"Hydraulic Infrastructure and Urbanism in Early Modern Rome," in Papers of the British School at...

Hydraulic Infrastructure and Urbanism in Early Modern RomeAuthor(s): Katherine Wentworth RinneReviewed work(s):Source: Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 73 (2005), pp. 191-222Published by: British School at RomeStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40311096 .Accessed: 27/07/2012 14:20

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HYDRAULIC INFRASTRUCTURE AND URBANISM IN EARLY MODERN ROME

INTRODUCTION1

Between the pontificates of Pius IV (1560-5) and Paul V (1605-21), popes, cardinals and other influential citizens, acting on behalf of themselves, the papacy or the communal government, pursued aggressive policies to restore three ancient gravity- flow aqueducts and to build new public fountains to serve early modern Rome.2 At this time infrastructure development became integrated into an overall strategy to restore the prestige of the Catholic Church through the physical restoration of Rome itself, or renovatio Romae, a process that had begun with Martin V (1417-31) in 1420, after the second and final return of the papacy from its exile in Avignon. Water infrastructure, in particular, would come to exemplify the enormous potential for restoring Rome to its former glory, by recalling the paradigm of the eleven ancient aqueducts, hundreds of fountains and numerous sewers that had once ornamented and served the ancient city. To restore water was to restore Roman authority, in this case the authority of the Roman Church and the city itself.

Each of the three aqueducts tapped ancient sources and partially restored ancient routes: the Acqua Vergine (the Aqua Virgo, restored by Pius IV and Pius V (1566-72) from 1560-70), the Acqua Felice (the Aqua Marcia and Aqua Alexandrina, restored by Sixtus V (1585-90) from 1585-7) and the Acqua Paola (the Aqua Traiana, restored by Paul V from 1607-12). The Vergine, a low-pressure network, served the densely populated alluvial plain along the left bank of the Tiber known as the Campo Marzio, where the majority of the population lived in the late sixteenth century. The Acqua Felice, which arrived in the city at a higher elevation,

1 Archival documents from the Presidente delle Strade (President of the Streets), Maestri di Strade (Supervisors of the Streets), Decreti dei Consigli (Minutes of the Roman Council), the papal Congregatione cardinalizia super viis pontibus etfontibus (Committee of cardinals in charge of roads, bridges and fountains), and the Presidente delle Acquedotti Urbani (President of Urban Water Distribution) among others were consulted extensively. These sources are housed in the Archivio di Stato di Roma (ASR) and the Archivio Capitolino (AC). (For the abbreviations used in the notes to refer to the archival sources, see p. 219.) Studies published from the 1930s to 1980s, most notably P. Pecchiai (1944), Acquedotti e fontane di Roma nel Cinquecento, and C. D'Onofno (1986), Le fontane di Roma, were consulted extensively, and should be the first resource for anyone interested in fountain art in Rome, although D'Onofrio, who often gives incorrect citations, should be used with caution. John Pinto's indispensable book, The Trevi Fountain (1986), remains essentially alone as a critical book-length analysis of fountain art at the scale of a neighbourhood and is an invaluable resource; while H. Gamrath (1987), Roma sancta renovata, and G. Simoncini (1990), Roma restaurata; rinnovamento urbano al tempo di Sisto V, each examine the role of the Acqua Felice in urban development, and C.H. Heilmann's (1970) seminal article, 'The Acqua Paola and the urban planning of Paul V Borghese', highlights the urban design implications of the construction of the Acqua Paola.

2 For a general introduction to these aqueducts, see Cassio, 1756-7; Fea, 1832; Corsetti, 1937: 60-103; Comune di Roma, 1986: 205-76.

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served the Esquiline and Quirinal Hills (which at that time were largely occupied by villas and gardens), the Capitoline Hill (which was the centre of the Roman civic government) and the Velabro (a low area near the Tiber that was largely filled with medieval houses). The Acqua Paola - with the highest elevation and highest water pressure - had the widest distribution potential of the three and supplied the Vatican and Saint Peter's, the mills on the Janiculum Hill, the low areas of the Borgo and Trastevere, which were also densely populated during the medieval and early modern periods, and, lastly, the left bank of the city, reaching those areas not served by the Vergine and Felice. By 1594 the Acqua Vergine alone supplied at least 30 public fountains, and the Acqua Felice supplied at least another 23. 3

By 1625, just a few years after the pontificate of Paul V, there were at least 80 documented public fountains (Fig. 1).

These fountains were not only beautiful urban ornaments but also the gen- erators of related urban infrastructures - including the sewers, conduits and paved streets - that the fountain construction necessitated and that in turn optimized the urban development of early modern Rome in areas where water could be delivered. In this expanded context the fountains will be examined topographically, socially, technologically and contextually; that is, where they were sited and why, who sponsored them and whom they served, how they worked, and how they connected to other elements of Rome's infrastructure. It will be demonstrated that the fountains were actually the most visually prominent features of a new, although largely hidden, physical order, built upon an integrated water infrastructure system that included aqueducts, conduits, distribution tanks, sewers and bridges.4 This order existed at the scale of the neighbourhood and of the city, as water infrastructure provided an armature to organize and effectively control public space, perhaps for the first time since antiquity.

TOPOGRAPHY AND GRAVITY-FLOW WATER DISTRIBUTION

The topography of a city - its specific geography, physical features, and stratifica- tion of waters and soil - is not an inert condition against which urban development occurs; rather, topography exerts an almost palpable, but largely unacknowledged, force over the actions and authorities that attempt to shape, transform and control a city. This is especially true for the provisioning of a reliable and pure public water supply, where the interplay between public policy, patronage and real- estate development is always a complicated process. That water is subject to the

3 Simoncini (1990: 38) mentioned only fifteen fountains, citing a papal bull of 19 February 1590, but this document refers only to the ornamental civic fountains and not to animal troughs, drinking and laundry basins.

4 Bridges, ports, and the banks and mills of the river Tiber must also be considered as essential

elements of this integrated water infrastructure, but will not be considered in this article; nor will fountains, sewers and roads located outside the Aurelian and Leonine Walls.

HYDRAULIC INFRASTRUCTURE AND URBANISM 193

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same physical laws everywhere, and serves the same functions for all people, is a truism, yet the geological setting from which water arises and the topography through which it flows is always different. Topographic specificity made Rome's water infrastructure different from that of every other pre-industrial city (Fig. 2).

Rome's topography is that of an alluvial plain divided into unequal halves by a sinuous meander of the river Tiber. The plain is hemmed in by low, but relatively steep, hills that had been repeatedly graded in antiquity into comparatively flat plateaux. In the mid-Cinquecento the plain was densely inhabited, while hulking ruins, ramshackle monasteries and pilgrimage churches occupied the hills, and vineyards and orchards covered the vast intermediate areas. Imposing walls, the Aurelian on the left and right banks and the Leonine around the Vatican and the Borgo, loosely girdled the shrunken city. The hills and even some parts of the alluvial plain formed a relatively uninhabited and somewhat desolate area known as the disabitato. Several miles beyond the walls, rich, water-bearing volcanic mountains stand in an arc around the city, particularly to the east and southeast. It was from these mountains that ancient Rome had drawn much of her water, and from here that water arrived in the late Cinquecento and early Seicento. It was this conflation of geology and topography that determined to a large degree how much water could be delivered to each part of the city, how it was stored and distributed, and how it served the population and the work that it did at each stage. This relationship even influenced how the water was displayed when it arrived at its various destinations, the typology of individual fountains and, finally, how the water left the city. Because of these strong physical relationships and because water is closely allied with political, cultural, economic and social agendas, the ramification of water infrastructure as it branches out to serve the city offers a perfect opportunity to study the urban development of Rome, or of any city that developed before the Industrial Revolution.5

WATER FOR ROME

Roman aqueducts and fountains were famed throughout antiquity for the abundance and salubrity of their waters, but only the Aqua Virgo still functioned in the mid- Cinquecento. The eleven aqueducts that once served ancient Rome and supplied hundreds of public fountains were destroyed in ad 537, when Goth armies invaded

5 The idea of ramification is suggested literally by the branching structure of water-distribution conduits themselves, and figuratively by the structure of power in Rome as it branched from the pope, to his cardinals, and from them to other influential persons and to the public. For political, social and economic aspects of urban infrastructure, including water, see Melosi, 2000; Gandy, 2002. For water infrastructure in particular, see Reisner, 1986. For ancient Greece, see Crouch, 1993. For water distribution in ancient Rome, see Evans, 1994; Taylor, 2000; de Kleijn, 2001. For medieval Italy and Rome, see Squatriti, 1998.


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and sacked the city.6 Although several aqueducts were restored intermittently during the medieval period, only one, the Aqua Virgo, still flowed (with a limited and seasonally sporadic water supply) in the late Cinquecento, by which time it was known as the Acqua Vergine.7 Built by Marcus Agrippa in 19 bc, that aqueduct was only 21 km in length, and it ran almost entirely underground. It originally terminated near the Baths of Agrippa, which it was intended to serve, but during the medieval period it terminated in the area now occupied by the Trevi Fountain, near the point where it emerged from the slope of the Pincian Hill. During this thousand year period Rome was dependent primarily upon the river Tiber and the water supply of public and private cisterns, private (and some public) wells, a handful of springs, and perhaps as few as eight or nine public fountains that were in operation in the period just prior to the restoration of the Acqua Vergine.8 With the exception of the Tiber, none of these water resources was entirely reliable.

During the medieval period the Church essentially assumed administrative control of the water supply, and, as Roberta Magnusson suggested, water infrastructure during this time supported ecclesiastical goals, including the 'expression of an institutionalized way of life'. Thus, the construction of new fountains and wells was more often related to the spiritual role of individual religious establishments rather than to the public realm, per se.9 When Hadrian I restored the Virgo (Vergine) it was reported to have provided a 'great abundance of water that satisfied almost the whole city' (that is, the Campo Marzio).10 Therefore, it is entirely likely that

6 For the ancient aqueducts, see Lanciani, 1880; Ashby, 1935; Comune di Roma, 1986: 9-200; Taylor, 2000. For the Goth invasion of 537, see Procopius V; 19, 8-23. 7

Pope Hadrian I (772-95) sponsored the most important restorations of the Aqua Traiana, the Jovia (Alexandrina), the Claudia and the Virgo over a period of four years (776-80). Coates-Stephens (1998: 171-6) has discussed these restoration projects. 8 From at least the fourteenth century the Maestri di Strade were responsible for the maintenance of the Vergine. For related documents, see Re, 1920. For a general discussion of water in medieval and Renaissance Rome, see Pecchiai, 1944: 8-14. In 1566 the Vergine may have served three public fountains: one at the Trevi; one at Santa Maria Maddelena near the Pantheon; and possibly one at Santa Maria della Canella in Via dell'Umiltà (Fea, 1832: 27; Muntz, 1878-82: IV, 157; Adinolfi, 1881: II, 308; Armellini, 1891: 289). Three more fountains, located at the entry to Saint Peter's, were supplied by a short underground conduit that brought water from the Acqua Damasiana spring located just outside the Leonine Walls to the southwest (Corrazza and Lombardi, 1995: 190-1). The Aqua Traiana, built by Trajan in ad 109, had served the Vatican, the Janiculum Hill and the Borgo, but was not functioning at this time. The Saint Peter's fountains included the famous 'Pigna', from the fourth century ad, and a free-standing fountain dedicated to Santa Catarina that was installed in 1490. Another spring served a fountain near San Giorgio in Velabro from the 1530s (AC, Decreti, I, 21: 48v, 14 September 1563; and 21: 206, 15 December 1562), and yet another spring-fed public fountain was located at Porta Cavalleggeri by 1563 (Corazza and Lombardi, 1995: 191, 199). A fountain in Piazza Santa Maria in Trastevere was presumably supplied with spring water, but may not have functioned at this time CD'Onofrio, 1986: 301-8). 9

Magnusson, 2002: 7, 17; see also Ward-Perkins's discussion of the transfer of water infrastructure construction and management from imperial to ecclesiastical control (1984: 119-54).

10Duchesne, 1886-92: 1, 97, 505. The very low elevation of the aqueduct channel at its terminus (about 19.00 m above sea level at the site of the Trevi Fountain) would have limited its distribution range. The Liber Pontificate does not list specific buildings or fountains served by the Virgo, but the Einsiedeln Itinerary, a guide for pilgrims from the ninth century, mentions a balneum (bath) either at,


Hadrian would have restored water to fountains associated with important churches if possible, and, indeed, recent archaeological work in front of the Pantheon (by then dedicated as a church) indicates the presence of a public fountain during the medieval period. Other water resources also augmented the modest supply of aqueduct water. In 1 122 a ground-level channel, the Aqua Marrana, was constructed to bring water to the area outside the city walls near San Giovanni in Laterano, to water animals and orchards, and to power grain mills along its route. The water then entered the city walls at Porta Metronia, far from the abitato, and flowed through the Circus Maximus to the Tiber. Although the Marrana' s supply was abundant, the Camera Apostolica controlled the water along its entire route, and it was not generally available for public use (Becchetti, 1974: 15-40).

Although public fountains may have been few and aqueduct water limited, Tiber water was always abundant, and it was used for drinking, cooking and industrial purposes by the majority of the population. It was even considered salubrious, and strong arguments were made into the mid-sixteenth century for its healthfulness.11 Male and female water sellers, known as acquaeroli, obtained and decanted water from several locations along the Tiber as it flowed through the abitato, or they purchased Trevi Fountain water for resale.12 The acquaeroli then walked the streets selling the water from barrels carried from door-to-door on donkeys. Lanciani suggested that the trade might have been remunerative, and Rodocanachi asserted that the civic importance of the acquaeroli was underscored by the fact that they marched first, before the other guilds, in papal processions.13

The restoration of three of the ancient aqueducts altered the ways in which people obtained and used water, and it significantly changed the physical fabric of the city itself. The abundant new water supply set into motion a series of changes that profoundly influenced urban development in late Cinquecento and early Seicento Rome. More than simply providing a technical solution to an infrastructure problem, the re-introduction of these water resources spurred dynamic changes in the urban landscape. Fountains, where water was displayed, used and enjoyed, became the foci of public spaces and a transformative nexus, and in some cases they

or near, the newly-built church and monastery of San Silvestro that could have been served by the Virgo (Hülsen, 1907: 19). 11 Petronio, 1552: 6-8; with short passages cited by D'Onofrio (1986: 38-9). Petronio argued that this abundant water was preferable to all others; that it was universally useful for drinking and cooking, and that it was, in fact, without equal for smell, taste, smoothness and clarity, so everyone should drink it.

12 Water sellers collected water at the Tor di Nona (ASR, Investigazioni, 66: 19; and ASR, Presidente, 445: 184); and at Via del Malpasso (AV, Diversorum, 64: 11-26 August 1514), cited by D'Onofrio (1991: 95). According to Pecchiai (1944: 9), they also collected water outside Porta del Popolo, but he offered no documentation.

13 Lanciani (1906: 80) cited a 1512 contract between a water-carrier and a priest 'by which the former binds himself to sell water in the streets in the interest of the latter, for the space of two years, and for a remuneration of thirty carlini [two dollars and ten cents, according to Lanciani] a year, besides two overcoats and two pairs of boots'. For processional marching orders, see Rodocanachi, 1912: 245.

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were essential physical and symbolic linchpins for urban development, as around Piazza di Colonna (LeFevre, 1959).14 The changes that ensued from this increased water supply also included the restoration of ancient sewers and the construction of new sewers to flush excess water and neighbourhood waste; re-grading streets and piazzas to lead water into the newly-created underground sewers; the paving of streets and piazzas in stone (rather than brick), in part to protect the conduits and drains; and the embellishment of the growing number of piazzas that housed the new fountains. The hidden conduits and the paved streets that protected them provided an embryonic connective tissue for urban development.

GRAVITY-FLOW TECHNOLOGY

During the early modern period, as in antiquity, the ability accurately to calculate water flow was imperfectly understood (Biswas, 1970: 135-63).15 Even the vast water-distribution system of ancient Rome, which according to the Notitia Regionum (from the Constantinian period) included eleven aqueducts and 1,212 public fountains, as well as numerous private fountains, imperial baths and other water features, had been designed and constructed without accurate hydraulic formulae (Jordan, 1871-1907: II, 44-5). In spite of the widely-known writings of Leon Battista Alberti, Leonardo da Vinci, Mariano di Iacopo (known as Taccola), Francesco di Giorgio, and others in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and the survival (and in some cases, rediscovery) of ancient hydraulic texts by authors such as Vitruvius, Frontinus and Hero of Alexander, hydraulic projects during the early modern period utilized empirical, rather than precise, scientific knowledge. Thus, the task of designing the first entirely gravity-flow water network for early modern Rome (as opposed to designing a single fountain) was fraught with considerable difficulty. The problem then, as for the ancient Romans, was to deliver an unknown and seasonally variable quantity of water, from a specific location and elevation, to a series of fountains, each located at different distances and at different elevations from the source - a not inconsiderable task. To further complicate matters, the Vergine, a very low-pressure system, had to serve an essentially flat, yet wide, distribution area from the base of the Pincian Hill, west to the Tiber, and as far south as the foot of the Capitoline Hill.

Until the late nineteenth century most public fountains, including those in Rome, were fed by gravity. In such a system the water flowed continuously, and its distribution to fountains depended upon the altitude of the springs at their source and their distance from the city, the gradient of the channel, the altitude of any holding tanks along the route, the elevation of the various service areas, the material

14 In 1570 the piazza was smaller than today, with a small church but no important buildings. Sixtus V ordered the restoration of the Column of Marcus Aurelius, and the subsequent removal of small buildings from the piazza, in 1588 (Simoncini, 1990: 215). 15 An accurate water-flow formula was not devised until the eighteenth century.


and construction of the conduits and pipes, as well as the amount of water flowing through these. Each aqueduct delivered its water to a distribution tank called a castello, where the water was divided into smaller quantities, and sent to public and private fountains in different neighbourhoods within its watershed. From the spring to the castello, the water flowed within the aqueduct channel with room for air circulation above the stream of water. Once the water left the castello and flowed to the fountains, it did so in pipes, located under the streets, which constricted its flow and created pressure. The more pressure in the pipes, and the greater the difference in elevation between the level of the castello and the level of the fountain, the higher the water could shoot when finally released. The elevation at which water left the castello determined the theoretical maximum height it could attain in another location. For example, if the water left the distribution tank under pressure at an elevation of 20 m above sea level, that represented the theoretical maximum height it could attain when released in a fountain. Realistically, these limits were rarely achieved, since any number of imperfectly understood impediments, such as the rough inner surfaces of handmade terracotta pipes (which created friction) and seasonal deficiencies in water supply, could interfere with an idealized water-distribution plan. Thus, each fountain had to be designed to function even in the driest years, when water supplies would be at their lowest.16

WATER INFRASTRUCTURE AND URBANISM

While the popes were absent from Rome during the Avignon papacies, the Maestri di Strade were able to assume control over the maintenance of the Vergine and its fountains, but documentation of the extent and nature of their work is limited (Re, 1920). In 1453 Nicolas V (1447-55) restored the last few kilometres of the aqueduct closest to the city, before it reached the Trevi Fountain, which he also restored.17 Yet the work deteriorated quickly, and Paul II (1464-71) restored the same section in 1467, as did Sixtus IV (1471-84) in 1475 (Muntz, 1878-82: III, 174-7). After minor work by Leo X (1513-21), Paul III (1534-49) considered a restoration, and Pius IV began restorations of the Vergine in 1560, but political turmoil and financial problems interfered with the realization of the work.18 Finally, when Pius V ascended the papal throne in 1566 he began a major effort to raise funds for

16 For design limitations imposed by gravity and topography on the Acqua Vergine, see Rinne, 2000.

17 Much of the control that the Maestri had gained during the absence of the popes was surrendered as the papacy regained power and prestige in the mid-Quattrocento, after returning to Rome. Karmon (2005) has described this restoration and discussed the conflict between Nicolas and the civil magistrates over control of the aqueduct. For continuing conflicts during later pontificates, see Pecchiai, 1944: 21-2. 18 For a brief discussion of the work instituted under Paul III and Pius IV, see Pecchiai, 1944: 12-14.

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the restoration work, which was finally brought to completion in August 1570 (Fea, 1832: 20 (citing Peto, 1570)).19 His concern was not only to complete the work that his immediate predecessor had instituted, but also to respond to critical health problems that existed in the Campo Marzio, in particular a devastating epidemic that swept the area in August 1566 (Pecchiai, 1944: 15). It was this restoration of the Vergine that set in motion the development of an integrated water infrastructure system, establishing the principles and practices of water use and urban development in early modern Rome.20

On 31 July 1567 Pius V established the Congregatione cardinalizia super viis pontibus et fontibus to oversee the public and private distribution of water - a committee whose very title underscores that Pius V perceived a single integrated infrastructure for roads, bridges and fountains. Cardinal Giovanni Ricci da Montepulciano was named its head, and Cardinals Flavio Orsini and Giovanni Luigi Cornaro were also named to the committee. Giacomo Della Porta, who at the time was the Architetto del Popolo Romano (the architect of Rome), was named as the architect for the Congregatione in 1568.21 Although this is not the place for a lengthy discussion of the intrigues that plagued the development of a Vergine water- distribution plan, it is important to understand that it was under Pius V that the water-distribution policies were shaped that prevailed more or less intact for the next 300 years. Pius's vision, as administered by cardinals and civic magistrates, was in place within the few short years of his papacy, allowing Gregory XIII (1572-85), Sixtus V and Paul V to expand them for their own more famous waterpower agendas.

By the summer of 1571 the Congregatione had proposed a water-distribution plan for a series of eighteen new public fountains to be placed in specific piazzas.22 Della Porta, in his dual and potentially conflicting roles as architect for the Congregatione and as Architetto del Popolo Romano, commented on the proposal, and then approved nine for immediate construction. He recommended that single

19 For a general discussion of the construction work to restore the aqueduct, see Pecchiai, 1944: 16-18.

20 1 discuss the restoration of the Versine in detail elsewhere (Rinne. forthcoming). ASR, Congregatione, 1: 3-5. Other clerical members of the committee were Monsignor

Bartolomeo Barrotti (treasurer general), Monsignor Ludovico Torres {Presidente delle Strade), while Ludovico Mattei and Prospero Boccapaduli were 'representatives of the civic government'. The architect Nanni di Baccio Bigio was appointed technical adviser for the project, but he died within a year and was replaced by Della Porta. See ASR, Congregatione. 1: 12. 22 AC, Decreti, VI, 50: 4, published by D'Onofrio (1986: 79). D'Onofrio dated this proposal to November 1570, but Pecchiai (1944: 28) dated it later than 6 June 1571, when a proposal to lay distribution pipes to Piazza del Popolo was first mentioned in the minutes of the Congregatione. An earlier plan had omitted Piazza del Popolo (D'Onofrio, 1986: fig. 63). Not surprisingly, fountains were recommended very near to or in front of the palaces of the cardinals on the committee, although they were not mentioned by name. One was proposed for the middle of Via Giulia, which places it near the palace owned by Cardinal Ricci (now Palazzo Sacchetti). Others were proposed directly in front of, or very near to, Orsini 's palace at Piazza Navona, and two Orsini properties at Monte Giordano and Campo dei Fiori owned by other members of the family, and in front of Cardinal Cornaro 's residence, the Palazzo Venezia.


fountains be placed in Piazza del Popolo, Piazza Colonna, Piazza della Rotonda, Piazza San Marco, Campo dei Fiori, Piazza Giudea and Piazza Montanara; and that two fountains be placed in Piazza Navona. His decision reflects the fact that some sites were too similar in elevation or actually higher than the main water-distribution castello, or were simply too far away to be provided with a fountain. With the exception of Piazza Colonna and Piazza del Popolo, which were at the edge of the abitato at that time, all the approved sites were in densely-populated parts of the city located between the Corso to the east and Piazza Navona to the west (Fig. 3).23 These eight piazzas were among the largest open spaces in the Campo Marzio and many of them were important commercial sites embedded in residential areas. Campo dei Fiori, Piazza della Rotonda and Piazza Navona all served as public markets, while Piazza Giudea was the location where rags and old clothes were purchased for paper-making just outside the Jewish Ghetto, and Piazza Montanara was the meeting-point for large numbers of peasants who came to the city looking for work.24 The need for public fountains would indeed have been greatest at points such as these. Piazza del Popolo, Piazza Colonna and Piazza di San Marco were located along Via del Corso. Although at that time the Corso more or less marked the eastern boundary of the abitato, it was along this street that ritual processions of important state visitors moved through the city from Piazza del Popolo to Piazza Colonna and Piazza San Marco, finally turning to cut across the Campo Marzio to the northwest, to the Ponte Sant'Angelo and then to Saint Peter's.25 The new fountains encountered along the route impressed visitors with their beauty and reinforced the idea of papal munificence, a benefit of particular importance during the Jubilee year of 1575, when the Piazza del Popolo fountain, which stood at the main gate into the city, was newly completed.

PUBLIC AND SEMI-PUBLIC FOUNTAINS

Because the distribution system relied on gravity, water flowed continuously, and it needed to be used, or else be disposed of. As Alberti suggested in On the Art of Building in Ten Books (X: 6. 182v; p. 331 in the edition I have used):

once water has been discovered, I would not let it be put to indiscriminate use; but since a city requires a large amount of water not only for drinking but also for washing, for gardens, tanners and fullers, and drains, and - this is very important - in case of a sudden outbreak of fire, the best should be reserved for drinking, and the remainder distributed according to need.

23Bufalini (1560: sheets 14 and 15) showed very few buildings east of the piazza. 24 Romano (n.d.) gave alphabetical entries: Campo dei Fiori, 105; Piazza Colonna, 150-1; Piazza Giudea, 236; Piazza Montanara, 306-7; Piazza Navona, 330; Piazza del Popolo, 378-9; Piazza della Rotonda, 406-7: Piazza San Marco (now Venezia), 458-9.

25Ingersoll (1985) has discussed the various processional activities and routes.

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Fig. 3. A plan of the new fountains proposed by the Congregatione between 1570 and 1571. Eighteen fountains were proposed and Giacomo Della Porta authorized nine of these for

immediate construction. The palaces of the cardinalate members of the Congregatione are also shown.

This strategy was adopted, and a sophisticated hierarchy of water distribution - to people and animals, then to industry, and finally into the sewers - quickly evolved.

In addition to acting as vehicles to display water, the first fountains to be constructed, such as those in Piazza Colonna or Piazza della Rotonda, were largely


Fig. 4. The civic fountain located in Piazza Colonna. Designed by Giacomo Della Porta, 1572-5, and constructed between 1576 and 1581. From G.B. Falda (1675), Le fontane di Roma: pl. 24.

ornamental (Fig. 4). Their primary purpose was to ennoble the city, to impress visitors and to reflect prestige back to the papacy and the important individuals, such as the cardinals on the Congregatione, who had facilitated, but not necessarily paid for, their construction.26 I will refer to these ornamental fountains, which were costly to build and maintain, as civic fountains, to differentiate them from drinking, laundry, animal and other utility fountains. Each of the aqueducts, the Vergine, Felice and Paola, supplied civic fountains as well as utility fountains. By the early seventeenth century the civic fountains of Rome were rightly regarded to have surpassed those of all other European cities, and numerous travellers, including Nicholas Audebert and John Evelyn, praised them for their beauty, and also praised the papacy for having constructed them.27

26 Although the Congregatane would have been responsible for the design and administration of

the fountains, construction costs were paid from the papal treasury (usually from monies borrowed through state loans called monti) and from taxation of the general populace, in particular on meat (AC, Decreti, I, 24: 261v-262, 30 December 1570). Fora discussion of the gabella (tax), see Pecchiai, 1944: 19-20.

For example, see Nicholas Audebert's comments from his 1575-6 travels to Rome (1981: 264) or John Evelyn's on his visit between 1644 and 1646 (1955: II, 86).

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These beautiful civic fountains may have impressed visitors and increased the

prestige of the city and the popes, but they were useless to the average Roman unless his or her thirst could be slaked. The primary need was for a dedicated drinking supply for humans and animals, and for other domestic uses, such as cooking, yet many of the earliest civic fountains, particularly those of the Acqua Vergine system, had no drinking apparatus.28 None the less, they served the public welfare through the process of ramification, that is through a multi-branched system of channels that

originated from a single source (the aqueduct channel) to serve a series of fountains in different parts of the city. Soon, a type of public drinking fountain, called beveratore, complemented the civic fountains. In these fountains, a spout from which a person could drink or collect water to take home usually surmounted a low animal trough. Characteristically this fountain type was free-standing, and it

typically received what is known as acqua caduta (run-off water) from the nearest civic fountain, which was usually located in the same piazza. The civic fountain was itself a kind of mini-distribution centre, or castello, from which pipes could be installed in the floor of the lowest receiving basin to direct water to nearby secondary fountains - such as drinking fountains - , and in some cases to private palaces as well.

Another type of drinking fountain, called fontana semipubblica, began to

appear in the 1570s. In 1561 Pius IV had granted Alessandro Grandi a concession of

Acqua Vergine water in exchange for Grandi 's financial support for the aqueduct restoration. Unfortunately, the restoration was not realized until the pontificate of Pius V, who in 1571 reconfirmed the earlier concession to Grandi and granted him three onde of water for his palace on Via Paolina, but in exchange Grandi was now

required to build a semi-public drinking fountain on his palace street fa9ade. Having built the fountain, he (and others like him who would make similar

arrangements) could not be taxed for the water, and he was also allowed to use all its run-off water as he chose.30 Known as // Babuino, or The Baboon, because of the badly-damaged ancient sculpture that adorns it, the fountain quickly became a major landmark (Fig. 5).31 Gregory XIII appointed a group of Conservatori

(conservators) to oversee concessions of Acqua Vergine water in 1576, soon after the completion of the first civic fountains.32 This kind of public/private partnership that Pius V had initiated, in which an individual was granted a quantity of water, either at a reduced rate or for free, in exchange for constructing a public drinking fountain, quickly became common, and the sales and gifts of water multiplied, with

28 The Acqua Felice fountain at Piazza Santa Maria Maggiore, designed by Carlo Maderno in 1614, is one of the few of these Roman fountains that still retains its original drinking spouts.

29 D'Onofrio (1986: 133) cited the relevant documents. One oncia of water was equal to 0.23 litres per second.

30Fea (1832: 298) cited notarial documents from 1588 and 1591. 31 Via Paolina has been called Via del Babuino since 1576, shortly after the fountain was

completed: Delli, 1975: 145. 32ASR, Congregatane, 1: 3-5, 25 September 1576.


Fig. 5. // Babuino, a semi-public drinking fountain in Via del Babuino, sponsored by Alessandro Grandi (1571-6). (V Katherine W. Rinne, 2005.)

many of the agreements stipulating that the recipient construct a semi-public fountain. For example, in 1586 Alessandro Ximenes was permitted to buy two oncie, and receive for free one oncia of Acqua Vergine water, on condition that he build two public fountains, one at Piazza Nuova di San Silvestro, and the other at Piazza Vecchia di San Silvestro. One of these was a semi-public drinking fountain and the other was a public laundry, and both used acqua caduta, or run-off water, from the Trevi.33

Under Sixtus V, who sponsored the second restored aqueduct, the Acqua Felice, this system flourished, and it was the typical arrangement for Acqua Paola waters, as well. Semi-public fountains, many of them quite small, dotted the city, and as their number proliferated, so did the restrictions against using the civic fountains for laundry, drinking or washing fruit and vegetables.34 The 'Quattro Fontane' (Four Fountains), perhaps the best-known semi-public drinking fountains in Rome, were located on the Quirinal Hill at the intersection of Via Pia and Via Felice,

33 ASR, Acque, 744: 47, 26 September 1576. It is possible that the laundry fountain actually used

the run-off from the new drinking fountain. 34 See for example, Editto sopra la conservazione, e pulizia delle fontane publiche di Roma, June

14, 1608, cited by D'Onofrio (1986: 93).

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and were supplied with Acqua Felice water. Muzio Mattei, an important financial contributor to the Acqua Felice restoration, arranged to build two of the four fountains, for which Sixtus V gave him (on 23 May 1589) not only the right to their run-off water, but also 300 scudi in partial compensation for constructing them, and an additional four onde of water for his gardens (D'Onofrio, 1977: 103; Benedetti, 1992: 136). This level of compensation given to property-owners on the Quirinal underscores Sixtus 's efforts to stimulate property development there as part of his overall urban vision (Crocco, 2002: 96-8).35 Later, under Paul V, similar grants were made near Santa Maria Maggiore. For example, a particularly elaborate agreement in 1616 apportioned the acqua caduta from the civic fountain in that piazza between five persons and one monastery, including a gift to Paolo Bernini (father of Gian Lorenzo) and another to Cesario Montano, who was then required to build a semi-public fountain, further motivating development in that area.36 Here, as elsewhere, regardless of who built the fountain, or of its size, it became the responsibility of the owner of the palace, house, wall or vineyard against which it was built to ensure its maintenance (Fea, 1832: 23, 91, 298).

ACQUA CADUTA

Acqua caduta, also called acqua di ritorno, is the run-off water that constantly flows from the upper jets and basins of a fountain into its lowest basin. As I shall discuss shortly, a portion of the run-off water from the new fountains was allowed to flow directly into newly-built sewers that linked to recently restored ancient sewers to insure that they remained clear, while the majority was wisely husbanded for a multiplicity of uses and users, including drinking, laundry, gardens, industry, personal hygiene and even for ornamental fountains in villas and palaces. Although a person could receive a dedicated line of water directly from the main castello, many wealthy persons chose to receive, or were given the right to divert, the acqua caduta from the basin of a civic fountain to their neighbouring palace, often in very large quantities. In 1580 Gregory XIII gave the Crescenzi family the right to all the run-off water from the lower basin of the Pantheon fountain in perpetuity, to use in their palace located in that piazza. Most notably, in 1621 Gregory XV (1621-3) gave 40 onde of Acqua Paola run-off from the new fountain at Ponte Sisto to Cardinal Odoardo Farnese, for use in the Palazzo Farnese.37 More modest donations were also made: for example, in 1589 Ascanio Del Bufalo was given one onda of the run-off from the Fontana Colonna, and in 1616 the hospital of San Sisto delle

35 Persons living in this area, known as Borgo Felice, were granted water with greater frequency and in larger quantities than persons living elsewhere. For scores of examples, see ASR, Acque, 744: 503-17.

36 ASR, Acque, 744: 523-4, 13 January, 15 March, 30 May, 18 June and 4 July 1616. For Bernini, see ASR, Acque, 744: 524; and for Montano, 744: 525. 37 AC, Decreti, VI, 103: 10, for Crescenzi, cited by Pecchiai (1944: 48); ASR, Acque, 744: 81, for Farnese.


Mendicanti received one oncia of Acqua Paola water from the Ponte Sisto fountain, located just outside their hospital.38 As early as 1577 it is clear that persons who had either purchased or been granted water could donate (and even sell) their acqua caduta to other private, public or ecclesiastical users.39 For example, the Villa Medici received a dedicated conduit from the Acqua Felice in 1592. After servicing the villa and its gardens, some of the run-off water was then given to the monastery of the Trinità, located just to the south, and another line led to the civic fountain located in front of the villa.40 In another example, Muzio Mattei sold small quantities of Felice water (some purchased and some given to him for free) to five different individuals in Trastevere.41

Acqua caduta from the public fountains could also be sold or given to fulleries for making and cleaning woollen cloth, to paper-making facilities, to private laundries, or to grain mills (among other uses that generated tax revenues), or it could be used in the public laundries or diverted to orchards.42 One of the earliest documented reuses of acqua caduta for non-drinking purposes was at the Trevi Fountain. Before the completion of the Acqua Vergine restoration in 1570, the Trevi run-oíf water flowed directly into the Chiavica di San Silvestro, an open drain, through streets and orchards to an area known as the Ortaccio, and then into the river Tiber.43 By 1570 Pius V had dedicated a facility for fullers next to the Trevi Fountain, in order to reuse the acqua caduta (Cassio, 1756-7: I, 284). Water became contaminated with urine and the fuller's earth used in the fulling process, so Pius sponsored construction of a new closed sewer to replace the open drain, into which the water then flowed directly.44

Both public and private laundries were also important users of acqua caduta. For example, in 1588 Sixtus V built a public laundry immediately adjacent to the Moses Fountain that terminated the new Acqua Felice. The laundry, described as spacious enough for 300 women, used the run-off water from the fountain (Fontana,

38 ASR, Acque, 744: 88, 5 July 1589, and 744: 92, 30 July 1616. 39 ASR, Acque, 744: 249, 6 June 1577, for the earliest example. 40 Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Miscellanea Medicea 315, 1: 280-1, cited by Andres (1976: II, 600). 41 ASR, Acque, 744: 515, 27 February, 18 May and 21 June 1595; and 744: 518, 14 September 1598.

42 The fulling fountain, sponsored by Pius V in 1570, appears in the Du Perac (1577) plan of Rome. For paper-making, see AC, Decreti, I, 26: 182. Paper-making required large amounts of clean water, and hence the industry was not actively pursued in Rome until after the Acqua Vergine was restored in 1570. For laundry facilities, see Rinne, 2000-1; for mills, Mariotti Bianchi, 1975; for orchards, Lanciani, 1989-94: II, 261. 43 Muntz (1878-82: II, 97) cited a 1468 document that mentions a drain at the Trevi Fountain. The word chiavica has caused a great deal of confusion, since it can mean sewer, water channel, drain or drain cover. The context of its use always needs to be considered carefully. 44 In 1587 Sixtus V enlarged the facility with the addition of an upstairs loggia for stretching and pulling the wet fabric, two activities important to both cleaning and making woollen cloth (Fontana, 1590: I, 103). Presumably, if these activities occurred at the earlier facility, the work may have been carried out in the piazza.

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1590: I, 102).45 When businesses were awarded or purchased the right to run-off water from public fountains, it was in a manner similar to the contracts for semi- public fountains. For example, in 1589 and 1590 Simone Boscaglia was given the right to use the run-off from the Trevi at his private laundry establishment, located near the Arco di Portogallo, in exchange for maintaining and cleaning the channel.46

An interesting example of the reuse of acqua caduta occurred in Piazza del Popolo. Here, the first of the new civic fountains to be built (provided with Acqua Vergine water), and the first one to be seen by the majority of visitors to Rome, formed the centrepiece of an integrated water-distribution network for a newly- developing neighbourhood. After the fountain water emerged from a nozzle in the upper basin, it then fell back into the lower octagonal basin, from which it was then distributed to two other fountains located in the same piazza, before flowing into a new sewer. One conduit led the water to a public beveratoio, sponsored by Gregory XIII (1581), which contained drinking spouts for humans and a low trough for horses.47 A second conduit led to a public laundry fountain, sponsored by the commune in 1584, that was located in the same piazza.48 Display water, in turn, became drinking water for humans and animals, or laundry water, and finally sewer water.49 All three fountains are visible in a 1589 fresco by Cesare Nebbia that Sixtus V commissioned for the Vatican Library to celebrate the obelisk that he had placed in the piazza the year before.

Yet another example of the nearly invisible organization of water-distribution conduits was at the Campidoglio, the seat of the civic government on the Capitoline Hill, where Acqua Felice water arrived in 1589. The communal government had been given 100 onde of Felice water by the Congregatane, but the civic magistrates were responsible for construction and maintenance of the fountains and conduits, many of which were served by conduits that ramified from the Campidoglio basin (Pecchiai, 1944: 63-4). One channel led run-off water to the 'Marforio' Fountain (1591), where, at a low broad ground-level basin, horses were watered after the steep climb up the hill. Another conduit carried water down the hill to the two drinking fountains, in the form of lions, one on either side of the base of the Cordonata ramp. A third conduit delivered water to the Aracoeli fountain in front of the Palazzo Muti, whose run-off was in turn sent to the Palazzo Altieri, and a fourth conduit led to the 'Tartarughe' Fountain in Piazza Mattei. Cardinal Farnese was granted six onde of the run-off for his garden on the Palatine, and in 1593 a sixth conduit led across the

45 A history of this laundry facility, its urban implications, and a discussion of the impact that it had on the lives of the women who used it has been orovided elsewhere (Rinne. 2000-1: 48-52Ì. 46 ASR, Acque, 744: 252, 9 August 1590: Fea, 1832: 70-1 (for the 1589 document). 47 ASR. Viarum. 451: 128.

48 ASR, Registro per la concessione dell'acqua di Salone, 13 July 1581, cited by Cassio (1756-7: I, 286). 4 The same image shows the street-level aperture for a new underground sewer that linked Piazza del Popolo to the Tiber.


Tiber, carried in the roadbed of Ponte Santa Maria, to the public fountain at Santa Maria in Trastevere.50

Private individuals were also allowed to buy water for use in their palaces and villas, but many times water was given freely to influential families either by the pope or the Congregatione.51 In some cases the gift came without any requirement to provide a semi-public fountain, most notably the gifts of Vergine water to Cardinal Flavio Orsini beginning in 1572.52 Orsini, who was a member of the Congregatione (and later its President), was granted thirteen onde of water for his garden, located between Via Paolina, Via del Corso, Via Gesù e Maria and Via di San Giacomo (known at that time as Via Orsina) (Lanciani, 1989-94: II, 23-5; D'Onofrio, 1986: 35).53 Cardinal Ascanio Colonna, who owned the springs from which Acqua Felice water was tapped, received two large gifts of Felice water from Sixtus V, beginning in 1588, and Taddeo and Carlo Barberini each received four onde of Paola water in 1625 from their uncle, Urban VIII.54 But other, less important, individuals could also receive outright gifts. For example, in 1576 Luca Peto, one of the engineers associated with the restoration of the Vergine, received a

grant of one onda of its water, and in 1597 Giacomo Della Porta received a gift of Felice water for his gardens on the Quirinal.55 These few examples should be

adequate to illustrate the fluid branching that allowed water to flow from the papacy and the Congregatione, to adorn public and private buildings, to private users, and then to the public, to serve a multiplicity of uses, and to link properties and

neighbourhoods in a largely invisible network of alliance and reciprocity.

PAVING STREETS AND PIAZZAS

Prior to 1570, two street paving strategies were employed in Rome. Neither was

very far-reaching or completely satisfactory, as there was no programme of street

paving as part of a larger public responsibility.56 One strategy was to pave streets

50 ASR, Acque, 744: 503, 17 May 1588 (for the Farnese grant). Elsewhere I have provided a detailed discussion (with references to pertinent documents) of the Acqua Felice distribution system in its earliest years of operation (Rinne, 1996). The Trastevere conduit was destroyed, along with the bridge, in the 1598 flood.

See Capituli da conservarsi sopra l'acqua di Salone, cited by Pecchiai (1944: 30-2). 52 ASR, Acque, 744: 245, no. 91. 53 Cardinal Orsini was named President of the Congregatione after the death of Cardinal Ricci in

1574. 54ASR, Acque, 744: 504, 508, no. 37 (for the Colonna gift); ASR, Acque, 325: la, 1 October

1625 (for Carlo); and ASR, Acque, 330: 16, 9 October 1625 (for Taddeo). 55 ASR, Acque, 744: 4 1 , 26 May 1 576 ( for Peto Luca); 744: 5 1 6, 1 March 1 597 ( for Della Porta). 56 Nicolas V mandated the Maestri di Strade to pave the streets in stone in 1452 (Re, 1920: 96), and in 1480 Sixtus IV directed that important piazzas were to be paved (Magnuson, 1958: 33; Crocco, 2002: 97), which implies that most piazzas were not paved at that time. In comparison, Florentine piazzas, such as the Piazza della Signoria, were already paved by the fifteenth century, in part with patterns of brick and stone, while some piazzas were paved with a strip of stones to mark pedestrian paths across the expanse of open space (in order to join streets together), and many streets were paved

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with brick for short distances through taxes collected from the abutting property- owners on both sides of the street.57 Another strategy was to pave only half of the street directly fronting a particular palace, with half the cost borne by the public and half by the owner (Foglietta, 1590 (Balzani, 1878: 375)). In either case, the work was piecemeal, and most streets were unpaved.58 The Maestri di Strade were responsible for levying taxes and for issuing permits, called Lettere Patente, to private individuals, who could pave their streets with selce or mattone, stone or brick. Before 1569 nearly every one of these licences specified brick, which was considerably cheaper. Yet there were enormous advantages to paving with hard stone that had been cut into small square pavers. It was denser and far more durable than brick, which was friable and easily damaged. Yet Pius IV had forbidden the use of stone in 1565, since stone-paved street surfaces often remained more 'humid' than brick, a condition that was considered unhealthy.59

The motivations to finally pave Roman streets during the late Cinquecento and early Seicento were complex, and four reasons are typically cited: the increase in the number of carriages; protecting and enhancing entranceways into palaces; facilitating pilgrimage traffic; and promoting public health by keeping the streets free of mud and standing water.60 Not surprisingly, I think that additional answers lie beneath the paving materials themselves, where the new water-distribution conduits and new sewers were laid. In my view, it was, in part, the restoration of the ancient aqueducts and the construction of new fountains that spurred the simultaneous construction of new sewers (which helped to keep the streets clean and dry) and the use of stone street pavers (which protected the fragile conduits and new sewer drains). The importance of this reciprocal relationship between fountains, conduits, sewers and street paving was clearly expressed by the Congregatione cardinalizia on 27 January 1597, when its members urged that Via Pia, by this time paved with stone from the Piazza del Quirinale to the Moses Fountain (that is over the main Acqua Felice distribution conduit and the new underground sewer), be completely paved in stone as far as Porta Pia, because of the grave damage that had

entirely in stone. I am grateful to Dr Caroline Elam for these observations, which will appear in her forthcoming book, The Urban Face of Renaissance Florence. 57 See scores of documents throughout the records of the Presidente delle Strade, especially vol. 445.

58 Between 1513 and 1568, the Taxae Viarum (Street Taxes) from the Presidente delle Strade list very few paved streets, and these are only mentioned for the areas between Saint Peter's and the Castel Sant'Angelo, in front of the Trevi Fountain, and the Porta di Ripetta in the area known as the Ortaccio, all of which were paved with brick. These documents have been summarized by Re (1920: 67, 73, 75). Clearly it would have been prudent to pave these areas, which were subject to intense traffic. The area directly in front of Castel Sant'Angelo, Saint Peter's and the main entries into the Ghetto were paved with stone in 1569. ASR, Lettere. 42: 42v-44r (for Saint Peter'si. 62r-v (Tor the Ghetto V 59 Crocco (2002: 97) cited 'Bull.Coll ' VII: 386ss. Conñrmatio et extensio. Par. 31.

In particular see the scores of entries in the tax records for the Presidente delle Strade (especially vol. 535 in the Archivio di Stato di Roma) listing streets that were paved by taxing coach owners and drivers. See also Gamrath, 1987: 59-87.


been caused to the conduits of the Acqua Felice that ran beneath the unpaved section of the road.61

Unfortunately, Lettere Patente for the crucial years 1571-86 are missing from the Archivio di Stato di Roma and so our knowledge of street paving, whether stone or brick, during this period is limited. But some streets and piazzas were paved (or re-paved) when a new fountain was constructed, and, at least in the most important locations, the pavers were made of stone.62 It is clear that in 1569, under Pius V, stone paving was reinstituted in anticipation of the completion of the Acqua Vergine restoration. In that year the Presidente delle Strade issued a licence to pave the piazza at the Trevi Fountain with both stone and brick, and apparently this work was completed in 1572.63 In this case the area directly in front of the fountain had already been paved with brick between 1514 and 1516, and now the area over the new sewer, constructed in conjunction with the fuller's facility, was to be paved in stone.64

Even lacking many crucial documents, it is clear that under Sixtus V the pace of street paving quickened, as long straight streets were essential to his programme of pilgrimage movement and spatial organization. Between January and July 1587 alone, 121 streets were paved with stone (Cerasoli, 1900).65 Much of this work must have been substandard (perhaps constructed in haste), as Sixtus V reconfirmed Pius IV's ban on stone in February 1588, even requiring that existing stone pavers be replaced with bricks.66 Nearly 10 km of roads, including Via Felice (the first of these new streets to be paved, in 1588), Via Sistina, Via Quattro Fontane, Via Depretis and Via Panisperna were paved in the five years of Sixtus 's pontificate, but all of the major roads were paved with brick (Gamrath, 1987: 82).67 I would argue that the problem was not with the stone, but rather with the manner in which the roads were paved and how they were linked to other infrastructures, such as sewers. Because of stone's lack of permeability, it was crucial that the roadbed be properly prepared and graded so that rain and waste water would flow into drains or sewers. As Guido Baldo Foglietta pointed out in a detailed letter from 1590, in which he described the suitable materials and techniques necessary for proper drainage, one had only to look at the ancient Roman roads, paved with stone, to see how much more durable they were than the brick-paved streets that could be seen in Rome at

61 ASR, Congregatione, 2: 37, 27 January 1597. 62 Documents from the ASR, Congregatione, pick up again in 1594. Some documents relating to licences issued from 1586 to 1589 can be found in AC, Decreti, IV, 82. 63 ASR, Lettere, 4: 13v-14r; ASR, Presidente, 445: 529, 10 January 1572. 64 ASR, Presidente, 445: 36 (undated but assigned to 1516). The money was raised by taxing the sixteen 'case' surrounding the piazza, the acquaeroli who drew water from the fountain, and the owners of the horses and mules that drank from the fountain.

65 Many of these were in fact very short sections of longer streets. 66BAV, Urb. Lat. 1055: 30r-v; ASR, Congregatione, 2: 279v, 3 February 1588. On 24 December

1588 an Avviso was published reporting the requirement that the piazzas that housed obelisks be paved in brick. BAV, Urb. Lat. 1056: 651.

67 For Via Felice, see BAV, Urb. Lat. 1056: 79v, cited by Simoncini (1990: 43, 214).

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that time.68 Although he did not expressly state that stone-paved roads would recall the magnificent roads that had linked ancient Rome to her empire, none the less stone paving could have been perceived as another aspect of renovatio Romae. In fact, it was during the pontificate of Pius V - during the interval between Pius IV and Sixtus V, as the Vergine was being built and fountains were being planned on a scale not seen since antiquity - that many of the first stone-paved streets and new sewers also appeared; both, like the fountains and aqueducts, recall antique models.69

Among the first streets to be paved in stone after 1590 (at least from the existing documents) were those associated with new fountains and sewers. For example, the area above the conduit that led Acqua Felice water to the nearly-completed fountain in Piazza Madonna dei Monti was paved with stone in 1594, and a new sewer that led from it was constructed at the same time and connected to the ancient, newly-restored sewer that led down Via Suburra to the Cloaca Massima.70 Piazza Mattei, where the Turtle Fountain was located, had been paved in brick in 1586, when the fountain was completed (and linked to a sewer), but then in 1594 stone pavers were laid above the conduit that brought Acqua Felice water, and the brick around the fountain was replaced with stone.71 By 1594, only four years after Sixtus's death, nearly all newly-paved streets were paved with stone.72 Foglietta's 1590 letter explaining the superiority of stone paving and the proper way to prepare the roadbed may have been instrumental in reshaping road construction strategies. In any case, there is a clear initiative to create a 'selicatam Urbis', that is, a city of stone streets and piazzas.73

The tremendous force of Acqua Paola water as it fell from the heights of the Janiculum Hill prevented the possibility of building a new straight road down from the terminal fountain of the aqueduct, as had been envisioned under Paul V. Rather, the force of the water was later diverted to become part of the economic infrastructure of Rome, driving a series of mills on the Janiculum (rather than flowing under a new or existing road), each of which broke the flow of the water and lowered its pressure.74 However, new streets specifically related to new Acqua Paola fountains and conduits were built during the pontificate of Paul V. Chief among these was Via San Francesco a Ripa, which was planned originally to link all the

68 Foglietta (1590), cited by Balzani (1878: 375), wrote extensively about the problems associated

with improper roadbed construction for both brick and stone pavers, and made suggestions for improve- ments. He also mentioned that many of the ancient Roman roads were being rediscovered at that time, just as the roadbeds were being excavated to lav the new water conduits and to build new sewers.

69 See ASR, Lettere, 42: 56v-57r, 1570, for example. As paved roads protected the conduits and sewers beneath them, the drains and sewers protected the paved roads by keeping them dry. 70 AC, DecretL VI, 26: 90, 22 December 1594. 71 AC, Decreti, VI, 24: 102; Pecchiai, 1944: 83 (for paving around the fountain); AC, Decreti, VI, 26: 89; Pecchiai, 1944: 98 (for the stone paving and maintenance of the drain). 7 This from my survey of records from the Presidente delle Strade and the Congregatione cardinalizia for the pertinent years. 73 ASR, Consrezatione* 2: 5v, 30 April 1594. 74 For the proposed road, see Heilmann, 1970: 660; for the mills, see Comune di Roma, 1986: 226 and fig. 3.4. A discussion of these mills is unfortunately outside the immediate scope of this paper.


way from the Lungara (near the Ponte Sisto) to the piazza of the church, newly- supplied with water, and to the newly-expanded and regularized Ripa Grande (main port) located just behind the church.75 The expansion of the Palazzo Borghese, newly-served with Acqua Paola water, stimulated development in the area of the former port, the Porto di Ripetta, on the left bank of the Tiber, including widening and regularizing Via della Scrofa, the extension of Via Ripetta, and the restoration of an ancient sewer, to be discussed in the next section (Heilmann, 1970: 662).

SEWER INFRASTRUCTURE

The sewers of Rome all led to the Tiber, making it the primary collector of Rome. Few of the ancient sewers, which had been as famous in antiquity as the aqueducts and fountains, were functioning in the late Cinquecento. Over the centuries, back- flow debris from the relentless Tiber floods had filled many of the sewers and they had become essentially inoperable, with most people simply dumping refuse into the streets (Re, 1920: 8). Because the topography of the abitato (which included the Campo Marzio, Trastevere and the Borgo) was relatively flat, it was particularly important to have a well-functioning sewer system, primarily to prevent the build-up of waste, which created miasmic conditions and caused a stench, literally 'mal'aria', or bad air, and also created a breeding ground for disease (Coluzzi and Corbellini, 1995: 575). At the same time, due to constant flooding, street levels had risen dramatically since antiquity, and a parallel sewer system had developed as medieval and even most fifteenth-century sewers were built several metres above the old ones.76

The number of functioning underground sewers in 1570 was probably quite small. Tax documents related to the maintenance of streets and sewers (Taxae Viarum) mention only ten chiaviche (which could mean either open or closed drains), which between 1513 and 1569 were repaired with money raised by taxing the homes and businesses that linked to them.77 Two of the chiaviche were connected to only a few palaces, such as the 'Chiavica del Ponte', and only three of them were more than two or three streets in length.78 Most of them were minimally effective at the scale of the city, since the little research that has been initiated on this subject suggests that, even if some of these drains were closed, they were in fact only connected to new construction, and that open drains were far more common (Re, 1920: 22; Mocchegiani Carpano, 1984: 176-7). Documents of the

75 ASR, Presidente, 7: 54, 23 December 1611; 18: 112, 18 May 1624. A commemorative plaque that records the new water supply can still be seen on the front of the church. See also Heilmann, 1970: 661; Petrucci, 1995: 11-14, figs 1-2. The road was only partially completed. 76 The only in-depth study of ancient and early modern Roman sewers is by Narducci (1889). 77 The Taxae Viarum (1513-84) have been summarized by Re (1920: 65-79). 78 Re, 1 920: 67 ( for the Chiavica del Ponte), 70 ( for the Chiavica Tor di Nona). The longer drains included the Chiavica del Borgo, which ran about 800 m from Saint Peter's to the Tiber, and the Chiavica di San Silvestro, which ran almost 2 km entirely above ground from the Trevi to the Tiber (Re, 1920: 67, 69, respectively).

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Maestri di Strade suggest that direct connections between private residences and closed drains were relatively ad hoc until the seventeenth century. For example, domestic drains and latrines caused considerable problems, since many of them

discharged into public streets, or sometimes onto the property of a neighbour.79 Closed underground drains and sewers were more commonly associated with palaces than with smaller buildings. For example, Julius II had a private sewer constructed to carry waste directly from the Palazzo Farnese into the Tiber, and in 1520 a new sewer, the Chiavica di Panico, was built in conjunction with the Palazzo Alberini (Narducci, 1889: 20, fig. 2a.7). It should be pointed out that both of these sewers were built for palaces located very near to the Tiber banks.

The 1527 Sack of Rome, a devastating flood in 1530 (described as even more damaging than the Sack), and another equally destructive flood in 1557, all contributed to a precarious situation for the Roman sewers.80 The capacity of the sewers to carry away waste and rainwater was severely limited, as each of these events literally left the city in ruins.81 The floods were especially troublesome, since they caused the few functioning drains and sewers to back up and spew their contents, which included all manner of waste, into the streets, polluting wells and cisterns, and then reclogging the sewers as the water subsided and debris was left behind.82 Unfortunately, money for the necessary repairs was in short supply, and the task of cleaning and repairing the city and its sewers was Sisyphean, so that conditions were little improved in the 1560s.83 Clearly, the sanitary situation in Rome was dire.

How many of these chiaviche ran open through the streets is unclear, but certainly many of them did, causing severe health problems.84 For Pius V, restoring the health of the city was an important aspect of renovatio Romae, and the closing

79 See, for example, cases such as that of Giacomo Bucceia, who was fined for allowing discharge from his house to flow directly into the public street in 1512, ASR, Collegio Notai Capitolini, 1911: 44r-v, 1 December 1512; cited by Verdi (1997: 155). 80 For an eyewitness account of the 1527 Sack, see Guicciardini, 1993: 111; for a description of the damage from the Sack, see Partner, 1979: 30.

81Frosini (1977: 166-70) reported eyewitness accounts of the 1530 and 1557 floods, which reached levels of 18.95 and 18.90 m above sea level, respectively, at the Porto di Ripetta. The 1557 flood was so severe that it also cut a new bed for the Tiber between Tor Bovacci and the sea (Capo- grossi Guarna, 1871: 10). 82 Most drains were intended to carry only run-off and rainwater, and grills were fitted over mouths to prevent their use as illegal dumping sites. ASR, Presidente, 7: 55r, 4 January 1612. Such measures proved relati velv useless.

83 The first discussion in the minutes of the Roman Council to restore the flood damaged Cloaca Massima (the ancient sewer that flowed under the Roman Forum), was not until July 1560, although the Council had been trying to raise funds to clean it several months before the 1557 flood. AC, Decreti, I, 37: 14, and 37: 56v; the latter cited by Lanciani (1989-94: III, 25); and AC, Decreti, I, 20: 158v, 1 February 1557, for the request for funds to clean the sewers seven months before the flood. Another flood in 1563, although not as severe as that of 1557, set work back once again. On 11 February 1563 the magistrates levied additional taxes to clean alluvium from the sewers and streets. AC, Decreti, I, 21: 218. 84 See the Taxae Viarum (undated, but assigned to 1574-6 by Re (1920: 75)).


of open drains, the restoration of ancient sewers, and the construction of new sewers were all part of this programme (Lanciani, 1989-94: III, 31). Run-off water from the Trevi, as mentioned earlier, had been allowed to flow to the Tiber for nearly 2 km in an open drain, the Chiavica di San Silvestro, through an area that was among those most affected by the 1566 epidemic.85 By 1570, the year that the Acqua Vergine restoration was completed, Pius V had replaced the drain with a new, closed sewer when he decided to use the run-off water of the Trevi Fountain for a fuller's facility, as mentioned earlier.86 Like the original drain, the new sewer followed the shortest route to the Tiber, which respected the topography of the Campo Marzio and the existing street pattern. This closed sewer linked up to an ancient sewer at the Mausoleum of Augustus that already flowed in the same general direction as the drain. In order to do this, the level of the existing ancient sewer had to be ascertained, its level compared to that of the area at the Trevi nearly 2 km away, and an underground channel built to connect the two at a constant grade. Begun during the pontificate of Pius V in 1570, the two were finally linked under Paul V as part of the reorganization of the area between the Palazzo Borghese and the Ripetta, mentioned earlier (Narducci, 1889: 14-15) (Fig. 6).

The strategy employed with the Trevi sewer suggests that, rather than construct a parallel sewer system, an early effort was made to clean and restore systematically the ancient sewers in order to link the new ones to them. While I have not uncovered any documentation to suggest that the public health implications of this far-sighted strategy were understood, the decision took advantage of the greater depth of the old sewers under the streets, well below the new fresh water conduits, thus preventing the leaching of toxic materials into the drinking-water supply. Following routes that provided a constant underground grade (dictated by the actual topography surrounding the location of new fountains), the new sewers linked wherever possible to the nearest ancient sewer, as the new Trevi sewer linked to the ancient Augustan sewer. In the case of the fountain in Piazza della Rotonda (1574-5), its new sewer - about 100 m in length - linked to a restored ancient sewer that ran south from the Baths of Agrippa to the river Tiber (Lanciani, 1989-94: IV, 3 1).87 Sixtus V sponsored the construction of another new sewer to carry away the acqua caduta from the new laundry fountain on the Quirinal Hill, provided with Felice water, and this sewer was, in turn, linked up to another restored ancient sewer, which led

85 Four hundred and seven individual 'case' (houses) were taxed in 1538 to pay for work on the drain; ASR, Presidente, 445: 156-65, 28 March 1538. Apparently it was a serious problem to keep the drain clean, as it was described in 1569 as giving off an offensive odour and causing death. See also AC, Decreti, I, 24: 26, 9 March 1569; 38: 12, 7 March 1569; Lanciani, 1989-94: III, 260-2. Several times during the early sixteenth century the monks of San Silvestro were ordered by the maestri to clean the drain, and to desist from throwing refuse from their orchard into it. ASR, San Silvestro in Capite, 4996: 3, lr-2r, cited by Verdi (1997: 119) and by Re (1920: 69, 78).

86ASR, Conzreeatione, 1: 20; Cassio, 1756-7: I, 284. 87Narducci (1889: 14-17, 28-31) (who surveyed tens of kilometres of ancient and early modern

sewers at the end of the nineteenth century) cited several examples of newly-constructed sewers linking to restored, ancient sewers.

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V3 53 3

u. -6 ̂ 8 ÍÍ J=


Fig. 7. A sewer mouth located at the Porta di Ripetta debouching into the river Tiber, just behind the boat seen on the right. From G. Maggi (1625), Iconografia della città di Roma. (Reproduced

with the permission of the Pepys Library, Magdalene College, University of Cambridge.)

to the Cloaca Massima (Fontana, 1590: I, 20, 88v; Narducci, 1889: 43-4). Some of the new sewers could not link to ancient ones because there was either insufficient elevation difference between them, the ancient sewers were too badly damaged, or they could not be located. An example of such an independent sewer was the Chiavica del Mascherone, begun in 1572 under Gregory XIII (Narducci, 1889: 23, fig. 2a, no. 10). This was a 750 m long underground sewer, which would ultimately link the Campo dei Fiori to the Tiber. It was completed by 1594, the same year that the Campo's new public fountain was finished and linked to the sewer, and new stone paving was put in place.88

88 For the fountain, see D'Onofrio, 1986: 130-1; Rinne, 2000: 195. For the sewer, see Narducci, 1889: 23-4. For the paving, see ASR, Congregatone, 2: 5v, 30 April 1594.

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Once houses were provided with aqueduct water, private connections to public sewers increased. One interesting early seventeenth-century example concerns a group of property-owners on Via Giulia near the Vicolo del Cefalo, who contracted to build, and presumably maintain, their own sewer in exchange for a dedicated water line from the new Acqua Paola, completed in 1612 (Narducci, 1889: 21, pl. 2:8). Further private individuals were mandated to link their new closed drains to ancient sewers as well. The Crescenzi family, as mentioned earlier, received all the run-off water from the lower basin of the Pantheon fountain in 1580. The water was free, but only if they also built and maintained a closed drain to take any water that they did not use to the nearest sewer that flowed to the Tiber, which in this case was the newly-restored ancient sewer that ran from the Baths of Agrippa, through the Jewish Ghetto, to the river.89 By 1595 there were new sewers throughout the Campo Marzio area and also in a few other areas, such as Via Suburra and the Borgo.90 The importance of the new and restored sewers as integral elements of urban infrastructure is emphasized by the inclusion of three of them on the 1625 Maggi plan, where their mouths appear along the Tiber bank (Fig. 7).91 One is shown just to the south of the Ripetta, another just north of the Ponte Sisto, and the third near the church of Santa Maria in Cosmedin to the south of the Tiber Island.

CONCLUSIONS

As the Acqua Vergine restoration neared completion in 1570, a strategy was already being prepared, and would be quickly implemented, to link the newly-restored aqueduct to new public and private fountains - fountains that in turn would serve multiple uses - , after which the run-off would then flow into newly-built underground sewers that themselves often linked to restored ancient sewers, all of which flowed to the Tiber. At the same time, under the far-sighted Pius V, a strategy to protect this costly civic investment was immediately implemented - to pave the streets (under which the conduits and drains flowed) with stone. By the end of the pontificate of Paul V two more aqueducts had been constructed and integrated into this new order. Once in place, this rationalized water infrastructure system would be continually enlarged and modified many times, most notably during the pontificates of Urban VIII (1623-44) and Innocent X (1644-55), but always respecting these initial reciprocal arrangements, of distribution and use.

The entire system was laid out to exploit the law of gravity in order to move water from the highest to the lowest elevations, and from the largest to the smallest

89 AC, Decreti, IV, 103: 10; cited by Pecchiai (1944: 48). See, for example, the numerous entries related to new sewer construction in ASR,

Congregatane, 2, which date from 8 January 1594 to 19 December 1595. 91 The Maggi plan is the first of the early modern maps of Rome to feature sewer mouths, perhaps

because Urban VIII (1623-44) (to whom the map was dedicated) was so involved in sewer construction and restoration projects.


fountains. Functionally, the water flowed from the cleanest to dirtiest uses; from pure drinking water to spent sewer water, with animals, laundries, industries and other services receiving individual water allotments in between. Symbolically, the water flowed from popes and cardinals, who gave run-off water to other important individuals, in a system based on reciprocity and alliance, and then to the public, all the while enhancing and improving the city, and solidifying papal power and prestige. The public fountains are only the most visible reminders of this integrated infrastructure. Although largely ignored in studies of the urban development of early modern Rome, this process of ramification - of water flowing from one fountain to another, one user to another, and from one infrastructure into another - not only served the quotidian life of Rome and lubricated social and economic alliances, but also profoundly shaped the urban fabric of the city.

Katherine Wentworth Rinne

Acknowledgements Initial research was conducted in Rome during 2002 with funding from the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, and an abbreviated version of this article was presented at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians in a session chaired by Dr John Pinto and Dr Jesus Escobar. Dr Pamela O. Long and Dr Patricia Osmond read that earlier version and provided thoughtful comments and suggestions. The talk was expanded during tenure as a 2003-4 Samuel H. Kress Senior Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts (CASVA) at the National Gallery of Art, Washington. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Fellows and Faculty of CASVA, and, in particular Guendilena Ajello, Dr C. Jean Campbell, Dr Caroline Elam, Dr Peter Lukehart, Dr Sally Promey and Susana Torre faia for their encouragement and valuable insights. Lastly, I would like to thank the Papers of the British School at Rome Editor, Dr John Patterson, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.

Archival sources and abbreviations

AC = Archivio Capitolino; ASR = Archivio di Stato di Roma; AV = Archivio Vaticano; BAV = Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Presidente = Presidente delle Strade; Acque = Presidente delle Acquedotti Urbani; Lettere - Lettere de Patente; Decreti = Decreti di Consiglio; Congregatione = Libri Congregatone cardinalizia super viis pontibus etfontibus; Viarum = Taxae Viarum.

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