ACAL 41 6-8 May 2010 Toronto, Canada University of Toronto and York University

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Non-spurious H-toned extensions in Nyala-West

Kristopher Ebarb, Indiana University, kjebarb@indiana.edu Michael Marlo, University of Maryland, michaelrmarlo@gmail.com

1. Introduction (1) Unlike other verbal extensions, which are toneless, the causative *-i-̦ and passive *-u-

introduce a H tone onto the verb stem in some Bantu languages (Meeussen 1961: 426): Ganda (Hyman & Katamba 1990)—the most detailed study to date Herero (Köhler 1958) Holoholo (Coupez 1955) Lega (Meeussen 1971) Luyia (Marachi and Nyala-West dialects, Ebarb & Marlo 2009, Marlo 2007) Nande (Mutaka 1994) Shi (Polak-Bynon 1975: 166)

(2) Meeussen (1967: 92) tentatively sets up these suffixes as /H/ in Proto-Bantu: *-i ̦-́/*-ú-. (3) The tonal properties of *-i ̦-́/*-ú- are under-discussed in the literature and always have

been: Meeussen (1973: 11) criticizes Guthrie’s four-volume (1967-1971) Comparative Bantu for not mentioning the H-toned causative and passive suffixes.

(4) The focus of this talk:

The tonal properties of causative -í- and passive -ú- in Nyala-West. 2. Background on Nyala-West verb tone

(Ebarb & Marlo 2009, Ebarb et al. in prep, Marlo 2007, Onyango 2004, 2005, 2006) (5) Nyala-West has a privative tonal contrast between H and Ø (“toneless”).

(See Hyman 2001 on this property throughout Bantu.) (6) The tone-bearing unit is the mora (μ).

(See Marlo 2008b, 2009a on other Luyia dialects.) (7) Most morphemes within the verb, with the exception of tense prefixes, have “predicta-

ble” underlying tonal values. (See Marlo 2008a, 2009b and Odden 1989 on predictability in Luyia and elsewhere in Bantu.)

Ø Ø H/Ø H H Ø Ø H Ø Neg – Subj – Tense – Obj1 – Obj2 [ Root – Extensions – Caus/Pass – FV ]stem

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(8) All verbal forms are inflected with a tonal melody. (9) Tonal melodies in Nyala-West Pattern 1a H from σ2 to final Indefinite Future xu-ri[paangúlúl-á]1 ‘we will disarrange’ Pattern 1b Near Future βa-ná[paangúlúl-á] ‘they will disarrange’

Pattern 2a H on μ1 of σ2 Present Negative si-i[mbaangúlul-a] ‘I am not disarranging’ Pattern 2b Immediate Past Neg. si-β-a-xá[paangúlul-a] ‘they did not just disarrange’

Pattern 3 H on final ImperativeSg [paangulul-á] ‘disarrange!’

Pattern 4 H on μ1 (but deleted after á-) Remote Past βá-a[paangulul-a] ‘they disarranged’

Pattern 5 H on μ1 and final Hodiernal Perfective xu[sáambuluul-é] ‘he de-roofed’

Pattern 6 all toneless (and all prefix Hs are deleted) Conditional Past xw-a-xa[paanguluul-e] ‘if we could disarrange’ (10) A preview of our conclusions

a. The tonal patterns of forms with -í-/-ú- may be derived from the surface tonal pat-terns of forms lacking -í-/-ú-.

b. (To be slightly revised) The tonal pattern of causative/passive forms takes the tonal pattern without -í-/-ú-, adds the causative/passive, and replaces the tone of the final syllable with a falling tone.

3. Causative -í- and passive -ú- surface H when the preceding mora surfaces toneless. (11) Pattern 4 Remote Past

In forms without an object prefix, the stem surfaces toneless (12a). With the causative/passive, -í-/-ú- surfaces H (12b).

1 The stem is marked in square brackets; the position of underlying H tones is single-underlined; the

position of a deleted melodic H is double-underlined.

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(12) Pattern 4 Remote Past a. xw-áa[βek-a]2 ‘we shaved’ y-áa[reeβ-a] ‘he asked’ β-áa[fumir-a] ‘they stabbed’ β-áa[βičikal-a] ‘they belched’ β-áa[paangulul-a] ‘they disarranged’ β-áa[βukul-an-ir-a] ‘they took for e.o.’ b. y-áa[βek-ú-a] ‘he was shaved’ y-áa[r-iiβ-ú-a] ‘he was eaten’ y-áa[βukul-ú-a] ‘he was taken’ y-áa[r-iis-iβ-ú-a] ‘he was fed’ y-áa[riingaal-ú-a] ‘he was watched’ y-áa[saangaas-iβ-ú-a] ‘he was pleased’

(13) Pattern 2 tenses

Have a melodic H on the μ1 of σ2 of trisyllabic and longer stems (14a). As long as the melodic H precedes the causative/passive by at least one mora, the H

of -í-/-ú- surfaces (14b). (14) Pattern 2a Present Negative (long stems)

a. sa-a[riingáal-a] ‘he is not watching’ sa-a[βodóxan-a] ‘he is not going around’ si-i[mbaangúlul-a] ‘I am not disarranging’ b. si-i[fuuŋgáan-í-a] ‘I am not tying’ si-βa[deex-ís-an-í-a] ‘they are not getting married’ si-βa[fukírisan-í-a] ‘they do not agree’

4. In forms that otherwise have a melodic H on the final vowel, the causative/passive

surfaces H and the final vowel surfaces Ø. (15) Pattern 3 ImperativeSg

Has a melodic H that appears only on the stem-final vowel (16a). In combination with the causative/passive, a HØ fall is realized on the stem-final

syllable (16b). (16) Pattern 3 ImperativeSg

a. [xin-á] ‘dance’ [βukul-á] ‘take’ [karaang-á] ‘fry’

2 The tense prefix á- is /H/ and should combine with the toneless tense prefix vowel as a ØH rise, yet

for unclear reasons most of these forms are realized with falling pitch in our corpus. However, there is some variation such that rise appears to be an appropriate transcription of some tokens.

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[saambuux-á] ‘de-roof’ [βičikal-á] ‘belch’ [paangulul-á] ‘disarrange’ b. [kus-í-a] ‘sell’ [βukul-ú-a] ‘be taken’ [rexuul-ú-a] ‘be released’ [fuuŋaan-í-a] ‘tie together’ [fukirisan-í-a] ‘agree’ [saangaas-iβ-ú-a] ‘be pleased’

(17) Pattern 5 Hodiernal Perfective

Has melodic Hs on the stem-initial and stem-final moras (18a). Final H is replaced with a final HØ fall in forms with a causative/passive (18b).

(18) Pattern 5 Hodiernal Perfective

a. a[r-íiré] ‘he ate, he feared’ a[βék-eré] ‘he shaved’ a[βíčikaal-é] ‘he belched’ xu[déex-er-aan-é] ‘we cooked for e.o.’ a[réxuur-iir-é] ‘he let go’ b. a[βék-er-ú-e] ‘he was shaved’ a[nyáas-iis-í-e] ‘he caused chaos’ i[réxuur-iir-ú-e] ‘it9 was let go’ a[sáangaas-iiβ-ú-e] ‘he was pleased’ xu[déex-es-aan-í-e] ‘we got married’

(19) Pattern 1 tenses

Have a melodic H that extends from σ2 to the final vowel (20a). In forms with a causative or passive, H extends from σ2 to -í-/-ú-, while the final

vowel is toneless, i.e., there is a HØ fall on the stem-final syllable (20b). (20) Pattern 1a Indefinite Future

a. a-ri[burúx-á] ‘he will fly’ βa-ri[βičíkál-á] ‘they will belch’ xu-ri[paangúlúl-á] ‘we will disarrange’ xu-ri[karááng-ír-án-á] ‘we will fry for e.o.’ b. xu-ri[rus-án-í-a] ‘we will remove e.o.’ xu-ri-mú[nyoorés-í-a] ‘we will annoy him’ βa-ri-βí[fuuŋ(g)áán-í-a] ‘we will tie them8 together’ xu-ri[rekérésán-í-a] ‘we will agree’

(21) “Pinball Shift”: a tonal alternation that results in a melodic H on the stem-final mora; a

final HØ fall is found in forms with a causative/passive that undergo Pinball Shift.

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(22) Pattern 2b Immediate Past Negative

Has a H-toned tense prefix xá- and a melodic H that surfaces on μ1 of σ2 of trisyl-labic and longer stems (23a).

Pinball Shift applies in forms with an object prefix (object prefixes are /H/) (23b). The H of the object prefix shifts to the stem-initial mora, and the melodic H surfaces

on the final vowel (23c). (23) Pattern 2b Immediate Past Negative (long stems)

a. si-β-a-xá[burúx-a] ‘they did not just fly’ si-β-a-xá[βulúux-a] ‘they did not just rest’ si-β-a-xá[fumír-an-a] ‘they did not just stab e.o.’ si-β-a-xá[paangúlul-a] ‘they did not just disarrange’ b. si-y-a-xá-mu[fwáal-á] ‘he did not just dress him’ si-β-a-xá-mu[fúmir-á] ‘they did not just stab him’ sii-nd-a-xá-ka[káraang-á] ‘I did not just fry them’ si-β-a-xá-mu[déex-er-á] ‘they did not just cook for him’ si-β-a-xá-či[páangulul-á] ‘they did not just disarrange them10’ c. si-β-a-xá-βa[r-íis-í-a] ‘they did not just feed them’ si-β-a-xá-a[nyámbux-í-a] ‘they did not just make me cross’ si-β-a-xá-mu[nyóores-í-a] ‘they did not just annoy him’ si-β-a-xá-βa[sáasan-í-a] ‘they did not just bring them together’

(24) Pinball Shift H H H x si-βa-xa-či[paangulula] (25) Pattern 4 Remote Past

The melodic H is assigned to the initial mora of the stem but deleted following tense prefix /á-/ (26a).

The melodic H appears on the final vowel in forms with an object prefix (26b). The final H is replaced by a final fall in forms with the causative (26c).

(26) Pattern 4 Remote Past

a. y-áa[reeβ-a] ‘he asked’ β-áa[fumir-a] ‘they stabbed’ β-áa[paangulul-a] ‘they disarranged’ β-áa[βukul-an-ir-a] ‘they took for e.o.’ b. β-á-mu[réeβ-á] ‘they asked him’ nd-á-mu[rím-ir-á] ‘I cultivated for him’ β-á-mu[déex-er-á] ‘they cooked for him’ xw-á-i[páangulul-á] ‘we disarranged it9’

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c. β-á-mu[r-íis-í-a] ‘they fed/feared him’ nd-á-βa[káβan-í-a] ‘I distributed to them’ xw-á-βi[sáasan-í-a] ‘we mixed them8 together’ nd-á-βa[káβulan-í-a] ‘I separated them’

(27) These tone patterns are like those described for Lega (Meeussen 1971: 21, 25, 27, cited

in Hyman & Katamba 1990: 155): Verbal forms that would otherwise end in a final H end in a final HL when causative

*i-̦ or passive *u- is present. 5. When the causative/passive H immediately follows a single H, the H of -í-/-ú- is de-

leted. (28) Pattern 2a Present Negative

The melodic H surfaces on μ1 of σ2 of trisyllabic and longer stems (29a). In trisyllabic stems with a short second syllable, causative -i- and passive -u- imme-

diately follow the melodic H and surface toneless (29b). (29) Pattern 2a Present Negative (trisyllabic stems)

a. si-i[mbukúl-a] ‘I am not taking’ sa-a[siindíx-a] ‘he is not pushing’ b. s-aa[βukúl-u-a] ‘he is not being taken’ si-βa[r-iis-án-i-a] ‘they do not fear e.o.’

(30) Pattern 2a Present Negative

In shorter stems, the melodic H surfaces on the penultimate mora (31a). The causative/passive immediately follows the melodic H, and as a result its H does

not surface (31b). (31) Pattern 2a Present Negative (short stems)

a. sa-a[kón-a] ‘he is not sleeping’ si-i[ndeéx-a] ‘I am not cooking’ b. si-βa[kús-i-a] ‘they are not selling’ si-βa[nyaás-i-a] ‘they are not causing chaos’

(32) The failure of H of the causative/passive to surface after H can be analyzed as the result

of Meeussen’s Rule. (33) Meeussen’s Rule (Goldsmith, 1984a, b) H H Ø (Iterative, R-to-L, μ μ domain: word)

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6. Meeussen’s Rule applies in other contexts in Nyala-West. (34) The melodic H and the Hs of object prefixes are deleted when they immediately follow

a H; Meeussen’s Rule applies iteratively from right to left. (35) Hodiernal Perfective

Has melodic Hs on the stem-initial and stem-final moras (36a). The stem-initial melodic H is deleted following an object prefix (36b). When there are two object prefixes, the melodic H and the H of the second object

prefix are deleted after the H of the first object prefix (36c). (36) Pattern 5 Hodiernal Perfective

a. a[βék-eré] ‘he shaved’ a[réeβ-eré] ‘he asked’ a[káraang-iré] ‘he fried’ a[ríingaar-iré] ‘he stared’ xu[déex-er-aan-é] ‘we cooked for e.o.’ b. a-mú[βek-eré] ‘he shaved him’ xu-mú[reeβ-eré] ‘we asked him’ xu-mú[deex-eer-é] ‘we cooked for him’ βa-í[karaang-iré] ‘they fried it9’ c. a-mú-u[mbek-eer-é] ‘he shaved him for me’ a-mú-u[ndeeβ-eer-é] ‘he asked him for me’ a-mú-u[siindix-iir-é] ‘he pushed him for me’ a-mú-u[niingaar-iir-é] ‘he looked at him for me’

(37) Iterative right-to-left Meeussen’s Rule

The melodic H is deleted first, and then the H of the object prefix. (38) Derivation of a-mú-u[mbek-eer-é] MHA Meeussen’s Rule Meeussen’s Rule H H H H H H HØ H H H Ø H a-mu-u[mbekeer-e] a-mu-u[mbekeer-e] a-mu-u[mbekeer-e] (39) Pinball Shift: further example of HHH HØØ. (40) Pattern 2b Immediate Past Negative + OP

In long stems, the H of the object prefix shifts to the stem-initial mora, and the me-lodic H is realized on the final vowel (41a).

In CVCV stems, the melodic H is deleted from the final vowel after the shifted H of the object prefix on the stem-initial mora (41b).

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In CVCV stems with the causative, the H of the causative and the melodic H are both deleted following the shifted H of the object prefix (41c).

(41) Pattern 2b Immediate Past Negative + OP

a. si-y-a-xá-mu[fwáal-á] ‘he did not just dress him’ si-β-a-xá-mu[fúmir-á] ‘they did not just stab him’ sii-nd-a-xá-ka[káraang-á] ‘I did not just fry them’ si-β-a-xá-mu[déex-er-á] ‘they did not just cook for him’ si-β-a-xá-či[páangulul-á] ‘they did not just disarrange them10’ b. si-y-a-xá-ka[ŋú-a] ‘he did not just drink it6’ si-y-a-xá-mu[βék-a] ‘he did not just shave him’ c. si-β-a-xá-βa[kús-i-a] ‘they did not just sell them’

(42) Iterative right-to-left Meeussen’s Rule

The melodic H is deleted first, followed by the H of the causative. (If -í- were not present, the melodic H would still be deleted by the shifted H of the

object prefix; see (41b).) (43) Derivation of si-β-a-xá-βa[kús-i-a] Pinball Shift Meeussen’s Rule Meeussen’s Rule H H HH H H HH Ø H H H Ø x si-β-a-xa-βa[kus-i-a] si-β-a-xa-βa[kus-i-a] si-β-a-xa-βa[kus-i-a] (44) Remote Past +OP

Has Pinball Shift: the H of the object prefix shifts to the stem-initial mora, and the melodic H is realized on the final vowel in long stems (45a).

The melodic H is deleted from the final vowel after H in short stems (45b). Both the melodic H and the H of -í- are deleted in CVCV stems with a causative

(45c). (45) Pattern 4 Remote Past + OP

a. β-á-mu[réeβ-á] ‘they asked him’ nd-á-mu[rím-ir-á] ‘I cultivated for him’ β-á-mu[déex-er-á] ‘they cooked for him’ xw-á-i[páangulul-á] ‘we disarranged it9’ b. β-á-ka[rí-a] ‘they ate it6’ β-á-mu[βék-a] ‘they shaved him’ c. si-β-á-βi[kús-i-a] ‘they did not sell them8’ si-β-á-βi[rús-i-a] ‘they did not remove them8’

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7. HHH HØH (46) Examples so far: HHH HØØ. Now: HHH HØH.

CVCV stems in Pattern 2 realize the melodic H on the stem-initial mora (47a). Combined with a causative, the melodic H surfaces, but the H of -í- is deleted (47b). Following a single H-toned prefix, the melodic H is deleted in forms without -í-

(47c). Following a single H-toned prefix and combined with a causative, the melodic H is

deleted, while the H of -í- surfaces (47d). (47) Pattern 2 (CVCV stems) a. sa-a[kón-a] ‘he is not sleeping’

b. si-βa[kús-i-a] ‘they are not selling’ c. si-βa-mú[βal-a] ‘they are not counting him’ si-βa-mú[βek-a] ‘they are not shaving him’ d. sa-a-mú[bek-í-a] ‘he is not making him shave’ si-y-a-xá[βis-í-a] ‘he did not just pass’

(48) Like the previous cases of deletion, the melodic H is deleted first.

Two versions of Meeussen’s Rule (Ebarb & Marlo 2009): Melodic Meeussen’s Rule: deletes the melodic H after H Meeussen’s Rule: deletes any H after H

Melodic Meeussen’s Rule precedes the general version of Meeussen’s Rule, so melod-ic Hs are always deleted after H before any other Hs are deleted after H.

(49) Derivation of sa-a-mú[bek-í-a] Pattern 2 MHA Melodic MR Meeussen’s Rule H H H H HØ H sa-a-mu[bek-i-a] sa-a-mu[bek -i-a] (Does Not Apply) 8. Summary (50) The causative -í- and passive -ú- extensions are unambiguously H-toned in Nyala-West. (51) Principles of causative/passive H tone realization

(i) When the mora before the causative/passive is toneless, -í-/-ú- surfaces H. (ii) When -í-/-ú- immediately precedes a melodic H, the melodic H is deleted. (iii) When -í-/-ú- immediately follows H, the H of -í-/-ú- is deleted (as long as the

preceding melodic H has not first been deleted).

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(52) The tonal patterns of forms with -í-/-ú- can be derived from the surface tonal patterns of forms lacking -í-/-ú-.

(53) The “formula” for deriving the tonal patterns of -í-/-ú-

(i) Apply all the tonal rules that affect the melodic Hs and prefix Hs. (ii) Add -í-/-ú-, replacing the tone of the final syllable with a fall. (iii) When a distinct H occupies the preceding mora, the H of -í-/-ú- does not surface.

This could be due to a cyclic reapplication of Meeussen’s Rule.

(54) An alternative to deriving the causative/passive forms from underlying -í-/-ú- is to infix -í-/-ú- (the vowel and H) relatively late in the derivation.

This is consistent with Hyman & Katamba’s (1990) proposal that the H of -í-/-ú- acts like an enclitic in Ganda, originating outside the stem.

9. Discussion (55) The H-toned extensions of Ganda are called “spurious” because the effects of the H are

found only under very specific circumstances (Hyman & Katamba 1990: 146): (i) the verb must contain causative -i-̦ or passive -u-; (ii) the verb must appear in a tense with a melodic H; and (iii) the verb must appear in a tense with the historically perfective suffix *-id̦e.

(56) Condition (ii) holds for the various other languages reported to have H-toned exten-

sions, though (iii) may be specific to Ganda (Hyman & Katamba 1990).

(57) Since an underlying /H/ would have to be deleted in the many contexts where it does not surface, Hyman & Katamba (1990) propose that the H of the causative/passive “did not come from the vocalic suffix” in Proto-Bantu (Hyman 1993: 30).

(58) Condition (ii) does not appear to hold in Nyala-West.

The H of -í-/-ú- appears only in tenses with a tonal melody, but this is only trivially true, since all verbal forms in Nyala-West are tonally inflected.

(59) The H of -í-/-ú- appears in contexts that historically did not have a melodic H: the Pat-

tern 1 tenses do not have a melodic H in eastern Luyia dialects (Marlo 2008a, 2009b). Nyala-West likely inherited its present-day pattern from an earlier one with effects

of H-toned -í-/-ú- in tenses that did not have a melodic H. We need to inspect causative/passive data from eastern Luyia dialects (Idakho,

Isukha, Logoori, Tachoni, Tiriki) to see if there are synchronic traces of H in tenses without the melodic H.

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(60) The causative/passive is H even in tenses with a tonal melody that lacks an overt H. (61) Pattern 6

In forms lacking a causative/passive, the entire verb surfaces toneless (62a). Whether there are one or more object prefixes (62b-c), the Hs of those prefixes do

not surface, and the stem surfaces without a H. Yet with -í-/-ú-, the vowel of the suffix surfaces H (62d).

(62) Pattern 6 Conditional Past

a. xw-a-xa[reeβ-ere] ‘if we could ask’ nd-a-xa[karaang-ire] ‘if I could fry’ xw-a-xa[paanguluul-e] ‘if we could disarrange’ b. y-a-xa-a[ndeeβ-ere] ‘if he could ask me’ y-a-xa-i[karaang-ire] ‘if we could fry it9’ β-a-xa-βi[paanguluul-e] ‘if we could disarrange them8’ c. a-mu-u[ndeer-eer-e] ‘if he could bring him for me’ a-mu-u[mbukul-iir-e] ‘if he could take him for me’ a-mu-u[ndexuur-iir-e] ‘if he could release him for me’ d. β-a-xa-mu[r-iis-iis-í-e] ‘if they had feared him’ β-a-xa[kaluxan-í-e] ‘if they had turned over’ y-a-xa-i[xuyuungir-iis-í-e] ‘if he had spun it9’

(63) The presence of a melodic H does not appear to be a genuine condition for the realiza-

tion of the H of -í-/-ú- in Nyala-West. (64) The possibility still exists that causative *-i-̦ and passive *-u- were /H/ in Proto-Bantu,

as suggested by Meeussen (1967: 92). 10. References Coupez, André. 1955. Esquisse de la langue holoholo. Tervuren, Belgium: Annales du Musée Roy-

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