School of Humanities

MA in Black Sea Cultural Studies

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Student ID: 2201130027 Intake: February 2014

Subject:

The Black Sea Region and Asia: Politics and International Relations.

Title of work:

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Course leader:

Dr. Stelios Sotiriou

Submission date: June 2014

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Date: June 2014.

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School of Humanities MA in Black Sea Cultural Studies 2013-2014, Spring Semester

Module:

Contemporary Ethnographic issues of the Black Sea

Title of work:

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

1

1 http://www.docstoc.com/docs/6361891/Transnistria

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 3

Table of Contents:

Preface..……………………………………………………p.1 Introduction……………………………………………..p.1 Brief history & data………………..………………..p.6 Maps of border change……………………………p.8 Transnistria during the Soviet era……………p.10 Transnistria after 1991…………………………...p14

The war International involvement and Cease fire After the war

State-building & regional players…….…….p.18 Transnistria Moldova Russia Ukraine

Transnistria today (2000-present)………………….p.22 Transnistria Moldova Ukraine Russia

Resolving the Frozen Conflict…………………p.27 Conclusions/Theorizing………………………….p.31 Picture Appendix…………………………………..p.37 Bibliography…………………………………………p.40

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 4

Preface:

The aim of this essay to provide an overview over the problematic case of

Transnistria -a ‘’Frozen Conflict Zone’’, a prone to secession region within the

Republic of Moldova. For that purpose, the essay shall begin with an informative

introduction that contextualizes the Transnistrian case into a broader framework. In

addition, important data and a brief historical review will display the necessary

background information. The main part of the essay consists of two parts: the region

during the Soviet era –in which will be described the cultural politics that were

enforced and had effect on the outbreak of the conflict and Transnistria after the

dissolution of the Soviet Union to present where special attention shall be paid in the

Transdniestr-Moldovan full scale conflict of 1992. Scenarios for possible solutions

will be unfolded. The last but not least part will include conclusions, remarks and an

attempt of theorizing the data into a broader perspective, which hopefully shall

provide the readers with a veritable overview over the post Soviet inherent asset of

the ‘’Frozen Conflict Zones’’.

Introduction:

At the dawn of the break up of the USSR Mikhael Gorbachov spoke about

a ‘’coming century of peace’’2, that would be characterized of greater

cooperation among international powers, growing multilateralism and

illegitimacy of the military forces3. His prophecy, nevertheless, turned out to

be far from the truth. The dissolution of the Soviet Union was accompanied

with acceleration and radicalization of nationalist mobilization4, a fact that

led to a burst of full scale conflicts. As the last empire fell, once ethnicities of

an ethno-federal state became minorities within newly constituted fragile

nation-states and elites who held key positions were threatened to be

unseated. These changes along with the intense nation building process that

took place and in accordance to the political and economic transition –from

Communism to Democracy and from central to market economy- opened the

Pandora’s box for conflicts that led to another kind of international unsettled

issues – the ‘Frozen Conflict zones’’.

The term ‘’Frozen Conflict Zones’’, has been established in the ‘’new

war’’ post –Soviet literature in contrast to the ‘’hot’’ conflicts and stands as an

2 Mikhail Segreevich Gorbachev, ‘’The coming century of peace’’, Richardson & Steirman, 1986 3 Matt Killingsworth in Matthew Sussex. ‘’Conflict in the Former USSR’’, Cambridge University

Press, 2012, p.172 4 Mark R. Bessinger, ‘’Nationalist mobilization and the collapse of the Soviet State’’, Cambridge

University Press, 2002, p.339

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 5

attempt to recast our understanding over the altered nature of war5.

‘’Frozen’’ implies that the issues are not only unresolved but also static.

Furthermore it suggests that it is up to one of the concerning parties for

the conflict to remain ‘’frozen’’ or heat up and re-erupt into violence.6

Such conflicts usually involve strategically significant places and third more

powerful actors who interfere to stall or/and entangle its resolving. The case of

Transnistria is a characteristic case of such kind of conflict.

Nevertheless, Transnistria’s conflict with Moldova is not the sole one in the

post Soviet world. Several cases, each one with differentiated variables, such

as Abkhazia and South Ossetia against Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh being

disputed over Armenia and Azerbaijan, or even Kosovo against Serbia are

some corresponding examples. The term even applies beyond the post Soviet

space as for example to the case of North Cyprus. Kosovo is an example of

how international intervention can influence a solution while the case of North

Cyprus which remains unresolved for the past 40 years, reveals how the

retaining of the frozen conflict status enlarges the divergence and eliminates

the possibilities of finding viable solutions.7 But specifically the case of

Transnistria except for being a frozen conflict zone that can re-erupt into

violence at any point is an even more interesting case because it

encompasses another paradox: it is a region whose majority is self-

determined as Moldovans but has fought against Moldova having welcomed

the Russian assistance. Prominent scholars who have done research and

fieldwork in the Moldovan region -like Charles King, John O’Loughlin, Vladimir

Kolossov -agree that ‘’for those (Transnistrians) who were concerned

about the region’s political future they would far more prefer union with

Russia or adherence to the Russian-Belarusian Union than reintegration

with Moldova’’.8 That self-contradictory and problematic case is going to be

unfolded through that essay.

5 Matt Killingsworth in Matthew Sussex. ‘’Conflict in the Former USSR’’, Cambridge University

Press, 2012, p. 184 6 Oksana Antonenko, ’’A war without winners’’, Survival:Global politics and Strategy, published on

line, 2008, p.30 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00396330802456445 7 Kevin G. Kennelly, ‘’The role of NATO and EU in resolving Frozen Conflicts’’, Navan

postgraduate school, Monterey California, 2006, p.1 8 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series , Stanford University, 2000, p. 206 and John O’Loughlin, Vladimir

Kolossov, Andrei Tchepalyga, ‘’National construction, territorial separatism, and post-Soviet

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 6

Brief history & Data:

The history of Transnistria cannot be understood separately from the

history of Moldova and its affiliation with Romania and especially Russia.

Moldova -contemporary- is located in South-Eastern Europe or north-west on

the Black sea. It has around four million inhabitants and covers an area of

34,000 km2. Moldova is enclosed between Romania to the west and Ukraine

to the North, East and South.9 It is consisted of three parts: Bessarabia,

Transnistria and Gagauzia.

10 11

The first inhabitants of the area, where Moldova is located today, were

Dacian, Gatae, Thracian 12and maybe Scythian tribes. It later became part of

the Roman Empire (provinces of Moesia and Dacia). Goth attacks were

recorded on the 4th century on. From 4th to 6th century AD, Slavs came and

populated the area. From 1359 to 1538 the Danubian principalities were

formed and thus the Principality of Moldova. After that, from 1538 to 1812 the

principality of Moldova was under the indirect rule of the Ottoman Empire.13

The Russian annexation from 1812 to 1918 changed the social landscape in

the area. Another important shift in the history of Moldova is the annexation

from Romania: part of Moldova became part of the Greater Romania from the

end of the First World War to the end of the Second World War, when the

Soviets took the area under their control until 1991. The era of Soviet rule

Geopolitics: The example of the Transdniester Moldovan Republic’’, published on line May 2013,

p.34 http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pec/johno/pub/PsgeTMR.pdf 9 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moldova 10 http://ascotinmoldova.blogspot.gr 11 http://freepl.info/1112-conflict-between-russia-and-transnistria 12 Marcel Mitrasca, ''Moldova: A Romanian province under Russian Rule'', Algora publishing,

2002, p.17 13 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series , Stanford University, 2000, p.16

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 7

changes dramatically the socio-political landscape, as the ethnic engineering

and Russification14 policies affected dramatically the course of its history.

According to Eric Hobsbawm the Soviet state created ‘’national

contracts’’15. On 27th of August of 1991, Moldova declares independence,

which retains until today as ‘’Republic of Moldova’’.

It is of major importance is to mark the differentiated history of Transnistria

and the rest of Moldova. Transnistria today geographically is a strip of land

along the northern borders of Moldova- from the northest to the southest acre.

It is a de facto declared ‘’pseudo’’ state, a breakaway region within Moldova

with Tiraspol as its capital. With a population of 670,000 and an area of

41,632 km2 it is landlocked between Ukraine and the rest of Moldova.16 The

geopolitical concept of an autonomous Communist Transnistrian region was

born in 1924, which later became the Moldavian ASSR of Ukrainian SSR17.

During the 1920s and 1930s, thousands of Romanian Transnistrians fled to

Romania, where the government of which set up a special fund for their

housing and education18. A 1935 estimate puts the number of refugees to

20,00019. Transnistria was never part of the Greater Romania,20 or

conceived to be part of the traditional lands of Romanian settlement.

Even Romanian nationalists said about Greater Romania that expands ‘’from

Dniester to Tisza’’ and not farther east.21 Unlike the rest of Moldova, its

history has always and unbreakably been tied to the Slavic especially

Russian history.22 Furthermore, although small in size it dramatized a

significant role in the Soviet planned economy.23 The Moldavian SSR,

14 Moldova is considered to be the third most Russified nationality in the Soviet Union. Ibid p.117 15 Eric Hobsbawm, ‘’The invention of traditions: edited by Hobsbawm and Ranger.’’, Cambridge

University press, re-print 2012 16 John O’Loughlin, Vladimir Kolossov, Andrei Tchepalyga, ‘’National construction, territorial

separatism, and post-Soviet Geopolitics: The example of the Transdniester Moldovan Republic’’,

published on line May 2013, p.1 http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pec/johno/pub/PsgeTMR.pdf 17 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Transnistria 18 Known as ‘’casa noastra’’ 19 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 181 20 Marcel Mitrasca, ''Moldova: A Romanian province under Russian Rule'', Algora publishing,

2002, pg,27 21 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 180 22 John O’Loughlin, Vladimir Kolossov, Andrei Tchepalyga, ‘’National construction, territorial

separatism, and post-Soviet Geopolitics: The example of the Transdniester Moldovan Republic’’,

published on line May 2013, p.4 http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pec/johno/pub/PsgeTMR.pdf 23 Ibid, p.5

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 8

was set up 1940. It was formed from a part of Bessarabia taken from

Romania, and a strip of land of Transnistria in Ukrainian SSR, was transferred

to it. It became subject to systematic Russification. Except for these it should

be mentioned that the largest part of industry was concentrated in

Transnistria, while the rest of Moldova (Bessarabia) had agricultural

economy. Transnistria declared itself as ‘’Moldovan Republic of

Transnistria’’ -in 1991. After a full scale conflict which peaked in June 1992

against Moldova and which was won due to the Russian assistance, the

Council of Europe recognizes Transnistria as a "frozen conflict" region.24’ –

thus it is an unsettled issue. Today, it is internationally recognized as being

part of Moldova, but claims independence and maintains some sovereignty

with the assistance of Russia. Further details shall be presented onwards.

Maps of border change:

25

26

27

24 http://www1.american.edu/ted/ice/moldova.htm 25 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Danubian_Principalities 26 http://romaniangringo.blogspot.gr/2012/11/romania-in-world-war-i.html 27 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Transnistria

The Danubian

Principalities.

Principality of

Moldova 1359-1538

Map of Greater

Romania 1918-1940

Transnistria map of

border changes

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 9

28

28 http://www.conflicts.rem33.com/images/moldova/nistru_konflikt.htm The internationally recognized territory of present-day Moldova was formed in 1940 (confirmed in 1947) after the Romanian province of Bessarabia had been occupied and annexed by the USSR following the

Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939) between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 10

Transnistria during the Soviet era:

The current problematic situation in Transnistria traces its roots back to the

Soviet Union, not only due to the ethnic engineering and later Russification

policies that were applied but also because of the special historical ties with

Russians, unlike the rest of Moldova. The Soviets stripped Bessarabia of

some of its northern and southern districts29 and merged the remaining part of

it with 8 out of the 14 districts of “Moldavian ASSR” that had never been part

of Romania thus forming a new administrative element of the USSR under the

official name of “Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic”. These territorial

changes severely damaged geographical, cultural, economic and

linguistic integrity of the area. In reality, the new “Republic” consisted of

two parts east (Bessarabia) and west (Transnistria) of Dniester river with

quite different history, political culture and even ethnic makeup.30 From

another perspective, it could be viewed as a Soviet Republic being ‘’half

Romania, half Ukraine’’. Along with that the politics and policies of that

period had a great impact.

Although Transnistria consisted only the 12% of MSSR it dramatized a

disproportionately important role. To set all the parameters on the table,

one should note that first the region had been under the Soviet control since

the revolution, second unlike the rest MSSR it already had gone through the

collectivization process during 20’s and 30’s and thirdly it was far more

Sovietized than the newly acquired Bessarabia31. That also meant that

Transnistrians were considered to be more politically loyal to the central

Soviet regime while Bessarabians were looked with suspicion. It is indicative

of the situation that until 1989 no first secretary of the Communist Party of

Moldova ever came from Bessarabia32. Furthermore, Transnistria although

small in size held a privileged position within the Soviet Union itself as it was

29 Like Izmail and partially, Akkerman and Khotin 30 Andrew Andersen, ‘’The conflict in Transnistria: National Consensus is a long way off.’’,

http://www.conflicts.rem33.com/images/moldova/nistru_konflikt.htm 31 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 183 32 Ibid

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 11

its industrial focal point. Especially after 1945 it became the centrepiece of

the defence of USSR and its heavy industry.33

The Soviet industrial and military policies in the region also caused

significant demographic changes. As the heavy industry blossomed,

thousands of internal immigrants arrived –especially Russians and

Ukrainians- a fact that expanded the already existing ethnic diversity. In 1936

Russians and Ukrainians comprised of 14% of the total population in

Transnistria while in 1989 the number was extended to 25%.34 It is interesting

to note that although Moldovans were still the majority, they were

concentrated at a percentage of 60% in the rural areas and occupied

themselves with agriculture. The presence of the 46th Soviet Army –which was

transformed into the 14th Army-, was crucial. The army became a central

player for economic and social life in Transnistria as by early 90’s it was

comprised of 3,000 officers and tens of thousands of local reservists35. In both

cases (industry and military), the direct employment of the locals to the central

regime meant the reaping of particular benefits that such a status afforded.

Chisinau and Tiraspol although being so close in geographical distance, were

becoming year after year two increasingly distinct worlds in terms of social

development, economic structures and status within the same republic. The

key point is not how much Russified Transnistria became but how much

Sovietized and dependent to the Soviet centre unlike Bessarabia.36

Already by 1980’s and the implementation of Perestroika dynamics that

would lead to the violence of 1992 were developed. It is not surprising that the

implementation of the reforms of Perestroika and the outbreak of the national

movement –every attempt to de-attach- from the central authorities found its

strongest opposition in Transnistria. During the Soviet era language in MSSR

became the centerpiece of the Soviet propaganda. From 1925 to 1946 six

33John O’Loughlin, Vladimir Kolossov, Andrei Tchepalyga, ‘’National construction, territorial

separatism, and post-Soviet Geopolitics: The example of the Transdniester Moldovan Republic’’,

published on line May 2013, 342 http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pec/johno/pub/PsgeTMR.pdf , 4/5 of the

population worked there, was a hydroelectric weapons supply center, had steelworks, electrical

engineering facilities 34 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 185 35 Ibid, p.184 36 Ibid

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 12

different Moldovan alphabets have been introduced37 as part of the ethnic

engineering policies. With the nationalist mobilization of the 90’s three

language laws were introduced that declared Moldovan the ‘’state’’ language

and announced the transmission to the Latin script. In 1988 the ‘’Moldovan

movement for support and restructuring’’ was constituted by Alexei Matevici.38

These were viewed by Moldovan Transnistrians as anti-Soviet and anti-Party

movements that would shift the balance of powers in weight of the authority

that they so far exercised.39 Transnistrians also saw all these language,

cultural and political reforms as evidence of Moldova’s intention to leave

Soviet Union and integrate with Romania. Massive demonstrations and public

debates were constant.40 The language dispute became a battle standard

that encompassed the burst of violence. But behind the pretext of language

dispute there were more issues. The key dispute was not language or minority

rights or chauvinism nor a revolt of Slavs against Latinization policies from

Chisinau. It was more a battle between political elites, a revolt by

displaced elites against those who threatened to unseat them.41 To be

more specific, the core of the opposition came from the networks of a local

party and state institutions especially the executive and the coordinating

committees of industrial concern. 42 The Transnistrian dispute is depicted

consummately in the following phrase: ‘’Disputes over language often

serve as a mere cover for economic, political, national and other

conflicts, which make rational solutions to even fairly simple problems

unduly complicated or impossible to reach’’43

By 1989 violence was expanding. Shortly after the formation of the Popular

Front in Chisinau, a ‘’national movement’’ whose leaders were Moldovan

intellectuals-the new generation of Academics and cultural elites who

supported: Latin script and union with Romania, organized opposition was

37 Ibid, p.108 38 Andrei Brezianu, Vlad Spanu, ''The A to Z of Moldova'' (The A to Z guide series), Scarecrow

Press, 2010, pg.16 39 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p.189 40 Marcin Kosienkowski, William Schreiber, Juraj Marusiak and Florent Parmentier, ''Moldova:

Arena of International Influences'', Lexington books, 2012, pg.10 41 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p.187 42 Ibid 43 Ranko Bugarski, ‘’Language situation and general policy’’, Slavica, Columbus, 1992, pg.21

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 13

formed in Tiraspol. In August 1989 factory workers in Tiraspol demonstrated

against language laws. A women’s’ strike committee under Nina Andreeva

blocked the railway lines and made special appeals to Moscow for support.44

The Transnistrians answered to Chisinau’s parliamentary vote on language by

voting that those laws would not be enforced in their region. Clashes between

Moldovan police forces and armed Transnistrian ‘’self-defense’’ forces leaded

by an expelled former Communist Party separatist –Igor Smirnov-, took

place.45 Assistance came from Edinstvo a Slavic dominated organization from

Chisinau. In 1990 a referendum for autonomy was held and gained 96% of

the votes of the population. Discussions over a self-governing status or if

necessary the declaration of a sovereign Transnistrian Republic were set on

the table. An event that triggered those discussions was that on 24th June on

the same year, the date of 50th anniversary of Bessarabia’s annexation by the

USSR, thousands of Romanian citizens crossed the border into Moldova and

made claims for re-unification of the two Romanian-speaking nations46

Moldovans and Romanians.47 The reaction of Moscow’s anti-Romanian forces

was quick. The same month, leaders of “Gagauz Halky “ and a group of

Gagauz deputies of Moldovan parliament proclaimed the Gagauz Republic

(“Gagauz Yeri”). 12 days later on September a congress of local authorities of

Transnistria that included Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Gagauz deputies

proclaimed the Transnistrian Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republicic, later

renamed to Dniestr Moldovan Republic with its capital in Tiraspol and

constituted their own local legislature48. Transnistria held separate

parliamentary elections. Transnistrian leadership also declared that only

USSR laws will function on the territory east of the Dniester despite any

political development in the rest of Moldova.49 From then on Transnistrian

44 Ibid, p.188 45 ibid 46 Moldovan language is of Romanian origin and except for the use of Cyrillic script instead of Latin

and some intonation difference has nothing to distinguish from the Romanian language. After the

rescission of Cyrillic script the languages were almost identical. 47 Andrew Andersen, ‘’The conflict in Transnistria: national consensus is a long way off’’,

http://www.conflicts.rem33.com/images/moldova/nistru_konflikt.htm 48 Ibid and Vladimir Socor, “Moldavia Proclaims Independence, Commences Secession from

USSR,” RFE/RL Report on the USSR, October 18, 1991, p.19 and Airat R. Aklaev, ‘’Dynamics of the

Moldova-Transdniestr ethnic conflict’’, United Nations University webside,

http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu12ee/uu12ee0a.htm#airat%20r.%20aklaev 49 Vladimir Socor, “Moldova’s Dniester Ulcer,” RFE/RL Research Report, 2, Nr. 1, Jan. 1/1993, p.14

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 14

workers armed themselves with weapons50 from the Soviet army stores and

took over police stations and governmental institutions. Both Transnistria and

Bessarabia were still formally part of the USSR, but Transnistrians held that

they were no longer part of MSSR.51 By 1991 Transnistria was no longer

under the effective control of Chisinau and already formed a separate

administrative unit.

Transnistria after 1991:

The war:

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) formally ceased to exist on

26 December 1991. The declaration of independence of Moldova was

already proclaimed on 27th August of 1991 when they adopted a flag with

the tricolor of the Romanian flag and an ox-head with the seal of their

(common with Romania) national hero Stefan Cel Mare. A coup d’etat that

tried to overthrow M. Gorbachev and re-establish a strong central Communist

regime meanwhile took place. Transnistrians, unlike Bessarabian Moldovans,

supported the coup showing the extent to which they were Sovietized. After

the coup failed, Transnistrians rushed to declare their own independent

state52. Gagauz along with Transnistrians suggested the creation of tripartite

federal state with Moldovans, an idea which Moldovans rejected. 53 Separatist

leaders of both sides, Transnistrian Igor Smirnov, Andrei Cheban and

Gagauz Stepan Topal and Mikhail Khendigelian54, were arrested by Moldovan

secret service and then released due to pressures55.

The role of the Soviet 14th army and external assistance played a

critical role. The newly formed Dniestr Moldovan Republic’s army of 9,000,

the Dniestr Guards, was structured out of the forces of the 14th Soviet army.

50 Example clash in Dubosari. 51 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p.189 52 Viorelia Gasca, ‘’Country report: Moldova’’, EUDO citizenship Observatory, European University

Institute, Robert Scuman Centre for Advanced Studies, November 2012, p.1 http://eudo-citizenship.eu 53 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 189 54 Andrew Andersen, ‘’The conflict in Transnistria: national consensus is a long way off’’,

http://www.conflicts.rem33.com/images/moldova/nistru_konflikt.htm 55 Eg: Transnistrians threatened to cut off electricity and gas plus the interference of Russian

Government

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 15

The 14th army militants after remaining there for so many years saw

Transnistria as their homeland. Also, Cossacks arrived there to assist

Transnistrians. On the other end of the spectrum, Moldovans had formed a

15,000 army of professionals with an extra 10,000 reservists who admitted

Romanian assistance.56 Some weaponry was also delivered by Romania but

the army was inexperienced in battle. On the other side, the Dniestr Guards

were trained by the 14th Soviet army and could make use of the Soviet heavy

weaponry57 stationed in their area.58 The 14th Soviet army itself would later

interfere in favor of Transnistrians.

The clash obviously was escalating into a full scale conflict. When

Moldovans tried to regain control over the police stations and the

governmental institutions more than 100 people were killed.59 Bridges were

mined, and more than a dozen cease fire agreements were constantly broken.

By summer 1992 the war reached its peak when Moldovans succeeded for

some time to take control over the important city of Bender. The Russian

Federation’s vice president Alexander Rutskoi described the incident as a

‘’bloody slaughter’’ against the local Russian population. 60 The number of

victims is debated from a few dozen to 700.

The Bender incident was a focal point on the dispute and secured the

official Russian involvement for several reasons. First, it threatened the

Russian security interests in the region. Additionally, Transnistrians who were

portrayed as a Russian minority on war with the ‘’chauvinist’’ Moldovan

nationalism posed a threat. Third, the clash in Bender occurred at a time

when the rhetoric of Russia being the protector of its minorities in the post-

Soviet space was at its peak. Last but no least, Transnistrians, although they

were not Russians but included a sizable Russian minority, were seen as

Russian speakers, loyal to the former Soviet state and representatives of the

56Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 191 57 Like tanks T-64 and T-72, rocket systems Grad/Alaran ibid 58 Andrew Andersen, ‘’The conflict in Transnistria: national consensus is a long way off’’,

http://www.conflicts.rem33.com/images/moldova/nistru_konflikt.htm 59 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 193 60 Ibid p.192

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 16

‘’Great Russian Culture’’ notion.61 Furthermore, the Bender incident had other

multiple effects except for the Russian intervention. After the clash the local

DMR leadership increased its legitimacy and consolidated its power enlarging

the gap between the two sides. A stereotype of repulsion over the Moldovans

was set. Of major importance is the fact that Russia would from then on have

the ability and the pretext to exercise control over the Moldovan domestic

affairs.62 As long as Moldova remained divided Russia could accomplish its

political agenda.

……………………………….GAP………….. LIMITED VIEW……………...

The Frozen Conflict Zones will continue to be deadlock cases as long as

the concerning parties do not negotiate with each other and the external

players are acting so as to preserve those conflicts or find little incentive to

solve them. The post-Soviet space both in the Balkans and in the Black Sea

has become a mosaic of de facto or de jure autonomous regions and self-

declared ‘’states’’ within sovereign nation-states, which indicates that the post

Soviet new world order is an order where states have ‘’degrees’’ of

sovereignty. Last but not least the international community must not

underestimate the significance of these conflicts for the international security

or the perspective that -though frozen- these conflicts can heat up and re-

erupt into violence at any point. As Albert Einstein said:

“The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who

do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.”

Albert Einstein63

61 Charles King, ‘’Moldova with a Russian face’’, Foreign Policy No 97, winter 1994-1995, p.107

http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/1149443?uid=2129&uid=2134&uid=2&uid=70&uid=4&sid=21

104120803583 62 Charles King, "The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the politics of culture", Hoover Press,

Studies of Nationalities series ,Stanford University, 2000, p. 198 63 http://www.alberteinsteinsite.com/quotes/einsteinquotes.html

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 17

Picture appendix:

Flag and map of Gagauzia Moldova and its separatist movements http://hopefulupdate.com/?p=146

Gagauz in traditional clothes. http://www.oguz-news.net/eng

Flag of the ‘’Dniestr Moldovan

Republic’’ adopted officially in 25th

July 2000 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Trans

nistria

Flag of the Republic of Moldova. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Mold

ova

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 18

Transnistrian rouble

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Transnistrian_ruble_notes.jpg

Ethnic composition of Moldova 1959-2004 from Moldovan National Bureau of

statistics http://www.statistica.md/pageview.php?l=en&idc=263&id=2193

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 19

Ethnic composition of Moldova 1959-2004 from Moldovan National Bureau of

statistics http://www.statistica.md/pageview.php?l=en&idc=263&id=2193

The placard reads 'Remember That We Are Not Moldova' on a Tiraspol street in

Transnistria from http://www.rferl.org/content/Transdniester_Hails_Court_Ruling_On_Kosovo/2111867.html

People carry a Russian flag (centre) and a flag with a portrait of Russia's President

Vladimir Putin along with the flag of DMR reading "We are for Putin!" in Tiraspol,

the main city of Transdniestr separatist republic of Moldova. Photo:AFP May 12 2014

from http://www.scmp.com/news/world/article/1510078/moldova-confiscates-transnistria-petition-

deputy-russian-prime-minister

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 20

Self-

identification

Moldovan

census

% Core

Moldova

Transnistrian

census

%

Transnistria

+ Bender

Total %

MoldovansA 2,564,849 75.81% 177,382 31.94% 2,742,231 69.62%

Ukrainians 282,406 8.35% 160,069 28.82% 442,475 11.23%

Russians 201,218 5.95% 168,678 30.37% 369,896 9.39%

Gagauz 147,500 4.36% 4,096 0.74% 151,596 3.85%

RomaniansA 73,276 2.17% 253 0.05% 73,529 1.87%

Bulgarians 65,662 1.94% 13,858 2.50% 79,520 2.02%

Romani 12,271 0.36% 507 0.09% 12,778 0.32%

Poles 2,383 0.07% 1,791 0.32% 4,174 0.11%

Others /

undeclared 30,159 0.89% 27,454 4.94% 57,613 1.46%

TOTAL 3,383,332 100% 555,347 100% 3,938,679 100%

A There is an ongoing controversy whether Romanians and Moldovans are the same

ethnic group, namely whether Moldovans' self-identification constitutes an ethnic

group distinct and apart from Romanians or a subset.

from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moldova

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 21

Tables from Stefan Wolff, ‘’Guarantee options for a settlement of the conflict over Transnistria’’, ECMI working paper 51, November 2011 http://www.ecmi.de/publications/detail/51-guarantee-options-for-a-settlement-of-the-conflict-over-transnistria-225

Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 22

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Frozen Conflict Zones: The case of Transnistria.

Emilia Papoutsi 27

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http://www.docstoc.com/docs/6361891/Transnistria