Ideological and Political Positions of the Major Islamic Sects, Schools and Tendencies in Northern...

Mandyeng: Journal of Central Nigeria Studies

Ideological and Political Positions of the Major Islamic Sects,

Schools and Tendencies in Northern Nigeria:

Implication for Peace and Security

in Kaduna State and the Northern

States of Nigeria

Muhammadu Mustapha Gwadabe

Department of History

Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Abstract

Researching through the history of religious activities in the north this essay argues that there

is a relationship between the current state of disunity and conflict in Kaduna state and the

Northern Nigeria in general, and the resurgence of the radical reformist religious

movements’ that developed among both the Muslim and Christian communities. These

movements (Izala and Pentecostal) that resurfaced nearly at the same time created tendencies

for division and militancy among their followers. Side by side with the international politics

and the deteriorating state of the Nigerian economy due to merciless plunder of the national

resources by the political elite across the religions and ethnic groups favourable condition for

mass recruitment of insurgents becomes very easy. Thus from 1980s Kaduna state started

experiencing clashes and continuing growth of enmity and hatred encouraged and financed

by the respective local elites and possibly other international financiers. This essay argues

that the challenge for peace in Kaduna state must address the excesses of these new religious

movements, which produced not only inter religious, but intra-religious contestations and

conflict.

Introduction

Jesus is the Servant of God and His apostle and His spirit and His word which He

cast into Mary, the blessed virgin…. (Holy Qur’an 4:171)

…..he who takes a life will be judged like he killed all mankind….he that saves a

life will be judged like he saved all of mankind….(Holy Qur’an 5:32)

The thought in this essay is based on the above two verses of the Holy

Qur’an, which starts with the conviction that what is primary in Islam is

Islam, not Associations or Groups; certainly not Sect,1 not even Schools or

Tendencies. The focus is therefore not on Sects, Schools and Tendencies,

which dominate experiences in today’s Northern Nigeria, but with Islam. It

demonstrates that there is only one Islam and is essentially about peace and

peaceful coexistence between people notwithstanding their world outlook or

religious pursuit. This understanding, it is hoped, will be demonstrated by

looking at the history of the emergence of Islam and Islamic system of

government; the introduction of Islam and Islamic system of government in

Hausa land; and its consequences in Kaduna state in particular and Northern

Nigeria in general. This approach will understandably be relevant because of

the conviction that no meaningful solution can be achieved in the conflicting

relationship between the existing communities and religions in Kaduna state

Muhammedu Mustapha Gwadabe, Religious Ideology and Security

unless the historical precursors are established and understood more

objectively. It is the position of this essay that what we need in Kaduna State,

and Nigeria at large, is tolerance of one another; government’s commitment

to peace and economic development as well as sincerity of purpose,

especially from among the ‘elite classes’.

Meaning and History of Islam

Islam is a way of life and the religion from God (SWT) sent to

mankind through the medium of His true and most devoted Apostle,

Muhammadu Ibn Abdullah (PBUH), preserved in its immaculate purity in

the Holy Qur’an and the Holy traditions. It is literally defined to mean peace

(Salam). Like all religions before it, the religion of Islam teaches the oneness

of Allah, it is therefore about the pronouncement and belief that there is none

worthy of worship but Allah; and that Muhammadu Ibn Abdullah is His

Messenger.2 By this undertaking also a Muslim is expected to believe in all

the Prophets and revealed Books3; the Angels; the Day of Judgment and with

Divine Preordainment.4 Islam came to this World via the Arabian Peninsula

amidst socio-cultural decadence amongst the people. The people, mostly

Arabs, were in the past known to be followers of Prophet Ismail (AS) and

therefore professed the religion of his father Prophet Abraham (AS). The

religion of Abraham is essentially the devotion to the worship of Allah,

professing His Oneness. Over a very long period of time such a belief

became extinct, sullied and diluted. It was at this point that Amr bin Luhai,

the Chief of Khuza’a, known for his righteousness, charity, reverence and

care for religion, introduced the worship of idols.5 This was after his trip to

Syria where he met the prevalence of the worship of idols. His people

quickly accepted due to their unreserved love and obedience to him. This

marked the commencement of the worship of idols around the Ka’abah,

which later spread to most part of Makkah, and Hijaz. At the time of the

conquest of Makkah by Islam every house had their own idols, and the

Sacred House (Al-Ka’abah) was also overcrowded with so many of such

idols.6

Though the worship of idols became the dominant belief, some other

faiths were also practiced, among which was the religion of Judaism. The

Jews relocated to the area after the attack by King Bukhtanassar, who

destroyed their temples, held them as captives and forced them into slavery.7

In their attempt to escape from his misrule, the Jewish community of

Palestine relocated to Hijaz and settled in the northern part. The Roman

occupation of Palestine marked yet another phase of the Jews migration into

Hijaz, Yathrib, Khaibar and Taima.8 The Jews made proselytes of several


groups, built forts and castles, and lived in villages. At the time of the

coming of Islam so many Jewish communities were established under several

famous Jewish groups of Khabeer, Al-Mustaliq, An-Nadeer, Quraizah,

Qainuqa among others.

Christian communities, followers of the religion of Jesus (Prophet Isa

[AS]) were also found in some numbers. Their settlement in the area dated

back to the entry of the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) and ‘Roman colonists’ into

Yemen.9 This was in retaliation for the iniquities of Yusuf Dhu Nawas in

523.10

The propagation of Christian faith was established leading to the

construction of an impressive Church. In addition to Yemen, Christian

communities were also found in Najran through the influence of Missioners

(Fimion), known for his ascetic behaviour and performance of miracles. His

honesty and truthful devotion won the heart of a greater part of the

population. The groups that embraced Christianity were Ghassan, Taghlib,

Tai and some Himyarite kings as well as some others living on the borders of

the Roman Empire.11

Other forms of belief systems also existed which

includes Magianism, mostly found among the Persians, Iraqis, Bahrain, Al-

Ahsa and in some other areas on the Arabian Gulf coast. It was also practiced

among the Yemenis when they were under the Persian occupation. Among

the Kaldanian Iraqis were found those who professed Sabianism. Such

followers were also found among Syrians and Yemenis, but the influence of

Magianism and Sabianism declined in the face of the introduction of

Judaism and Christianity into Arabian Gulf. 12

However, the religious situation in the Arabian Peninsula on the eve

of Islam was worrisome such that neither the Jews nor the Christians were

observing it in its authentic milieu. The Jews turned into abominable

hypocrisy in league with authority. The Rabbis known to be men of God

turned into lords, to the exclusion of Lord. They involved themselves in the

practice of dictatorial subjection of people and acquisition of wealth and

power at the peril of the religion. This led them into atheism and utter

disbelief. Christianity, on the other hand, got itself sank into polytheism to a

point that it could not stand its heavenly status. Its conception of God

developed a sort of peculiar medley of man and God, therefore exercised

little or no bearing on the real lives of the Arabs. This religious challenge of

the Arabian Peninsula produced a Socio-economic and Political life that

could at best be described as ferocious. The haughty struggle for profit-

making at all cost, enslavement of the weak, burying of female children

alive, prostitution, drunkenness, sumptuousness, and other forms of indecent

life styles were rampant. Socially, there was deep-seated emotional

attachment to clan by all, making the family one of the strongest passions.

What, therefore, became in vogue was the doctrine of unity of blood as the

principle that bound them together into a social unit. The motto was “support


your brother whether he is an oppressor or oppressed.” Upholding this

position contradicts the teachings in all the revealed books, but remained the

dominantly accepted culture of the time. The political scene was such that

over a very small issue, families, clans engaged one another in bloody

conflict; as in the case of the fight between the Aws and Khazraj, Abs and

Dhubyan, Bakr and Taghlib. There was therefore the absence of a central

authority in all the Arabian Peninsula to enforce the customary law, to settle

disputes, and to lead society to progress and development.13

This made social relations very brittle, added to the deep devotion to

superstitions and some customs held in veneration, the chance for resolving

issues amicably without bloodletting was no longer feasible. The nature of

the social relations affects the economic stand of the people and vice-versa,

with the economy playing a more influential role. The greatest problem at

this time was the state of insecurity that disturbed the major economic

activity, which was mostly trading. Thus Pre-Islamic Arabia was groping

about in ignorance, entangled in a mesh of superstitions which paralyzed the

economy and society. The reality is, however that there were in existence

communities of people with diverse cultures and traditions coupled with

different forms of religious propensity, living together in a relationship of

harmony and disharmony. Amongst the factors that assisted harmonious

feeling were common language and literature, the markets, other social

alliances and the sacred months.14

It was while at this state of being that the

message of Islam reached the World essentially summarized by Ja’afar bin

Abi Talib thus:

…..we were an uncivilized people, worshipping idols, eating corpses,

committing abominations, breaking natural ties, treating guests badly, and

our strong devoured our weak. Thus we were until God sent us an apostle

whose lineage, truth, trustworthiness and clemency we know. He summoned

us to acknowledge God’s unity and to worship Him and to renounce the

stones and images which we and our fathers formerly worshipped. He

commanded us to speak the truth, to be faithful to our engagements, mindful

of the ties of kinship and kind hospitality, and to refrain from crimes and

bloodshed. He forbade us from committing abominations and telling lies, to

devour the property of orphans, to vilify chaste women. He commanded us

to worship God alone and not to associate anything with Him, and he gave

us orders about prayer, almsgiving and fasting. We confessed his truth and

believed in him, and we followed him in what he had brought from God,

and we worshipped God alone without associating anything with Him. We

treated as forbidden what he forbade, and as lawful what he declared lawful. 15

The message of Islam is therefore simply about the belief in Allah

(God) and His Messenger, Muhammad (PBUH); it is against the worship of


anything other than Allah. It is about living peacefully in a society with every

member of the society, thus every Muslim always pronounce the greetings of

peace at the end of his prayers.16

The First Islamic Government

The first Islamic government came into being after the forceful

migration17

of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) out of Makkah to Madinah in

the year 622AD.The Prophet of Islam (PBUH) was forced to leave Makkah

with his people upon the rejection of his revealed religion by, more

specifically, the influential families of Makkah. The situation was

humiliating and degrading and it involved loss of lives and properties; in

addition to untold difficulties to especially convert’s of slave background.18

Muslims sneaked their ways in groups to Madinah on their camels and by

foot. The Muslims of Madinah welcomed and accepted them, giving them

shelter, protection and right of religion. This marked the establishment of the

first Muslim community in the world outside Makkah, which was also the

beginning of the Islamic Calendar (Hijra).19

Also known as Yathrib, Medinah, before the migration and the

establishment of Muslim community lacked a central system of

administration. Located to the north-east of Makkah, Madinah was inhabited

by both Jewish tribes of Banu al-Nadir, Banu Qaynuqa, and Banu

Qurayzah; and the Arab tribes of Al-Aws and Al-Khazraj. Madinah was

therefore always in a state of near feud even among the Arabs. It was the

same situation at the economic level, which made life gloomy, characterized

by lawlessness.20

The arrival of the Muslim community of Makkah, more

like conquerors than political asylum seekers, provided a relief. Under the

leadership of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), the Muslim emigrants were

received by both the Arab (Christians) and non-Arab communities (Jews) of

Madinah. The recognition accorded the Prophet (PBUH) by the existing

communities gave him leadership position and authority to bring the

communities together under common socioeconomic and political platform.

It was this that led to the establishment of a political institution (authority)

with representation of all the communities under the leadership of Prophet

Muhammad (PBUH). The objective was to handle all matters pertaining to

law and order, and to put in place a system for the good of all. Earlier on, the

estimation of some of the Muslims was to sideline the Jews by taking over

the economy and society to deny them and others any right of equal

participation. Prior to the takeover of Madinah by Islam, the Jews in

particular dominated and dictated the phase of the economy and society, and

were engaged in all forms of exploitative practices against other members of

the community. Though the action of the Jews contradicted the teachings of


Islam, the Prophet (PBUH) frowned at the unjust treatment of the Jews too

for both tactical and spiritual21

reasons. Tactfully, there has to be an

economy, providing the means of survival before any political organisation

can stand on its feet. Therefore the Jews must be given the right to live and

the protection to engage in their productive activities. It was this

understanding that produced the economy upon which Islam thrived and

extended its influence to as far as Europe, Asia and Africa, and initiated

efforts at establishing a community with common goals. This began with an

attempt to thaw down the ‘tribal inclination’ by the Prophet (PBUH) where

he discouraged the continued use of ‘tribal identities’ of the Aws and

Khazraj22

and replaced it with that of the adherents (Al-ansar). Together with

the emigrant communities (Al-Muhajirun), the Prophet (PBUH) encouraged

them to leave together in a community of brotherhood as against the hitherto

arrangement that was based on ‘tribal’ identification and solidarity. Such an

understanding soon produced a community of people that see one another

outside ‘tribal’ identification and unity, but as a community of people leaving

under a common roof.

The effort to put in place a community did not end with the unity of

the Arabs alone, most of whom had accepted Islam; the Jewish community

was also included. This was when the prophet (PBUH) approached the Jews,

as people of the ‘Book’, to join the common agreement that called for an end

to the state of acrimony and communal feud. The success of this mediation

among the communities of Madinah produced the first constitution (al-

sahifah) in the world. Known as the Constitution of the People of Madinah,

the document represented a treaty of equity made between the emigrants, the

adherents, Christians and the Jews, with the objective to regulate relations. It

began by accepting all the communities of Madinah as members of a single

community with equal rights and obligations, notwithstanding the religious

belief and commitment of each.23

The common agreement runs thus:

….the Jews (and Christians) have their own religion and the Muslims theirs.

Both enjoy the security of their own populace and client except the unjust

and criminals among them…. Each shall assist the other against any violator

of this covenant. Their relationship shall be mutual advice and consultations

and mutual assistance and charity, rather than harm and

aggression….assistance is due to the party suffering an injustice not to one

perpetrating it…the people of this covenant shall come to the assistance of

one another against whoever attacks Yathrib (Madinah). If they are called to

cease hostilities and to enter into peace, they shall do so in the interest of

peace…charity and goodness are clearly distinguishable from crime and

injury, and there is no responsibility except for one’s own deeds.24


This document was signed by the respective members of the communities,

which provided the basis of the survival and consolidation of the community

in Madinah. On their economic practice of exploitative profiteering, the

Prophet synchronised the relationship by requesting the Jews, like all others,

to be paying State dues for the protection they were enjoying. No effort was

made to over tax them or cripple their business activities, indeed when

certain amount of money was demanded from them for services, the Jews

resisted it on the ground that it was on the high side. The Prophet (PBUH)

did not insist on his proposed amount, rather he asked them to pay just what

they could afford.

Since Islam is best exemplified by the life and teachings of Prophet

Muhammad (PBUH), the above understanding provides the justification for

communities of Muslims and non-Muslims, wherever they found themselves,

to live together in harmony with each other based on agreed objectives of

peaceful coexistence. This attitude of common understanding was

demonstrated by the Prophet (PBUH) many times in his life both in Madinah

and Makkah, which earned him the name Al-Amin (the trusted one) even

among the unbelievers. This same practice was maintained after his death,

when his Caliphs (four rightly guided Caliphs) took over.25

This continued

even after the four Caliphs of Islam, for example throughout the periods of

the Umayyad and Abbasids when the boundaries of the Islamic state

extended beyond Arabian Peninsula to the east and Western Europe, the rule

did not change. The non-Muslim Jews, Christians and Magians were not only

tolerated but participated as political office holders. In Baghdad during the

Abbasids Caliphs, Christians (mostly Jacobite and Nastorians) owned

churches and were allowed full freedom.26

This means that anything contrary

to this is not Islam; it is at best anarchy or barbarism, especially in this 21st

century, the era of globalisation. The wars (Jihad) fought by Islam (Badr

etc)27

were fought when the agreements reached were breached, specifically

the insincerity and connivance of the Jewish community28

and the attack on

the Muslims in Madinah by the Idol worshippers of Makkah.29

Still there was

nothing that gave the Prophet (PBUH) recognition and the full fledged right

of a leader of the people than the “Treaty of Hudaibiyyah” which he entered

into with the people of Makkah in 628 AD.30

The relevance of this treaty is

that while Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) refused, in the past, to agree for a

settlement with them after promising him riches in the form of money,

women and influential political position to decline Islam, he accepted

condition that denied certain of his right’s as an Arab.31

The beauty of it

however is that while the latter recognises his belief system (Islam) the


former did not. Like any other Arab believer the treaty of Hudaibiyyah

permitted him and his followers to enter Makkah and perform their religious

right, including the right to return the following year to perform Pilgrimage

unmolested with his community. It was after this that the Prophet (PBUH)

took over Makkah and thereby establishing a stronger and dynamic network

of administration that extended its hold to areas outside the Arabian

Peninsula.32

After his success in taking over Makkah, the Prophet (PBUH)

never tried to avenge what the Quraysh of Makkah did to him and his people;

instead he pronounced a word of forgiveness to them all. This is one of the

important lessons that the people of Kaduna and Nigeria need to emulate; it

is what all the religions doctrines preached. The point this essay is extending

is that the Prophet (PBUH) agreed to a settlement, with even people that he

defined as enemies (the Quraysh of Makkah); real enemies that attempted on

so many occasions to kill him; that maltreated his community and sent them

out to exile in foreign land.33

Islam in Hausaland

Islam came to Hausaland from about the 11th

century AD. The most

celebrated medium was the Trans-Saharan trade, after the Arab conquest of

North Africa and the Maghreb.34

The Arab (Muslims) political control of the

administration of North Africa and the Maghreb gave their traders the chance

to establish trading centres and relationships that boosted the growth of the

existing kingdoms by enhancing their economies and revenue base. This

development also facilitated the introduction of Islam, first to the ruling

elites, who accepted Islam for the advantages it brought along with it.35

The

kings also found Islam convenient for their imperial adventures, since it was

a unifying ideology bridging many groups and presenting them with a wider

brotherhood and nationality. This created a particular political scene whereby

Islam was used to promote the interests of the rulers. Traditional religion

which was dominant within most of the communities of Hausaland of that

time was lacking in universality, possessing more of the outlook of a

primitive political culture represented by its local deities, spirits and

ancestors. Such a religious perception was based on economic and cultural

interaction that lacked corresponding social dynamic, political and religious

structure.36

On the other hand, the Islamic view of the universe as governed

by one God who is to be worshipped in a particular way by one world-wide

community of believers appeared Universalist, open and more civilised.

Islam, therefore, brought along with it civilisation, and nation building into

Hausaland and in the process enhanced the socio-economic and cultural

advancement of those communities that embrace it. It brought about wealth,

fortune, exposure, advancement and banned its adherents from certain


archaic extravagant cultural reticence. Not long after, the ruling elites of

Hausaland (starting with Gobir) were accused of mixing Islam with

traditional religion. It was on this recognition, in addition to other

socioeconomic vices, that misunderstanding cropped up leading to the

outbreak of the Jihad in Hausaland.37

The 1804 Jihad should therefore not be

seen as just a transformation of religion but an extension of civilisation,

which the whole world including South America, the Caribbean, North

America, Europe, and the Middle East, were experiencing at that period.

These movements, independently, produced social and political forces that

challenged the existing political order and succeeded in transforming hitherto

existing systems of political organization, and indeed the basis of political

communities.38

Like all others, the Sokoto Caliphate was established in the

course of these processes. As noted by Usman, it was similar to the type of

massive peasant uprising led by Pugachev that shook the Tsarist regime to its

roots in 1770s, and also caused the resurgence of the Irish independence

movement in the 1790s, which challenged the political order of the United

Kingdom and ensured the right and freedom of the people.39

The Jihad of 1804

The aim of the Islamic reform movement (Jihad) was to make the

Muslims in Hausaland practice Islam in the correct manner. It is simply

about the manner in which Allah (SWA) had decreed it and Prophet

Muhammad (PBUH) had explained it to mankind. It was to set up a state, in

which the Shari’a would be the guiding principles of administration; that

which would regulate the activities of the state and the lives of all members

of the community. Majority of the inhabitants of Hausaland were by that

period Muslims in appearance, but not serious about the practice, which was

the concern of the Jihadist. The Jihadist argued that Hausaland was in a state

of decadence in its practice of the religion and in the administration of justice

between the rulers and the ruled.40

The success of the Jihad created a

Caliphate in 1808 after the fall of Alkalawa, though fighting continued in

other parts. I concur with Mahdi Adamu who said that it is not easy to

determine the size of the Caliphate due to lack of statistical precision on the

boundaries. He summarily states that the territorial extent of the Caliphate

was viewed at a point,

…to have extended … to Konni district of the present Niger Republic; to

the east the border extended to the Emirates of Gumel, Kazaure, Hadejia,

Misau, and Gombe curved out of Western Borno. In the southeast,

Adamawa Emirate went as far south of northern half of the present

Cameroons; Bauchi Emirate extended and virtually swallowed the erstwhile

Jukun Kingdom. Zaria, working through its subsidiary Emirate of Keffi and

Nassarawa, had reached the lower Benue valley; Nupe emirate had


expanded southwards to include Lokoja and Auchi, and was about to launch

an attack on the Igala government of Iddah when the British appeared. Ilorin

Emirate, with its military bases in Ilorin and Offa, planned to push the

frontiers of the Caliphate well into the forest belt, and the powerful military

garrison in Ibadan and Oshogbo in about 1842. In the West, Borgu

Kingdom successfully resisted the Caliphate and conceded Illo only, but

could not, however, stop the Caliphate from expanding westwards in the

areas due north of it and enter the eastern part of the present day Burkina

Fasso.41

For administrative purposes the Caliphate was divided into two parts

in 1812, making the eastern and western zones. The eastern zone included the

territories conquered from Zamfara, Gobir, Kano, Katsina, Daura, Zazzau,

Bauchi, and Adamawa Kingdoms, and the satellite districts of the empire of

Borno, located in western Borno. On the other hand, the western part

included the conquered parts of Kebbi, Borgu, Ilorin and Nupe Emirates. It

was through this arrangement that the administration of the Caliphate was

organised; and that produced an economy and society which was multi-ethnic

and multi-cultural in nature, but under a political arrangement.42

The Emirate

of Zazzau was established in this course. Zazzau’s territorial extent extended

over two southern vassal states of Kajuru and Kauru. Other areas to the south

included Lapai, and Kusherike ruled since the Habe administration.43

The

Caliphate was established based on some set principles as dictated by the

Holy Qur’an, and the teachings and silent approvals of the Prophet (PBUH).

Among these principles include that which emphasised that being kind to

non-Muslims, and to all creatures of Allah, which are considered strong act

of worship.44

It was on this ground that the preaching by Sheikh Usman Dan

Fodio appealed to all segments of the society, not just the Muslims, because

the purpose was not only to improve moral standard of the people but to also

enhance their social and economic wellbeing and establish justice for all.45

Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio made it categorical in the following ways:

The non-Muslim citizens shall maintain their religious and social

autonomy and preserve their distinctive characteristics. They shall

apply their own laws as they relate to personal status and social

moral life.

They shall be permitted to settle in our land (i.e. in the midst of the

Muslim communities, thus no need for separate quarters for them).

They shall have guarantee of protection for their lives, property and

honour and shall live in peace in the Islamic state.

We shall not (said Dan Fodio) interfere with their places of worship,

nor with their wine or pig unless they make public.


It was also made clear by Abdullahi Fodio in his Diya’ul-hakkam, as pointed

by Bunza, that in dealing with non-Muslim foreigners on the other hand, such

a group must seek for permission before settling in the abode of Islam. The

same rule applies also before transacting any business or seeking for

asylum.46

These principles were made known to all the Emirates on the

conviction that Islam is a religion which involves both physical participation

and that of the mind. It, therefore, involves full commitment to the tenets of

the religion, so any attempt at enforcing it on unwilling mind creates enemies

from within. Such was what defined the conduct of leadership in the

Caliphate until when it started to derail, about a decade after the Caliphate

was established.47

Of importance to note about the Caliphate administration is that it did

not last two decades upholding the principles that established it. In Zazzau, in

particular the degeneration started during the reign of Mallam Musa ( Emir,

1804-21), the first Jihad ruler. According to the Caliphate’s established

tradition Emirs were to appoint for the care of the emirate affairs such

persons who have seriousness, truth and honesty. Such appointment should

be based on piety and not desires; otherwise if a person who lacked such

qualities is appointed he would enslave the servants of Allah and use their

wealth for his own interest. Once such is violated the values on which the

Caliphate is established would be abused and contaminated, so also their

obedience and the affairs of the state would become shaky and corrupt.48

Mallam Musa violated this principle in his appointments to administrative

offices; he did not see any contradiction in upholding the Habe tradition.

Thus Musa appointed three of his daughters to the offices reserved by the

Habe for the Kings womenfolk. He also appointed to position of importance

two of his other sons namely Sidi Abdulkadir (Dangaladima) and Zakari who

served as Magajin Gari.49

Similar violations continued under subsequent

rulers of Zazzau which corrupted most part of the emirate’s political

arrangement. The immediate successor, Yamusa (Emir, 1821-34) abolished

the female tenure to provide him with the opportunity of removing the two

daughters of the late emir, and to create vacant position for his chosen

children. This tenure in the Zazzau political arrangement consolidated the

return to the Habe form of ruler-ship by openly cornering political positions

to members of his clan or immediate family. It indeed created political tussle

between the leading contesting clan houses that made up the main royal

house.50

Over time, the Caliphate authority in Sokoto complicated the

political situation more when it facilitated the appointment of Abdulkarimu

(Emir, 1834-46) in place of the leading claimants, which created three


dynastic houses in the administration of Zazzau.51

Starting from a very weak

political position, Abdulkarimu sought the advice of the Emir of Kano,

Ibrahim Dabo (1819-1837?).52

Following Dabo’s style, Abdulkarimu put

aside his acknowledged status of a Mallam (knowledgeable person) to claim

his new status of an aristocrat (feudal lord). Thus, Abdulkarimu read between

the lines and dismissed the two most senior political officers in the

administration and promoted their juniors setting the respective clans

(Barnawa and Mallawa) in perpetual conflict. He also appointed his kinsmen,

including his direct son and those of his brothers and sisters, a move that

gave him independent control of the Emirate.53

The struggle to consolidate his political control did not end with the

monopolization of the political position; it extended to facilitating corrupt

practices involving some Caliphate’s officials. For example, it was during his

tenure that the Waziri of Sokoto, who was the liaison officer between the

central authority and the Emirate, was collecting his share of the tribute,

aside the main share for the central government. The share of the central

government was also doubled, to include payment in cash, which hitherto

used to be in kind (slaves, locust-bean, cloth and mat). The seed of corruption

in the emirate and the Caliphate continued to germinate that at the tail end of

his reign, Abdulkarim was made to pay new additional taxes in the form of

‘Kurdin Sarauta’, through the office of the Waziri. Such unpopular policies

had institutionalized corruption at all levels of the Caliphate’s administration.

Towards the coming of the Europeans, there were clear indicators that the

Caliphate administration had outstretched its bounds, even amongst the areas

under its direct control.54

Additional taxes were introduced, for example,

Kurdin Kasa defined as tax on every hoe rated at 2,000 cowries was paid and

remitted to the central authority. Also paid was the occupational group tax,

taxes on dye pits and blacksmiths, taxes on tanners, caravans, canoes,

butchers, drummers and other economic categories. It is interesting to note

that these taxes were paid in all the Emirates of the Caliphate and by all

subject population. In the case of Zazzau Emirate, it was contemplated that

members of the family of the late emirs should also be made to pay Kurdin

Kasa (Land tax).55

Indeed the incidence of the taxes kept increasing down to

the end of the century making the ruling class richer at the expense of the

emirate and its subject population, both Muslims and non-Muslims. At his

death in 1860, one of the rulers of Zazzau (Mamman Sani) was so rich to

have owned about 9000 slaves.56

The identity of these slaves is not made

known but on the reflection of what other writers on the area related, it is

possible that they were mostly from among the various small autonomous


polities that were overwhelmingly animist.57

What made them more

vulnerable than others, according to Toure-Kazah, was their inability to

develop high level apparatuses of state organization.58

Up to the 19th

century,

the communities in that part of Zazzau emirate were lagging behind in the

development of a chiefdom type of political institution.

What existed therefore were no more than communal enclaves with

broad based people’s participation especially economic activities and in

others around protecting the settlement against any form of assault. It was at

best a form of social structure where age and therefore wisdom played a

significant role in decision making, and nothing else. The society was

therefore in its more natural state with very little contradiction due to lack of

clear cut class division; the few conflicts noted were mostly on land matters

or over ownership of those resources which have some economic relevance.

Other forms of conflict, though highly insignificant, were in the relationship

between largely communal polities in the south and the expansionist Zazzau

Emirate. As noted by Toure-Kazah, that was however not the dominant

relationship between the two polities. More beneficial relationship existed

between them in the form of economic interaction of trade, guides and agents

of long distance trading merchants, which produced much of the Hausa

settlements found in the region. It was through this process that there

emerged ruling elite, mostly from among the few that made fortune from the

roles they played in the trading activity.59

This view found support in what

Filaba also argued looking at the 19th

century Central Nigerian area, more

specifically Keffi, Nassarawa Emirates, and some parts of Abuja. Like

Usman, Filaba looked at the 19th

century Central Nigerian area from the point

of view of the general tendencies for transformation that featured processes

of ossification, withering, paralysis, collapse and overthrow of political

systems.60

It was therefore not a gang up against any group of people; rather

it was one of those features of feudalism exercised for what it represented.

The same experience was also found in about the 12th

- 15th

century Europe

(Britain France, Germany and so on) as well as in Russia under the Czarist

regime. Viewing the relationship more critically, Filaba, like Nengel61

and

Makar,62

argued that the 19th

century transformation did not only create

master servant relationship in favour of the Zazzau emirate, rather it also led

to the development of new centres of civilization and economic activities.63

This aspect of the historical development must therefore be understood and

appreciated if the present challenges of the 21st century Northern Nigeria are

to be addressed and more durable solutions are to be achieved.


This summation is in disagreement with the views of those scholars

whose understanding of history and historical developments fails to situate

society and social development from the point of view of the processes that

unfolded to produce it. Thus while Arnett,64

Turaki,65

Yohanna66

and others

were not out of track for raising issues of slavery and slave trade as the major

issues in the relationship between the Zazzau Emirate and the settlement to

its south, I found their tools of analysis deficient and unscientific, because the

only result it produced is that of hatred of one another on the basis of some

unscientific categorisations. As brought out in the case of the Zazzau

Emirate, less than two decades after the Jihad the Caliphate had already

turned against its principles. Therefore it was not the Caliphate as a State

institution or Muslims that enslaved, but particular ruling elite that

represented particular socio-political institutions (feudal). Indeed, it was not

just the people of Southern Zaria that were enslaved or taxed, but other

members of the Emirate were equally enslaved and overtaxed, not minding

what religion they professed. Adamu, noted this also in his discussion of the

impact of the Caliphate on the economy and society of the people of Zazzau,

where he cited cases of the establishment of a number of agricultural estates

(slave shades) all over the Emirate.67

This point is also supported by Toure-

Kazah where he shows that what happened was an exercise of feudal

arrogance and cruelty which left nobody, including members of the royalty

out of its reach.68

Thus slave raids and slavery existed even within the

Muslim communities themselves; where ordinary Hausa, Fulani and huge

Muslim population were enslaved.69

It is even resolved by Toure-Kazah that

most of the slaves were not really captives of Zazzau aristocratic raids but a

product of the intra-ethnic conflicts over land and since there was no

significant need for slave labour within the economy of the area (southern

Zaria) the only option was to export them to, more specifically, northern part

of Zazzau. The exercise was therefore a ‘contextual’ one involving even

members of the community some of whom acted as accomplice, who, in

return, were given political recognition, as leaders of some of the chiefdoms.

Looking at the level of political development of the societies more

‘contextually’ the southern communities provided a more fertile ground for

feudal political adventure, whatever its outlook, but the historical nature of

this development must be understood from its proper perspective. It should

not be seen beyond the period when it took place; else it would lose touch

with the reality of its historical processes.

The Caliphate failed, and collapsed into what it was created to fight;

indeed at the political level, the most unfortunate aspect of what happened

was the subsuming of the Caliphate’s ideals to feudalism. Nineteenth century


transformation of the world (Industrialisation etc) was a transformation of

feudalism and not its revival. The contrary was what happened in Hausaland,

and that was the first flaw noted in the outcome of the Jihad.70

The

aristocratic class in Hausaland reduced all that it achieved to nothing but

platform for sustaining aristocratic plunder. That was why the Caliphate was

unable to sustain the spirit of Islamic reform it promised the community.

Many of the Jihadists who found themselves in possession of power or

wealth as a result of the Jihad campaigns used them openly and with greed,

to the extent that Sheikh Abdullahi Fodio felt disgusted and decided to leave

the community.71

This unfortunate situation was also mentioned by Henry

Barth (European Explorer) who visited most parts of the Caliphate in the

1840s. In his travellers note, Barth indicted the rulers in Sokoto for engaging

in all the social vices that the Shehu (Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio) condemned

half a century before. Caliph Aliyu Babba (1842-59) also complained bitterly

of the general neglect of the basic principles of the Caliphate traditions.72

It

was this failure, in addition to the development of Capitalism and

Imperialism, which made it easier for European colonial conquest and

colonisation of that part of Africa in 1903.

Colonial Rule, Missionary Activities, and Ethno-Religious Conflicts in

Kaduna State

It is important to understand that there is a relationship between the

colonisation of Northern Nigeria and Missionary activities. It is equally

important to note that the two became necessary for the survival of the

capitalist industrial transformations of Europe during the eighteenth

century.73

A lot has been written on this, therefore, the concern here is not to

go into details of what happened and how 74

but to make the point that, in

their effort to succeed in establishing their presence, British imperialism

effectively employed its policy of divide and rule. This was effectively used

right from the time of the conquest. It is historically evident that the conquest

of the Caliphate was made practically possible by the roles played by a

number of accomplices, including the non-Muslim communities of the

central Nigerian area.75

It is indeed also valid to stress that so many other

individuals also played similar roles including some Muslim traders who

found the leadership of the Caliphate detrimental to their growing business

interest in the area.76

Notwithstanding, what was evident is that, the European

conquerors also came to this part of Africa for a purpose, which they

treasured more than anything else. It was in their effort to actualise this that

they forgo all hitherto socio-political relations they entered during the


process of the conquest and imposed their wish on the people and the

leadership. To make this practical the colonial authority recognised the

traditional institution as the accepted rulers, with the administrative powers

to collect taxes, conscript labour and administer punishment to anybody they

deem fit.77

If anything, such was what gave traditional authority the powers

they never had, which they used and misused as Native Authority apparatus

throughout the colonial era. Thus, the same force that brought Christianity

was the one that recreated the traditional authority structure, which subjected

the ordinary members of the population (Muslims and Christians) to untold

agony. It is still relevant to argue that despite all that which transacted both

the real and the embellished, there were never such ethno-religious clashes of

the magnitude we are experiencing today.78

Conflict of the present outlook was first experienced in the mid 1980s

(March 1987).79

In his recollection, Abdu80

recorded that it first took place in

Kafanchan over a disagreement between Muslim and Christian Students on

campus at the College of Education which escalated into bloody mayhem in

Kafanchan town, resulting in reprisal attacks in other parts of Kaduna

State.81

In February and April 1992, new rounds of riot erupted between the

Atyap community and Hausa-Fulani Muslim in Zangon-Kataf over the

relocation and control of a market. This also led to reprisal attacks that were

consequent on the information that Muslims were targeted and massacred; an

attack that involved destruction of lives and properties of other innocent

people of the respective religions and ethnic backgrounds. In this case it

involved even others sharing religious membership, though not necessarily of

Atyap or Hausa-Fulani ethnic identity. The dimension of the conflict later

took national outlook as the larger ethnic divide was dragged into the scene

due to religious solidarity and by virtue of the social mix-up in the country,

which further worsened the situation.82

Experiences since then have shown

that the general character of the conflict continued to breed certain tendencies

of acrimony and vengeance. A particular culture and political thinking

developed around ethnic and religious affiliations supported and propagated

by the growing elites, thus when in 1999 a Hausa-Fulani was appointed as

Emir of Jama’a violent protest was staged by the non-Hausa/Fulani members

of that community in opposition.83

The same crisis was experienced against

the introduction of Shari’a legal system in the year 2000, attesting to the

institutionalisation of a deep-seated distrust among the respective ethno-

religious groupings in the State. This distrust led to a kind of enmity that

stained the psyche with utter disgust, and it continues to worsen.84

I found the


conclusion by Abdu not only interesting but to have provided a good

summary of the situation. He noted that:

The increasing spate of ethno-religious conflicts has led to a substantial

decline in nationalism, gradual erosion of citizenship in many communities

with strong implication for national integration and development. Repeated

violence since the 1987 riots in Kafanchan has resulted in the destruction of

lives and property and the displacement of thousands of people.85

Kaduna State is today divided even in its settlement pattern, the worst

is in the capital city itself (Kaduna); it is divided along ethno-religious

divide, thus creating all sorts of artificial inconveniences. The division is so

clear with Muslims residing to the north starting from Rigachukun extending

to the main Kaduna town; while the Christians occupying areas to the south

beginning from areas around Narayi, Barnawa, Anguwan Television to as far

as Sabuwan Tasha (around Nigerian National Petroleum Company, depot),

Gonin Gora, on the Kaduna Abuja Road, and beyond. This division set an

ugly precedence at a time when the feeling of enmity has transcended to the

quest for extermination.86

The most annoying part of it is that most of the

studies on this subject hardly care to ask the question why, and to establish

its historicity for the purpose of bringing it to an end. Rather, they ended up

taking side, as Christians or Muslims. It is obvious that the conflict, as noted

above, has bearing on our history, especially the distortions inherent in the

process of our development during the pre-colonial period, through to the

colonial period. Another dimension to it relates also to the international

politics of the post independence era that produced a particular religious

outlook among the two dominant religions of Islam and Christianity. This

aspect of our history is yet to be fully investigated and analysed visa-a-vis the

ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna State and northern Nigeria in general.

Most attempts either blamed Colonialism or ethnic ill feelings; no effort is

made to relate it to the Post-colonial developments especially the creation of

the dual predisposition to Wahabi interpretation of Islam and the

Pentecostals interpretation of Christianity. This development did not only

create, packaged and smuggled the two thoughts but provided them with

adequate finances for their activities, as made known in separate studies by

Y. B. Usman and Adeboye Olufunke.87

The history of the above development was part of the efforts by the

United State of America and its allies to bring to an end the Soviet influence

in Africa and other underdeveloped parts of the world, which produced

economic crises of the dimension that imposed International Monetary Fund

(IMF) conditionality’s on most of them.88

In the case of Nigeria, this

economic pressure exposed the country to conditions close to disintegration.

..


It started with economic crisis of the 1980s explained by the corrupt practices

of the politicians.89

This was made worse by the military regime of General

Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida when he implemented the IMF conditionality’s

against the wishes of the Nigerians. His eight years of leadership created

enough social problems that deluded the ability of the Nigerian people to

think objectively. Nigerian society experienced general institutional collapse

in education, politics, culture and tradition, and economy. Added to the

distrust in the relationship between the existing religions, and ethnic divides,

accusing fingers were pointed either way to the ethnic affiliation of the

national leadership. This led to a general resurgence in ethnic and religious

conflicts across the country, which translated into the current political

developments of the twenty first century.90

Side by side with the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions was the

emergence of a particular religious understanding among the two major

religions practiced in the country. From among the Muslims, there came a

group of people with the notion of reforming the religion into perfection,

away from adulteration. Known as the Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’a wa Iqamatis

Sunnah (JIBWIS, also called Izala), the group claimed that their aim is to

revive Islam and to eradicate innovation.91

Intellectually led by Mallam

Abubakar Mahmud Gumi, this group also claimed that the Jihad which

Sheikh Usman Fodio fought needs to be revisited to correct the practices of

Islamic adherents in Hausaland. In one of his writings, Abubakar Gumi

stressed that:

Some of these offences were remnants of the distant past before Islam came

into the society, and relates to observing rites to spirits and certain natural

objects, like rivers, trees and rocks. These along with the spirits of dead

ancestors, were sometimes credited with the powers to intervene in the life

of the individual and influence his fate more favourable.92

From the criticisms over the mixing of the worship of Allah as explained

above, the true mission of the group came out more clearly during the course

of their teachings in both print and audio media, where they launched an

open attack on the adherents of Tariqah brotherhoods.93

In his contribution,

Ibraheem Sulaiman explains, following the teachings of Sheikh Usman Dan

Fodio that the Tariqah (Sufism) is in the Holy Qur’an and the Hadith of the

Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).94

This essay is not intended to go into details

of the contestations between the two; rather it is to show that the outright

condemnation of some important Scholars by the group initiated the

tendencies that produced a non-violent militancy in Islam. More clearly the

argument here is stressing that the outright condemnation of Scholars of


outstanding status by this group established a culture of rebellion (revolt)

among Muslim elites and youth on a very minor, insignificant and non

fundamental issue.95

This negative development further divided the Muslim

Community (Ummah), which Sheikh Usman Fodio established, by

encouraging the establishment of separate mosques and Islamic schools

owned by Associations or Groups, contrary to the hitherto experiences

whereby such structures were established and managed by the community.

These also led to the establishment of Friday (Juma’at) mosques outside

towns and mass preaching exercise (Wa’azin Kasa), discrediting even those

traditions that are never problematic. They condemned mosques and Imams

that were not owned and administered by their Association. With their

mosques located close to main road the worshippers used to block the road,

sometimes highway causing traffic hold-ups and creating lawlessness. Non-

Muslims or even Muslims on a journey, who Islam allowed not to necessarily

pray the Juma’at in congregation, are inconvenienced. In some places

members of the Self-Help groups (Yan’agaji) blocked the road harassing

passers-by hours before the time for prayers. Such illegalities contributed in

entrenching enmity and hatred among the adherents of the two religions.96

It

is the build-up of these that are some of the causes of the problems we are

experiencing today, and government is not paying attention to it; that is why

all efforts at trying to provide solutions are becoming difficult. It has even

affected the “One-North” Phenomenon that Ahmadu Bello, the first Premier

of Northern region, established, even among the military. In the past, the

traditional rulers were respected so also other elders of the community. This

established culture of defiance by the elites and the youths dealt a serious

blow to it. Part of the trick used in spreading the hidden mission of Izala

(Wahabism) was through the recruitment of some senior Civil Servants

sometimes by relaxing some of the Islamic religious tenets on probity and

accountability to suit elite’s wishes. This was made clear in one of Gumi’s

book where he stated that:

In every situation, like we had at the time, it was always better to try

and win the top, by making those in authority understand first, before

involving the general population. Once the leadership got the point, it

was relatively easier to convince the rest of the people to follow.97

As a result, most of the Kaduna State Institutions, especially Institutions of

Higher learning’s with Muslims in the leadership share this version of belief

and use it effectively in denying others, especially those following the more

traditional (Tariqa) line, the right to freely organise and practice their

religion. The experience at the Shehu Idris College of Health Science and

Technology, Makarfi, proved our case here; they noted in their submission to

a Kaduna State appointed committee on Peace and Reconciliation how their


effort to practice their religion peacefully was mystified and presented to the

government as if they violated the peace and tranquillity of the School

regulations.98

This specific challenge was also experienced by the Tariqah

students of the Kaduna State University (KASU) until the intervention of

some eminent Tariqah Ulamas in the State. It is presently the challenge in

Kaduna Polytechnic, Nuhu Bamali Polytechnic Zaria and indeed in most the

Institutions in the State. The challenge is therefore no longer between

Muslims and Christians, but in most cases now within the religions. The

point of note here is that the Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’a wa Iqamatis Sunnah

by design created more problems to the religion of Islam and the general

environment, by institutionalising disrespect of elders and scholars, creating

more division and sacking and dismissing a great number of Muslims out of

Islam, and violating the Constitutional Rights of the citizens to practice their

religion without molestation.99

This act is surely not Islamic and is never part

of the teachings of the Prophet (PBUH). Even against his enemies who

humiliated and injured him, his wish was for Allah to make them listen to the

call and accept Islam than for all of them to be crushed to death.100

This

rebellious culture, coupled with the general economic and socio-political

problems in the country created conditions that sustains conflict and clashes

both within and without of the religion.101

Specifically the Constitutional

Right of the people of Kaduna state, to religion and association, must be

restored and respected for peace and stability to be sustained and by that a

free and just environment to be established.

While this was going on among the Muslims, a similar development

was also gaining ground among the Christian community. This was in the

form of the resurgence of the Pentecostals,102

which can be defined as a

renewal within Christianity that places special emphasis on a direct personal

experience of God through the baptism in the Holy Spirit. It is an evangelical

faith emphasising the reliability of the Bible and the need for the

transformation of an individual’s life through faith in Jesus. The fundamental

requirement of Pentecostals is that a Christian should be born again; in being

a born again, the believer is regenerated, justified, adopted into the family of

God, and sanctified. Thus the teaching stresses the importance of continually

being filled with the Spirit through prayers, singing, sermons, intercession,

anointment, testimonies, musicals, scripture reading and occasionally the

Lords supper.103

The reformist approach of this group of Christians created a

new culture in the way Christianity, especially in Kaduna state, is practiced.


The approach marked a return to prominence of the charismatic outlook of

the church, giving it a specific focus that emphasises the imminence sign of

Christ’s second coming. When it started worldwide (1960-1970), Christians

from the main line churches in the United States, Europe and others joined in

great number. Of relevance to this development was the impact of this

awakening on the teachings and practice of Christianity. This was assisted

very much by the financial support the movement attracts from the United

States and Europe; and from rich government officials of the respective tiers.

104

The phenomenon that characterised this development was the growth

in the number of Churches and Pastors (husband and wife in most cases);

what indeed followed was the increasing monetisation of the Church and its

services. This created competition among the leading preachers for Church

members and for show of wealth and property. A culture also developed in

this light of aggressive preaching and campaign for recognition and

patronage (Come and pray with me syndrome); of buying private jets, flashy

cars and dresses to attend Church service, and to acquire choice seat in the

Church. Because of the enormous amount of money realised in the process

palatial structures were also built in many locations demonstrating wealth

and affluence. So many kinds of groups were also created, not just for

singers, but including those of so many unspiritual activities (Politics etc).

Added to the hard socio-economic condition of the country, Church

preaching’s became more politicised and militant. A very important factor

that further militarised Church activities was the fact that most of the

Christian communities in Northern Nigeria come from among the minority

ethnic groups. Historically this people held it that they suffered all forms of

injustices from especially their Hausa/Fulani ruling class.105

Faced by this

type of socio-political environment, and in addition to the declining

institutions and cultures in the society, which produced all characters of

people and dubiousness; politicisation of religion became the most attractive

way of drawing membership of the church. Thus church services that were in

the past a weekly affair becomes not only daily but more than five times in a

day. Like Muslims, Church services are now performed wherever space is

found available. Beyond that Christians, like Muslims, are now organising

Bible recitation competitions. This new outlook, rather than increase the fear

of God in the growing number of worshippers, it mobilised them for certain

other interests including ethnic and religious purposes. It created fake men of

God who disgraces, rather than help to ensure the prospect of the religion.

“Men of God” are found in activities like sexual harassment, homosexuality

and indeed all forms of corrupt acts all over the country. The Church is

challenged in so many ways which forced the leadership into compromising

the religion’s values on some very critical issues of spiritual importance. The

submission in this essay is that while the increasing awareness of religion is


commendable, the nature, character and dimension it is taking are to the

detriment of the development of Kaduna State and Nigeria.

Conclusion

It was not for nothing that Kaduna was made the headquarters of the

Northern region; beside its centrality in location; it was also because of its

economic significance in terms of fertility of the soil and the very energetic

and available labour whose effort produced and export food items to most

part of Northern Nigeria. These factors, in addition to the unity among the

respective strata of the society made Kaduna a home to all. The pride of

Nigerian elites of the past was, beside Lagos, to have a house in Kaduna.

This peaceful coexistence was sustained up till the late 1970s and the 1980s.

Looking through the history of religious activities in the north this essay

argues that there is a relationship between the current state of disunity and

conflict in Kaduna state and the Northern Nigeria in general, and the

resurgence of the radical reformist religious movements’ that developed

among both the Muslim and Christian communities. As shown in the essay

these movements that resurfaced nearly at the same time created tendencies

for division and militancy among their followers without giving clearer

understanding of the religion. Side by side with the international politics and

the deteriorating state of the Nigerian economy due to merciless plunder of

the national resources by the political elite across the religions and ethnic

groups favourable condition for mass recruitment of insurgents was made

possible and practicable. Thus from 1980s Kaduna State started experiencing

clashes and continuing growth of enmity and hatred encouraged and financed

by the respective local elites and possibly other international financiers.

Consequently, places of worship have turned into hide-outs for criminals and

of politicisation and instigation of one religion against the other or one ethnic

group against the other. This is not only in Kaduna, but in nearly most other

parts of the country.

Looking through the history of Islam, this essay stressed that Muslims

and non-Muslims can live together in harmony, because Prophet Muhammad

(PBUH) lived together with non-Muslim population of the Jews and

Christians. The case in Nigeria is even unconditional because both adherents

of the religions have agreed to live as members of a united country. It was

even the combination of the two, Muslims and Christians that fought the

British colonialism as members of Northern Element Progressive Union

(NEPU), National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC), the Action

Group (AG), Northern People Congress (NPC), in addition to other pressure

groups of political relevance. It was these political forces that fought and

won independence for Nigeria, and not religious or ethnic unions. To all

Muslims, there is no example worth emulating than that of the Prophet

(PBUH); this essay has shown that indeed the Prophet (PBUH) did

encourage living together with one another without acrimony. Thus,

whatever one’s perception, the fact remains that Islam accepts living together

in peace with people of different religions.


Endnotes

I thank the following colleagues who read the earlier versions of this essay, they include

Prof. Abdullahi Muhammed El-Okene, Prof. Muhammed Bello Yunusa, Dr. Idris O.

Suleiman, Dr. Hadiza L. Ampah (late), Dr. Abubakar Aliyu Liman, Prof. A. Adamu and Dr.

Idris Shaaba Jimada, all of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

1 This paper shares the Islamic view point which says that there is no Sect in Islam, because

a Sect is a deviation from what is commonly accepted by the root, a philosophical leaning or

a recognized belief system. In Islam this attitude came about immediately after the death of

the Prophet (PBUH), which produced three major Sects of Shiites Mu’utazilites and

Murjites. The division continues into so many other sub-divisions until it reaches what the

Prophetic sayings of the division of Muslims, like the Jews 71; and the Christians 72, into

73. Of the 73 division among the Muslims, according to the Prophet (PBUH), only one (1) is

the authentic and therefore accepted (Qurtubi: 2003:4:119:-160). On the other hand Islam

recognizes Tariqa (Sufi Orders) and classified them into three hundred and thirty three (333)

types with each headed by a pious Sufi leader (al-Ghazali 1985:2:39). All the three hundred

and thirty three are accepted in Islam. The Prophetic saying supporting the Tariqa, as

reported by al-Ghazali maintains that Islamic faith is classified into 333 straight paths

(Tariqa) and anyone who meets his God with the Oath (Kalimatus-Shahada) and holding

past to a Tariqa path of it will surely dwell in Paradise (al-Ghazali.Ibid.). Such is the basis of

the position in this paper; looking at only Islam and not any other interest, because there is

only one Islam and one example for all Muslims, which is the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH),

who says that Islam is what I am seeing practicing and bequeathing to my companions.

2 This therefore embodies within it the entire Five Pillars of Islam which consists of the

Pronouncement of the testimony (Shahadah); Offer the obligatory prayers in congregation

dutifully and correctly; pay the mandatory charity (Zakkat) based on the stipulated standard;

Perform the annual pilgrimage, when conditioned; and the observance of Fasting during the

month of Ramadan. Details on this can be found in most books of Islam including

Muhammad bin Jamil Zeno, The Five Pillars of Islam and Iman and what every Muslim

must know about his Religion, Dar –us-Salam Publications, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,

1996: 16

3 They include the Torah of Moses, Gospel of Jesus (Bible), the Psalms of David and of

course the Holy Qur’an.

4 See the Second Hadith of the Arba’una Hadith (first 40 selected tradition of the Prophet)

revealed by Umar Ibn Kattab.Umar Ibn Kattab was the second Caliph of Islam after Caliph

Abubakar Saddiq.

. 5 Safi-ur-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri, The Sealed Nectar (Ar-Raheeq Al-Makhtum):

Biography of the Noble Prophet (PBUH), Maktabadar-us-Salam, Saudi Arabia, 1996: 34

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid: 40

8 Ibid: 40

9 Ibid: 41

10

Yusuf Nawas was the son of a Yemani influential ruler, Asa’ad Abi Karb, who converted

to Judaism and establishes the belief system in Yemen. After his death, Yusuf succeeded him

and attacked the Christian community in Najran and ordered them to embrace Judaism. At


their refusal, Yusuf ordered that a pit of fire be dug and all the Christians indiscriminately be

dropped to burn therein. An estimate of over 40,000 Christians lost their lives in that

massacre. See Ibid.

11

cf. 41

12

Ibid: 41

13

Hashim Y. Al-Mallah, The Governmental System of the Prophet Muhammad: A

Comparative Study in Constitutional Law, Dar-Al-Kotab Al-Islamiyah, Beirut, 2008: 7

14

Ibid: 7. It is important to reflect at this point on the peoples and cultures of Northern

Nigeria. Since language and literature and indeed the general socio-economic being are

common to all, then the basis of living together as a people of a community is established as

the case in pre-Islamic Arabia. What is expected is therefore what Prophet Muhammad

(PBUH) did when he arrived at Madinah and also in Makkah after conquest by Islam, which

this essay made effort to document.

15

This quotation is from the speech made by the first Muslim migrants to Ethiopia when the

Quraysh chased them down to the palace of the King and accused them of escaping Makkah

without permission and insulting the religious stand of the fore fathers of the Quraysh and by

implication of Christianity too. For details refer to Joseph Kenny, The Spread of Islam

through North to West Africa: Historical Survey with Relevant Arab Documents,

Dominican Republic Lagos, 2000: 12

16

Every Muslim concludes his prayer with the pronouncement (in Tahyyah) of “As-Salam-

Alaika Ayyuha-Nabi, As-Salam Alaina wa’ala ibadillahi Salihina,” which literally

translates to taking an oath before Allah to live in peace and respect each other. As explained

by Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi, this pronouncement defines the position of Islam on

peaceful co-existence.

17

This was not the first migration of Muslims. The first was to Abyssinia (Ethiopia), when

Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) sent a group of his followers against the continued persecution

by the idolaters in Makkah. The migrants were sent by the prophet (PBUH) to the King by

name Ashamah Negus, a Christian. The king, according to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was

known for fairness in his relation to his subjects. Despite efforts by the powerful families of

Makkah, king Negus refused to send back the Muslims. He gave them shelter and the right to

continue with their mode of worship as they believe in it.

18

Despite the strong family support the Prophet (PBUH) enjoyed, a number on attempts

were made of his life. Other members of his community with weak family background or of

slave status suffered in the hand of their masters until when they regain their freedom. On the

verge of the migration to Madinah, a meeting of the influential families of Makkah endorsed

a common understanding to jointly attack and kill Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). For detail

on this and some other information relating to this refer to: Abdul, M. O. A. The Classical

Caliphate: Islamic Institutions, Islamic Publication Bureau, Lagos, 1988: 17; For a more

detail biography of the life of the Prophet (PBUH) see Martin Lings, Muhammad: his Life

based on the earliest Sources, Inner Traditions International, Rochster, Vermont, 1983,

19

This development followed a number of attempts to reach out of Makkah to those

communities including the people of Yathrib (Madinah). Several of such efforts were made

until when the Prophet of Allah (PBUH) came across some six men of Yathrib from Khazraj

(4) and Aws (2) tribes (As’ad bin Zuraiha, ‘Awf bin Harith, Rafi’ bin Malik, Qutbah bin

‘Amir, ‘Uqba bin ‘Amir and Jabir bin ‘Abdallah). It was through these members of the

Madinan community that invitation was worked out for the migration of the Muslims of

Makkah to Madinah. For additional information see Al-Mubarakpuri, cf.: 136-146


20

Wellham, J. The Arab Kingdom and its fall, (translated into English by Graham, M.),

Beirut, 1963: 7

21

Islam never encourages vengeance, it rather encourages Muslims to forgive one another

and forget whatever wrong is done to someone. This is very well captured by Bunza where

he quoted Imam Qardawi saying: “Kindness to non-Muslims, like to all creatures is an act of

worship in Islam. See Bunza, M. U. Bunza, M. U. “Religious Tolerance in the Sokoto

Caliphate: Lessons for the Nigerian state,” in Bobboyi, H. (et.al) (ed.), The Sokoto

Caliphate: History and Legacies 1804-2004, Vol. II, Arewa House, Ahmadu Bello

University, Kaduna, 2006: 254

22

Though all Arabs, the Aws and Khazraj, were known to be arch enemies of one another

that lived for centuries in disagreement with one another. They, on so many occasions

engaged one another in bloodletting by arms until their acceptance of Islam and the

migration and settlement of Muslims among them in Madinah. For more information about

their history of discord see Martin Links, cf.: 56-57; 124-139

23

Saunders, History of Medieval Islam, 26

24

Bunza, U. M. cf. 252

25

A good example in this case was what happened during the time of the fourth Caliph Ali

Ibn Abi-Talib). This was when Ali himself took a non-Muslim Jew to court while he was the

Caliph to demand back his cloth (coat) found in possession of the Jew. Though a Caliph of

the time, but Ali sat side by side with the Jew in the court before a judge. The case was

passed in favor of the Jew for lack of witness to support his claim as required by the court.

Fascinated by the just treatment and the modesty of Caliph Ali, the Jew later confessed that

Caliph Ali owned the coat, and not him. See Bunza U. M. cf.

26

Bunza Ibid. 253

27

At the end of the Battle of Badr for example, a number of the Idol worshippers were

captured as prisoners of war including Ibn Abbas, and Suhayl Ibn Amr but none of them was

killed or unnecessarily punished rather they were asked to free themselves by way of paying

ransom. The two were very important personalities of the Quraysh people; Suhayl in

particular was a noted orator with persuasive ability. He was the emissary that represented

the Quraysh at the settlement that led to the signing of the Treaty of Hudaibiyya. Such is

what Islam is; it is about humanity, respect for law and order. Prophet’s (PBUH) acceptance

of the terms of the Hudaibiyyah Treaty was another expression of his good will and

understanding. Despite the feelings of his people about it, the Muslims won at last. For detail

on the treaty refer to Abdul, M. O. A. cf. 30

28

Though at a point the Jews of Banu Nadir clan was also expelled from Madinah, like the

other Jews clans, they were acknowledged as owners of their Palm trees to receive part of

their produce at harvest. This act is another evidence of the fair treatment of enemy despite

his offence. This humane gesture is not found in today’s political arrangement,

notwithstanding the advanced level of civilization and development attained.

29

The meaning of Jihad is better explained by the Holy Qur’ an in V2:190 “and fight in the

way of Allah those who fight you, but transgress not the limits. Truly Allah likes not the

transgressor.” This set the standard of what warfare in Islam is all about. It is certainly not

war against those you hate; it is, at best, about self defence

30

The document noted that both communities agreed to suspend war for ten years, during

this time men shall be safe and not fight one another; on condition that whoso cometh unto


Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) from Quraysh without the permission of his guardian, Prophet

Muhammad (PBUH) shall return him on to them; but whoso cometh unto Quraysh from

those who are with Prophet (PBUH) Muhammad, shall not be returned.

31

The people of Makkah tried severally to entice Muhammad (PBUH) and tempt him to

drop his mission. In one of such cases, some important men of Makkah gathered in the

enclosure of Al-Kaabah, and ‘Utbah, and, ‘Utbah bin Rabi’a, a chief among them

approached with a bargain on condition that he keeps silent and no longer proclaim his new

religion. The bargain reads “We have seen no other man of Arabia, who has brought so great

a calamity to a nation, as you have done. You have outraged our gods and religion and taxed

our Forefathers and wise men with impiety and error and created strife amongst us. …If you

are doing all this with a view to getting wealth, we will join together to give you greater

riches than any Qurayshite has possessed. If ambition moves you, we will make you our

chief. If you desire Kingship we will readily offer you that. If you are under the power of an

evil Spirit which seems to haunt and dominate you so that you cannot shake off its yoke,

then we shall call in skilful physicians to cure you.” The prophet (PBUH) replied negatively,

and affirm his position that what he is saying is revealed to him from Allah, the Most

Beneficent, the Most merciful, that there is non worthy of worship but Allah and that

Muhammad (PBUH) is the Apostle and Messenger of Allah. It is noteworthy that were it not

for the breakage of the treaty by the Quraysh of Makkah, the Prophet would have kept his

side for the period agreed. See (Holy Qur’an 41: 1-5)

32

Abdul, cf. 33- 35

33

This point was made more affirmatively by Dr. Bunza that from the prophet to the Sokoto

Caliphate, there was no time in history when Muslims established a monolithic state where

only the religion of Islam was in practice. Therefore the question of ensuring the rights and

privileges of non–Muslim remained one of the fundamental pre-occupation of an Islamic

state. For details see Bunza, cf. 252

34

Islam reached the Hausaland earlier, possibly from about the 8th

century by way of Gobir

through the activities of Muslim merchants and traders. See detail in Adamu M. “A General

History of the Sokoto Caliphate,” in Kani, A. M. (ed.) (et.al.) The State and Society in the

Sokoto Caliphate, Gaskiya Corporation, Zaria, 1990: 323

35

For example, Islam was to them a source of economic advantage when it came along with

it the long-distance trade. To sustain such the kings had to accept Islam which also gave

them citizenship with equality and brotherhood with the trading partners of the Muslim

Ummah. This commitment also guarantees the ruling elite respect and trust in all their

dealings among their people, including the right and authority to collect taxes, conscript

labour and administer punishment. It also established large scale marketing and

transportation across the Sahara under the control of Muslim traders, which made the

religion more attractive and acceptable. On the other hand, the presence of the Muslim

scholars provided an important element in the infrastructure of long-distance trade such as

written communication in Arabic which made it possible to order goods and maintain a

system of banking or credit. At the same time, Muslims provided the civil service in the

expanding Sudan kingdoms, because their literacy made them the only ones capable of

administration.

36

Ibid

37

Usman, Y. B. “The Transformation of Political Communities: Some notes on a Significant

Dimension of the Sokoto Jihad,” in Usman Y. B. (ed.) Studies in the History of the Sokoto

Caliphate: Sokoto Seminar Papers, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria

for The Sokoto state History Bureau, 1979: 34-55.; M. A. Alhajj, The Meaning of the Sokoto

Jihad Ibid, and Abba, Y. “The 1804 Jihad in Hausaland as a Revolution” Ibid, and a number


of other similar articles provided an insight into our understanding of the development in the

19th

century Hausaland. Last was quoted by Heidi J. Nast saying “the stereotype about the

the 18th

century governments and Muslim elite of that time was a distortion of reality…”

This in a way challenged the basis of the Jihad to be for something else and not what the

Jihadist pronounced. See Nast, J. H. Concubines and Power: Five Hundred Years in

Northern Nigerian Palace, University of Minnesota Press, Minnepolis, London, 2005:87

38

According to Usman, it was all part and parcel of the movements for independence against

the British, Spanish, French and Portuguese empires in South and North America and the

Caribbean, and against Ottoman rule and the European domination in Egypt, forcibly raised

not only the question of the right to self determination but also the issue of the basis and the

composition of the political community which has the right of self determination. For detail

see Usman, Y. B. “The Sokoto Caliphate and Nation-Building,” in Bobboye, H. (ed.) (et. al)

cf. 149

39

Such movements were not only taking place in West Africa but in the rest of Africa, from

the Nile Delta in Egypt to the Drakensberg Mountains in South Africa, and from the Senegal

valley to the Ethiopian Highlands. See Usman, Y. B. Ibid.

40

In his letter to the Emir of Katsina, Sarkin Musulmi Muhammad Bello cautioned that the

Emir should provide public amenities for the people of his emirate for their temporal and

religious benefits. For this purpose, he shall foster the artisans and be concerned with the

tradesmen who are indispensable to the people such as farmers and smiths, tailors and dyers,

physicians and grocers, butchers and carpenters. The ruler must allocate these tradesmen to

every village and every locality. He should urge his subjects to seek foodstuff and keep it for

future use. He must keep villages and countryside in prosperity, construct fortresses and

bridges maintain markets and roads and realize for them all what are of public interest so that

the proper order of this world may remain. See Usman, “The Sokoto Caliphate and Nation

Building,” cf. 157

41

Mahadi, cf. 8.

42

A total of 30 Emirates were established. They included Junji, Birnin Ngarne, Say, Kunari,

Todori, Bitimi Kogi, Yaya, Liptako, Bida, Agaie, Lapai, Lafiagi, Shonga, Ilorin, Gwandu,

Daura, Katsina, Kano, Zazzau, Fombina, Bauchi, Muri, Gombe, Kazaure, Katagum, Hadejia,

Jama’are, Missau, Kontagora and Jema’a. See Usman, cf. 55

43

Smith, M. G. Government in Zazzau, 1800-1950, OUP, Great Britain,1974: 139

44

Bunza, Ibid. 254

45

The Universal nature of Usman Fodio’s appeal made it possible for a large number of non-

Muslims to accept Islam, for nominal Muslims to become committed to Islam and for the

society generally to transfer their allegiance from a tyrannical order to Islam. Ibrahim

Suleiman, A Revolution in History: The Jihad of Usman Danfodio, quoted in Bunza, Ibid.

256

46

Ibid. 256

47

The principle of religious freedom is ensured therein. The Holy Qur’an established this

very well in the verse thus” there shall be no compulsion in the religion. (Holy Qur’an 2:

256) quoted in Bunza Ibid. p. 257. The Caliphate retained this positive posture for most part

of its existence as covered by historians E. A. Ayandele, T. Maker, J. Nengel and indeed A.

M. Ashafa .

Muhammedu Mustapha Gwadabe, Religious Ideology and Security 48

AH.1/1/10, Muhammad Bello, Al-Gaythul-Shubub, p. 5-6, Available in Arewa House

Archives, Arewa House Centre for Documentation and Historical Research, Ahmadu Bello

University, Kaduna

49

Smith, cf. 144-8

50

Due to the nature of the way Islam was established in Zazzau, the ruling house was made

up of four respective families of the Bornawa Fulani, Katsinawa Fulani, Mallawa Fulani and

the Sullubbawa Fulani. See Adamu, A. “The Establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate and its

Impact on Society and Economy: The case of Zazzau in the 19th

century,” in Bobboye, H.

(ed.) (et. al.), cf. 100

51

The appointment of Abdulkarimu, according to Sokoto was to bring back sanity in the

method of political succession in the emirate. It was therefore an attempt to follow the

tradition of appointing the emir from among the Malamai class. Abdulkarimu is said to be a

Waliyi (Saint) who could be relied on to preserve and strengthen the religious interest of the

Emirate. It was during his time that the central mosque was built at Zaria. See for detail

Smith, Ibid. p 152.

52

Immediately after his assumption to power after the death of Emir Suleiman in 1819,

Ibrahim Dabo took full political control and continued territorial expansion and the

appointment of his clan members to position of authority. In the case of Kano that was what

signalled the end of the administration of the emirate on the basis of the Caliphate principles.

See Gwadabe, M. M. “Mallam Aminu Kano: the Legacy of a Muslim Reformist Intellectual

in Colonial and Postcolonial Northern Nigeria,” Paper for the Conference on Islamic

Reform and Public Life in Africa, Centre for Contemporary Islam, University of Cape

Town, South Africa, 13th

– 14th October 2011

53

Smith, M. G. cf.

54

In Kano such corrupt attitude was what led to the Kano Civil War (1893-95) in

disagreement to an unpopular decision by the central authority in Sokoto through the office

of the Waziri. Earlier than that, in about 1850s Hadejia also revolted against a decision of

the central government, an episode that the combination of Bauci, Zaria, Kano and Katsina

could not bring under control. See Smith, M. G. Ibid. 157

55

Smith, M. G. Ibid.159-60

56

After his death 300 of the slaves went to the Sultan, 3000 to his family and the rest were

shared to the succeeding Emir and other members of royalty.

57

Orr, C. W. “Zaria Province Annual Report for 1907”, quoted in Toure, Kazah T. Ethno-

Religious Conflicts in Kaduna state, Human Right Monitor, Kaduna, 2003: 29

58

Toure- Kazah,. Ibid. 30

59

Toure- Kazah. Ibid. 31

60

Usman, Y. B. The Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria 1977-87, Vanguard Press and

Publishers, Kaduna, 1987

61

Nengel, J. G. “Echoes of the Sokoto Jihad and its legacies on the Societies of the Jos-

Plateau,” in Bobboye, H. (ed.) (et. al.), cf.

62

Makar, T. “The Relationship between the Sokoto Caliphate and the non-Muslim People of

the Middle Benue Region,” in Usman, Y. B. Studies in Sokoto Caliphate, cf.


63

Filaba, M. A. “The Sokoto Jihad and Urbanization in the Central Nigerian Area in the 19th

Century,” Paper Presented at the International Conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its

legacies 1804-2004, International Conference Centre, Central Business District, Abuja, 14th

– 16th

June 2004: 3, 5, 10 and 15

64

Arnett, E. J. Gazetteer of Zaria Province, Waterlow, London, 1920

65

Turaki, Y. The British Colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria: A Social Ethical Analysis of

the Colonial and Post Colonial Society in Nigeria, Challenge Press, Jos, 1993

66

Yohanna, S. “The Colonial State and the Evolution of Social Stratification in Central

Nigeria: The Case of Southern Zaria, 1902-1960,” M. A. University of Jos, 1988

67

He quoted other authorities including M. G. Smith to show the existence of a number of

such estates all over the emirate. The argument here is that it cannot be the people of

Southern Zaria enslaved all over the Emirate. For detail on the location and number of the

slave estates in Zazzau see Adamu, A. The Establishment of Sokoto Caliphate …. In Op. Cit.

Bobboye, H. (ed.)(et.al.) :99-107

68

More specifically Toure-Kazah drew attention to the fact that there were reprisal attacks

on the few Muslim/Hausa settlements of the area by the communities in response to any raid

or attack by the Emirate. This point is never raised, so also its consequences. See Toure-

Kazah, cf.

69

Gwadabe, M. M. Kano Emirate under Colonial Rule: A Study of the Administration of

Land, Labour and Taxation in Kumbotso (Dan Isa) District 1916-1953, VDM Verlag Dr.

Muller, USA, 2010, Chapter one.

70

That was not the deliberate plan of the Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio, according to Ibraheem

Sulaiman, the Sheikh tried to create a followership who would shoulder the responsibility of

running the new social order when it is established. How this plan collapsed into the Sarauta

system is something else. It is however a known fact that the Sheikh never surrendered

leadership to feudalism, but to knowledgeable people. For detail on the issue and the Jihad

principles in general see Sulaiman, I. A Revolution in History: the Jihad of Usman Dan

Fodio, Mansell Publishing Limited, London, New York, 1986: 18

71

Mahdi, A. in Kani, cf. 14- 15

72

Ibid.

73

Lenin, V. I. Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Progress Publishers, Moscow,

1979; See also Ake, C. Political Economy of Africa, Longman, London,

74

For the conquest and colonization of Zazzau see Smith, M. G. Government in Zazzau, cf.

and so many others, both published and unpublished.

75

Ibid. See also Tukur, M. M. “The Imposition of British Colonial Domination on the

Sokoto, Borno, and Neighboring areas: A Re-interpretation of Colonial Source” PhD Thesis,

Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1979

76

Dan’asabe, A. U. “Comparative Biographies of Selected Leaders of the Kano Commercial

Establishment,” MA Thesis, Bayero University, Kano, 1987

77

Yahaya, A. D. The Native Authority System in Nigeria 1950-1960,: A Study in Political

Relations with Particular Reference to the Zaria Native Authority, Department of Political


Science, Ahmadu Bello University, zaria, 1980; See also Abba, A. (ed.) The Politics of

Mallam Aminu Kano: Documents from the Independence Struggle 1950-60, (Vanguard

Printers and publishers, Kaduna, Nigeria, 1989

78

Toure-Kazah noted in his many studies that since 1907 when the first Hausa/Fulani was

posted into Southern Kaduna as District Heads, there have been repeated cases of revolt and

protest in the area. Many of which were ethnic in nature and were directed at the emirate

aristocracy and their sympathizers, but there has never been clashes of the present

dimension. See for detail Toure- Kazah T. “The Development of the Nationalist Movement

in Zaria Province, 1902-1960,” MA History Thesis, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello

University, Zaria 1991; See also Abba, A. The Politics of Mallam Aminu Kano, 1989

79

From early 80s, the Muslim world witnessed the much influence of the Islamic Revolution

in Iran. As a result of the success of this revolution propaganda pamphlets were made

available to most part of Northern Nigeria. This development mobilized the youth and

educated Nigerians, which created more support base for the Izala. This continued until

when contradiction developed among them which marked the first clash and division that

gave Mallam Ibrahim Al-Zak-Zaky a share of his followership from the larger divide of the

Izala group. Another major division among them produced the Kaduna and Jos branches of

the group. The division did not end there, its dimension continued with so many version of it

which necessitates the recent unity meeting. For detail on the history of Izala’s internal split,

see Ramzi Benamara, “Jama’at Izalatul Bid’a Wa Iqamatis Sunnah in Nigeria between

Reforming Islamic Education and Emergence of Internal Bid’a”, an unpublished paper

presented at the conference on Islamic Reform and Public Life in Africa, University of Cape

Town, 12–14 October 2011. After years of negotiations, the two sections finaly reunited

during a recent summit held in Abuja in December 2011.

80

Abdu, H.. Clash of identities: State, Society and Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Northern

Nigeria, DevReach Publishers, Kaduna, 2010

81

Kaduna State was then made up of the present Kaduna and Katsina state. Katsina was

made a State in 1987, during the regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

82

One of my students, a Muslim, who was doing his National Youth Service Corps’ in one

of the Southern state of Nigeria narrated his experience that during the 2000 religious crises

a Pastor from Northern Nigeria (Plateau state) was attacked in one of the South Eastern

states, and found hiding together with other Muslim from the Northerners part, in retaliation

to the news that Southern Christians were attacked in the North.

83

The contradiction in that protest is that the people were not against the institution, but the

personality occupying it. This is indeed the irony of the whole issue; it is so confusing that

people don’t even understand what the challenge is. That is to my thinking what is sustaining

the distrust.

83

The total number of conflicts around the state has now totalled to about 36 times from

1987. See a list prepared by the Alhaji Abbas Dabo Sambo and General Ishaya Shekari

Committee of Peace and Reconciliation to look into the 2011 election violence. See also

Gwadabe, M. M. “Urban Conflict: Lesson from History, Being a Contribution to a

Roundtable Discussion on the Theme “Urban Conflict in Nigerian” Organized by the

Department of Urban and Regional planning, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 14th

July

2011

84

Abdu, H. Clashes of Identity Op. Cit. p. 4; See also C. A. N. “And it Came to Pass: A

Sordid Story of the Bombing of 113 Churches by Muslim rioters within 20 Hours in March

1987, Christian Association of Nigeria Publication, Zaria,


85 Maikudi, S. The Trial of Yakowa and the Future of Nigeria, No. 55B Kano Street,

Kafanchan, Kaduna State, 2011

.. 86

The two groups are financed from outside the country. It is claimed that JIBWIS got its

finances from the authorities of Saudi Arabia while the Pentecostals got theirs from the US.

The source is not clear to the author, but activities of the two organizations strongly linked

them to the two countries. It is also argued by some researchers that the two groups worked

on the larger advice of the United State of America (USA) with Saudi Arabia as the

mediating country for its link to Islam. The Interest of the United State here is for the

purposes of maintaining its global position in both politics and economy. This make some

sense when we look at the role played by the United State that produced Usama Bin Laden

and what he later turned into. This thought is still subject for further investigations but the

recent mass conflicts and civil unrest in the Middle East and North Africa and the role of

International community in fuelling it sheds additional light. For more light on the activities

and finances refer to Usman, Y. B. “The Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria today: the

Domestic and Foreign Connections”, in Usman, Y. B. The Manipulation of Religion in

Nigeria 1977-1987, Vanguard Printers and Publishers, Kaduna, Nigeria. And also in

Adeboye, O. “ ‘A Church in a Cinema Hall?’ Pentecostal Appropriation of Public Space in

Nigeria”, in Journal of Religion in Africa, Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 42 (2012): 145-

171.

87

Mohammadi, A. (et. al.) Globalisation or Recolonisation? The Muslim World in the 21st

Century, Ta-Ha Publishers Limited, London, 2002; and also Grenville, J. A. S. The Collins

History of the World in the Twentieth Century, Harper Collins Publishers, 1994

88

Usman, Y. B. “The State of Learning and the State of Society from Jihad to S. A. P.”; in

Tsiga, I. A, (ed.) (et.al.) Islam and the History of Learning in Katsina, Spectrum Books,

Ibadan, p. 40-53; Hamman, M. Maitatsine Affair: Its Nature, Roots and Solution, New

Nigeria News paper, 23rd

march 1984, p. 377; See also Abdu, H. cf. 75-89

89

It was this political scene that led us into the June 12 political crises, the National

Democratic Coalition (NADECO) political challenge and the emergence of organized tribal

and ethnic organizations.

90

To raise the needed support they came with a philosophy that capitalized on the trying

economic situation in the country and began to challenge certain accepted cultural

celebrations, not really religious, like the marriage and naming ceremony and so many of

such ceremonies including the third day prayer etc. It was quite easy to convince greater

number of the population since they are ignorant of the religion, the irony of this is that this

group has tactfully moved all these activities into their controlled mosques and are now

charging fees and issuing certificates to justify it. For more on the argument by the group see

Yandaki, cf. 46-7

91

Tsiga, I. A. Sheikh Abubakar Gumi: Where I Stand, Spectrum Books, Ibadan, 2001:137

92

Bala S. “Salatul Faatihi: A Major Source of Intra-Muslim Discord in Nigeria,” in Zahir,,

Vol. 2, Numb. 1, Journal of the Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria,

2002; see also Yandaki, A. I. The Izala Movement and Islamic Intellectual Discourse in

Northern Nigeria: A case Study of Katsina, in Tsiga, I. A, cf. 40-53

93

Sulaiman, cf. 1986: 28-30.

94

It started by calling fellow Muslims Kufr on issues that did not contradict the fundamental

of Islam. See Yandaki, A. I. cf. Bala, S. cf. and Tsiga, I. A. Where I stand… cf.

Muhammedu Mustapha Gwadabe, Religious Ideology and Security 95

The activities of the Self-Help Groups (Yan’agaji) has now developed into a culture

because all the religious groups now have institutionalize it; so it is not just the Izala but also

the Tariqa members. This act must be discouraged as a measure to sanitize the situation.

96

Tsiga, I. A. cf. 136; It is important to understand that Mallam Abubakar Gumi was at that

time about the highest paid civil servant and the closest to the Premier of Northern region.

He was the Grand Khadi of Northern region, a so important position he exploited in reaching

out to the elite community through the Muslim Students Society at all levels. It was in this

respect he established the Wahabi ideology among the educated elites, giving employment

and scholarships to Saudi Arabia, USA and so on.

97

Refer to the Submission titled “The challenges facing the Tijjaniyyah students of Shehu

Idris College of Health Science and Technology, Makarfi, March 2012. In an interview with

the students, it is found that the situation could have been resolved had the School authority

listened to the advice of the National body of the Tariqah Tijaniyyah that visited the School.

In a letter of complaint they wrote to the Governor, copied to the concern Commissioners,

Permanent secretaries and the Adviser on Religious matters, the association advised the

school to handle the matter with caution taking this students as their children and not as their

rivals. Under the instigation of the Chief Security of the school, the Librarian, the Head of

Works Department and others including the Registrar, punishment was agreed and served to

the students for causing no disturbances. Justice must be seeing to be done for peace and

stability of any social setting. Of the twenty four accused students, the leader (Muqaddam)

was rusticated for a Semester, with immediate effect, while the remaining students were

warned strongly. From the letter, the rustication is supposed to be for the Semester (First)

since it was with immediate effect, but at the commencement of the Second Semester when

the affected student reported himself with his Guardian, he was sent back home that from the

gravity of his offence the punishment of just a Semester is not enough. Not only that, the

Chief Security Officer and the Student Affairs Officer chased him out of the College

premises and ordered the security by the gate not to allow him any close to the School

premises. The reason for taking the matter this far, when looked more objectively, is never

for the purposes of bringing any peace. It was to discourage them from performing their

religious duties the way they understood it. It is important to note that these students do

practice the Tariqah right from their respective homes with their parents; the practice is an

obligation to whoever believes in it. These students lives in the College Hostel and there is a

Mosque built for the Muslim community of the College. This paper suggests that there is no

better place for them to practice their religion than the mosque, or any other alternative

venue given to them by the authority.

98

Tsiga, I. A. cf. and Yan’daki, cf.

99

A good example here was Prophet’s (PBUH) experience at At-Taif ten years after

receiving his mission. The experience was horrific; the people hooted him through the alley-

ways, pelted him with stones and obliged him to flee from the city pursued by a relentless

rabble. Blood flowed down both his legs; and Zaid (his freed slave) who accompanied him,

endeavouring to shield him, was wounded in the head. The move did not desist until they

had chased him two or three miles across the sandy plains to the foot of the numerous

orchards, and rested against wall of a vineyard. After an instant prayer, Allah directed His

angel of mountains to his aid. Soon the Angel sought of the permission of the Prophet to

bury them by merging the two mountains that flanked Makkah against each other. The

Prophet replied, “I would rather have someone from among their loins who will worship

Allah, the All-Mighty with no association.” See Al-Mubarakpuri, cf. 136-138

100

Andrea Brigaglia A Contribution to the History of the Wahhabi Da’ʿwa in West Africa:

The Career and the Murder of Shaykh Ja’affar Mahmoud Adam, Islamic Africa, VOL. 3,

NO. 1,, .North- western University Press, 2012.


101 The term Pentecostals is derived from Pentecost, the Greek name for the Jewish Feast of

weeks. To Christians, this event commemorates the descent of the Holy Spirit with the

followers of Jesus Christ.

102

Wilkipedia.org/wiki/Pentecostalism

103

Ibid

104

The international connection is established by Adeboye, though not much of the financial

aspect is mentioned. For much details see Adeboye, O. cf. 150-152. For some other details

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