Historical Perspectives on Studying Families of Children with Disabilities: A Case for Critical...
Transcript of Historical Perspectives on Studying Families of Children with Disabilities: A Case for Critical...
Historical perspectives on studying families of children with
disabilities: A case for critical research
Priya Lalvani Assistant Professor, Montclair State University E-
mail: [email protected]
Lauren Polvere Douglas Mental Health University Institute E-
mail: [email protected]
Keywords:
families, children with disabilities, narrative inquiry, disability studies, critical
disability theory, qualitative methodology
Abstract
Historically, research on families of children with disabilities has been framed
by the medical model, which views disability as a biological deficit, necessarily
associated with burden and grief. This body of research does not
acknowledge the sociocultural contexts in which the meaning of disability is
embedded, or the manner in which deficit-based hegemonic discourses shape
the familial experience of having a child with a disability. In this paper, we
problematize the medicalization of the phenomenon of disability and resulting
research inquiries. We propose the use of narrative inquiry, theoretically
grounded in sociocultural perspectives, as a critical research methodology for
situating the lives of these families in cultural and sociopolitical contexts.
Narrative inquiries complicate conclusions drawn from the medical model and
contribute to new insights on the ways in which interpretations of having a
child with a disability are mutually negotiated between individuals and society.
Introduction
Families of children with disabilities have long held the scrutiny of researchers
and professionals. Dominant discourse on families of children with disabilities,
based on assumptions of grief, tragedy, and unmitigated hardship, are
strongly influenced by the medical model, which constructs disability as a
deficit and as predominantly burdensome for both individuals and families.
Historically, this deficit-based construction of disability has informed the
questions and methodologies in research concerning these families. Rather
than examining whether parents of children with disabilities experience
significant stress or chronic grief, medical-model based studies begin with
assumptions of pathology and seek to evaluate the extent of psychological
distress. Additionally in research based in medical model perspectives, the
source of the psychological distress experienced by parents is located in their
children's impairments. Conspicuously absent from these studies is reflection
on the sociocultural constructions of disability, and the contexts in which the
experiences of families are situated. These inquiries also fail to consider how
pervasive, deficit-based hegemonic discourses on disability contribute to
familial stress and other negative emotions. The perspectives of families of
children with disabilities are not represented in this research, as familial
experiences are reduced to statistical analyses of negative outcomes.
In this essay, we trace the methodological history of studying families of
children with disabilities and situate traditional research in this area in the
context of underlying cultural beliefs about disability. Our argument is
presented systematically in three sections. In the first, we outline the historical
medicalization of the phenomenon of disability and discuss dominant cultural
narratives about families of children with disabilities. In the next, we argue that
there is an urgent need to deconstruct "knowledge" about these families by
problematizing the research methodologies used in the generating of this
knowledge. Finally, we propose the use of narrative inquiry, theoretically
grounded in sociocultural perspectives, as a critical research methodology for
exploring the experiences of families of children with disabilities in a
meaningful way. We argue that narrative inquiries situate the lives of these
families in cultural and sociopolitical contexts, complicate conclusions drawn
from medical model-based research, and contribute to new insights on the
ways in which interpretations of having a child with a disability, and of
disability itself, are mutually negotiated between individuals and society.
Pathologizing families of children with disabilities
The Medicalization Of Disability
The term medicalization refers to the identification of a behavior or condition
as a medical problem that requires treatment or therapeutic intervention from
medical professionals (Conrad, 2004). To a large extent, conditions that
become medicalized are influenced by, and in turn influence, prevailing beliefs
and values in society. The medicalization of any condition becomes an
effective tool for social control; as such, defining that which is different as a
medical problem legitimizes certain actions that would otherwise not be
considered (Conrad, 2004; Foucault, 1965). Consequently, medical and
mental health professionals become agents of social control charged with
protecting the "good of whole society," and curtailing the rights of those who
deviate is legitimized based on "objective" science (Foucault, 1965).
The medicalization of disability had its beginnings in the rehabilitation
movement. The period between 1890 and 1920 is distinctive in disability
history; it was during this time that 19th century beliefs in the supernatural
causes of disability gave way to medical interpretations of disability and to the
identification of disability as a social and economic problem (Byrom, 2004).
The legacy of the rehabilitation model forms the core of what disability studies
scholars currently refer to as the medical model. The medical model lends
scientific credibility to the assumption that the source of the "problems" related
to disability is located within the individual body, thereby absolving society of
any complicity in the lived outcomes for people with disabilities (2004).
According to Linton (1998), "The medicalization of disability casts human
variation as deviance from the norm, as pathological condition, as deficit, and,
significantly, as an individual burden and personal tragedy" (p. 11).
Furthermore, she argues that society, colluding to keep the issue of disability
"within the purview of the medical establishment," reifies the idea that what
needs to be "treated" is the individual with the disability, rather than "the social
processes and policies that constrict disabled peoples' lives" (1998, p. 11). In
medical model perspectives, disabilities are equated with a poor quality of life
and are viewed as limitations to be "fixed" or overcome (Saxton, 2000).
Focusing on the biological nature of disability and its impact on individual
bodies, the medical model applies interpretations of disability universally.
Here, the sociocultually situated nature of disability is obscured and the
argument that living with a disability has as much to do with its social
consequences as with its biological ones is silent.
Dominant Narratives On Families Of Children With Disabilities
Despite monumental changes that have occurred during the past century with
regard to the treatment of individuals with disabilities, including the
deinstitutionalization movement, sweeping changes in legislation, medical
advances, early intervention, and mandated public education for children with
disabilities, perceptions of a poor quality of life and negative outcomes for
individuals with disabilities and their families have remained relatively
unchanged. Beginning in the mid-20th century, a proliferation of research
literature highlighted predominantly negative outcomes for families of children
with disabilities, suggesting that the experience of chronic sorrow,
helplessness, guilt, psychological distress, and a persistent state of
"mourning" are typical among this group (e.g., Fowle, 1968; Olshansky, 1962;
Solnit & Stark, 1961). Families that institutionalized their children with
disabilities were found to be more harmonious and integrated than those in
which children with disabilities were raised at home (Farber, 1962), lending
support to prevailing professional opinions that the institutionalization of
children with disabilities was in the best interest of all concerned. In the
decades that followed, researchers continued to seek to understand response
patterns associated with the presence of a child with a disability in families.
However, much of the literature that emerged from these efforts was situated
in medical model perspectives and interpreted through a clinical lens. As a
result, professionals have continued to operate on assumptions that the lives
of families of children with disabilities are characterized by never-ending
struggles to overcome seemingly insurmountable obstacles (Wickham-Searl,
1992). Beliefs about children with disabilities as presenting unmitigated
hardship for families continue to frame dominant discourses (Ferguson,
Gartner, & Lipsky, 2000) and to motivate research aimed at helping families to
"cope" with their situations.
In cultural narratives about the experience of parenting a child with a disability,
notions of profound loss and burden emerge as central themes, and these are
upheld in institutional discourses and practices (Lalvani, 2008, 2011).
Additionally, the accepted wisdom that grieving is a natural reaction to the
birth of a child with a disability is often explicitly stated in literature targeted to
families of children with disabilities (e.g. Trainer, 1995). Although the
existence of negative psychological states and heightened levels of
depression or stress among this group of families is well documented in
research (e.g. Foley, 2006; Hanson & Hanline, 1990; Hendriks, De Moor,
Oud, & Savelberg, 2000; Keller & Honig, 2004; Rodrigue, Morgan, & Geffken,
1990), the sociocultural conditions that construct, support, and sustain these
emotions remain largely unexamined (Lalvani, 2011). The psychological
distress experienced by these families is understood as originating solely from
their child's disability; the experience of "grief" is decontextualized from the
environments in which families exist. In this extensive body of research that
seeks to explore depression and stress among these families, issues
pertaining to sociocultural attitudes, values and beliefs about disability are not
explored. For instance, Foley (2006) states that the birth of a child with a
disability "signals a potential threat to the spirit as well as to the daily and
future life of the parents" (p. 227). Here, the source of the "threat" is assumed
to be the disability, which is understood as residing in the child. "Threat" is not
located in sociocultural and institutional discourses that position children with
disability as other; important issues pertaining to marginalization, social
exclusion, and stigma are not considered. Similarly, as Ferguson (2002)
points out, in Farber's (1962) study, which found families who institutionalized
their children to be more harmonious, questions concerning the non-existence
of supports or services for the families studied were not asked. Ironically, in
studies that examine stress levels of parents of children with disabilities, the
stress that these parents may encounter when dealing with professionals is
typically left unexamined.
Another theme that has prevailed in dominant cultural narratives about
families of children with disabilities pertains to denial. The notion that families'
responses to a child's disability may be characterized by a refusal or inability
to "accept" their child's condition is prevalent in clinical as well as educational
discourse, and manifests itself in professional practice (Gallagher, Fialka,
Rhodes, & Arceneaus, 2001). The use of the term denial in this context stems
from Kubler-Ross' (1969) work on death and dying, in which she identifies the
stages of grief associated with terminal illness or bereavement, with denial
being one stage along the path to ultimate acceptance. Through professional
training in nursing, psychology, social work or education, it is not uncommon
for professionals to learn about these stages of grief in the context of families
of children with disabilities, or to learn that, similar to individuals coming to
terms with loss pertaining to death, these families can be expected to grieve
the loss of the "perfect child" or to initially experience denial (Gallagher et al.,
2001). As a result, professionals are trained to expect strongly negative
reactions and a period of "mourning" among families of children with
disabilities. In research literature, although there is support for the idea that
these families remain in "denial" for a period of time or are unable to "adjust"
to their child's disability (Butler, 1983; Luterman, 2004; Murray & Cornell,
1981), few researchers have attempted to contextualize parents' reactions, or
to examine parents' interpretations of their own behaviors labeled as denial. In
failing to problematize the labeling of particular responses as denial, this body
of research privileges professional knowledge over parents' insights,
perspectives and concerns, and lends support to notions of pathological
functioning among parents of children with disabilities. On a broader level, it
reifies the notion that the disability itself is "real" and absolute, and that
parents' resistance to professionals' interpretations of the "problem" is in itself
a problem. Traditional inquiries which theorize parents' responses to their
children's disabilities as homogeneous and universal fail to acknowledge the
influence of sociocultural values and beliefs about the nature and implications
of having a child with a disability. Additionally, they do not evaluate the
processes through which parents make sense of disability, account for
variability in parents' interpretations of children's disability labels, or examine
the impact of perceptions of stigma. For instance, as Green (2002) asserts, a
disability diagnosis thrusts a parent into a stigmatized social category; hence,
emotional distress may be the result of courtesy stigma (Goffman, 1963), or
the perception of being stigmatized because of one's association with a
stigmatized individual. Finally, traditional inquiries about families of children
with disabilities do not even consider the possibility of positive outcomes, or
perceptions of a satisfying quality of life among these families.
Disabling Research Methodologies
Although families of children with disabilities have been placed under the
research microscope, the research methodologies used in providing insights
into their experiences have not been subjected to the same scrutiny.
Ferguson (2002) points out that just as familial adjustment to a child with a
disability is embedded in cultural beliefs and values, professionals'
understanding of these families are also embedded in sociocultural contexts.
The interpretation of the birth of a child with a disability is a collaborative
activity; the meaning of the event is negotiated between individuals and
society. From this perspective, there arises a need to deconstruct prevailing
knowledge about families of children with disabilities and to critically examine
research methodologies used in the generating of this knowledge.
Shifting one's gaze from research findings to research methods reveals
problematic conceptual frameworks rooted in the medical model and
methodologies that seek to confirm pre-existing hypotheses. Traditional
research, situated in beliefs that families of children with disabilities
necessarily experience a quality of life that is less than satisfying sought to
identify negative behavioral outcomes or patterns of dysfunction, with the goal
of developing therapeutic interventions for these families. In scholarly works
aimed at helping these families, research questions typically originated from
researchers and were informed by theoretical frameworks that were
understood as absolute and universally relevant. It should be acknowledged
that although these efforts were well-intentioned, the inevitable outcome of
inquiry that originated from assumptions of dysfunction was that almost all
response patterns among these parents, including their attempts to resist
negative assumptions regarding their experiences, were likely to be
pathologized (Ferguson et al., 2000). Thus, families' displeasure over
professionals' supposed lack of support could be seen as displaced anger,
acceptance could be interpreted as an outgrowth of denial, and highly
involved or active parents could be viewed as demonstrating
overcompensating behavior (2000). Additionally, this body of research failed
to capture nuances in familial reactions, as well as parents' perceptions of
positive outcomes or personal transformations resulting from their unique
parenting experiences.
In studies that adhered to a positivist myth of neutrality in scientific research,
the use of attitudinal scales and other instruments thought to "objectively"
measure families' response patterns and perceptions was not uncommon.
Here, the instruments used such as the Parenting Stress Index (PSI), the
Parenting Stress Scale (PSS), and the Global Inventory of Stress (GIS) are
worthy of mention, because, as their names suggest, they are indicative that
assumptions of inordinate levels of stress among families of children with
disabilities were the starting points for inquiry in these studies. Additionally, as
Schwarz (1999) argues, self-report measures of this nature are potentially
problematic, because the wording of the questions and the format are likely to
shape participants' responses. For instance, in a study that investigated the
limitations of self-report questionnaires, when reporting life events and
satisfaction, participants who were asked to report positive events reported
higher levels of happiness and life satisfaction, while participants asked to
report negative events reported lower levels of happiness and life satisfaction;
the nature of the questions made particular emotions more accessible and
salient (Strack, Schwarz, & Gschneidinger, 1985). As Schwarz (1999)
explains:
As researchers, we tend to view our questionnaires as "measurement
devices" that elicit information from respondents. What we frequently overlook
is that our questionnaires are also a source of information that respondents
draw on…[researchers] miss the extent to which the questions we ask
determine the answers we receive. (p. 103)
This raises concerns about the potential for parenting stress inventories to
elicit negative responses, due to questions that focus on stress, burden, and
negative emotions. Furthermore, although these instruments present a range
of questions within the child and parent domains, questions pertaining to
parents' understanding of societal, cultural, or institutional discourses and
practices are not typically included. In many instruments that seek to
determine parents' perceived levels of satisfaction or efficacy, there is little
acknowledgement that these perceptions exist in the context of an
environment that shapes and upholds certain realities and silences others.
Perceptions of parenthood are examined as if they exist in a vacuum or in
isolation from social and cultural contexts.
In traditional research which begins with assumptions of negative outcomes,
questions originate from researchers' perspectives rather than from those of
the families, and as such, in this body of literature, the interpretations of the
family members are largely missing. It should also be acknowledged that
when research is conducted in the context of a therapeutic relationship or
under a clinical lens, it assumes a stance of profound unequalness and
privileges certain interpretations over others. Although, it can certainly be
argued that almost all research is situated in power differentials between the
observer and the observed, in the case where research participants are in a
therapeutic relationship with researchers, or the aim is to generate therapeutic
interventions, strong assumptions about the quality of life and psychological
functioning among those being studied are being made. Furthermore, when
the focus tends to be on the behavior and mental health of individuals,
problems inherent in societal and institutional structures and practices are of
less concern, and critical questions pertaining to societal barriers to optimal
family functioning, institutional and cultural ableism, or problems inherent in
society are left unexplored. Ultimately, in research that locates the
experiences of families of children with disabilities as outside the normative
range, these families become positioned as other, and their members are
denied the right to define their lives in their own terms.
The limitations of traditional positivist methodologies rooted in the medical
model call for a theoretical shift in the overall concept of disability, as well as
the methods of inquiry used to study the experiences of families of children
with disabilities. To address the inherent limitations of medical model-based
studies, we discuss three critical theoretical frameworks that have the
potential to inform, extend, and contextualize existing knowledge about
families of children with disabilities: critical disability theory, sociocultural
theory, and positioning theory.
Critical Theoretical Frameworks: Contextualizing Families of Children with Disabilities
Critical Disability Theory
Traditional theory conceptualizes the researcher as objective and
disinterested from the object of study, and holds that the goal of research is to
"describe the world as it is" (Hosking, 2008). In contrast, rather than observing
and explaining a fixed and objective reality, critical theory focuses on power
and privilege, seeking to emancipate and challenge oppression and
domination (Hosking, 2008; Mertens, 2007). Grounded in the stance that
multiple realities exist, critical theory holds that it is imperative to include the
voices of historically disenfranchised groups in research, and for knowledge to
emerge through social interactions between researchers and participants
(Mertens, 2007).
Based on the stance that individuals with disabilities have been denied full
access to mainstream life and have been subjected to the same forms of
discrimination and segregation as members of other oppressed groups (Hahn,
1997; Saxton, 2000), critical disability theory contends that concepts of
normality and disability are strongly influenced by those in positions of power
and control, such as members of the medical establishment (Kliewer, 1998).
Situated in social model perspectives, critical disability theory conceptualizes
disability as a sociocultural construct as opposed to a biological reality. In
contrast with inquiries based in the medical model, research based in critical
paradigms understand the experience of disability as an interrelationship
between impairment and interpretations of impairment, and focus on the
attitudinal and institutional barriers faced by individuals with disabilities
(Horkheimer, 1972; Hahn, 1997). Through this lens, the lived experience of
disability is inextricably linked with the sociocultural meaning of disability, and
with the language and practices which uphold the privilege of nondisabled
people (Bogdan & Taylor, 1994; Danforth & Navarro, 1998; Finlay, Lyons, &
Taylor, 2005; Hosking, 2008; Taylor, 2000). Focusing its gaze on imbalances
in power and systematic oppression, critical disability theory is "intentionally
political" and transformative in nature (Hosking, 2008, p. 17).
Sociocultural Theory
Rooted in the work of Lev Vygotsky, sociocultural theory stresses the
interpersonal nature of psychological phenomena, positing that human
thought and development emerge through social interaction (Vygotsky, 1978).
At the crux of Vygotskian sociocultural psychology is the idea that individual
mental processes can only be understood by examining the social and cultural
processes from which they derive (Wertsch & Tulviste, 1994). From this
perspective, the experience of disability, and of families of children with
disabilities, are understood as situated in the beliefs, values, and attitudes that
exist in a given culture at a particular time in history. Sociocultural theory
provides a lens for exploring the situated nature and meaning of disability. The
medical model perspective, which conceptualizes disability as necessarily
associated with decreased quality of life, or as biologically determined (Asch,
1989; Saxton, 2000), therefore reflects "a moment in a cultural focus"
(McDermott & Varenne, 1995, p. 324), as opposed to an objective reality.
Alternatively, framed in sociocultural theory, the phenomenon of disability is
understood as socially constructed, and individual parents' adaptation to the
birth of a child with a disability is best understood in the context of the ways in
which this experience is culturally interpreted or the meaning that parents
attach to this life event.
Positioning Theory
Positioning theory offers an explanation of the ways in which psychological
and social phenomena are constructed and sustained through discourse and
activity in which individuals position themselves and others (Harre & Gillet,
1994). Here, the concept of fluid "positioning" replaces the notion of static
"roles" that individuals possess in social relationships (1994). Through social
interaction, claims are made about social relationships, power dynamics are
enacted, and particular interpretations of the world are upheld, with some
individuals benefiting more than others (Harre & Moghaddam, 2003; Harre &
Slocum, 2003). Medical model perspectives, in which families of children with
disabilities are "malignantly positioned" (Parrott, 2003) as unhappy and
maladjusted reflect this imposition of identities and demonstrate the ways in
which power dynamics shape a constructed reality.
Positioning theory uses the lens of master narratives and counter narratives.
Master narratives are understood as "frames according to which courses of
events can be easily plotted, simply because one's audience is taken to 'know'
and accept these courses" (Bamberg, 2004, p. 360). Notions about the lives of
families of children with disabilities as characterized by unmitigated hardship,
burden, and grief can be understood as problematic master narratives.
Simultaneously, individuals can oppose dominant constructions of their
experiences through their critical "counter-narratives" (Solis, 2004). As
individuals construct counter-narratives, they fashion accounts that challenge
power relationships and social expectations, hence opening a space to
problematize particular viewpoints on human experiences.
Narrative Inquiries: Findings from Critical Research
A growing body of research situated in critical theoretical frameworks and
using narratives as a methodological tool suggests that families do not
experience the presence of a child with a disability in a homogeneous or
universally negative manner and that there is a wide range of outcomes for
these families (Ferguson et al., 2000). Indeed, after an initial period of
uncertainty, many families of children with disabilities may be more accurately
characterized by resilience or thriving than by burden and grief, and overall,
their perceptions of their quality of life seem to resemble those of families in
general (Ferguson, 2002; Hastings & Taunt, 2002; Van Riper, 2007). Beyond
issues of adjustment and resilience, research that elicits family narratives
attends to the extent to which interpretations of this experience are situated in
the sociocultural meanings ascribed to the constructs of disability, normalcy,
and parenthood, as well as in institutional discourses and practices that
position children with disabilities and their families as other (Goddard, Lehr, &
Lapadat, 2000; Lalvani, 2011).
Similar to Mishler's (1995) style of interviewing which allows researchers and
participants to co-construct the meaning of the experiences and events that
are reported, Goddard et al. (2000) engaged parents of children with
disabilities in critically constructing the subjective meaning they attached to
their experiences. These parents had agency in identifying "problems" as well
as in interpreting the nature of these. Additionally they were asked to prioritize
the concerns they had raised, thereby increasing our understanding of the
salience of the various issues among them. The findings indicated that for
many parents in this study, perceptions of stereotyping by professionals were
a source of concern. Their narratives also shed light on "stories of difference"
in which parents discussed the subjugated gaze of others and articulated
perceptions that they were made to feel guilty through a hyper-scrutiny of their
parenting styles or of the prenatal choices they had made, with its implicit
message that these parents might somehow have caused their children's
disabilities. This finding compels us to rethink master narratives on "guilt" as a
natural reaction among parents of children with disabilities, suggesting instead
that rigid social structures which implicitly or explicitly portray parents as the
cause of the problem may construct feelings of guilt among some parents.
Furthermore, in this study parents discussed their frustrations with
bureaucracy involved in obtaining services and with professionals'
pathologizing of their children's behaviors.
Narrative inquiries reveal that the experience of parenting a child with a
disability is linked with issues of stigma. Some studies shed light on master
narratives in which families of children with disabilities are positioned as non-
normative, and indicated that parents' emotional distress was linked to their
perceptions of being stigmatized and to their beliefs that their children with
disabilities were less "valued" in society (Birenbaum, 1970; Goddard et al.,
2000; Green, 2003; Lalvani, 2011; Landsman, 1999). Lalvani (2011) explored
this in depth through open-ended questions which allowed mothers to reflect
on their experiences of the birth of their children with Down syndrome. In this
study mothers believed that through their interactions with medical and mental
health professionals they had received negative interpretations of Down
syndrome. Some recalled that doctors had used the language of "tragedy"
and "burden" in conveying their children's diagnoses, and some others
believed they had experienced subtle or overt coercion to consider terminating
their pregnancies after a prenatal diagnosis of Down syndrome. Professionals
were not the only sources of negative messages for mothers in this study;
many related accounts of friends or family members who had reacted to the
news of their children's having Down syndrome with profound sadness or
expressions of sympathy. Additionally, some recalled that it was not
uncommon for people to ask them whether they had undergone prenatal
genetic testing or to express puzzlement over why they had chosen to forgo it,
with the implicit message that having a child with Down syndrome is a largely
undesirable experience and one that these mothers could have prevented.
This is resonant of the argument that interpretations of the birth of a child with
a disability and the very meaning of motherhood may be profoundly shaped
by the technologies of prenatal genetic testing and by an increasing cultural
expectations of birthing a "perfect child" (Parens & Asch, 2003; Rapp, 2000;
Rothman, 1993). Lalvani's (2011) study highlighted numerous ways in which
families of children with disabilities become positioned in hegemonic
discourse as other. For instance, mothers recalled that in addition to being
recipients of sympathy, they were also recipients of admiration; i.e. people
would comment that they were "brave," "courageous," "blessed," or "chosen
by god" to have "a special baby." Many mothers believed that although these
comments were well-intentioned, they also conveyed negative messages
about their children as "not normal" or "not perfect" and therefore not
desirable. These findings shed light on the ways in which parents'
interpretations of their children's disabilities are situated in constructions of
normative families and valued children.
Narrative inquiries draw critical attention to the ways in which parents'
responses to their children's disabilities are situated in cultural interpretations
of disability labels and of the parameters of "normalcy" (Harry, 1992, 1997;
Harry, Allen, & McLaughlin, 1995). Through extensive ethnographic data
collected from a group of Puerto Rican parents, Harry (1992) found that these
parents reacted strongly to labels of "mental retardation" ascribed to their
children because of cultural association of this term with mental illness and its
translation to the term "loco" or "crazy." Additionally among these parents,
parameters of normalcy were broader than would be expected in a Western
psychological context. For instance, one mother in this study expressed
incredulousness that her six and a half year old daughter, who was bilingual
and able to read, could be described by professionals as "mentally retarded."
Additionally in this study, parents' interpretations of their children's disability
labels were embedded in their understandings of personal and family identity;
the cultural associations between mental retardation and mental illness took
on greater significance for parents because of their perceptions that this
reflected on their entire family. This is similar to Lalvani's (2012) study in
which many parents offered their own theories on why they dispute specific
labels for their children. Some explained that they believed labels would lower
expectations or stigmatize their children and others, like parents in Harry's
study, had very different interpretations of "impaired" cognitive functioning.
The information gained through these two studies is critical to understanding
professional-parent partnerships in schools. In the educational arena, Harry
(1992) points out that parents whose perspectives differ from those held by
professionals or those who contest the specific labels ascribed to their
children are often viewed as being resistant or unwilling to accept their
children's conditions. Using medical-model frameworks, these parents'
behaviors are often attributed to their being in "denial." However, their
narratives elucidate that the categorizations of these parents as being "in
denial" are unjustified. As clearly seen in the two studies discussed above,
parents who resisted particular disability labels did not dispute that their
children had some learning difficulties or delays in development; rather, their
resistance pertained largely to the naming of the "problem" (Harry, 1992;
Lalvani, 2012). This is consistent with the assertions of scholars who
deconstruct notions of denial among families of children with disabilities and
who argue that behaviors attributed to "being in denial" may in fact be
interpreted by some parents as maintaining hope, remaining optimistic about
their children's future, or perceiving their children as worthwhile (Gallagher et
al., 2001; Hartshorne, 2002).
The capacity for human agency is exemplified in research that privileges the
voices of families of children with disabilities. Consistent with the idea that
when positioned in master narratives, individuals are agentic in producing
counter-narratives that assign new meaning to interpersonal and psychic
phenomena (Bamberg, 2004), the findings of critical research on families of
children with disabilities capture contested perspectives on their experiences.
In these inquiries, families resisted dominant discourses of otherness, rejected
notions of sorrow and grief, and repositioned themselves as "normal" families
(Fisher & Goodley, 2007; Goddard et al., 2000; Green, 2003, Lalvani, 2011;
Taylor, 2000). As an example, in Fisher and Godley's (2007) study in which
parents were empowered to theorize and offer analyses of their own stories,
parents articulated their resistance to stigma and to the strong cultural
emphasis on normalcy. Furthermore, rejecting the notion that negative
experiences dominate their lives, they chose to focus their narratives on their
own positive transformations and on the ways in which they have been able to
enjoy their children "as they are." Similarly, in a number of other studies,
parents of children with disabilities discuss both the stressors and the positive
aspects of their parenting experiences and highlight perceptions of their own
personal growth (Scallan, Senior, & Reilly, 2010; Scorgie & Sobsey, 2000;
Scorgie, Wilgosh, Sobsey, & McDonald, 2001; Skinner, Bailey, Correa, &
Rodriguez, 1999). Additionally, many parents in these studies understood
their stressors as aspects of parenting, rather than parenting a child with a
disability. In a different way, Taylor's (2000) ethnographic account of the Duke
family, a low-income family in which each member had a disability label,
sheds light on the ways in which this family framed its identity in ways that
resisted notions of damage and stigma. Although each member of this family
was bombarded with labels through health care and welfare agencies as well
as schools, its members were able to maintain positive identity as a family by
thinking of individual members in ways that were removed from their labels.
For instance, family members receiving special education services or
psychiatric treatment were described as "acting young for his age," "being a
pest," "drinks too much," or "immature" rather than being "mentally retarded"
or "mentally ill." Thus they maintained a positive social identity because they
defined the parameters of normalcy quite broadly.
In parents' counter-narratives, concerns related to the discrimination,
rejection, or social isolation of children with disabilities' experiences emerge
as an important theme (Green, 2002, 2003; Lalvani, 2008), which further
illustrates that these families locate disability not solely in their child, but also
in the sociocultural environment. This is evident in Green's (2002) narrative
account of raising her daughter with cerebral palsy, in which she states: "I
envisioned a future of personal rejection, torturous teasing, and social
isolation for my daughter. She would have no friends, no love in her life, no
family in the future" (p. 31). However, though she identifies the sadness or
"despair" which has characterized her life at times, she also states:
…the experience of mothering Amanda has changed dramatically,
irrevocably, and in very positive ways who I am and the ways in which I view
the world… It has also broadened my image of what it means to live a good
and worthwhile life… (Green, 2002, p. 30)
Unlike the findings of positivist research, Green's narrative provides a rich and
nuanced understanding of her mothering experiences and informs us that
although negative emotions may be aspects of parenting a child with a
disability, these are situated in the context of a society that isolates,
marginalizes, or does not fully accept individuals with disabilities.
Furthermore, it informs us that parenting a child with a disability is a complex,
multi-layered experience in which, in addition to difficulties, parents also
experience great joy, derive new meaning, and often find themselves
transformed. Overall, the findings from narrative inquiries complicate core
assumptions about disability as self-contained impairment and reveal
transformations in parents' own interpretations of the familial experience of
having a child with a disability. Such critical work can be instrumental in
contributing to a broader dialogue on the fluid and contextualized meanings of
disability and cultural definitions of normative family life.
Conclusion
Narrative inquiries rooted in the central tenets of critical disability theory,
sociocultural theory, and positioning theory facilitate an epistemological shift in
the manner in which families of children with disabilities are studied and
understood. These critical inquiries situate families in context and allow for
opportunities to better understand how responses to disabilities emerge within
complex social dynamics at particular cultural and historical "moments."
Families of children with disabilities engage in meaning making as they
negotiate dominant medical discourses on disability; socioculturally-based
research opens a space for families to complicate and contest this
construction of their experiences. These families counter-narrate their
experiences and challenge and complicate medical assumptions regarding
the meaning of having a child with a disability. Critical narrative inquiries
contribute to the emerging discourse on the sociocultural meaning of
disability. Through the lens of sociocultural approaches, disability is not a self-
contained or universally defined experience; instead, it is one that is relational
and constructed. Ultimately, sociocultural inquiries allow researchers to
critically evaluate not only the meaning of disability, but also the parameters of
normalcy that permeate our construction of childhood, and more specifically,
of the desired child.
References
• Asch, A. (1989). Reproductive technology and disability. In S. Cohen & N.
Taub (Eds.), Reproductive laws for the 1990's (pp. 69-124). Clifton, NJ:
Humana Press.
• Bamberg, M. (2004). Considering counter narratives. In M. Bamberg & M.
Andrews (Eds.), Considering counter narratives (pp. 351-371). Amsterdam:
Benjamins.
• Birenbaum, A. (1970). On managing a courtesy stigma. Journal of Health and
Social Behavior, 11, 196-206.
• Bogdan, R., & Taylor, S. J. (1994). The social meaning of mental retardation:
Two life stories. New York: Teachers College Press.
• Byrom, B. (2004). A pupil and a patient. In S. Danforth & S. Taff
(Eds.), Crucial readings in special education (pp. 25-37). New Jersey:
Pearson.
• Conrad, P. (2004). The discovery of hyperkinesis: Notes on the medicalization
of deviant behavior. In S. Danforth & S. Taff (Eds.), Crucial readings in special
education (pp. 18-24). New Jersey: Pearson.
• Danforth, S., & Navarro, V. (1998). Speech acts: Sampling the social
construction of mental retardation in everyday life. Mental Retardation 36(1),
31-43.
• Farber, B. (1962). Effects of a severely mentally retarded child on the family.
In E. P. Trapp & P. Himelstein (Eds.), Readings on the exceptional child:
Research and theory (pp. 227-246). New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
• Ferguson, P. H. (2002). A place in the family: An historical interpretation of
research on parental reactions to having a child with a disability. Journal of
Special Education, 36(3), 124-130.
• Ferguson, P. M., Gartner, A., & Lipsky, D. K. (2000). The experience of
disability in families: A synthesis of research and parent narratives. In E.
Parens & A. Asch (Eds.), Prenatal testing and disability rights (pp. 72-94).
Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
• Finlay, W. M. L., Lyons, E., & Taylor, S. J. (2005). Rejecting the label: A social
constructionist analysis. Mental Retardation, 43(2), 120-234.
• Fisher, P., & Goodley, D. (2007). The linear medical model of disability:
Mothers of disabled babies resist with counter-narratives. Sociology of Health
and Illness, 29(1), 66-81.
• Foley, G. M. (2006). The loss-grief cycle: Coming to terms with the birth of a
child with a disability. In G. Foley and J. Hochman (Eds.), Mental health in
early intervention: Achieving unity in principles and practice (pp. 227-243).
Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brooks.
• Foucault, M. (1965). Madness and civilization. New York: Pantheon.
• Fowle, C. (1968). The effect of the severely mentally retarded child on his
family. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 73, 468-473.
• Gallagher, P. A., Fialka, J., Rhodes, C., & Arceneaus, C. (2001). Working with
families: Rethinking denial. Young Exceptional Children, (5)2.
• Goddard, J., Lehr, R., & Lapadat, J. (2000). Parents of children with
disabilities: Telling a different story. Canadian Journal of Counseling, 34(4),
273-289.
• Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled
identity. New York: Simon & Schuster.
• Green, S. E. (2002). Mothering Amanda: Musing on the experience of raising
a child with cerebral palsy. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 7, 21-34.
• Green, S. E. (2003). What do you mean 'what's wrong with her?': Stigma and
the lives of families of children with disabilities. Social Science & Medicine,
57(8), 1361-1374.
• Hahn, H. (1997). Advertising the acceptably employable image. In L. Davis
(Ed.), The disability studies reader (pp. 172-186). New York: Routledge.
• Hanson, M. J., & Hanline, M. F. (1990). Parenting a child with a disability: A
longitudinal study of parental stress and adaptation. Journal of Early
Intervention, 14, 234-248.
• Harre, R., & Gillet, G. (1994). The discursive mind. Los Angeles: Sage.
• Harre, R., & Moghaddam, F. (2003). Introduction: The self and others in
traditional psychology and in positioning theory. In R. Harre & F. Moghaddam
(Eds.), The self and others: Positioning individuals and groups in personal,
political, and cultural contexts. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.
• Harre, R., & Slocum, N. (2003). Disputes as complex social events: On the
uses of positioning theory. In R. Harre & F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and
others: Positioning individuals and groups in personal, political, and cultural
contexts. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.
• Harry, B. (1992). Making sense of disability: Low-income, Puerto-Rican
parents' theories of the problem. Exceptional Children, 59, 27-40.
• Harry, B., Allen, N., & McLaughlin, M. (1995). Communication versus
compliance: African-American parents' involvement in special
education. Exceptional Children, 61(4), 364-377.
• Hartshorne, T. S. (2002). Mistaking courage for denial: Family resilience after
the birth of a child with severe disabilities. Journal of Individual Psychology,
58(3), 263-278.
• Hastings, R. P., & Taunt, H. M. (2002). Positive perceptions in families of
children with developmental disabilities. American Journal on Mental
Retardation, 107(2), 116-127.
• Hendriks, A. H. C., De Moor, J. M. H., Oud, J. H. L., & Savelberg, M. H. W.
(2000). Perceived changes in well-being of parents with a child in a
therapeutic toddler class. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 21, 455-
468.
• Horkheimer, M. (1972). Critical theory: Selected essays. New York: The
Continuum Publishing Company.
• Hosking, D. L. (2008). Critical disability theory. 4th Biennial Disability Studies
Conference. Lancaster University, UK.
• Keller, D., & Honig, A. S. (2004). Maternal and paternal stress in families with
school-aged children with disabilities. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry,
74(3), 337-348.
• Kliewer, C. (1998). Schooling children with Down syndrome: Toward an
understanding of possibility. New York: Teachers College Press.
• Kubler-Ross, E. (1969). On death and dying. New York: Macmillan.
• Lalvani, P. (2008). Mothers of children with Down syndrome: Constructing the
sociocultural meaning of disability. Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities,
46(6), 436-445.
• Lalvani, P. (2011). Constructing the (m)other. Dominant and contested
narratives on mothering a child with Down syndrome. Narrative Inquiry, 21(2).
276-293.
• Lalvani, P. (2012). Parents' participation in special education in the context of
implicit educational ideologies and socioeconomic privilege. Education and
Training in Autism and Developmental Disabilities.
• Landsman, G. (1999). Does God give special kids to special parents?
Personhood and the child with disabilities as gift and giver. In L Lane
(Ed.), Transformative motherhood: On giving and getting in a consumer
culture (pp. 133-165). New York: NYU Press.
• Linton, S. (1998). Claiming disability: Knowledge and identity. New York: NYU
Press.
• Luterman, D. (2004). Counseling families of children with hearing loss and
special needs. The Volta Review, 104(4) 215-220.
• McDermott, R., & Varenne, H. (1995). Culture "as" disability. Anthropology &
Education Quarterly, 26(3), 324-348.
• Mertens, D. M. (2007). Transformative paradigm: Mixed methods and social
justice. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 1(3), 212-225.
• Mishler, E. (1995). Models of narrative analysis: A typology. Journal of
Narrative and Life History, 5(2), 87-123.
• Murray, J. N., & Cornell, C. J. (1981). Parentalplegia. Psychology in the
Schools, 18, 201-207.
• Olshansky, S. (1962). Chronic sorrow: A response to having a mentally
defective child. Social Casework, 43, 190-193.
• Parens, E., & Asch, A. (2003). Disability rights critique of prenatal genetic
testing: Reflections and recommendations. Mental Retardation and
Developmental Disabilities Research Reviews, 9, 40-47.
• Parrott, W. G. (2003). Motivational styles and positioning theory. In R. Harre &
F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others: Positioning individuals and groups
in personal, political, and cultural contexts. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.
• Rapp, R. (2000). Testing women, testing the fetus. New York: Routledge.
• Rodrigue, J. R., Morgan, S. B., & Geffken, G. (1990). Families of autistic
children: Psychological functioning of mothers. Journal of Clinical Child
Psychology, 19, 371-379.
• Rothman, B. K. (1993). The tentative pregnancy: How amniocentesis changes
the experience of motherhood. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Ltd.
• Saxton, M. (2000). Why members of the disability community oppose prenatal
diagnosis and selective abortion. In E. Parens & A. Asch (Eds.), Prenatal
testing and disability rights (pp. 147-164). Washington, DC: Georgetown
University Press.
• Scallan, S., Senior, J., & Reilly, C. (2010). Williams syndrome: Daily
challenges and positive impact on the family. Journal of Applied Research in
Intellectual Disabilities, 24(2), 181-188.
• Schwarz, N. (1999). Self-reports: How the questions shape the
answers. American Psychologist, 54(2), 93-105.
• Scorgie, K., & Sobsey, D. (2000). Transformational outcomes associated with
parenting children who have disabilities. Mental Retardation, 38(3), 195-206.
• Scorgie, K., Wilgosh, L., Sobsey, D., & McDonald, J. (2001). Parent life
management and transformational outcomes when a child has Down
syndrome. International Journal of Special Education, 16(2), 57-68.
• Skinner, D., Bailey, D. B. Jr., Correa, V., & Rodriguez, P. (1999). Narrating
self and disability: Latino mothers' construction of identities vis-a-vis their child
with special needs. Exceptional Children, 65(4), 81-95.
• Solis, J. (2004). Narrating and counter-narrating illegality as an identity. In C.
Daiute & C. Lightfoot (Eds.), Narrative analysis: Studying the development of
individuals in society. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
• Solnit, A., & Stark, M. (1961). Mourning and the birth of a defective
child. Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 16, 523-537.
• Strack, F., Schwarz, N., & Gschneidinger, E. (1985). Happiness and
reminiscing: The role of time perspective, mood, and mode of
thinking. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 49, 1460-1469.
• Taylor, S. J. (2000). You're not a retard, you're just wise: Disability, social
identity and family networks. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 29, 58-
92.
• Trainer, M. (1995). Adjusting to your new baby. In K. Stray-Gunderson
(Ed.), Babies with Down syndrome: A new parents' guide (pp. 37-62).
Bethesda, MD: Woodbine House.
• Van Riper, M. (2007). Families of children with Down syndrome: Responding
to a change of plans with resilience. Journal of Pediatric Nursing, 22(2), 116-
128.
• Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher
psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
• Wertsch, J. V., & Tulviste, P. (1994). Lev Semyenovich Vygotsky and
contemporary developmental psychology. In R. Parke, P. Ornstein, J. Rieser,
& C. Zahn-Waxler (Eds.), A century of developmental psychology (pp. 333-
356). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
• Wickham-Searl, P. (1992). Mother with a mission. In P. M. Ferguson & S. J.
Taylor (Eds.), Interpreting disability: A qualitative reader (pp. 251-274). New
York: Teachers College Press.
Return to Top of Page
Copyright (c) 2013 Priya Lalvani, Lauren Polvere
Beginning with Volume 36, Issue No. 4 (2016), Disability Studies Quarterly is published
under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives
license unless otherwise indicated.
If you encounter problems with the site or have comments to offer, including any access
difficulty due to incompatibility with adaptive technology, please contact the web
manager, Maureen Walsh. Disability Studies Quarterly is published by The Ohio
State University Libraries in partnership with the Society for Disability Studies.
ISSN: 2159-8371