Gentrification: Peckham and The Future of The Metropolis

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Gentrification: Peckham and The Future of The Metropolis By Florence Harry

Transcript of Gentrification: Peckham and The Future of The Metropolis

Gentrification: Peckham and The Future of The Metropolis By Florence Harry

Index

Introduction and methodology3

Peckham 5Gentrification: theory

6Demographics: community and change

8Parallel communities

11Relative gentrification: a continuum 14

Regeneration or gentrification?16

Conclusion17

Bibliography 19

Introduction

The term ‘gentrification’ has been increasingly used in London to describe social change as a richer demographic displaces the poorer, in specific urban areas such as Islington, Dalston, Brixton and now Peckham.

The project started with the central concern ‘Is Peckham Gentrifying,’ however soon after research commenced the question was confirmed with a ‘yes’ andmy outlook broadened to the nature of gentrification within Peckham and throughout London in a time of immense economic, social and political change. Furthermore with the latest projections estimating that the capital’s population will rise rapidly by 37% between 2011 and 2050, with an average estimate of the residential population reaching 11.3m by the end of the period1, we come to question the impacts this has on the city, housing and the new demographics migrating in to London, in term suggesting (as the research brought to light) the intertwined economic, social and global forces behindgentrification in London and the consequential futureof the metropolis.

Methodology

1 City AM newspaper, ‘London should turbo charge devolution’ Andrew Boff 29/01/2015

As social research, I will therefore not be using a ‘preconceived framework,’ for example looking for evidence that would purely prove the area to be seeing effects of ‘gentrification-’ an ambiguous and speculated term. This is because the associations surrounding the term ‘gentrification’ are biased, taking up a Marxist paradigm since the word was firstcoined in 1964, which would put subjective value uponthe social reality of the area. This is emphasised bythe lack of consensus around identifying and measuring gentrification,2 noted by American sociologist Michael Barton, adding to the speculationand ambiguity of the term. My research has shed lighton the fact that many associate ‘gentrification’ withassumptions that make it seem like a conspiracy theory; hating ‘it’ but not really understanding the underlying causations. As Brueckner and Rosenthal (2009) note, it is just part of the continuum of urban evolution; arguing gentrification is a natural consequence of the process of ageing and increased pressures on the city with a durable housing stock3.

Furthermore Richard Florida notes that we not only need better, more objective ways of measuring gentrification, but we need to shift our focus to thebroader process of neighbourhood transformation and the juxtaposition of concentrated advantage and disadvantage in the modern metropolis.4

2 Michael Barton, ‘An exploration of the importance of the strategy used toidentify gentrification.’ USA3 Bruckner and Rosenthall (2009) Gentrification and Neighborhood Housing Cycles: Will America's Future Downtowns Be Rich?4 CityLab Article 5th December 2014. ‘No One’s Very Good at Correctly Identifying Gentrification,’ Richard Florida

Through my research- living, working and interactingwithin the area, I have discovered Peckham is undeniably seeing social change and that Florida’s point bares much relevance. I have discovered not only are the changes occurring within Peckham more complex than the label of one word, but that the significance of the changes lies in what it means forthe people; the winners, the losers, and the future of the area. Furthermore one finds that Peckham is not an isolated area in terms of change- but London is an integrated system and studying change their offers insight in to the higher trends and pressures on the expanding city. As Mark Brearley put it, “London is eating itself up.”

But what are the trends? London has the largest gap between the rich and poor of all the cities in the Western world- and it’s growing. Furthermore there isa housing crisis due to lack of affordable housing, with general housing prices rising astronomically. For example, over 2014 average house prices in Londonrose by 17.8%, compared with 1.4% in Wales.5 The disadvantage of quantative stats, however, is they fall short of telling us what change does to the communities within the city. But by studying Peckham at a time of immense change, I hope to offer insight in to this area’s story.

Through a combination of primary and secondary research I will look at the changes that have and are

5 BBC News ‘House Prices: Expert’s 2015 Predictions.’ Kevin Peachey, January 5th 2015

occurring within Peckham. Primarily through qualitative methods applied to secondary social and geographical theories, I will investigate the social construction and consumption of identity within the post-modern metropolis and the economic forces such as the role of investment, questioning the paradigm of mutual exclusivity between these two theories. Therefore I hope to offer insight in to what the future holds for such a rapidly developing area through an understanding of the community, governmental, and consuming forces that have and continue to shape the area.

Peckham

Previously renowned forits violence,gangs and crime,Peckham has beenbranded ‘the newDalston’6 by Vicemagazine and seenhuge investmentfrom both thepublic and privatesectors which is set to continue as the area faces regeneration.

Recently Southwark council and the GLA have decided to invest in the regeneration of Peckham Rye station;6 VICE MAGAZINE, February 7th 2013: ‘We Went On A Quest To Find The New Dalston.’ Clive Martin

(a post-riot fund to improve the area) for a new square acting as a ‘Gateway to Peckham’ as well as other council investment which will undoubtedly see the area change. I have had the opportunity to be highly involved with the grass roots approach ‘CoDesign’ and furthermore also worked with the council on the architecture bid for the project, helping select the firm Landolt and Brown. This beingconfidential, I am limited to what I can say about these meetings due to their commercial sensitivity, however they have given me an invaluable understanding of the aims of the parties involved, processes of regeneration and the future of the station.

I have taken an anthropological approach through immersive participant observation and involvement ingroups of interest including the council, local community group (Peckham Vision), stakeholders and social researchers (who I worked for) as well as interviewing a variety of residents and key players.

Attending weekly Peckham CoDesign meetings has been central to my research. The process was sparked off by massive local protest at Network Rail’s 2013 scheme to regenerate Peckham Rye Station which would have cleaned out most of the locally occupied arches to make way for large, generic brands and tall flats-something detested by locals. In September 2014 What If: Projects initiated the Peckham Weekly magazine aspart of the CoDesign consultation process and

although funding was cut by the council in November, the strong sense of community integrity has undermined the continuity and expansion of the meetings.

Gentrification: theoryEconomic process vs social process: A changing city

Early studies suggested the driving forces behind areas ‘gentrifying’ were due to changes within middleclass ‘consumer preferences’ in post-modern/post-industrial western societies. As Jessop notes, a shift in labour from industry to tertiary/services resulted in a more prosperous population with more leisure time.7 Furthermore, with the decline of industry, western cities reinvented themselves as sites of consumption and leisure8 as globalisation led to competition between cities and their economies.

Post modernity and consumption come hand in hand as we carve our identities through our consumption choices. In terms of lifestyle consumption and it’s relationship with gentrification, this can include relatively cheap housing, diverse areas, artesian cafes, cultural and creative quarters and even quirky, differentness and ‘just the right amount of danger,’ giving the consumer a self identification ofacquired cultural capital. Simmel offers us further insight as he notes ‘extravagances of self distinction; being different and making one’s self noticeable’9 becomes increasingly more important to 7 Jessop, B (1994) ‘The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare state.’8 Hanningham, J (1998) ‘Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the PostmodernMetropolis’9 Simmell, G(1978) ‘The Philosophy of Money’

the individuals, particularly the middle class. The ‘hipster’ is the epitome of this description:, typically described ‘as affluent or middle class young Bohemians who reside in gentrifying neighborhoods.10’

The social consumption theory was challenged by Marxist Geographer, Neil Smith. He argued gentrification was much more to do with the capital’ssearch for profit than individuals’ choice to have a funky moustache (a non-conformist style of facial hair that is rarely seen in modern society, making itapplicable to hipsters11.) Capital economic growth faces a barrier in the central built up landscape. ‘Rent gaps’ occur when the land’s potential profit yield and current yield are wide enough to profit from development and gentrification therefore takes place once this ‘rent gap’ has grown so big that developers buy up the land and develop it. However asPeckham shows, it is not just developers but stakeholders such as Network Rail and Southwark Council who see profitable opportunities. As Ulrike Steven (head of CoDesign group) states, “All of this burgeoning economic activity and the crowds of people now flooding in the area both to live and play here have alerted developers and landowners to potential profits to be made.”

Consuming CapitalismIn many ways the opposing theories offer a simplifiedpicture on gentrification. Lent and Livingstone note the dual relationship of identity and capitalism, as consumer capitalism drives consumption.12

10 Weeks, Linton. "The Hipsterfication Of America". NPR.org. Retrieved 25 January 2014. 11 Urban Dictionary, ‘Ironic facial hair’ definition, ‘therefore applicable to hispters’

“the hipster might be the embodiment of postmodernism as a spent force13”Therefore we must not look only at people’s perceptions of Peckham, but the reactions and interventions of stakeholders such as businesses, investors and local governments.

One way of looking at this is through policy and initiatives. Davies found that the reorientation of urban governance after the decline of industry was targeted with an entrepurial stance primarily focusedon economic growth to replace lost secondary industry.14 This is logical, after all cities need to thrive and lost economies need to be replaced. It also sheds light on the economic forces behind the post modern metropolis as it adapts to the demands ofsociety. Many call this ‘state led gentrification’ with the aim of increasing the productivity of an area- reflecting Neil Smith’s economic theory. This would inevitably cause a change in the demographic ofthe area, which many would label as ‘gentrification.’

DEMOGRAPHICS: community and changePeckham’s history is one of immense social change, and it would be naive to argue the current change is isolated nor theend of a continuum, as key players I interviewed also understood. Various waves of immigration have shaped Peckham; and now it is seeing internal migration: those moving within

London. 12 Lunt, P and Livingstone, S (1992) ‘Mass Consumption and Personal Identity’13 Rob Horning “The Death of the Hipster” PopMatters, April 200914 Davies, J (1998) ‘From Municipal Socialism to…Municipal Capitalism?’ Local Government Studies, 14:19-22

“Historically it has evolved over time and will continue to do so. However elements of it – the community – ensure continuity and will ensure that Peckhamwill always be an exciting place to live, work and visit.” Alistair Greeves, Southwark Council Regeneration

Peckham has contrasting social groups that both live in and use the area, as Susie Hall’s Ordinary Streets15 study found. In terms of attempting to use the term gentrification more accurately within Peckham, one must look at the way different social groups manifest themselves within the area and its image: both geographically and over different times. For example community groups such as Peckham CoDesign Weeklies arenot representative of the wider Peckham community, but predominantly made up of white, middle class people.

The area has many jigsaw like pieces that make it up: from RyeLane itself, dubbed “an intensely multi-ethic street” by Hall,to Bellenden Road described as “an unexpected food heaven” by Flux magazine located to the West of Ryle lane. There is now a‘cultural quarter’16 located around Bussey and the Copeland Park Estate which hosts some 100 artists and other small businesses, adding to Peckham’s thriving arts community. The residential areas of SE15 lie all around- residences ranging from Victorian terraces to council houses at relatively affordable prices, for the moment, although rents are going up. Particularly interesting is the residential North of Peckham which is highly populated with a poorer demographic and renowned for the violence that Peckham was (and sometimes still is) associated with. This area is often neglected when talking of Peckham ’gentrifying,’ and on attending meetings I also discovered that other researchers, residents and campaigners also agreed and felt quite guilty seeing the seeing polarisation of different parts of Peckham in terms of wealth.

One can easily acknowledge different groups within Peckham by looking at the contrasting economies. Shops fronts offer a

15 Suzanne Hall, 2012 City, Street and Citizen: The measure of the ordinary16 Eileen Conn, Peckham Vision 2012

sharp contrast. Towards the South end of Rye Lane, you can get a £60 hair cut at Blue Tit- ‘a fashion forward boutique salon where a cut is an experience, not just a transaction.’ Or you can go to ‘Stylish’ right next door for £8.

Many of the new businesses coming in to Peckham have a particular ‘look’ that appeals to a certain group of people- generally ‘yuppies’ or ‘hipsters.’ For example, Blue Tit’s Peckham branch is the third edition, adding to Clapton and Dalston; areas which also cater a particular image.

Zukin recognises these emerging ‘symbolic economies’17 in the post-modern metropolis as we consume abstract products such as culture through food, music and experiences- such as that advertised by Blue Tit. As Winlow notes, these experiences of social and cultural engagement18 (particularly with the younger generations) shape and reinforce self identity as we consume a lifestyle- often within certain areas with a symbolically valuable image. This may include aspects of hipsterness, trendiness, coolness and so on. This ‘aestheticization of everyday life’19 whereby aesthetic perception ishighly significant in our consumption choices, is a product of post-modernity, diversity, increased choice and prosperity.

The contrasting groups are particularly clear on the weekend at the emergence of the night economy. Ques of the young, middle class spread fromthe Bussey Building a hundred metres down the street on a busy night.

“I think Peckham multi-storey car park and the Bussey building have been the main drivers for change in the area. Because they’re attracting thousands of people to the area and we’re now seeing more bars, cafes, restaurants as a result since around 2010, and theres more to come!” Michael, CoDesigner and local resident

But even for the middle class in Peckham, its diversity and uniqueness is what makes it attractive: they don’t want to see it ‘yuppified.’

“I love it’s heritage, people and vibrancy.” Michael, local resident and CoDesigner“I love it’s Creativity, diversity, honesty, tolerance, grit and ingenuity.” Veronica,

17 Zukin, S (1991) ‘Landscapes of power: From Detroit to Disney World’18 Winlow, S (2001) ‘Night and The City: Youth Identities, violence and the Business of Pleasure after Dark’19 Featherstone, M (1991) ‘Consumer Culture and Postmodernism’

journalist, local resident and CoDesigner

Yet many feel that this is what is most threatened in Peckham by ‘gentrification,’ regeneration and urban evolution.

“The biggest threat is eradicating Peckham’s culture through development. Housing will be unaffordable and people will move out” Zach, local resident and student

Rye Lane itself is hugely culturally diverse. There are over twenty different countries of origin amongst the proprietors trading in the shops along Rye Lane, including: Pakistan, UK, Afghanistan, Nigeria, India, Eritrea, Iraq, Iran, Jamaica, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Kashmir, Kenya, Nepal, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda, Vietnam and Yemen.20

To the East of Rye Lane is the Bellenden Road area that has seen investment from the council in the last 20 years for improvement. Now often referred to as ‘The Bellenden Village’ or ‘The Bellenden Bubble,’ it’s home to an award winning Thai restaurant, vintage clothing shops, two delis, a butchers, a Village Grocer and A general Store among other shops: thematically matching the bohemian village vibe of the Arty bollards, provided by artists such as Antony Gormley and Tom Phillips.

This micro area is predominantly white, contrasting the diverse, more affordable Rye Lane that is only a stones through away. The General Store is slightly pretentious and definitely overpriced, with five rashers of bacon costing you £5. “The ‘1950s’ style general store is full of hipsters buying overpriced vegetables” Tim Brown, resident

Recently a restaurant has opened for children to do cooking workshops. The Victoria pub (previously the wishing well)

20 Suzanne Hall, 2012 City, Street and Citizen: The measure of the ordinary,

was run down, until being taken over a couple of years ago by the owner of other classy pubs in the area.

Until recently, one working man’s pub remained.

“If you try and turn this into a yuppiepub, you’re going to lose somecustomers. You’re going to lose me,because I’m not going to come in hereanymore if it turns all yuppie. We don’tfeel welcome in those sorts of pubs.”21

Mickey, Prince Albert regular

The Prince Albert had alwaysbeen insistent it would keepthis status, yet within the course of this project it has beenbought by the Victoria Pub and refurbished.

“The Prince Albert was the last bit- now Bellenden Road is a completed Bubble of middle classness,” Aaron Clarke, local resident

Bellenden Road and Rye Lane are centred by Peckham Rye Stationthat is currently ‘run down’ and in the process of regeneration. One can see overspill as the types of shops found on Bellenden Road are popping up to just East of Rye Lane and the station. Examples of these types of shops includea ‘tea den, espresso joint and brew bar,’ a Spanish tapas bar,Cafe Viva, ‘Pedler’ restaurant and Lois where you can buy ‘Peckham’ baby grows.

“In terms of change there's different kinds of businesses now, there used to be more family-run shops, like car repairs and pet shops and stuff, a few boarded-up shops. Local pub used to be a working-man's pub for Irish labourers mostly.” Miss Gavin, long term Peckham resident

21 http://peckhampeculiar.tumblr.com/post/101596168879/where-theres-geraldine-theres-hope

The Prince Albert: before

Parallel communitiesThese descriptions of ‘the parallel economies and communities’of Peckham, as described in Ordinary Streets, are compatible with what Butler and Robson (2001)22 name ‘tectonic’ relations;when social groups or ‘plates’ overlap without much in the wayof integrated experience in areas of social and cultural institutions.

On a day to day basis, I argue that these defined parallel experiences of Peckham are less apparent as groups generally interact with in shops and more privatised spaces. Yet like the emergence of the night time economy, sometimes one finds these more apparent.

The Bellenden Road Christmas Fayre, ‘Pexmas’ fayre, and ‘Crafty Fox Market’ were conveniently all on the same day, andall next to each other creating a path as you transgressed through Peckham: one stall at a time. There were three ‘craftyfox fairs’ in London that day: one in Peckham, one in Brixton,and one in Dalston, the latter two areas being seen as the pinnacles of gentrification. Like Blue Tit, ‘yuppie pubs’ andnew enterprises, these markets are another example of Peckham being target for the consumer preferences of a specific demographic: middle class and hipsters. This supports the dualtheoretical approach between capitalism and consumption yet based more on aesthetic, symbolic consumerism.

“There have always been artists, the trendiness is a new thing. Also a change in race - more white people but I guess that's open to interpretation.” Miss Gavin, local resident

Here Miss Gavin offers insight in to this art culture being more than a social reality- but a construct of identity manifested in the area’s image. Robertson notes the importance ofinvention of locality23 within cities. This refers to areas having to‘connect an image to the place’24 to carve their own identity and 22 Butler and Robson (2002) ‘Thinking Global but Acting Local: the Middle Classes in the City’23 Robertson, R (1992) ‘Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture’24 Molotoch, H (1996) ‘How Design Works in a Regional Economy’

encourage people to come to the area. Montgomery (1995) argues central to the view of planning is awareness that cultural activities such as the arts can provide the catalyst for physical and environmental renewal; attract spending and enhance or even change an areas image.25

Even at ‘Pexmas,’ which was right next to Rye Lane, i noticed there where mainly white, middle class shoppers. I saw some black people walking down Rye Lane looking curious, but they kept walking. I found that they felt like they didn’t belong to the bustling middle class market. Just like Mickey who saidhe felt he wouldn’t belong in a ‘yuppie pub.’ Thus it is clearthat the intersection of class and ethnicity is crucial to theparallel communities and the nature of gentrification. These divides are something many feel will only widen with regeneration as prices are pushed up, bringing a wealthier demographic in, and marginalising the poorer people who live in the council estates around Peckham. Even members of the council seem to recognise this. When asked what you would improve in Peckham, Alistair (Southwark Councillor for regeneration) responded: “The better integration of the estates into the socio-economic fabric including making the housing stock more ‘tenure blind.’”

My observations are echoed by an interview26 about Bellenden Road:“This bit has become more upmarket and very white. The area has also become characterised by a kind of.... a ‘time of the day’ apartheid... theres a farmers market on a Sunday morning which is basicallywhite people, white middle class people.And you don’t see any black people.”

The Pexmas fair seemed to be aone day extension of BellendenRoad: with hand made this and

25 Montgomery, J.R.(1995) ‘Urban Vitality and the Culture of Cities,’ Planning Practice and Research26 Emma Jackson and Michaela Benson 2011, ‘Not Deepest, Darkest Peckham’: The middle classes and their others in an inner London neighbourhood.

vintage that. There was even Peckham merchandise: ‘Made in Peckham’ pictures and ‘Peckhamite’ tees, further showing how SE15 is a selling point, and for some is a crucial part of their identity as a resident.

Conducting unstructured interviews with middle class residentsin SE15, Michaela Benson and Emma Johnson27 found that Rye Lanewas a topical focus for conversations between neighbours and friends. Those they talked to stressed the ‘bizzareness;’ the ‘differentness’ of Rye Lane, yet in a good ‘quirky’ way. It formed an important part of their identity as a Peckham Resident. I can see this reflected with many residents I know,but in a less self conscious identifying way. Those who live here, generally love the area because of all the things it offers; it is interesting! “I love its variety, lack of homogeneity and the sense that there is something new and exciting just around the corner.” Alistair, Southwark Council

Benson and Johnson also found the availability of Victorian terraces at a relatively affordable price compared to other neighbourhoods such as East Dulwich allows buyers to convert economic capital in to cultural capital while their cultural capital is reinforced throughtheir daily efforts to make sense of the unfamiliar socialand physical landscape.

Southwark councillor Fiona Colley notes this as contributing to the changing demographics within the area resulting from the overspill of more affluent areas. “The really nice Victorian houses have been attracting younger families as areas like East Dulwich and Clapham have become too expensive.”28

Talking to Charmian Hughes, she told me ‘We chose Peckham because it was cheaper than East Dulwich.’ And certainly does not regret that decision. For the longer time residents, the stories are similar.Miss Gavin, resident of SE15 for 35 years, told me she moved

27 Emma Jackson and Michaela Benson 2011, ‘Not Deepest, Darkest Peckham’: The middle classes and their others in an inner London neighbourhood.

28 London Loves Business: ‘Peckham, the New East Dulwich?’ 6th October 2011:Rebecca Hobson

here for the cheap housing as a student. ‘When I first moved to Peckham, it was really unpopular. Taxis wouldn’t drive here because it was scary. Myfirst flat i bought for £42,000 in the 1980s during a house price boom, must be worth at least £200,000 now. Once i got married, we decided to stay in the area. The house we live in now, £59,000 in 1995. Worth about £600,000 now!’

Many of the longer term residents and ‘creative’ types would not be necessarily be categorised as the affluent gentrifier, but chose Peckham due to financial advantage- it was cheap. Inmany ways, they have started the gentrifying process (first wave gentrifiers) passively. Thus we see the importance of relative gentrification, with areas often attracting artists starting the cycle. Areas like Shoreditch, even Chelsea, used to be poor but investment was attracted and over time the areas change. This is a story I have heard by many, yet some argue it is inevitable and part of the evolution of the city.

RelativeGentrification: acontinuum“You find a previously unnoticed urbanneighbourhood, ideally one that’s a bit downon its luck. Pioneer hipsters move in andcoolhunters ensure it starts trending onTwitter. A year later, the mainstream media

notices and, for the next 12 months, the neighbourhood is byword for urban cool. Soon property prices soar pushing the original residents out, the bankers (always a trailing indicator) begin to move in and a Foxtons opens. The last hipsters move on and find a new neighbourhood to play with. This is where poor Shoreditch finds itself now. Its alternative crown was lost years ago to Dalston which, in turn, had it snatched by Peckham.” ......The Telegraph29

‘The relentless hipsterfication of run down urban areas’ is the evolution of the post modern city and in no way confined to Peckham.Furthermore ‘gentrification’ is shown to be quite passive as Bruckwell states ‘the natural evolution of a durable housing stock’ and not part of some ‘higher’ conspiracy theory as some people assume.

Eileen Conn, head of Peckham Vision reflects this view “In terms of gentrification, the social demographic has continually changed. It hasn’t happened because anyone has designed it, it’s happened because of market changes, job market changes. Most of the jobs that people have now didn’t exist when I was younger, so everyone’s changing all the time.”

It is linear progression and one of the reasons the area first attracts ‘coolhunters’ or ‘the first wave gentrifiers’ was due to its individuality. Yet as a place gets more desirable, rents go up, investors come and the area becomes homogenised in some sense- it looses its uniqueness. Many feelthis is what fundamentally threatens Peckham.

Ulrich tells me of it happening in Hoxton, as the area “lost whatit was” as the artists who first moved there ended up being pushed out as investors saw the economic potential and pushed the prices up. “It’s inevitable in Peckham, but it can be steered via investing forthe community’s benefit, not just the rich.”

Alistair also tells me of Peckham sincerely changing; “The over ground, private housing development, new shops and bars are all changing the feel of the place. Peckham’s future is one of continuing evolution,” however he also

29 Telegraph article, ‘Why the Shoreditchification of London Must Stop.’ Alex Proud, January 17th 2014

tells me of his concern that it will “loose the intrinsic character of what makes it Peckham.”

Similarly Fleury tells me of her parent’s story as art students in Chelsea buying their home cheaply in an area which is now all but affordable. The story starts the same- arty culture creating a hip image escalating in to a affluent area over time as investors took advantage of it’s economic potential.

These all support the capital theory of potential land value rising until it attracts investment: part of progressive evolution which favours the rich. The demand for these areas in the first place supports the consumption theory- in a post modern city there is more geographical/social mobility as a result of transformation to a services/tertiary based economy,and people are in fluxing in to the cities as a result. These people range from the young and educated to the wealthy middle/upper classes. Also the character of these areas reflect consumption and relative gentrification- that the first wave migrants get pushed out by the richer and so forth.

Thus we can understand Vice’s claim ‘Peckham is the new Dalston’ as we recognise cycles of gentrification; an evolutionary process. Dalston was up and coming. Dalston got discovered. Now the first wave gentrifiers have moved on, choosing a place they can identify with, and Dalston’s demographic has changes as one article states: ‘from boho to bland: isthis the death of Dalston?’ “Three years ago Kingsland Road was teeming with skinny-jeaned, neon-haired hipsters, artists and fashion designers. But then the rentsstarted rising, the scenesters started leaving and now Dalston is deluged with yummy mummies and estate agents.”30

This can lead to the previous migrants getting pushed out, anddisparities between rich and poor widening as areas become more affluent.

“I see the future population in Peckham turning into separate demographics of people who are just getting by financially in social housing, and others who have a

30 Evening Standard Article: ‘From Boho to Bland: is this the Death of Dalston?’ Alex Rayner 11th February 2013

high income or access to a lot of capital to be able to afford high rents or high houseprices..” Eileen Conn, Peckham Vision Co-ordinater

This reflects the changes throughout London. “In wider London there is also an increasing gap between the haves and have-nots which is becoming more apparent and less acceptable.” Alistair Greeves, Southwark Council Regeneration

Many of the local residents are aware of this, but see the essence of an area being lost as the biggest threat. AS well as Peckham, this is currently a big thing in Brixton which is seeing businesses under the arches being relocated for refurbishment by Network Rail, with rents estimated to rise 300%.31

Regeneration or gentrification?

“The evil in the world almost always comes from ignorance, and good intentions may do as much harm asmalevolence if they lack understanding.” Albert Camus

Kirsteen Paton goes as far as to argue gentrification is ‘institutionalized in to urban policy.’32 Here we can see the speculation, amigiouty and stigma around gentrification contrasting with policies that will inevitably result in poor areas ‘gentrifying.’ Through my research I have come to see the perspectives of a variety of groups and individuals with the concern of regeneration in Peckham. This includes the Peckham CoDesign community group; first established as part ofthe council’s consultation strategy but which has now evolved in to it’s own ‘Peckham Weeklies’ group with the belief that planning isn’t just for planners through “harnessing local insights and communication skills to promote engagement with issues around what defines the heart of Peckham town and how 31 Brixton Buzz 11th February 2015 ‘Saving Brixton’s Arches:’ Mike Urban32 Gentrification: A Working-Class Perspective. Kirsteen Paton. Ashgate. 2014.

to protect and support its assets in the face of major regeneration plans.”33

Other groups include that of the council and stakeholders suchas Network rail. This was through both private and public meetings they attended and private as well as public documentsfor planning/regeneration. In all this shed light on the bureaucracy and assumptions that undermine planning policy; something which contrasts sharply with many of the community.

“I believe the planned council regeneration strategy for Peckham is based on retail and housing based on tall buildings- both spell complete disaster for Peckham I’d welcome the new Peckham Rye station square, but am concerned with the behaviour of the council and network Rail., It seems they’ve an agenda which is completely out of step with local wishes. ” Michael, local resident

” I am very worried that the council only sees the scruffiness of some of Peckham and overlooks the economic diversity and obvious vibrance of the place, as well as the creativity. The thought of high rise buildings and clearances of existing start-ups makes me really angry. There is no deprivation here. Peckham's economy is thriving” Veronica, local resident

“Council plans are all too dominated by assumptions about demolishing everything within a line drawn on the map and building everything new” Eileen, Peckham Vision

‘Economic and employment data forecasts for businesses potentially affected by the Peckham Gateway Project’This document opens with the regeneration of Elephant and Castle as a “clear demonstration of our (the council’s) commitment to improving people’s lives”Through the demolition of council housing of an area deemed ‘undesirable,’ the £3billion regeneration scheme aims to make The Elephant a popular London destination. This is a clear example of documentation showing the contrasting views of the community and the council.Some have gone as far to call this ‘social engineering.’ “It’s obvious to us that without change in the local population, no big business will want to invest their money in big shops, hotels and private leisure facilities in The Elephant because poor people won’t be spending any money in them. Talk of the

33 London Festival of Architecture, ‘Now is the time’ Peckham Weekly group

area becoming a retail centre like ‘Bath or Chester’, two areas not well-known for their poverty! They don’t seem to understand that most local people are not crying out for these shops because even if they were here we couldn’t afford what they sell anyway.”34

I went to a public council meeting on the regeneration of the Elephant, and the local people echoed similar views. “I live on a council estate and I’ve had no consultation.”

Ulriche, coordinator of the Peckham Co Design group and architect, argues that policies are orientated towards the rich, and policy documents such as The Southwark Plan are “advertisements for developers.” The community find this all very shocking, however looking at Network Rail and the Council’s motivations, we see attracting developers and investors as a driver for regeneration.

For example, Eileen Claridge (Network Rail, made it clear thather role entails identifying and developing potential new income for commercial estates: “raising the company’s income.”This just goes to show the conflicting interests around the future of areas: not just Peckham, but Brixton too which has seen outcry at Network Rail as they plan to evict those under the arches.

As Jay Nayer’s article notes, “Network Rail promises to bring in only independent businesses, but that’s not the point. Existing businesses have supplied cheap food and services to the local communities for decades. They are its beating heart. Replacing them with glossy, upmarket shops, however independent, will rip out that heart and character for ever. It’s a story repeated across Britain’s high streets, and its quickly gentrifying inner-urban neighbourhoods. Just as in Chinatown, landlords have to recognise that with their multibillion-pound property portfolios comes a responsibility – one that goes far beyond that to their shareholders.”35

Yet as the proposals for the evictions of the retailers under the arches, some of which have been there successfully for 25

34 Southwark notes: whose gentrification? September 3rd 2014: www.southwarknotes.wordpress.com/what-is-regeneration-gentrification/ 35 The Guardian Article, 29th March 2015 ‘Gentrification is ripping the heart out of communities:’ Jay Rayner

years, came to the public eye it appears the immense community furore that since erupted is having an impact on Network Rail’s plans.

Posting on the urban75 forums, a representative from Brixton Community United (the group formed by traders to fight the proposals) shared some news which suggested that Network Rail may be having something of a rethink:“Had a meeting with Network Rail this morning. A much different atmosphere than the first encounter. Lots of talk of ‘misunderstandings’ & ‘never wishing to give the impression that…’

This gives hope that as Alistair said, the robust and committed communities in diverse and unique places like Peckham and Brixton can help preserve these areas in the face of immense change throughout London as increased external pressures (for housing for example) encourage rapid and poorlyevaluated development. Areas will inevitably change via regeneration and development, but if this is done in a sensitive way in line with the community: focussed on preserving and improving the area for residents, there is hopein regeneration and maybe the forseen ‘gentrification’ will bebeneficial to the local economy, environment and varying communities who thrive here.

CONCLUSION

Through my project, I have come to find that Peckham is going through change, and its future hugely depends on some 25 majordevelopments which will be implemented such as the regeneration of the station. In some respect I feel it is on the pinacle of a tipping point. At the moment, there is a balance between the new and old. It is still unique and thrives upon this. Yet there are disparities between the havesand have nots, and this is only set to increase as the area and London become more desirable. Even if the regeneration andother developments are sensitive and based on the ‘community’sneeds’ (although this may be a minority of the community who possess a certain degree of cultural/educational capital),

Peckham will still undenaibly see change. It will be intresting to see how Peckham changes over the next five years, and I just hope it is for the best.

In the context of wider London, we must note the changing demographics resulting from rising property values. Suburbs such as Thamesmead have seen a fall in the White British population by a third, and the black population rising by 163%in the last decade.36 We must learn the lessons of Paris: that by creating a ring of struggling suburbs around an affluent core is a recipe for segregation, alienation and riots. Diversity is clearly valued, so perhaps the answer is to have less focus on capital incentives encouraging big investors andcapital gain. Yet this is harder said than done- woven in to the fabric of Capitalism and its global pressures.

“We are not just here to manage capitalism but to changesociety and to define its finer values”

Tony Benn

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