietnam vet. Some of us formeda huge.circle and danced around on the sidewalk.Employees watched us from the windows, andmany of them came outside with coffee and foodfor all of us. We had banners, signs, guerrilla theatre,and a large poster showing the federal budget was

taped to one of the windows.We sat there for about three hours, and when the

employees began to leave, we again split to thebuilding's six entrances and resumed dialogue. Mostof them seemed very receptive, agreed with ourgoals, and seemed willing to work to help imple-ment them.

FEED YOUR IRS EMPLOYEE TODAY! Go toyour local IRS with pieces of pie and give theemployees some food for thought, too.

-Sherry Mestel

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T biggest peace march in west coast historyhad close to 300,000 demonstrators and all the sun-shine and mellow vibes new and veteran marcherscould wish for. Like in the old days you could see

the city skyline from across the bay unblurred bysmog.

Led by a contingent of Vietnam veterans incombat fatigues, the demonstrators walked, ran,danced and skipped down a six-mile route fromdowntown Market Street to Golden Gate Park.The National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC)sponsors had attempted to group marchers byhaphazard political categories: ecology and gaypeople togetHer, women and professionals, Gl's andhigh school students. But most demonstrators pre-ferred to leave the bureaucrats to worry aboutputting them in a slot. Groups like "City College'Physics 10' Faculty and Students for Peace" and"Another Neighborhood for Peace" from LindonAvenue in Berkeley) were there. A grey hairedwoman standing on the curb read off each sign asit passed, cheering vigorously for each new con-tingent. She was answered by smiles and raisedfists from a group of women and enthusiastic peace

signs from "Business Executives for Peace." "l'mturning people on," she said.

About two hundred women wearing greasepaint and carrylng NFL flags formed a women'sarmy chanting "Run yankee, run yankee, run, run,run-women of the world are picking up the gunl"And in response to the sound truck choice ofYellow Submarine, the women sang "We all live ina racist war machine, a sexist war machine, a

fascist war machine."The six thousand police and oVer four thousand

NPAC marshals had little to do as far as "crowdcontrol " was concerned. Most demonstratorsobeyed police orders to stop at regular intervalsto let cars through and the total trashing along theroute amounted to one Bank of America window.

About noon, the head of the'march spilled ontothe immense polo field of Golden Gate Park.Ringed by a small forest of eucalyptus and pinetrees, the crowd spread blankets on the grass, openedwi,ne bottles, cut cheese and looked for old friendswhile they waited for the speeches.

The speeches started out long, dull and rhetorical.By the time the first "featured" speaker, Paul Schradeof the United Auto workers, appeared (an hour intothe rally), many demonstrators had lost interest andthe crush of people around the stage dissolved intothe crowd.

A few speakers tried hard to communicate theirleeling to the crowd though only small groupsseemed to be listening. Delia Alvarez, a Chicanowoman and the sister of the American POW heldlongest by North Vietnam (her brother was cap-tured in August, 1964, during the Tonkin Gulfincident) spoke about her hatred for the war andthe three white presidents who sent Chicano men

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to fight other non-white people.Pfc. Alan Mason from Fort Ord in Monterey

Californis greeted "all the pigs from Army lntelli-gence in the crowd." D'arrny Daily, one of thethree radicals recently elected to the Berkeley CltyCouncil promised to war whoops and loud applause,"We will allow no institution to exist in Berkeleythat aids this genocidal war."' Dick Gregory changed the atmosphere for a

short time with jokes about Agnew's stupidity,"He's the kind of cat that'd orobably make a

crank call to the Russians on the Hot Line."Gregory's pledge to fast until a ceasefire in lndo-china or his own death was greeted by the largestapplause of the day.

There was scuffling at the microphone and a

voice said, "l won't speak until all of La Raza is

onstage with me and all the honkie motherfuckersclear off the stage." While Big Brother and theHolding Company had been playing, about 75

Chicanos, Puerto Ricans and American lndianscleared a path to the stage and climbed up.

David Sanches of the Brown Berets began

speaking: "This is not a festlval, this is not Wood-itock. The pedce advocates are working for thegovernment."

Already bitter from the heavy-handed hustling,some groups in the crowd resented this intrusionand tried to drown out the speaker with shouts of"Peace, peace" and "Together, together."

A Chicano man took the microphone and said,

"l'd like to ask all Chicanos to leave in protest ofthe way we've been treated here."

Then a woman for the woman's army took themicrophone and pointed out that only three of thethirty or so speakers had been women. There weresome snickers from the crowd. She was allowedonly two more sentences.

An announcement about missing children andthen John Truesdell from Alcatraz lsland (whichlndian people have occupied for the last sixteenmonths) spoke, strongly urging lndians and othersto stay. The peace chants died down and he wenton: "We must remember we are all human beings

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, trcrethere&and we have a war to fight at home and abroad."

The rally ended soon after. The huge crowdflowed in all directionp into the rest of the park toenjoy the rest of the march, still sensing the powercf a quarter of the population of the Bay area actingtogether against the war.

-Willamette Bridge/LNS

ln Huntington, lndiana-one of those quiet, Mid-western burgs where nothing ever happens-onehundred Ku Klux Klansmen in full regalia met onthe courthouse square April 24 to protest theprotest in Washington. A thirteen year old boywho didn't like the dirty names the Klansmenwere calling the people who had gone to Washing-ton, got mad and called the robed robots a fewwell-chosen names-some of which they had usedonly minutes before. He was arrested and taken toi;ril, allegedly for shouting "obscenities". (What canbe more obscene than the word "Klansman"?)Two others who went to the police station to pro-test the holding of the boy were arrested for"scuffling with police". Something, as they say,is rotten in Huntington. There are many dirtysheets in the wash. -Richard Chinn

While hundred of thousands marched inWashington on April 24, a tall person garbed as

death led 1,500 on a two hour, two mile peacemarch from Chicago's West Side Third UnitarianChurch through the downtown section of OakPark, stopping for prayers at First CongregationalChurch and again at a small park further along, toSt. Luke's Catholic Church in River Forrest. Themarchers here were as rnuch a cross-section as theirPennsylvania Avenue counterparts. Their enthusi-asm, anger, and determination were also as strong.As they marched to the solemn beat of drums thedeath figure marched ahead followed by one signthat summed things up, "Death Wins All Wars".One woman's reaction to the sign was, "That's

On Saturday, April 24th, Phoenix saw thelargest anti-war demonstration in its history. Some6,000 people came out for a march on the StateCapitol organized by the new Anti-War andOppression Coalition which represents 26 peaceand human rights groups in the Valley of theSun. The Coalition had decided that it wouldbe better for Pl.roenix to mobilize several thousandpeople for a local march rather than a few hundredto get lost in the San Francisco crowd.

The main march began at Monterrey Park ledby the Vietnam Veterans for Peace and proceededsouth'to Central and Washington where they metthe Chicano Moratorium Contingent of 900 peoplemarching from Sacred Heart Church irr SouthPhoenix. The veterans from both marches movedup front and together we marched 17 more blocksto the State Capitol for a rally with speakers,music, and guerrilla theatre. Speakers from theChicano, Black, lndian, Women's and Gay con-tingents and the Valley peace groups demanded anend to the war, the draft, and human oppression"The highlight of the rally was a dramatic ceremonyby the Vietnam Veterans who hurled their medalsinto a coffin and announced their intentions towork for peace.

The march was also a great event for Phoenixbecause it marked the first time that so manyorganizations have been able to cooperate soeffectively, the first time that Phoenix Vietnamveterans have organized for action, and the firsttime that so many Chicanos, Blacks, lndians, andwhites of all stripes have come together for acommon movement action.

After the demonstration the Coalition votedto give $100 emergency aid to the United Farm-workers Organizing Committee for their fightagainst House Bill 207 which, if passed, will, ineffect, deny Arizona farmworkers their rights toorganize and bargain collectively. The Coalitionalso voted to build actions for May 16th, Un-Armed

--John Kincaida victor we've got to unseat." -Richard Chinn Forces Day.

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ringg[May 3rd. There's not one news story that waswritten_about the Spring Offensive that didn't makethe poiht that we'd failed to stop the government.But there's a lot more to it than that.

For one thing, we did slow the government downa lot. No matter what Attorney General Mitchellsays, a lot of people didn't show up at work thatday. lf you'd been there to see the unusually lighttraffic returning home that afternoon you'd know.Don't trust the Attorney General in these matters,he's as likely to lie as the Secretary of Defense.What's more, we cost Washington a bundle andmoney speaks louder than words. One TV com-mentator estimated that the expense involved incalling out the troops was around one million

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dollars. Most sources were pretty much agreed thatbusiness for the first week of May was off about50% and that the two weeks preceding that werepretty lousy as well. That adds up to a lot of un-

collected sales taxes, excise taxes and income taxes.Then there's the cost of police and sanitation depart-ment overtime, which Rep. Ray Balnton, D-Tenn.,a member of the House District Committee, figuredat about $500,000. lf you think that that money is

coming out of the welfare budget you're wrong. ltmeans that next year these agencies will go beforecommittees of Congress to plead for more moneyand the cost of the war will be brought home tothe Congressmen,

But that's the least of it, really. The mostimportant part of what happened in Washingtonis what happened to the movement, to the peppleparticipating in the event. Some people, acceptingthat proposition, are saying that we should have beenbetter organized, thal the tarSets should have been

better selected, that we should have been moredisciplined. l'o me it seems unlikely that, no

matter how disciplined and organized we were, wecould have actually closed the city down. The bestthat we could have achieved in that directionwould have been to assemble a force much like theD.C. Police and engaged in a kind of warfare withthe D.C. population as a kind of spectators. I sug-gest that the advocates of organization and fancytactics might do better to join the police thanfight them. After all, the police were clearly thebetter tacticians on that day and what with theirhelicopters, walkie talkies and gas they surely musthave had lots of fun figuring out strategies and gameplans.

Our victory was much.more important because

it involved winning the people rather than theterritory. The police tactic resulted in, as SenatorKennedy, of all people, pointed out, a city that was

safe for traffic but not for people. For the firsttime since Chicago of 1968 we had created asituation where the powers that be had to publiclyrevoke fundamental rights in order to preserve law'n' order. They have as much as admitted that theyarrested and gassed ordinary citizens in order to keeplVashington "open." Their only excuse for doing so

was that such a tactic defeated our purpose ofclosing down the government. ln other words theyhave moved beyond the notion that they are some-how above it all. They admit that they, like us, are

willing to sacrifice some principles for others and,for the first time, in the public eye we-the govern-

ment and the peace creeps-are on an equal footing.They have conceded one of the things we've alwaysclaimed: that what's going on here is a politicalstruggle in which they are willing to use whatevertactics they find expedient.

At this point someone will say that if we have

reduced ourselves to their level, what's the point.Well, we haven't and that's the poiirt. Had Maydayturned out to be the trashing tiind of an event that.I halfway expected then there would have been a

l8

problem of explaining how random violence againstproperty was not equivalent to a government ofmartial law. BUT THAT'S NOT WHAT HAPPENED.Even the capitalist press couldn't accuse us ofengaging in veiy much violence. The fact is thatwhat happened in Washington was a real turningpoint in the movement in the sense that the ideaof "we've tried everything, now there's nothing leftbut violence" was pretty much replaced with thenotion that now that violence-trashing, bombing,off the pigging*had failed it was time for a reallyradical approach: nonviolent civil disobedience.Certainly it's true that 12,000 people were arrestedwith virtually no violence. That in itself is remarkableenough coming as it does after three years of non-violenceis-dead. What's more remarkable is that inevery instance of violence about to happen-likepig baiting, etc.-there were people around to say

cool it, these are our brothers. For instance, therewere some folks running around and pulling out thedistributor caps of cars stalled in traffic. At the same

time there were people from WIN running after themtrying to fix those cars (good thing that we have

somebody who knows from cars).The same kind of spirit prevailed in the jails

where some people would try to cast the guards inthe roles of "pigs" while many others wouldfraternize with them and get them to the point-and this actually happened-where some contributedto the bail fund. This is not to say that thereweren't all sorts of excesses and brutalities because

they certainly happened, but only to point outthat people seem to be learning that there's more

than one way to skin a pig.What all this points to is that the movement is

beginning at last to learn to communicate withpeople while confronting them. Our noble effort tobring everyone together for a really militant actionsucceeded in doing that, but that was not sufficientto either end the war or close down Washington.l'm glad we 8ot that out of the way because nowlhat leaves us with only one more possibility, tocloie down Washington by depending on thosepeople who are Washington, the people that live andwork there. That's where Mayday succeeded bymaking a beginning. Had we succeeded in closing itdown we would, in a sense, been very much like theAmericans in Vietnam who, though an outsideforce, manage to impose their will on unwillingpeople. We must do better than that. We must be

like the NLF in that we can convince the people

that it's in their own interest that they make ourcause their own. Mayday made an effort in thatdirection but it didn't do nearly enough. ThankGod for the April 24 mass march which once again

brought opposition to the war to the surface and thePeople's Lobby activities of the week preceeding

Mayday which made a serious attempt at com-

municating with government employees.The problem with April 24 was that although

it brought out as many people as had ever partici-pated in a political demonstration, it failed to

I

effectively separate itself from the liberal policiesthat created the war in Southeast Asia. Like Wood-stock, there was no political point to it exceptpeace and for too many people what Nixon is sayingis the way to peace. That's why so massive a

demonstration had so little impact. But it helped tocreate a climate of opposition which could havebeen carried forward by the People's Coalition hadit been a real coalition of working people, andpolitical groups. The People's Coalition could have

reached out to all the people that make Washingtonrun-the secretaries and the elevator operators, thebus drivers and the chauffers-to explain their rolein the war machine. lnstead, the Coalition chose tosimply "confront the warmakers" at lRS, Justice,etc. lf only they had made an appeal for people toparticipate in Maydayl

Judging from the Gallup polls and all otherevidence (l haven't been able to find someone whoreally supports the war in a long time) the peoplewant peace. What'Mayday did was to point to whoit is that is standing in the way of peace: thegovernment. No longer is it a question of what todo about those nasty Viet Cong. No longer is therea question of finding a less oblectionable dictatorfor South Vietnam. The question for most peopleis one of how, simply, to end the war. What wemust project is the fact that it's the Nixon adminis-

tration (with a little help from its friends likeMcGovern, Meany, Humphrey, etc.) which is standingin the way of peace because, as much as they maywant to see the war end, they are not willing toadmit that the Vietnamese have a just cause andare not simply going to disappear.

What this means is taking Mayday back intothe communities from which we came. Talking toour neighbors not about how the war is wrong-they know that-but about how we have to stai.tnow to make the peace. The People's Peace Treatycould be very important in this respect because itpoints up the fact that we have no disagreementswith the Vietnamese and that peace is not far awayif only we could get our government to agree to it.

The problem in this is that the movement couldget carried away with hate-Nixon fever and easilyfall intq another McCarthy movement for 1972.Folks like Allard Lowenstein are already organizingfor a repeat of '68. But somehow I don't thinkthat it will happen. The people in Washington inMay were too much together, too cynical aboutpie-in-the-sky promises to let that happen. A lotof them were flrst timers in civil disobedience, yetthey had learned from what had gone on before.

Just like all the people who wbren't in Washingtonin May are learning from their experiences.

-Maris Cakars

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On the wall of the huge holding cell in thebasement of the D.C. courthouse some anonymousbard had scribbled, "Oh, l'm proud to be a commiefrom Nebrask^ . . ." Nebraska? Why not? Utah,South Carolina, Montana, Texas. God knows whereall us peace creeps came from. The cities, thetowns, the villages, the state multiversities, the ivycampuses, the backwater community colleges.Thousands of us. Tens of thousands perhaps. Raggletaggle and hairy and wearing army jackets or.dunga-ree jackets or maybe leather jackets but all somehowclad in blue iearrs. The second wave of resistance,twenty times larger than the first.

"The governrnent makes the war.The people make the peace."

.l 3,000 arrests! Three and a half years ago 600

were busted at the Pentagon, and we really thoughtthat was something. This time it was 13,000 - 7,000in one day. Once upon a time three people sittingin somewhere was a big action. This ti me. it was13,000 - 2,500 in one place. And the threat ofarrest-even for a second or third time-did notseem to scare very many of us off. Good Lord, can

this really be true? Why, there was one guy in thecell telling how he had been nabbed 6 times in thepast week.

ln D.C. I was arrested only once but then I hadpersonal business that made it impossible for me toget to Washington beforre Monday night, more than12 hours after the blggest round-up of demonstratorsin the nation's history. At noon Tuesday, JaneSlaughter from the People's Coalition and I ioinedthe march to the Justice Department. When thebusts began, the two of us decided to sit-in on thesteps of the Attorney General's private doorway.Since we were closest to the police's staging area,

we were the first to be picked up. But, lo andbehold, instead of being thrown into the buses,

the two of us were deposited on our respectiveasses with the warning not to return. Jane decidedshe had made her point and there was no use intrying to rejoin our fellow sitters-, standers-, anddancers-in. I thought differently, and a minute lalerwas under arrest for trying to breach police lines.From my seat on the rickety old grey bus, I couldhear the sounds of flutes and harmonicas and tam-

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bourines. Later on I learned that John Mitchell him-self came out to dig the people's music. lf theconcernt was unfortunately cut short, that should beno problem, for l'm sure we'll give him anotherrecital.

Ten hours in a one man cell with 13 other peoplecan get to your nerves. Especially when you don'tget fed for the first nine and a half. Some folksfrom the neighborhood brought fried chicken to thestationhouse, but the cops said no dice-it's againstregulations. Meanwhile a couple of officers walkedaround the cell-block, conspicuously stuffing theirgourds with oversized sandwiches and sloshing downPepsi Cola like they were frat rats drinking beer. We

had to be content with water-that is, whenever thecops felt like giving us some. (There was no sink inthe cell, only one in the corridor.) We passed thetime by w,riting the entire text'of the People's Peace

Treaty on the wall. One cop-a cadet actually-almostsigned it. He shied off-it's against regulations-buthung around to talk to us and do a few favors (likeget us water). Somehow even the most confirmedpig-callers among us joined in asking "What's a niceguy like you doing in a place like this?" "FLrnny,"he replied, "because that's just what I was going toask you."

Even after being transported to the courthouseon a bus nicknamed the Green Dragon-by whom, I

wonder, but that's what some people called it-westill had to wait three hours for our cases to be

called. Rumors flew about high bail: $250 or $500cash. And in a few cases these rumors were true.The Justice Department was putting enormouspressure on the judges and some evidently gave in.My judge set bail at $10 in all but a few cases. I

was one of them. Because my arresting officerworte down that I had "broken through policelines" instead of the usual "refused to leave," thejudge decided I was worth $25. He was really up onsemantics. Any adjective in the cop's report was

worth at least an extra $5. For example, if thepoliceman said that you "repeatedly refused toleave" you had to pay $15. lf you "repeatedly andwillfully refused to leave," it cost you $20. lf yourcharge connoted "violence", like mine did, you hadto shell out $25. Thank goodness, most police likedto keep their arrest reports brief. -Steve Suffet

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Thc $tochadc& the$ports Aronaln his autobiographical film, Martin Luther King,

Jr. says, as the massive 'l 963 nonviolent protest inBirmingham unfolds, that his dream of filling theiails came closest to realization at that iuncture whenover 2,000 demonstrators were imprisoned. He shouldhave lived to witness Washington, D.C., May 3-5,1971 when more than 12,000 persons-most of themdemonstrators but some innocent passersby-werejailed.

He should have been there especially on May 3

when there were over 7,000 arrests and seen the twooutdoor stockades where the prisoners were herdedbecause there sfinply was no room for them in the

lails. I was in one of these stockades, ordinarily thepractice field of the Washington Redskin Footballteam. The only previous prison stockading I recallwas on March 16, .l960-the year of the lunchcounter sit-in movement-in Orangeburg, SouthCarolina, when 350 black student marchers were

72

thus confined.But the stockade in Washington did not contain

350: there must have been closer to 5,000. lt wassurrounded by a makeshift wire fence and guardedby lines of national guardsmen. At front was a gatewhich opened to let'in more demonstrators. As eachnew busload or paddywagon arrived, loud cheeringroie from the ranks already inside. There was a spiritof jubilation. Two couples actually got married inthe course of the afternoon, with ministers in thegroup performing the ceremonies.

The biggest crowds were up front near the gate,

greeting new arrivals. Others were walking aroundthe big compound. Still others were warming-up in

two hastily-improvised, bright green tents. Duringthe afternoon, Black'sympathizers from across the fencethrew over various foods to supplement the soggybologna sandwiches which the government provided.For their kindness, these persons were arrested on

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the spot and escorted inside the compound.Though it was May, the temperature was in

the 40s, with wind gusts so strong that they almostcollapsed the improvised tents. And we were outthere from around noon until well after dark, whenwe were bussed to the Washington Coliseum, a bigsports arena which was to be our jail until release.

As darkness fell, a few fires were built in the com-pound but they were not enough to warmup verymany persons. By the time we boarded the buses,

I felt as frozen as on the wintriest day and manyothers looked as though they did too.

It was therefore a relief to get inside the Coli-seum, though the temperature was not very highand the cement arena floor, which was the onlyplace to sit or lie down, was icy. Blankets werenot provided until hours later and then, not enoughto go round. We were confined to the arena andbarred from the surrounding spectators area withits rows of seats. As we entered, the front row ofthat section was lined with national guardsmen

standing awkwardly at attention. After an hour orso, the prisoners started chanting to them "Sitdown!" t'Sit down!" and they finally did. Fromthen on they relaxed. A real dialogue was estab-

lished between them and us-so much so that someof them actually contributed to the bail fund.

The next day, to puncture the monotony, theprisoners staged periodic, impromptu, rock showswith dancing and chanting-mostly the hackneyed'

"Ho-Ho-Ho Chi Minh . ." and ". . We don't WantYour Fucking War." A really spirited show was puton about eight in the evdning as hundreds of demon-strators arrested on that day trooped in to iointhose of us who had been busted the previous day.

They were segregated in the spectators area wherethey could get a good view of the show in thearena, As each new busload arrived, the dancingand shouting in the arena became more iubilant and

more frenzied. At the end, three of the boys werestripped bareass.

As our Civil Liberties Union lawyer later told us

over the mike, the stripping incident made it some-

what more difficult to sell the iudge the argumentthat we should be released without collateral and

without charges in view of the illegality of the

arrests. Almost all the arrests on that first dayWERE illegal because they were made withoutrecording by the police of where each person was

arrested and for what.During tire day, a large number .of fhe prisoners

in the arena were processed there, paid the $10collateral and were released. But a sizeable numberwho felt that payment of collateral was uniust underthe circumstances, waited until close to midnightwhen the court finally acceded to release prisoners

arrested that day without collateral and withoutcharges. I went out at that point-just 42 hoursafter being arrested for the "crime" of walkingwith others in the direction of the Pentagon.

Though the court outlawed the collateral and

charges, it held that prisoners released would have

to submit to mugging and fingerprinting. A smallergroup of those in the arena found this unacceptableand remained there until, about l7 hours later, theywere taken to court and tried. ln view of theillegality of that day's arrests, they won acquittals.

Though the arena of the Coliseum was no "modelprison," I learned afterwards, that many of theprisoners had it worse-particularly the 600 in thedetention cells of the U.S. Courthouse. Followingan inspection tour, Judge James Belson ruled onMay 7 that these prisoners were being held "underconditions which grossly violate the minimumstandards properly applicable even to temporarydetention facilities" and were suffering "irreparableinjury."

James Flug, chief counsel of a Senate JudiciarySubcommittee, following his tour, commented: "ljust couldn't believe it-a room the size of my

office had about 31 people in it. There was onlyroom for 6 or 8 people to sit on the benches and

room for 15 or so to lie on the floor. The rest had

to stand. They were in there for 19 hours."Referring to another cell, with two benches and

an open toilet-holding 121 prisoners, he said, "ltwas really gross. The cells were dirty, and the

temperature there must have been over 100 degrees

at some points during the daY"'

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How do you write about an event (or series ofevents) that was perhaps more than anything, aWoodstock with hutzpah? Or about people whowere so much more together than I thought theywould be that my mind was completely blbwn?Or about the chaos that was somehow order? May-day shattered a lot of my preconceptions, dispelledsome of my ,bad-vibe feelings about the counter-culture, and led me to feel that maybe rye do havea revolution in the making.

ln many ways, Mayday was an exercise insurrealism. Monday morning as we walked aroundthe city, it felt like being in the middle of a war.Helicopters circling overhead, streets lined withmembers of both armies-one in khaki uniforms,the other in blue ieans-clouds of tear gas obscuringthe vision. The war had indeed come.home, but itwasn't at all clear who was winning although bothsides were claiming victory. I couldn't seem to con-nect with what was happening, but as the numberof reported arrests grew, finally reaching theastounding number of 7,000, it became clear thatsomething was happening, whether I understood itor not.

Tuesday morning was no better. I was havingmy usual pre-arrest shakes, wondering why in god,sname I was doing this, could I pull out withoutlosing face, would it really make any difference?It was probably fated that I got arrested withoutreally trying to. I was walking in a group of abouteighty people, loolcing for an intersection to block,when we found ourselves surrounded by policemen.It didn't take too long to realize that the only placewe were'going from here was jail. Suddenly thingsbegan to make sense to me, as a group of peoplewho had only recently met, who had no previousconnection to each other, became transformed intoa family. We sang patriotic.songs, chanted thepledge of allegiance, shouted "Remember the Billof Rights", and told the crowd watching and listen-ing attentively on the other side of the street aboutthe unconstitutionality of our arrest. Arrestingeveryone took a long time, and the crowd watchingus grew. (We were also being watched by con-struction workers who were on our side of the

street. When questioned later, they said that theycouldn't see why we had been arrested; we hadn'tbeen doing anything wrong.)

That high-energy level prevailed on the bus rideto the prison and in the prison itself. We werecrammed as many as 12 people into 5x7 cells, butcontinued to sing and chant. Every possibleopportunity was taken to communicate with thebailiffs, marshals, and clerks. I was amazed whenone bailiff asked if anyone had a lettuce boycottbutton. No one did, but lgave him a Yellow Sub-marine button, which he put on his tie.

One of the nicest things that came across tome was that although the "lail, no bail" chantsdied out after a while, as I knew they would, noone was in any particular hurry to get out of jail.There seemed to be a general consensus that wallsdid not a prison make nor iron bars a cage.

We came together in Washington, and we stayedtogether. lt was, I think, the beginning of somethingbigger, the beginning of a movement, a mass move-ment, of people who are willing to take personalrisks in order to create a new society. I don't thinkit was just a temporary high. I think that peoplewill remember Mayday and build on it. As theMayday tactical manual said, "Mayday is an action,a time period, a state of mind and a bunch ofpeople. Be free." And so we can be, if we're will-ing to continue to work for our-and everyone's-freedom. -Connie Bleakley

May Day in St. Louis began with about 200hip-looking college students, all leafletting eachother. The march to the Federal Building com-menced as a chorus of "We Shall Overcome" inter-mingled with a chant of "-l ,2,3,4... We don'twant your fucking war." The predominant chantseemed to be "Power, Now." The march didn,tquite make it to the Federal building due to animpromptu rally at the City lail. Prisoners outsidethe iail chanted "Free the prisoners" while someprisoners on the inside chanted "support the BlackPanther Party" - Oh, and the Jesus freaks v.verethere too. Did you know that Jesus loves us?

-Debbie Loewe

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ffiOllTHETOPOf Ail OIOT'S HEAO1. lt was like a dream. I landed in the WashingtonColiseum at 3 A.M.-the earliest I have ever shownup at a sports stadium (l was once on line at6 A.M. to see a World Series game). Stranger stillwas that the people in uniform (blue and khaki)were in the stands-and we were on the playingfield. The game didn't start for hours. lt was a

hockey rink but the game turned out to be frisbee.The game was not being played by those in uni-form but by the crowd. Everything seemed turnedaround. Then a wild frisbee shot landed among theblues in the stands. A moment of silence. The bluepicked up the frisbee and tossed it back to theplaying ficld. Tumultous cheers-and the game was

on. The bedraggled, the blues, the khakis. Thegame went on and on-with rest periods-but onand on for almost three days. And the beautifulthing about the game was that everyone won.

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M2. Once the police and the national guard were

retu*.d by our raps with them and our attitudes

towards t'hem, there came a sense of support for

ow prot.t, on their side. Believe it or not' when

the hat was passed around for the Bail Fund'

poli., una MPs chipped in' The crowd cheered

*f,.n ttt. MPs or police changed shifts and they

i.ip""a.a with V signs, clenched fists and smiles'

3. A young woman sitting on a young. mant.

If,outO.tt .". . going down the line of MPs' The

Vorng *orun g.ntly tapping.eac,h t1:l-':lJ'.lh "balloJn, the young man shaking hands wrtn tne

iotai.rt, they slightly embarrassed and smiling'

4. One - two - three - four' Slogans, chanting'

rhythmic clapping, whooping cries-always ending

in'a rind or ii.niy' I must iamit t had moments of

uncertainty as to where the frenzy would lead' Then

it would stop. Someone would start oom oom' Every-

one would sit down and calm settled over the whole

place. These scenes were repeated over and over'

5. At the same time that the outside was having its

rnarch on the Capitol, those on the inside staged

one of our own. A Capitol was built of garbage

cans and cardboard boxes and then covered with

blankets. The crowd marched around the Coliseum

floor several, times-chanting, etc'-and then assem-

bled in froni of the Capitol' Speeches' Someone

then tore down the Capitol (l winced a little at

the rage) and urged that we spread the garbage

urornj. The crowd was divided' Someone else got

,p ,o ,uy we should clean up the garbage' that we

should make America a better place in every way

ioi p.opf . to live in. The crowd cleaned up the

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6. We have often heard talk that the Blaik com-

munity didn't want us middle class whites coming

to DC, raising hell, then going home and leaving the

gtu.f .omrnunity with all the problems' NOT

iHis rrvrE. The Black community immediately

realized we were their allies, that we were now

putting our bodies on the line, and that our dis-

ruptinl the government was their disrupting the

sover;ment.-Black people rallied their community

io or, ,rpport-food (what a relief after baloney-

on-white sandwiches for meal after meal), shelter'

ctenched fists greetings, visits in iail' I didn't hear

them say it bu1 I feel next time they will welcome

us-and loin us??

7. Are you a reporter? Lawyer? Were you mis-

takenly swept up in the mass arrests? One young

man looked me squarely in the eyes and asked if I

were an agent. As I shrugged my shoulders and

smiled he-continued to stare me directly in the eyes

and concluded "you are an agent" and walked away'

This last is an extreme example of the young

people's reactions on seeing Barbara Deming' Grace

Fatey, Jim Peck and others of us "oldies" in iail

with them. Their remarks usually led to a conver-

sation. Most were not disappointed that more older

p.ople hadn't participated, they hadn't expected' us

[.. 'A"t they certainly welcomed-and even admired-

those of us who did. I think they felt we had gone

beyond the call of dutY.

Many of them didn't realize that they were

participating in the greatest CD demonstratlon ever'

i iof a tf,ttrrt ow exciting this was to us older

people-we who had struggled for years and.

pariicipat.a in-CD arrests in tens and somettmes

hundreds, but never thousands' I ioked with them

and said I was sorry for them because where could

if'l.v go tto, here. They answered-"revolution"'Rig'hionl -RalPh DiGia

27

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Well over two thousand people nonviolently dis-rupted business as usual at the IFK federal buildingin downtown Boston, Thursday, May 6. lt was thelargest, best organized and most dignified direct actionl've ever been in. Having passed up a ride to Washing-ton (and regretted it) becausq I figured that despitethe organizers' insistence on nonviolence it would endup as the usual rock throwing, pig-baiting, trashing,dehumanizingaffair,l felt that the action in Bostonreawakened the possibilities of massive nonviolentdirect action in me that have been lying dormantsince the fiasco on the streets of Chicago, August1 968.

The Boston action was superbly organized. Trainingsessions prior to the demonstration seemed to haveinsiilled in the participants a tactical perspective anda respect for the discipline, so that everyone knewwhat he or she was supposed to do and the why of it.I hope the organizers tell us how they planned thisaction.

The action began early in the morning with a marchfrom the Commons to the federal building. This hadbeen negotiated with the police in advance, not outof weakness but from the common-sensical politicalpoint of view that the demonstration had a definitepoint to make, a point-directed at the warmakingbusiness of the federal governmeni-that could not beachieved by fighting cops in the streets. The demon-strators were organized into small affinity groups, a

number of which made up a contingent, each one ofwhich was assigned a specific entrance to block. Every-one was told to stick with his or her group and whenthe march reached the federal building each contin-gent split off, without any confusion, to take itsassigned place.

The police, with the options of smashing the de-monstration by force, making mass arrests, or tolera-ting the inconvenience, chose the latter course. Per-

haps, in Boston at any rate, it is no longer politicallyacceptable to smash the heads of peaceful anti-war de-

monstrators. So we blocked off the building for theentire day, leaving at the closing hours with a marchback to the Commons. The government insisted wehad failed to close the building. Most of the employ-ees had come early, before we arrived, an inconveni-ence l'm sure they would not like repeated. Thosewho were in the building spent the day looking at usthrough the windows. Little work was done that day.Other employees stepped through our lines to get towork, often with the help of police, sometimes (butnot often-the nonviolent discipline worked on themtoo-the really brutal cops were isolated from themass and in at least one instance that I witnessedwere restrained by fellow officers) brutally. lt wasduring these skirmishes that 1 1 5 demonstrators werearrested and a handful suffered minor injuries. Butmostly we kept our cool,, and this rubbed off on thepolice. A number of federal employees, waving theiridentification cards, joined our demonstration.

But whether we actually disrupted business thisday is, I think, besides the point. The movement jra-

bitually takes its rhetoric too literally and when we

don't end the war immediately after each demonstra-tion we become frustrated and consider ourselves de-feated. Our response to these seeming defeats is usual-ly violence. When minimum violence still doesn'twork we'll use more violence and still more, escalatingour tactics with each failure, but never examining thelogic of our initial assumptions.

The malor reasons for our demonstrations are notto hu.rt people or to destroy or occupy property. We

are in the streets to shatter the myth of governmentas authority and to proiect to the people of the coun-try a movement that is more worthy of its supportthan is the government. We can disrupt violently ornonviolently with almost equal effect. But we canonly win the support ot the citizenry by actions thatrespect humanity and that demonstrate a superiormorality and concern for people. Thus nonviolence.We can fail in allour stated tactical objectives and stillwin if, continuously, we chip away at the authority ofthe state and win people over to our side.

The new acceptance of nonviolent tactics offers us

many possibilities. I think what happened in Bostonand what l've heard went on in Washington worked.We can raise the domestic social costs of the war with-out alienating our necessary base of support. Disrupt-ing traffic or business is an appropriate means of cal-ling attention to the disruption of life in Vietnam.Many people will come to understand this, even ifthey were outraged by our tactics this first time. Whatwe must do is escalate our tactics without losing sightof the discipline that makes them successful. Escalation,here, would mean a more sustained nonviolent disrup-tion of the nation's business. ln every maior city, therecould be a full week of traffic stoppages and blocka-ding of federal buildings and defense industries whichwas well organized and thought. lt would be organizeddecentrally by regional and affinity groups, with eachgroup given one day to go into action, so that wedon't blow our energy the first or second day, so thateach new day brings fresh people into the streets, so

that even on the last day of action new people aretaking part and the demonstration gains in strengtheach successive day rather than petering out intosmall groups of tired, angry stragglers as happened inWashington.

This would look forward to a fall offensive to be-gin with the reopening of school. Each school (or re-gion) would be given one day to demonstrate each

week. For example, in Boston, a contingent from Har-vard:Radcliffe would block traffic Mondav. B.U. stu-dents would disrupt the federal building Tuesday.Boston College students would be in the streets Wed-nesday, community colleges would move on Thursdhy,non-students Friday, people from the suburbs Satur-day, and from Western Massachusetts on Sunday. De-monstrations would be continuous week-after-week;the pressure on the government would go on withoutletup. This would go on in every major city in thecountry. The important thing: a sustained nonviolentaction must keep to its initial commitment to non-violence and see its progress not in military or logisticterms but on ihe social and psychological collapse ofthe state and the momentum of rising opposition andenthusiasm on the part of a continuously increasing

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.lt was time for the FBI in West Philadelphia thisweek.

lra Einhorn was pouring.The Powelton Village guru and independent

mayoral candidate invited four FBI agents to hisplace for tea on Monday after they and at leastfour other federal snoopers had made nuisances ofthemselves outside the Resistance anti-draft com-mune on Hamilton Street.

Agents have been visiting Powelton Village andhassling selected residents virtually every day for thelast two weeks in an effort to get information onthe raiders who ripped off the files at the bureau'sMedia office on March 8.

Similar FBI efforts at intimidation have been

reported elsewhere along the East Coast, notablyin Boston, New York and Washington.

On Monday, the agents-sporting two-daygrowths of beards and ill-fitting mod clothes*appeared in force on Powelton's Hamilton Street,but the neighborhood's "warning system" broughtout a counter-force of residents who made itdifficult for the FBI to maintain their clandestinedemeanor. Even with their infiltrators' costumes,said one resident, the agents "stuck out like sorethumbs."

Helping to make them stick out were:

- Free-lance graphic artist Mark Morris standingbeside their cars with his ever-ready poster,"Your FBI in Action."

- A Residence organizer in a trenchcoat andfelt hat circling the vehicles and peering at theagents through a hole in a newspaper.

- lra Einhorn, sporting George Wallace andFrank Rizzo campaign buttons and grindingaway with his Super-S movie camera.

At one point, according to witnesses, one of theless-cool agents began to confront Einhorn in anapparent effort to get him to respond with violence.Somebody else had already called the cops, however,telling them "men with guns are lurking on thestreet corner."

When the police arrived, Einhorn yelled: "Thatguy's bothering me." A cop demanded the identi-fication of the FBI agent hassling the long-hairedmayoral candidate, The agent said he was FBl."Prove it," demanded the patrolman. The agentdid, and the cop left.

(lf elected, says Einhorn, he will order a full-scale police investigation of the FBl.)

After that, Einhorn, in his inimitable way,invited four of the agents-who identified them-selves as Frank Watts, .f .L. Martin, P. Brown and

J.C. Rafferty-to his place for tea.

They walked about four blocks through thevillage, accompanied by Mark Morris displaying his"Your FBI in Action" poster. Agent Watts carriedthe poster himself part of the way, according toEinhorn, who filmed the procession.

ln the discussion over tea and coffee (theagents preferred the latter) Einhorn stressed whathe termed the FBI's improper political activity,while his visitors-mostly agent Watts-talked abouthow the Media raiders should "surface" since, inthe agent's view, the rip-off was not getting enoughnews coverage-an interesting interpretation(especially for the FBI) of one of the mostintensely-covered radical actions in decades.

Einhorn said the agents simply refused to believethe report about the stolen FBI document stressinga need for the bureau to foster paranoia withinthe New Left. "l don't think they liked my tellingthem they have a 75-year-old bachelor virgin for a

leader, either," he said.Why did he talk to them at all? "My head is in

one thing-if you're going to change this country,you have to change everybody-including theFBl," he said. His little tea and coffee party won'tmake much difference, he conceded, "but it willplant seeds."

Mark Morris had a somewhat different view ofthe scene.

"Mostly I iust want to steer clear of the FBl,"he said afterwards. "l think a lot of people get'conned and give information they're not awarethey're giving."

On the other hand, Morris added, he thinks"picketing them is really useful. lf they're tryingto establish a cover, it blows that, and if they'remassing for a raid, it interferes with that. lt's a

good device for educating other people in thecommunity."

"That's why the Media thing is so valuable-it shows people what the FBI is actually doing,"Morris said.

At the moment, insofar as the Media caseis concerned, the FBI seems to be actuallyflou ndering.

Having apparently failed to produce anysignificant leads within their existing networkof informers*or what's left of it, given the con-tinuing exposure of local finks by the Mediaraiders-the agents have been reduced to growingbeards and squeezing into bell-bottoms themselveson the one hand and hassling a few individualsand the Xerox Corp. on the other.

At mid-week, the ResistanCe was reported tobe preparing a little intimidation of its own inthe form of a leaflet bearing photographs of thegrubby-looking agents who appeared on HamiltonStreet. The leaflet also was to advise that personsdo not have to speak to agents or allow theminto residences.

Unless, of course, a tea party is planned.

-Bill WingellThursday's Drummer

29

A,'rnru, c.orriu, April 23-Watching the railyin Washington on TV yesterday, I couldn,t relateto the proceedings. Maybe it was the way CBS wascovering it-like a Republican convention or aMacy's parade, complete with anchor man and"Now we take you to San Francisco.', Maybe itwas because sci many Congressmen had the nerveto address a rally now that it is safe to be againstthe war. Maybe it was because CBS kept saying thatthe only thing all those people had in common wasthat they were all against the war-as if unjust druglaws did not exist, as if political prisoners did notexist, as if racism was a problem long since.solved.Maybe it was because I knew that when realdemands were being made on people, betweenApril 26 and May 5, most of those good, gentle,peaceful people would be back in front of theircolor teevee sets saying, "-[he shame of it all.That stuff just turns people off. Why it,s just likeCongressman Blah said at the rally on Saturday.,'Maybe it is iust that lfeel sold out by the people,sCoalition, which helped water down the civil dis-obedience and multi-issue aspects by moving theirmarch up to April 24 and letting the Trots controlthe speakers and move Teamster goons around thespeaker's stand.

But it will sooh be over, and no matter whathappens in Washington, people have to go backwhere they came from, and either continue theirorganizing or simply wait for the next march.Rather than argue about the effectiveness ofmarches, I would like to raise the question ofwhether there cannot be other tactics moreeffective in many ways than marching. Hopefully,a clearer picture of the possibilities of mass civildisobedience will come out of the May actions inWashington. Even if the civil disobedience does normeet with expectations, it is a learning process, andwe have to accept it as that, rather than fall backagain on a march because it cannot fail.

The PEOPLE'S FAIR in Atlanta, which tookplace on April 2, 3 and 4, was an experiment totry to overcome the weaknesses of marches and totry to recognize the many changes that have beerrtaking place within the movement in the past fewyears. lnstead of a march where only bodies areimportant, which does no more than protest, whereconstituent organizations feel lost, their work andreal objectives ignored, where people can either joinor watch, but cannot interact in any other way,picture a fair, in a park, where there is music, freefood, political booths, dope, an antiwarfcontra-dealh rally, literature tables, craft displays, moviesat night, religious services,.guerilla theater, rapsessions, people moving about, talking, letting thefeeling sink in, letting them go get their friendsto bring back the next day, w,here no one will feellost or feel that his or her view is not represented.

While a good number of cultural, political,religious, music, drug and media freaks workedhard to put the Fair together, I sensed a great dealof misgivings on the part of a lot of political

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people, who seemed to mistrust the idea becauseit was so informally and happily organized. Theyfelt, I believe, that nothing of value is accomplishedif one is not serious and does not sit throughhours of grim meetings. They were the same groupsthat did not benefit much by the Fair because alittle more was required of them than the usualsloganeering and leafletting.

Our emphasis, if we had one, was on invitingnew elements such as craft groups and gay liberationand helping little ideas become little projects, andlittle projects become big ones. During the Fair,several health food restaurants and some communesgot together'and raised money to serve free vege-tarian meals. Several groups did some theater.Newsreel films were shown, along with the Magus,all through a cold Saturday night while peoplewarmed themselves with wine and blankets and fires.Music went on for a part of Saturday and Sunday,as well as Friday night. The Atlanta Public Librarybrought its film-mobile to show its own movies andthe Red Cross handled first aid for us. The GreatSpeckled Bird had an underground press display,and gave out fruit, balloons and Birds. Women,sLiberation, Earth Week Coalition, CCCO, United

inlltlantaFarm Workers, May Day, YSA/SWP, Gay Libera-tion, Welfare Rights, Palestine Liberation, AngelaDavis Defense Committee, Sojourner Truth press,

Abortion Reform and other groups had booths,literature tables and rap sessions went on aroundthe booths. Atlanta Women's Liberation managed aday care center for people attending the Fair.United Farm Workers gave people lettuce-lesssalads. Craft cooperatives had space to sell crafts.Hiplleft community groups such as the Mid-TownAlliance Community Center had tables. The FreeCity Conspiracy had a booth, which dealt withsetting up a clearing house for people with craftsand skills getting small businesses going or gettingplaces to work.

The questions most frequently asked are: Wasit political or educational enough? Did peoplecome only for music? Did it attract a lot ofstraights and blacks?

It is hard to gauge whether or not it waseducational enough, or whether it had muchpolitical impact. I noticed during the rally, whenthere were 5,000 people in the park for the Fairabout 3,000 actually gathered around the speaker,splatform to listen to Rennie Davis speak, eventhough there were other things for them to do.

Another indication is that after the people,s Fair,the people who did the most work for Maydayand went to Washington for Mayday were formerlyconsidered to be apolitical or were people who haddropped out of radical movement activities duringthe past few years. A third indication is thereactions and comments of people who stayed inthe booths during the Fair. Everyone that l,ve talkedto since the Fair has been pleased or surprised bythe number of people that came to their booths,took literature, started rapping, and with the ratioof so-called straights to so-called freaks.

Did a lot of people just come for the music?Again, that is hard to say, but it is harder to saywhen people come to a rally where for every badthey hear they must listen to a speaker. The timesfor music and speaking were publicized, and duringthe rally there were booths to see, crafts to buy,and other things to do. So the fact that they choseto listen to speakers and talk to people in boothsshowed that they did not just come for music.Also, while we made no effort to get name bands,somewhere from 15,000 to 30,000 people came tothe Fair over the weekend. Even the peak crowd onSunday afternoon was gstimated at from 7,000 to15,000, which is more than any music has ever beenable to attract to Piedmont Park.

Another question frequently asked is what thecounter-culture has to do with ending the war, orwith serious change. There are many people thatcannot relate to a counter-culture, or do not evensee one. The counter-culture is the only non-paranoid medium left to us. lt used to be that wemet people and changed people through ourradical politics or through dope. But times havechanged, and people that are into dope or radicalpolitics are closing themselves off, they don,t wantto meet new people, they mistrust them. lf thereis any way to meet people without that.paranoia itis through crafts, through art, through music,through free universities, through a skills exchange.The apolitical freaks are as political as we let thembe. And the man or woman who is making candlesor learning to weave because he or she does notwant to work for IBM may not be changing theentire world, but this kind of person certainlydeserves more than our condenscension.

The movement as a whole is more mature , '

more intelligent, than it was a year or two ago. ltdoes not rely so much on slogans as it did, it hasovercome its fear of dealing with more than theissue of the Vietnam war, and is more creative indealing with even that issue. But people tend totrap themselves, and the movement has tended totrap itself by marches, by pretending that it makesa difference whether 230,000 or 320,000 marchedon a particular day in a particular city, by pre-tending that a presidential candidate is an allyrather than a politician. And they are losing a hellof a lot of good, dedicated people because thosepeople outgrew politicians long before they outgrew

-denis i. adelsberger

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Ilnt [urEllililrenlInlilleirEI'lililrenBefore going to Toronto, April 7-9, I had

pictured making contact with the lndochinesewomen we were to meet in the manner of a 1963

,, meeting at an international conference in Moscow.There, a small group of South Vietnamese womenpresented to a Women's Strike for peace delegationthe fearful fact that 15,000 U.S. soldiers werealready in their country. Now, eight, bloody,unspeakable years later, 300-400 women from eastand central U.S. and Canada (Voice of Women,Women's lnternational League for peace and Free-dom, Women's Strike for peace) were meeting insymbolic union with 6 women from Vietnam andLaos to pledge to work for the removal of300,000 U.S. troops plus bombers plus material,plus advisers, plus plus plus . . . (Of course, wecannot withdraw the dead, the scarred and woundedliving, or the razed and poisoned land.)

The conference, hosted by Voice of Women,opened Wednesday evening, April 7, in an atmos-phere of great expectancy. The auditorium at theOntario lnstitute for Studies in Education (OISE)was packed with 700 persons'who enthusiasticallyapplauded our lndochinese sisters and theirinterpreters, rising frequently in their honor. Fourtape recorders were sprawled near the lectern, apress representative sat on the steps of the dais,organizers came and went. A woman from eachdelegation spoke at length on the history of thewar, Vietnamization, invasion of Laos, demands forU.S. withdrawal, the question of pOW,s. I quoteonly a phrase or so from each.

The first lndochinese speaker, Mme. KhomphengBoupha, 47, a Laotian teacher, spoke through herco-delegate, Mme. Khemphet Pholsens, 29, who,

with some difficulty, was filling in for their sick'interpreter. Mme. Boupha, a slight woman in a longdark skirt and beige jacket, hair severely drawnback, brought "warmest greetings"of friendship andsolidarity." Mme. Phan Minh Hien,31, a SouthVietnamese teacher and member of the Women,sLiberation Union who spoke next, remarked"Vietnamization is a change of complexion.,, Astatement of solidarity from Mme. Ngo Ba Thanh

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of the Women's Committee for the Right to Lifein Saigon was read: "Let women shoulder the task

men'have failed to carry out and through unitedeffort achieve real peace for their children"' ThenMme. Vo Thi The, 50, of the Women's Union ofthe DRV and a professor of literature addressed us.

ln a white shawl and headband, she looked a bitmore assured than the Laotian and South Vietnamesewomen. She characterized as "arrogant and sick"Nixon's statement that he would leave troops inVietnam if the North Vietnamese kept only oneprisoner. Since all three women spoke in their nativelanguage and waited while the interprete.rs trans-lated, it was especially moving to hear her concludein English with wishes for our success and happiness.

The next morning workshops began' As these

were large (100 each) and formally arranged (2

lndochinese women, an interpreter, and a chair-

woman sat at a table in front of the room), the

workshops were not at first very productive.

Questions were predictable-some were embarrass-

ingly uninformed. As a result, answers'were also

predictable. Younger women and women arrivingfor the women's liberation third world conference

to follow, put off by the structuring, persuaded

the planners to organize smaller rap groups thenext day.

Since they made additional criticisms of the

composition of the conference, l'd like to deal

with them here: Yes, it was overwhelminglywhite. Yes, it was overwhelmingly middle class.

Yes, it was not particularly radical. ln the last tworespects, however, our lndochinese sisters differedlittle from us-all came from the middle class (3'were teachers; one was a housewife, one a professor;

and one a doctor.) The political sentiments theyvoiced were patriotic and coalitionist.

A grim picture of what this effort involves interms of the children in Laos evolved from Mme.

Boupha's reply to the question: "How do you deal

with the children's constant f ear?" lt was a bitmind-blowing at first since it reversed the emphases

we are accustomed to in the peace movement. lneffect, she said they heighten their hatred, pointingout who is destroying their homes, culture, etc.

They explain that male relatives are at the front tobring them peace and happiness. Children are given

wooden weapons to play and practice with. Olderchildren are trained to be runners from village tovillage. Literate ones teach adults at night. lngeneial, they are taught to compete "to better I

serve fatherland and peoPle."The second plenary session on the evening of

April 8 was devoted to reports on (North American)"Women's Resistance to the War" by various peace

activists.Mrs. Louise Bruyn told of her 450-mile walk from

Newton, Mass., to Washington after the invasion ofLaos because "everybody was still asleep." This was

a touching parallel to the dedication shown by Mme.Phan Minh Hien and Mme. Dinh Thi Huong of SouthVietnam who had walked for three months withheavy packs to join the delegation to the con-ference.

Rev. Willie Barrow brought greetings from theSouthern Christian Leadership Conference inAtlanta and Operation Breadbasket in Chicago andtold of her visit to Paris. Blacks account for 40%of the dead in this war, she said, but "We fightwars every day."

Wendy Schwartz, of War Resisters League,discussed methods of tay resistance: "Women can'tsay no to the draft, so we do it with our'taxes."Kay Whitlock, of Women's lnternational Leaguefor Peace and Freedom, also described how sevenwomen on April 15, 1910, blocked the IRS officein Denver for 3/z hours, were attacked, burnedwith cigarettes, convicted and served 30 days. lnjail they continued to resist: she pointed to herstriped blouse made of prison mattress ticking.

Valentine Green of Women Against DaddyWarbucks told of draft file destruction in NewYork City. (She mentioned she had been inprison 7 times and a friend whispered: "Ego-tripping!" I thought of the agony of Mme. Huongwho had described to us that morning her tor-tures during her six years of jail in Con Son, QuyNhon, Thud Duc and Phy Loi-and I felt theywere sisters. )

Then came the report on "Hands Across the

Border." "Five-six years ago your sons started tocome up here and at last there was someone toreach and touch and help," said a young woman.

Naomi Wall described how supporters of the

Toronto Anti-Draft Program had pressured theCanadian government to allow deserters as well as

dodgers to come in openly. Today there are

almbst as many draft counseling centers as draftboards in the States, and 20 men desert daily,said Ron Winslow, originally of New York.Robert, a Black young man who had come toCanada a year ago, after four months in the army,

told us he doesn't think of himself as a deserter

because that implies an obligation. "l was drafted;I didn't volunteer." Then, in tribute to the women's

conference, he concluded, "My greatest inspirationhas been my mother," and was answered withlaughter and prolonged applause. Finally, a South

Vietnamese dentist and former captain with the

South Vietnamese Army explained he had come toCanada "because I can't serve a system that's going

down the slope." I noticed lukewarm, if notskeptical, expressions on the faces of the lndo-chinese delegates seated in the audience-except forMme. Huong who seemed intent.

How to s[.rmmarize? As Kay Camp of Women's

lnternational League for Peace and Freedon said at

the April 9 press conference, "Here in Canada we

have met the enemy and they are our friends."Cora Weiss called on all women to withdraw support

of this war, not let the government divide us. The

day before, in the workshop, Mme. Boupha des-

cribed how women in Laos, when they had nothingelse, stopped tanks with their bare hands. When we

can say that, our movement will have fulfilled itspromise.

-Ruth Dear '32

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THE ORGANIZER'S MANUALby the O.M. Collective

Bantam Book366 pp. paperback

$1.2sI once did community organizing in Delaware. I came to

the work absolutely inexperienced, made a lot of mistakes,

had some successes, and learned from it all' Many of the

things I learned can only be learned by the trial-and-errorprocess; but I wish The Organizer's Manual had been around

then.It's not a pretentious book, not a bible, or a Das Kapital,

or a little red book. You won't get the "correct line" on

community organizing if you read it. What you will get is

lots of useful information about everything from canvas-

sing to tenants unions to organizing around the problems

of elderly people. There are also many suggestions for indi-vidual actions (my favorite is the idea of putting a cock-

roach inside the envelope with the rent check that goes toyour landlord.)

The book is divided into two sections. Part l, Principles,

primarily covers methods and vehicles for organizing-howto set up and conduct meetings, leafleting, publications,

coffee-houses, speakers bureaus. Part I I is about constitu-encies-women, blacks, chicanos, etc. There's even a section

about organizing your own family. At the end of the bookis a comprehensive list of radical organizations and publi-

cations.The O.M. Collective is a group of about 30 or 40 people

who are associated with Boston University who collected

and edited the material in the book (which was drawn from

a wide range of sources). The result is a fine example ofwhat the movement can do. _C.S.

(The.Organizer's Manual can be ordered from WRL, 339

Lafayette St., New York, N.Y. 1001 2.)

CHAMISA ROAD(Doin' the dog in Taos)

by Paul & MeredithRandom House ($5.95), Vintage ($Z.OS1

l've begun to have a sneaky feeling that l've been type-

cast as WIN's reviewer of nonreviewable books: first New-

love (nonreviewable for me, at any rate), then Mungo, nowthis. Well, folks, if you enioyed The Painter Gabriel despitemy cavalier treatment of it in these pages, if you triedFamous Long Ago or Total Loss Farm on the basis of my

enthusiasm and didn't dig 'em, you should positively loatheChamisa Road. You should also disregard EVERYTHINGl've got to say about it, because l'm bound to be even

more subjective here than lwas with Mungo's books.

We don't know Paul and Merry personally, but might as

well and no doubt will, one day. ln the very small, over-

lapping worlds of dropped-out Northern New Mexico and

what we used to call The Movement, we probably have

more friends and acquaintances-and personal history, ideas,

31

feelings, pleasures, and problems-in common with them

than we have with most of the people we think we know

best, anywhere. Perhaps it's not so strange, when you thinkabout it, that paths so perfectly parallel as ours have been

would never intersect: at the same time we were cuttingloose from WIN and New York City and All That Repre-

sents, on our way to this incredibly new world Out Here,

Paul and Merry were cutting loose from RAT. They landed

north and west of Taos, we landed south and east-the stress

in both cases is on the verb. They're half our age, but that'semphatically no necessary difference. They're still intotrucks and electricity, but so what: purist postures are

luxuries that only the lucklest, strongest of our kind can

yet afford. This is so much a book we could (given the

talent, incentive, and so forth) have written, that l'm tell-

ing everyone who's still wondering what the hell we're outhere for to get it and read it, and stop bothering my poor

sunbaked head.l'm supposed to be telling you what it's about, what lt's

like. About: why we're here, not there; if not quite all, orall about it, then certainly more than anyone else has been

able to say so far about the most of us. Like: a joint diary,a collage, a lot of good underground papers, a family al-

wrcca PREss lT'S HERE.

WiEEliiE$ GEr HrcH oN rrWiEEliiE$ Printed and pubtished in silver

and sof? colored inks, GYPSY is perhaps

the firsi post historic irreverent sexy andnon political tribute to you. lfs like video'

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MAGAZINE

WEST COASI S.nd chcqs I tmY ordo to:,Bor 3ru3, Vareuvq 3Brltlrh Columbl., C.[d.

tape, revolution and freedom.

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bum; uneven; as immature as can be in places, and justthat much perc'eptive in others; honest, too much so forme to find a telling adlective; all mixed up; right on; etcet-era.

l'm pretty sure they're much more disappointed in theway it came out looking than I am-a number of photosand things printed too small and muddy to work the waythey must have meant them. l'm certain they've changedtheir minds since about a lot of things they put in it, stillmore about things that got left out. And I know for a

fact, through friends, they're pissed off at the snotty/cutesy biographical note somebody at the publishers' stuckin at the end. Eh, tlrat's book biz. Ah, yes, and it costs toogoddamned much. I think this is enouglr words from me;now listen to them, and make up your own minds:

our desires were (and are, by unimpared standards)simple. we thought the hardest part was recognizingthem. that's what all our rhetoric used to say. wewanted some land. not much. we wanted to build,ourselves with loving help, a home. we wanted a

child or more and a horse and a place for cicero togrow younger gracefully and a place for willie tohunt and room for a few chicken coops and a few'people we might find or refind some day.in paul's words, we wanted a base, we wanted a

place to sit and watch it all happen from, to makeour decisions with. we are not marching or organiz-ing or bombing buildings because we are not sure.we feel a need to be sure of ourselves, first. wewanted a reality in our lives from which we couldlive out the days and weeks and maybe even yearswe and the world have left to smile.

but sometimes, the walls move inwards like night-mares of a coney island funhouse, much too fast andleaving no alternatives. i used to think that you couldmerge living your life, farming, surviving, with invol-ving yourself in the changes going down in the citiesand the outside world. but in a strict sense, it is im-possible. sure, the motherfuckers hunt and farm andbuild kivas and dance and fuck and dope . . . buttheir fields and forest and kiva must be abandoned atany moment, and instantly, with no time even tobake the last loaf of bread. they'll never be able tobuild a scene around themselves that is vulnerable totheir streetfighting brothers and impenetrable by thepigs. What really hurts is, neither will we.

-Paul .lohnson

ABORTION RAPBy Diane Schulder and Florynce Kennedy

McGraw-Hill

The dif:ference between an illegal abortion and a legalone is the difference between gettrng a phony passport toleave the country because you're desperate and considereda criminal to be shot on sight and going to a travel agentabout your planned trip abroad.

The title of the book made me think of the 40's term forrap-a iail sentence-and I thought to myself, "Yeah, and abum rap it is," but apparently it's taken from the currentdefinition meaning to talk. I prefer my definition.

suffered unbelievable torment and anguish because of un-wanted pregnancy (l should know, l'm one of them) andthe bad guys are the ones who are defending the abortionstatute (one man declared that abortion is not only morallywrong but would have the horrer.rdous effect of establishingprinciples and standards of action which would lead tochaos and then euthanasia, and then, good heavens, Hitler,Dachau, and Auschwitz).

The various testimonies of the women were selected onthe basis of being representative of the different situationsand outcomes of the women. The stories were chilling anddownright scary-some of them difficult for me to read,my mind blurring against remembered pain. To this day I

cannot adequately deal with my emotions regarding myfirst pregnancy and if someone should remind 'me of it, I

become a confused mass of pain. lt's been 10 years now;my family still doesn't know about it, and I have verymixed feelings about their knowing. I now know that anabortion is the easiest way to deal with an unwanted preg-nancy, but even then, if it's an illegal abortion the moneyis not easy to come by, the doctor certainly isn't easy tocome by, and there is the overhanging possibility you maynever see the light of day again. How can you translate a

nightmare like that so people would understand?The testimony of the women (and brave women in-

deed-l don't know if lcould have done it) is interspersedwith objections from the intervenors (bad guys) who con-stantly deem that the testimony relating to their preg-

nancies andfor abortions is irrelevant to the constitution-ality of the New York State statute on abortionl Onewoman stated that her doctor told her she was threemonths pregnant and the intervenor said, '11 am going toobject [o conversation with her gynecologist as hearsay".Unreal. Shocking, destressive, oppressive, UN REAL.

There is attention directed to the Black Panther chargethat abortion is Black Genocide. I firmly believe that theBlack community is the victim of galloping racism in allphases of life in this country, but the issue or pregnancyconcerns women, Black and White, and whether they wantchildren or not. Why cannot the woman decide for herself?

Yes, boys and girls, they do have a contraceptive pill formen but the Federal Drug Administration "would not per-mit its use unless there were 50 testicular biopsies. Theman that developed this pill went to Sing Sing to see if hecould get people in Death Row to volunteer for these biop-sies. He could not." I suppose that in this upside downsociety we live in it makes more sense for thousands ofwomen to bc butchered by incompetent high pricedabortionists, for a woman to carry the stigma of havinggiven up her child or keeping a child she doesn't want thanthe collection of 50 biopsies.

After having accepted an unwanted pregnancy and thenthe birth of the child, the adoption procedures, the shameand guilt which to this day is with me, I now realize thatyes, it's a fact of life, and it's painful, but it doesn't have tobe. A free abortion on demand would have kept me and so

many others from harboring a painful secret so manyyears.

Yes, it's definitely an engrossing book and l'd recom-mend it-especially for all those fatheads who make it im-possible to get an abortion and who value an unborn foetusmore than mv life or emotional welfare. Jen ElodieThe good guys in this book are the women who have more than my life or emotional welfare.

DMWSSAYING NO: National Black Draft

Counselors, 71 1 S. Dearborn, Chicago,sent Pat Burg to the White House Con-ference on Youth with a report on" 30 Years of Selective Service Racism. "". They are trying to co-opt me.Ihey'll probably be quite surprised tosee how thoroughly this report exposesthem. .We won't let them get awaywith it," said Pat Passing outQuotations of Chairman I esus, the"four of us", 922 Buema St., Chi-cago poured blood from plastic bott-les on 'l -A draft files at an EvanstonSS office. .lohnny Barenski, 23; ThomClark, 21, Eileen Kreutz, 23, and MaryBeth Lubbers, 23, waited to be arrestedand are now charged with destroyinggovernment property, etc. "We,Too Are Withdrawing From the War,"headlines a public statement signed by.l 0 tax resisters from Chicago suburbs."Our tax dollars bought the bulletsthat were fired at My Lai. We paid forthe bombs. ., the napalm. ., thepoisons. . ."

ATROCITIES: "Battle Hymn of Lt.Calley," recorded, appropriately eno-ugh, on Singleton Corp's Plantationlabel, has been a howling success ac-

cording to the above-named corp'spress release. Radio stations in St.Louis, Macon, Chicago were delugedwith pro-Calley calls after it was play-ed, and now other stations are delugingthem for the record . . . A good anti-dote to this garbage is the i 7-minuteWinter Soldier film now available forsale or rental : 405 East 13 St., NYC

HUTZPAH: The Committee forPeace & Prioritles is asking for $50,000so our Senators and Representativescan barnstorm for a Dec. 3'l st with-drawal date. Moonlighting?

NEW TRIBES: The Bear Tribe, thefirst new lndian tribe of the century,with about 100 West Coast membersoffers "a tribal alternative to the eco-nomics of America," but they're nottrying to overthrow the government."We figure it's doing all right by it-self." The tribe has adopted all whowished to become brothers and is

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moving them to Sierra bases to learnlndian culture and wilderness skills.Recruiting office is P.O. Box 1222,Sacramento, Calif. . ln New YorkCity, Peoples lnformation Center isgetting people together who are look-ing for communes, co-ops, free schools,recycling at Washington Square Metho-dist Church, 135 W. 4 Street.

ARRIVALS & DEPARTURE: Sho-shanna, the daughter of Barbara &Jerry Wingate, of Gl Counseling, was

born right in the middle of the springoffensive, Sunday, April 25 . . "Whocould name a son when the mother(Ofelia Alayeto) and the father (AllanSolomonow) like Augustine and Ram-chandra respectively. Any way, he is

there . . . Look forward to seeing himat the next demo. we love you all!"Since he was born April 19, we assume

he was at the April 24 turnout. . . Bob& Marj Swann, long-time New EnglandCNVA staff members, are leaving thefarm at Voluntown .' . . .lane Kennedysent messages of thanks to her sup-

porters outside the House of Correc-tion in Plymouth, Mich., April 18, andsaid she's not cutting her hair till she

gets ou t."l'm still selling lots of nonviolent

T shirts," writes Clark Natwick at thefoot of an article on his being firedfrom a South San Francisco, Calif.,high school. (See Feb. 1 Dovetales.)

-Ruth Dear

"GoddamnDvergthinglnrt tlieOircus )e

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ORGAN Magazine: Ringside seats forthe'only game in town.

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SIAMESE KITTENS LOOKING FOR HOMES

Bast and Loki are pleased to announce theblrth of slx chilclren, perfect Siamese butwithout papers to prove it. The parents arewilling to see their children placecl in goodhomes without charge, but insist that a cle'posit of $2o be placecl with David McRey-nalds, returnable when he ls shown a vet'sreceipt to prove the kittens have had thelrshots, The klttens will be reacly to adoptpeople from June 8th on. lf you are pre'pared to be proudly owned by a siamese,contact WlN.

Mark Morris has been commlssioned to de-sign a three-color button for the l3,OOOveterans of Washington's ialls and detentioncamps. Reading simply, "l was an AmericanP.O.W.-Camp Nixon, May, 1971", thebutton will sell for $1 (no discount forquantity orders) with all profits goin9 tothe Peoples coalition for Peace and Justlceto help meet its S10o,O0o def iclt. lf youwere jailed in O.C., Or know someone whowas, order the button from: War ResistersLeague, 339 Lafayette Street, New Yorkcity lool2.

PALESTINIAN REFUGEESLearn about them. Write U.N.R,W.A. LiasonOffice, United Nations, New York.(Courtesy, S.P,J.M.E,)

WOMAN FILMMAKER?lam writing a book about woman film-makers. lf you write, produce, dlrect, edlt,do camera or sound, animation, computerfllms or whatever, please send your nameand address to Sharon 5mith, 3927V,Flower Dr., Los Angeles, Callfornia,90037. The book will not include act-resses or women in TV or vldeotape.

Summer workcamps in America andEurope with Service Civil lnternational.Volunteers sought with skills ln carpentry,masonry, organic gardening, envlron-mental education, etc. Preferred: Thosewith previous experience ln physical laborworkcamping. lnformatlon and applica-tions: SCl, c/o Susan Dean, 5514 Black-stone, Chicago, lll. 60637.

TIMES CHANGE PRESS publishesquality PAMPHLETS AND POSTERS onwomen's liberation, third world struggles,hip culture, Marxism, anarchism, gayliberation, revolutionary poetry, ecology,peace, etc, SEND FOR OUR FREECATALOG: 1O23-W Sixth Avenue,N.Y.C. 10018.

Appalachin Quilts, a quality product,from $25.OO and up. Write Pike Countycitizen's Association, Box 10, Hellier,Kentucky.

College student, 21, traveling acrosscountry this summer. I would love tome€t WIN readers and other sucheccentrics. l'm interested in pacifism,patronyms, and pistachio nuts. DonaldAltschiller, 156O Metropolitan Avenue,Bronx, New York 10462.

HELP WINSell WIN onyow aompus or h)no @mtflinity. we'a sendyou d bwdle (u We or snullB, you wr use) od charye

Wu l5l wr cory. You sell'mt for 301. Ream usoldopies lor udit. Write WN,i39 Lofayette St., New York,N.Y. 1 M I 2 lor furtler details.

DIRECTORYDirectory of Communes - $t.Directory of Frec Schools -$1.

Directory of Social Change -$1.Directory of Nudiat/Scx - $1.Directory of Pcrsonal Grouth-$I.Atl 5 for $4.00 ptug ncwrpaper:

ALTERNATIYES-',6 ,15:26Gravdnrtein, No. , Scbagtopol, Calif.

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ruNUIN nddat'ro Eliantr {h6t hlM C& E fun.

Hunan b;wn dre ubAh a ilN.Petn iziAo. Sy,u&irrcJr;dt,*1g7, $aM9 to lhceruq. lolitirA r,s1- riolQrw, plych<ddiL $dti*a,lgryidr b llc xld ldf, iauh.tr teliy/- Nerlr/trt h dll 1,1,n th,niv ud tm.W alcWl

N^['l; ,,1{rui,r;WnluaI dth to dare.',n lW qrdt,UrJu*d iq +- +il 4k {ollowar.

-lft flt,,*l-g,p{f (il ,yrryY.15* ,r''wrtth tnal

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d/-d/c-4-Util f{lfrAttr€. 339 Lafayette St., NYC 10012.

The most comPrehensivePalestinian Liberation to date!

f ilm on

8ll ninult blr:- k und rhilt li'ttrtrt .lilm on

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A Black Star release

for inlormation on sales and rental

contact Black Star Productions

l9230James CouzensDetroit, Michigan 4j235

(313) 341 8614

38 I

I l, l.' l'l'l':ll l' I l.l':s?'l\/ I \s

LocalWRLGroupsAkron WRL, 753 Brown Street, Akron, Ohio 44311

(216) s3s-6783

Albany WRL, Box 1231, Albany, N.y. 12201 (5tS)489-3568

Atlanta .Workshop in Nonviolence (Southern RegionOffice), P.O. Box 7477, Atlanta, Georgia 30309(4O4) 81s-0646

Boston l,lRL, cf o Olmsted, 28 Lawrence Street. Boston(617) 6214es2

Cobb County IUIN, clo AWIN, Box 741j, Atlanta, Ga.30309. (404) 87s-O646

Columbus \URL,1954 Indianola, Columbus, Ohio 43201,(614) 291-s983.

Detroit l|RL, 28314 Danvers Court, Farmington, Michi_gan 48024 (3 1 3) 33s-0362

Jamestown WRL, 12 Partridge Street, Jamestown, NewYork 14701

Lqwrence IURL, Canterbury House, 1 l6 Louisiana, Law_rence, Kansas.

Milwaukee Area Draft Information Center and lfiRl,1619 West Wells, Milwaukee, Wisconsin (414) 342-0l 91

Oklahoma IilRL, Box H, Norman, Oklahoma 73069

Washington WRL, Peace through Nonviolent Action,American University, P.O. Box no.23l, Wash., D.C.20016

WRl-Southwesl (Southwest Region Office, 115-B Her-mosa S.8., Albuquerque, N.M. 87108 (505) 26S_987i

llRl-lUest (Westem Region Office, g33 Haight Street,San Francisco, California 941 17 (,4 i S) 626-697 6

In addition to the above groups, there are about adozen efforts to organize local WRL's going on aroundthe-country. These are what we could call .m1ryo WRL'sand when they reach the stage of being able to organizeand work outside the WRL membership we will list themas loc-al-WRl,'s. If you would like to 6egin organizing alocal WRL or would like information on- th" tica WnI-,program please write to the National Office.

IiteratureTHE RESISTANCE A history and analysis by Michael Fer_ber and Staughton Lynd pupeiauar.,Zg3 pp $2.95THE ORGANIZER'S MANUAL practical suggestions forgrass roots organizing by the O.M. Collective. paperback,

366 pp $1.25

NOW IN PAPERBACK

4 books formerly available only in expensive hardcovereditions:

REVOLUTIONARY NONVIOLENCEby David Dellinger.

His selected essays from 1943 to the present, includingfirst-hand accounts of Cuba, mainland China, North andSouth Vietnam. 490 pp. $2.50SAL SI PUEDES: CESAR CHAVEZ AND THE NEwAMERICAN REVOLUTION by peter Mattiessen."At a time when violence seems to have become a factof public life, Chavez has maintained the principles ofnonviolence." ( N.Y. Times ) 372 pp. $2.95GANDHI-HIS RELEVANCE FOR OUR TIMES Ananthology including writings by A. J. Muste, JoanBondurant, Mulford Sibley, G. Ramachandran, etc.

383 pp. $1.25REBELS AGAINST WAR by Lawrence S. WittnerThe story of the U.S. peace movement from l94l to1960. '286 pp. $2.95

WRL BROKEN RIFLE BUTTON $6/100, $1lt2, tOl each

WRL BROKEN RIFLE PIN on heavy metal. $1ND BUTTON (Nuclear Disarmament symbol)

black and white 56/100. St/12. l0dblack and white $6/100,$tlt2,10d each

ND PIN black enamel on steel. $l

,----I ro, WAR RESTSTERS LEAGUE i| ,r9 tafayette Street, New york, N.y. 1fl)12 iI

! t I I enclose $-for items checked.I

I [ ] I enclose $-contribution to the WRL.IlNameI

lAddressI

Izip

/

Revolution is the creation of new living institutiotTs,new groupings, new social relationships, it is thedestruction of privileges and n'tonopolies; it is the newspirit of justice, of brotherhood, of f reedom which mustrene\v the whole of social life, the moral level andthe material conditions of the masses by callingon them to provide, through their direct and consciousaction,'for their own future.Revolution is the organisation of all public serviceshy those who work in them in their own interestas well as the public's;Revolution is the destruction of all coercive ties; itis the autonomy of groups, of commLtnes, of regions;Revolution is the free federation brought about bya desire for brotherhood, by individual andcollective interests, by the needs of prodwctiortand defence;Revolution is the constitution of innumerable f reegrqwpings based on ideas, wishes, and tastes ofall kinds that exist among the people;Revolution is the forming and disbanding of thousanclsof representative, district, communal, regional,national bodies which, without having anylegislative power, serve to make known and tocoordinate the desires and interests of people near andf ar and which act through inf ormation,advice and e.rample.Revolution is f reedom proved in the uucible offacts-and lqsts so long as freedom lasts, thqt is untilothers, taking advantage of the weariness thatovertakes the masses, of the inevitable disappointmentsthat follow exoggerated hopes, of the probable errorsand humon faults, succeed in constituting e power,which supported by qn army of conscripts ormercenories, lays down the law, arrests the movementat the point it has reached, and then _begtns the reaction. Errico Malatesta