From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω‑palindrome (2014)

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Transcript of From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω‑palindrome (2014)

Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas

and VirtuesStudies in Honour

of Professor Maria Dzielska

edited by

Kamilla Twardowska Maciej Salamon

Sławomir Sprawski Michał Stachura Stanisław Turlej

Krakow 2014

Joachim Śliwa Kraków

From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω ‑palindrome

In the contemporary research on the processes taking place at the turn of antiquity, between the first and the third centuries AD, there is a range of sources that go al‑

most unnoticed and deserve further consideration. One category of such sources is formed by the so ‑called magical papyri, which admittedly were the subject of several foundational works.1 Another group consists of the so ‑called magical gems (previous‑ly referred to as the Gnostic gems) which have attracted the attention of scholars for about two ‑three decades.2 This category of gems is a very important class of objects, which beside their classical elements evince also some clearly identifiable oriental in‑fluences (Egyptian, Coptic, Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac and Iranian). It is assumed that a considerable number of those gems derive from Alexandria and can be securely dated to the 1st–3rd centuries AD.

Apart from attempts to publish works that sum up some broader aspects, the re‑cent years have seen a systematic cataloguing of numerous collections, among them the

1 Cf. K. Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri, vol. 1–3 (Leipzig, 1928–1941, and 2nd edition: Stuttgart, 1973–1974) (further: PMG); H.D. Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells. vol. I. Texts (Chicago, 1986, and 2nd edition 1992, paperback edition 1996); W.B. Brashear, “The Greek Magical Papyri: an Introduction and Survey; Annotated Bibliography (1928–1994),” (in:) ANRW II, 18:5 (Berlin and New York, 1995), pp. 3379–3684.

2 The pioneering works of J. Matter have to be mentioned in the first place, Histoire critique du gnosticisme (Paris, 1828); later developed by C.W. King, The Gnostics and their Remains (London, 1887) and C. Bon‑ner, Studies in Magical Amulets chiefly Graeco ‑Egyptian (Ann Arbor and London, 1950); A. Delatte, P. Der‑chain, Les intailles magiques gréco ‑égyptiennes. Bibliothèque nationale. Cabinet des médailles et antiques (Paris, 1964); H. Philipp, Mira et Magica. Gemmen im Ägyptischen Museum der Staatlichen Museen Preussischer Kul‑turbesitz Berlin ‑Charlottenburg (Mainz am Rhein, 1986).

Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

226 Joachim Śliwa

most important in this field — the British Museum collection.3 An effort has also been made to study this subject in a systematic way together with the cataloguing of other collections within the programme “Sylloge Gemmarum Gnosticarum.”4

A particularly important challenge of research on such a vast body of source mate‑rial is to identify and understand the voces magicae, logoi and characteres that appear on the gems.5 Particularly the latter signs, chiefly intended for the illiterate, are hard to decipher. The next stage consists of establishing the connections between the text and iconographic elements, such as Anguipedes, Akephalos, Chnoubis, Ouroboros or Pantheos. The magical formulae clearly derive from various oriental cults, even though they were written almost exclusively with Greek characters. The formulae, apart from their general purpose of protection from evil, often served other more specific pur‑poses: some were intended to heal diseases, others were to help with love affairs, and so on. Also, they often referred to some concepts deriving from Gnostic circles.

More often than not, the decoration of gems on the obverse is directly linked with the text inscribed on the reverse, but we also know of other cases where a gem is accom‑panied with a text dating to two or even three centuries later.6 It happens that such later added inscriptions are in some way connected with the image on the front, but at times there may be no connection whatsoever.

Some texts that appear on such gems are blatantly meant to give an impression of a foreign or mysterious language. Some texts lack any discernible meaning and resemble gibberish or counting ‑out rhymes. Another important feature was to assign letters, in accordance with the existing systems, to their proper numerical values. Other methods were also used to encrypt the writing, so that it was intelligible only to those in the know. Among them are acrostics, anagrams,7 retrograde writing or palindromes. Visual arrangement of letters has to be mentioned as well: the letters were often placed in groups that formed wings, hearts, bunch of grapes etc.

3 The project was initiated by Morton Smith (1915–1991), and finished by Simone Michel. See her Die Magischen Gemmen im Britischen Museum. Band I Text, Band II Tafeln und Indices (London, 2001); eadem, Die Magischen Gemmen. Zu Bildern und Zauberformeln auf geschnittenen Steinen der Antike und Neuzeit (Ber‑lin, 2004).

4 The initiator and chief executor of this project is Attilio Mastrocinque. Cf. Sylloge Gemmarum Gnos‑ticarum. Parte I. Bolletino di Numismatica. Monografia 8.2.I (Rome, 2004) [general problems] and Parte II. Bolletino di Numismatica. Monografia 8.2.II (Rome, 2008) [gems from Italian collections]. See also the recent international project coordinated by the Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest “The Campbell Bonner Magical Gems Database.”

5 We need to underline that studies on texts of this sort, written on the magical papyri, lamellae, and gems, were hardly appreciated by scholars. A distinguished philologist, Ulrich von Wilamowitz ‑Moellendorf (1848–1931), maliciously referred to them as “Botokuden ‑Philologie”!

6 Cf. J. Śliwa, Egyptian Scarabs and Magical Gems from the Collection of Constantine Schmidt ‑Ciążyński (Warszawa and Kraków, 1989), Cat. No. 117; idem, “Gemma magiczna z formułą CΤΟΧΒΑΘΛΗ z kolekcji Konstantego Schmidta ‑Ciążyńskiego (1818–1889),” Classica Cracoviensia 14 (2011) (Studies of Greek and Ro‑man Literature and Culture. Essays in Honour of Józef Korpanty), pp. 345–352.

7 A good example is among others ΝΙΧΑΡΟΠΛΕΞ, deciphered by A.A. Barb as πλῆξον χάριν/“sporne Gunst an!”. See his review of Delatte, Derchain, Les intailles, (in:) Gnomon 41 (1969), p. 305. Cf. also Mas‑trocinque, Sylloge I, p. 106 („sprone il favore”) and Michel, Die Magischen Gemmen, p. 485.

From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω ‑palindrome 227

The palindrome is by far one of the most interesting, although greatly complicat‑ed.8 Its peculiarities have been discussed for a long time and its interpretation is still debatable, at times it seems as if there was no chance for a positive result and a broadly accepted agreement among scholars. Some of the known palindromes make no sense at all, and reading them aloud makes it even more complicated.

Only on the basis of its written form can we discern that the form of palindrome was used (a continuous circular record, sometimes connected to Ouroboros, was also a camouflage of sorts). We know of many examples of short palindromes and longer ones, as long as sixty characters. As mentioned before, the nature of palindromes (es‑pecially the longer ones) makes them perfect for writing in a circular or oval decorative field or on circular objects. Among a few dozen of known palindromes we will discuss below several notable examples in order to discuss the problems connected with the Ιαεω ‑palindrome.

Aberamentho ‑palindromic logos is one of the longer texts and comprises thirty‑ ‑nine letters. Its full form is as follows: αβεραμενθωουλερθεζαναζεθρελυoωθνεμαρεβα. The central letter of this palindrome, letter ni, stands for nineteen (ν). This palindrome oc‑curs both in Greek magical papyri9 and on gems.10 If we take Hebrew as the underlying language of this palindrome, the following translation is proposed: “Powerful Thoth of the Waters, god of rain. O sovereign: rain of God, Thoth, of the mighty waters.”11 We also need to note that the name Aberamentho in some Gnostic texts stood for Jesus Christ.12

Ablanathanalba ‑palindrome has thirteen characters (αβλαναθαναλβα), the central letter is theta and stands for seven. On gems it is often accompanied with a depiction of Anguipedes.13 It is assumed that this palindrome is a Hebrew acronym: atta barouch leolam Adonai + Nathan and Alba.14

The examples above are obviously only a few of known palindrome texts. In fact, there is a large number of such palindromes (and of various length), however, they have not been studied in greater detail until today. There are several reasons that might ex‑plain this situation, but it has to be emphasized that in general the palindromes oc‑cur rarely and the contexts in which they occur does not allow for drawing more spe‑

8 Cf. K. Preisendanz, (in:) RE XVIII (1949), s.v. Palindrom, col. 133–139; Bonner, op. cit, pp. 202–204; Brashear, op. cit, p. 3434.

9 M. Tardieu, “Aberamentho,” (in:) R. van den Broek, M.J. Vermaseren (eds.), Studies in Gnosticism and Hellenistic Religions Presented to Gilles Quispel on the Occasion of his 65 Birthday (Leiden, 1981), pp. 412–415 discusses thirteen examples.

10 A. Mastrocinque, From Jewish Magic to Gnosticism (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 24, Tübingen, 2005), § 54. The Snake ‑headed God. The author distinguishes two iconographic versions.

11 Tardieu, op. cit., p. 416; Brashear, op. cit, p. 3577; Michel, Die Magischen Gemmen, pp. 73–74.12 As stated by Tardieu, op. cit., pp. 417–418 is “la doxologie de Jésus dans la langage de la clientèle des

magiciens.”13 See Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. Nos. 208, 216–218, 232.14 Bonner, op. cit., p. 202; Brashear, op. cit., p. 3577 with literature; see also Mastrocinque, Sylloge I,

pp. 99–100; Michel, Die Magischen Gemmen, p. 481.

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cific conclusions. The palindromes of this sort, to give some example, are as follows: αεμειναεβαρωθερρεθωραβεανιεμεα, with thirty characters (or twenty eight in another version),15 αναχαβραχαχτωχαθαχωτχαχαρβαχανα (with thirty ‑one characters, it con‑tains the meaningful sequence of letters: χαβραχ, i.e. 9999),16 as well as two shorter palindromes: βηλτεπιαχχαιπετληβ17 and θωζαξαζωθ.18

Among all the known logoi magici one in particular should be given pride of place, and for many reasons at that. It is the so ‑called ιαεω ‑palindrome, here in its full form that consists of fifty ‑nine letters: ιαεωβαφρενεμουνοθιλαρικριφιαευεαιφιρκιραλιθονυομενερφαβωεαι (the central letter is “υ”). It is also attested fairly frequently in both magical papyri and gems.19 The first four letters never seemed problematic, for they stand for the word Ιαεω/Iahweh, a more precise Greek rendition of the Hebrew tetragrammaton (Ιαω was much more frequent).20 The remaining letters (βαφρενεμουν οθιλαρι κριφι) cor‑respond to the Egyptian phrase f3j.f‑rn‑jmn c ­ḏ mr‑ Rᶜ (m‑)‑k3r.f. ḏ.21 Hence, the overall meaning is as follows: “Iahweh is the bearer of the secret name, the lion of Re [lies] secure in his shrine.”

Such a long chain of letters is sometimes broken into several horizontal lines (the letters are often randomly divided, which makes distinguishing the palindrome even more difficult).22 On other gems, it is formed into a circle, written on the edge, in the same way as the coiled up snake Ouroboros.23

The most common figures that appear in the context of this palindrome are the so‑lar deities. We often find depictions of Isis with Harpocrates, Sarapis, Chnoubis or Pan‑theos.24 Some researchers believe that these objects might have served as love charms.25

15 Brashear, op. cit., p. 3578 (considered chtonic by Preisendanz, PGM, XIV, 24, and uterine by Bon‑ner, op. cit., pp. 86 and 203).

16 Cf. Bonner, op. cit., pp. 141–142, 181, 192 and Cat. No. 62 (p. 263).17 Cf. Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. No. 23 and further materials mentioned there.18 Bonner, op. cit., p. 130 and n. 33; Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. No. 139 and further clues and interpretations

mentioned there.19 Preisendanz, PGM, I, 190, 195; Bonner, op. cit., pp. 141, 204; Brashear, op. cit., pp. 3587 and 3594,

3596; Mastrocinque, Sylloge I, p. 107; Michel, Die Magischen Gemmen, p. 484; Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. Nos. 15, 91, 130, 145, 159, 277, 304.

20 As established by R. Ganschinietz, (in:) RE IX (1914), s.v. Iao, col. 700–701, which is commonly ac‑cepted; cf. Brashear, op. cit., p. 3587.

21 We owe this to the acute sense of observation of K. Fr. W. Schmidt, published in his review of K. Preisen‑danz, PGM, in the Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 193 (1931), pp. 443–444 and 196 (1934), pp. 177–178.

22 Cf. Delatte, Derchain, op. cit., Cat. Nos. 100 (here the text is additionally mirror ‑like engraved), 330, 509, 513; Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. Nos. 15, 91, 159.

23 Cf. Delatte, Derchain, op. cit., Cat. Nos. 122 and 432; Michel, Br. Mus. I, Cat. Nos. 130, 145, 277, 304 (in some cases the Ouroboros is also present here).

24 C. Bonner, op. cit., pp. 141 and 204 (“[the ιαεω ‑palindrome] is treated as a formula appropriate to address the sun, and in fact it is associated with solar figures on gem amulets”). See also Michel, Die Magischen Gem‑men, p. 484.

25 Opinions of this kind are based mostly on the gem with a representation of Ares and bound Aphrodite (Delatte, Derchain, op. cit., Cat. No. 330), but this view is not generally accepted (cf. Bonner, op. cit., p. 204).

From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω ‑palindrome 229

1. Іαεω — palindrome written around some other voces magicae

a — written on a Greek papyrus from the Brit‑ish Museum collection (Preisendanz, PGM,

pl. III: 6)b — engraved on the surface of a prehistoric stone hatchet (“thunder ‑stone”) from a divin‑atory kit found in Pergamon (Wünsch, op. cit.,

pl. 4:17)

230 Joachim Śliwa

One of the most interesting archaeological finds that have to do with the ιαεω‑ ‑palindrome is the complete tool kit for divinatory practices which was excavated in the city of Pergamon.26 Apart from an intriguing triangular device (it consists of a small plaque with a threefold Hekate and a disc mounted on the top vertex of the triangle) the tool kit also included three polished black stones, inscribed with magical texts and surrounded by the ιαεω ‑palindrome.27 The three stone elements were meticulous cut out from a prehistoric hatchet.28 Several elements of a similar divinatory kit were dis‑covered in the Syrian city of Apamea.29

Drawing on the basis of the Pergamon find, Attilio Mastrocinque tried to establish the religious and cultural context for the devices of this sort.30 In his opinion, the tri‑angular plaque with a threefold Hekate was the most important element of the whole kit.31 An equally important object was the bronze disc measuring 12 cm in diameter, which was divided into four concentric zones, each of them further divided into eight smaller parts;32 the surface of the disc is covered with magical signs and characteres.33 According to Mastrocinque, “the ‘tables’ from Pergamon and Apamea were conceived by their users as diagrammatic representations of the Neoplatonic universe, and as such were intended to confer special authority upon the process of consultation. If they were used with a ring suspended from a point above the ‘table’, the rings movement as it spelled out oracular replies could be seen to be directed by the Moirai. But I think the ‘tables’ may also have been used for a different, and more specifically theurgic end —

26 Discovered during the German excavations in Pergamon in the second half of the 19th century (cf. A. Conze, (in:) A. Conze, C. Schuchhardt, “Die Arbeiten zu Pergamon 1886–1898,” Athenische Mitteilungen 24 (1899), pp. 199–200). The entire unique set was given to the museum in Berlin. See an excellent publication of R. Wünsch, Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon ( JdI. Sechstes Ergänzungsheft) (Berlin, 1905). The current eval‑uation and interpretation of the find, together with relevant literature, can be found in: A. Mastrocinque, “The divinatory kit from Pergamon and Greek magic in late antiquity,” JRA 15 (2002), pp. 173–187; see also R. Gordon, “Another view of the Pergamon divination kit,” JRA 15 (2002), pp. 188–198.

27 The set also consisted of a large bronze nail, two rectangular bronze plaques and two bronze rings (all objects were inscribed with magical signs). Cf. Wünsch, op. cit. and Mastrocinque, “The divinatory kit,” pp. 175–176 and K. Dziwiza, “Das ‘Zaubergerät’ aus Pergamon,” (in:) Pergamon. Panorama der antiken Metro‑pole (Berlin, 2011), pp. 239–241 and 542–543.

28 One of them had a drilled hole for hanging. Objects of this sort, most often from the Neolithic period, were greatly valued in the later centuries as the so ‑called thunder ‑stones (ceraunia). Cf. a set of such hatchets deposited during the Roman period: A.B. Cook, Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion, vol. II: 1 (Cambridge, 1925), pp. 507–513 and J.H. Illife, “A Neolithic celt with Gnostic inscriptions at Toronto,” AJA 35 (1931), pp. 304–309 (coming from Ephesus).

29 The discovery made in 1977 during the Belgian excavations in the so ‑called Maison du Cerf (the house de‑stroyed in fire in the 6th century AD). See J. Donnay, “Instrument divinatoire d’époque romaine,” (in:) J. Balty (ed.), Apamée de Syrie. Bilan des recherches archéologiques 1973–1979. Actes du colloque 1980 (Bruxelles, 1984), pp. 203–207.

30 Mastrocinque, “The divinatory kit,” pp. 173–187.31 Mastrocinque, ibidem, pp. 175–176 (no. 5).32 A similar disc, also divided into eight parts, was described by Athanasius Kircher as “Rota divinatoria Ae‑

gyptiorum” (Oedipi Aegyptiaci tomi secundi pars altera, Romae, 1653, p. 472). It drew the attention of R. Gan‑schinietz, “Zum Pergamenischen Zaubergerät,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 17 (1914), pp. 246–247 and complemented the publication of Wünsch (see n. 26).

33 Mastrocinque, “The divinatory kit,” p. 176 (no. 6).

From the world of gnostic spells. The ιαεω ‑palindrome 231

the evocation of Hekate.”34 In the current state of this debate it is hard to counter this versatile and well ‑documented hypothesis with a different explanation. In the category of similar theurgic instruments, the three stone amulets must have played a significant role, together with the inscribed magical texts surrounded by the palindrome that con‑sisted of the name Ιαεω/Iahweh and a text deriving from the Egyptian myth and lan‑guage. It appears that also the places where the objects were found provide some useful context for interpretation of such finds, for both Pergamon and Apamea at the time belonged to the most important centres of culture, with the merging (and thriving) traditions of the Hellenistic and Oriental civilizations.

34 Mastrocinque, ibidem, p. 183.

List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

AA — Archäologischer AnzeigerAB — Analecta BollandianaACO — Acta Conciliorum OecumenicorumAÉp, AE — Année ÉpigraphiqueAHB — Ancient History Bulletin = Revue d’histoire ancienne AHC — Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum AHR — American Historical ReviewAION — Annali di archeologia e storia anticaAJA — American Journal of ArchaeologyAJAH — American Jurnal of Ancient History AMNG — Die antiken Münzen Nord‑Griechenlands AncSoc — Ancient SocietyANRW — Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen WeltAntAfr. — Antiquités africaines ARG — Archiv für Religionsgeschichte BAGB — Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume BudéBCH — Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Athènes BE — Bulletin ÉpigraphiqueBICS — Bulletin of the Institute of Classical StudiesBJ — Bonner JahrbücherBMC — British Museum of CoinsBMCRR — Coins of the Roman Republic in the British MuseumBMGS — Byzantine and Modern Greek StudiesBSAA — Bulletin de la Société Royale d’Archéologie d’AlexandrieByzSlav — ByzantinoslavicaByzZ — Byzantinische Zeitschrift CAH — Cambridge Ancient History

Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

452 List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

CCG — Cahiers du Centre Gustave‑GlotzCFHB — Corpus Fontium Historiae ByzantinaeChHist — Church History: Studies in Christianity and CultureCIL — Corpus Inscriptionum LatinarumCJ — Classical JournalC.J. — Codex IustinianusC&M — Classica et MediaevaliaColbyQ — Colby QuarterlyCQ — Classical QuarterlyCSCO — Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum OrientaliumCSEL — Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum LatinorumCSSH — Comparative Studies in Society and HistoryC.Th. — Codex TheodosianusDK — Diels H., Gesamtedition der antiken griechischen Aristoteles‑Kommentare DKP, KlP, KP — Der kleine PaulyDOP — Dumbarton Oaks PapersEHR — The English Historical ReviewEK — Encyklopedia katolickaEras — Eras JournalFIRA — Fontes Iuris Romani ante‑IustinianiFGH, FGrHist — Die Fragmente der griechischen HistorikerGCS — Griechische Christliche SchriftstellerGIBI (ГИБИ) — Gràcki izvori za bàlgarskata istorija (Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgarice) G&R — Greece and RomeGRBS — Greek, Roman and Byzantine StudiesHBE — Histoire du Bas Empire (E. Stein)HJ — Historisches JahrbuchHZ — Historische ZeitschriftIA — Inscriptiones AquileiaeICS — Illinois Classical StudiesIG — Inscriptiones GraecaeIID (ИИД) — Izvestija na Istoričeskoto Družestvo v SofijaIK — Inschriften griechischer Städte aus KleinasienILLRP — Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei PublicaeILS — Inscriptiones Latinae selectaeJAOS — Journal of the American Oriental SocietyJbAC, JbACh — Jahrbuch für Antike und ChristentumJECS — Journal of Early Christian StudiesJESHO — Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientJHS — Journal of Hellenic StudiesJNES — Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJÖB, JbÖByz — Jahrbuch der Österreichischen ByzantinistikJR — Journal of Religion

453

JRA — Journal of Roman ArchaeologyJRS — Journal of Roman StudiesJThS — Journal of Theological StudiesKP, Kl.P — Der Kleine PaulyLC — Letras ClássicasLIBI (ЛИБИ) — Latinski izvori za bàlgarskata istorija (Fontes Latini Historiae

Bulgaricae)LIMC — Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae ClassicaeMEFRA — Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. AntiquitéMEG — Medioevo greco: Rivista di storia e filologia bizantinaMGH, AA — Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores AntiquissimiMH — Museum HelveticumMUSJ — Mélanges de l’Université Saint‑JosephNC — Numismatic ChronicleNP — Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der AntikeNPNF — Nicene and Post‑Nicene FathersOC — Oriens ChristianusOCA — Orientalia Christiana AnalectaOCP — Orientalia Christiana PeriodicaODB — The Oxford Dictionary of ByzantiumOGIS — Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae PBSR — Papers of the British School of RomePCPhS — Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological SocietyPECS — The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical SitesPG — Patrologia Graeca PHist — Przegląd Historyczny PIR — Prosopographia Imperii Romani PL — Patrologia LatinaPLRE — The Prosopography of the Later Roman EmpirePO — Patrologia Orientalis PP — La parola del passatoP&P — Past and Present PSRL — (= Полное собрание русских летописей): Polnoe sobranije russkich letopisejPVL — (=Повесть временных лет): Povest’ vremennych letQS — Quaderni di storiaRAC — Rivista di archeologia cristianaRBi — Revue bibliqueRbK — Reallexikon der byzantinischen KunstRCCM — Rivista di cultura classica e medioevaleRD — Revue historique de droit français et étrangerRDAC — Report of the Department of Antiquities of CyprusRE — Realencyclopädie der classischen AltertumswissenschaftREA — Revue des études anciennes

454 List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

REAug — Revue des études augustiniennes et patristiquesREByz — Revue des études byzantinesREG — Revue des études grecquesREJ — Revue des études juivesREL — Revue des études latinesRESE — Revue des études sud‑est européennesRGDA — Res Gestae Divi AugustiRHL — Revue d’histoire et de littérature religieusesRhM — Rheinisches Museum für PhilologieRIC — Roman Imperial CoinageRÖ — Römisches Österreich: Jahresschrift der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für

ArchäologieRPC — Roman Provincial CoinageRRC — Roman Republican CoinageRSI — Rivista storica italianaSAAC — Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization SDHI — Studia et Documenta Historiae et IurisSEG — Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum SHA, HA — Scriptores Historiae AugustaeSIG — Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum SNG — Sylloge Nummorum GraecorumSRG — Sofiści i retorzy greccy (wyd. P. Janiszewski et alii) TAPhA, TAPA — Transactions of the American Philological AssociationThesCRA — Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum AntiquorumThZ — Theologische ZeitschriftTIB — Tabula Imperii ByzantiniTM — Travaux et mémoires T&MByz — Travaux et mémoires du Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation

byzantinesVChr — Vigiliae ChristianaeVoxP — Vox PatrumWS — Wiener Studien YClS — Yale Classical StudiesZAC — Zeitschrift für antikes ChristentumZKG — Zeitschrift für KirchengeschichteZNTW— Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren

KircheZPE — Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und EpigraphikZRG RA — Zeitschrift der Savigny‑Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte — RA =

Romanistische Abteilung; KA = Kanonistische Abteilung

CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5Tabula Gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7Bibliography of Maria Dzielska . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9Jerzy Danielewicz, Mythological Figures and Dead Leaders as Teachers of Public Morals

and Traditional Values in Greek Old Comedy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17 Krystyna Bartol, Aletheia and Doxa in Pseudo‑Hippocrates’ Epistolary Novel on

Democritus’ Laughter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25Krzysztof Narecki, Key Concepts in the Thought of Leucippus of Miletus, the Forgotten

Founder of Atomism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31Dariusz Słapek, Culture versus Nature. The Character of Roman Discourse on Scents

from Plautus to Pliny the Elder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39Stanisław Stabryła, Problématique de la critique littéraire dans les Satires d’Horace . . . . . .51Andrzej Iwo Szoka, The Indian Gymnosophists as the Ideal Cynic Philosophers? A Cynic

Diatribe in the Geneva Papyrus inv. 271 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .59Joanna Komorowska, Model Text, Model Reading? The Paradigmatic Character

of Proclus’ In Alcibiadem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .69Andrzej Wypustek, The Sleep of Eros in a Funerary Epigram from Tomis (Peek,

Griechische Vers‑Inschriften no. 1942) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .77Sławomir Sprawski, A Land Apart: The Description of Thessaly in the Homeric Catalogue

of Ships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85Adam Łukaszewicz, Improvised Remarks on Alexander the Great and his Heritage . . . . . .97Tomasz Grabowski, The Cult of Arsinoe II in the Foreign Policy of the Ptolemies . . . . . . . 117Marek J. Olbrycht, Parthians, Greek Culture and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129Piotr Berdowski, Pietas Erga Patriam: Ideology and Politics in Rome in the Early First

Century BC. The Evidence From Coins and Glandes Inscriptae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143Wojciech Boruch, Domitia Longina — The Portrait of a Woman in Ancient Sources . . 161Agata A. Kluczek, La patientia d’Hadrien et pietas d’Antonin ou les virtutes dans la

pratique de l’éloge impérial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

456 Contents

Katarzyna Balbuza, Virtutes and Abstract Ideas Propagated by Marcia Otacilia Severa.Numismatic Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

Maciej Piegdoń, Viam fecei…ponteis…poseivei…forum aedisque poplicas heic fecei. Political activity of M. Aemilius Lepidus in Northern Italy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197

Leszek Mrozewicz, Flavian Municipal Foundations in Dalmatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209Danuta Okoń, P. Cornelius Anullinus — amicus certus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219Joachim Śliwa, From the World of Gnostic Spells. The ιαεω‑palindrome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225Szymon Olszaniec, The Two Prefects of 384 — Symmachus and Praetextatus . . . . . . . . . 233Edward Watts, Hypatia’s Sisters: Female Philosophers in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries . . .243Henryk Kowalski, The Impiety (Impietas) of the Christians? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251Dariusz Spychała, Constantin Ier et ses successeurs à l’égard des religions traditionnelles

et du christianisme. Questions choisies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263Kazimierz Ilski, Gods of Constantine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275Norbert Widok, Connotazione del lemma „physis” in riferimento al mondo creato negli

scritti di Gregorio Nazianzeno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287Sławomir Bralewski, La philosophie pratiquée par les actes — une image du philosophe

dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique de Socrate de Constantinople . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297Kamilla Twardowska, Religious Foundations of Empress Athenais Eudocia

in Palestine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307Michał Stachura, Church Unity, Schism, and Heresy in Late Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319Rafał Kosiński, Why Peter the Iberian Could Not Have Been the Author of the Corpus

Dionysiacum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329Stanisław Turlej, Justinian’s Novela XI — A Historical Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341Dimitar Y. Dimitrov, Thracians and Bessi in Late Antiquity: Questions of Survival,

Identity, and Religious Affiliations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361Jan Prostko‑Prostyński, Haruspices under the Walls of Toulouse in 439: Huns,

Romans or Etruscans? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377Małgorzata B. Leszka, Mirosław J. Leszka, Longinus of Cardala. Leader of Isaurian

Revolt (492–497) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391Marek Wilczyński, Die „Heiden“ am Rande der Welt — die Kirche und die Überreste

des heidnischen Kultus im suewischen Galizien und Lusitanien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399Teresa Wolińska, A Barbarian as Incarnation of Roman Virtues? Theodoric the Great

in Byzantine and Italian Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411Przemysław Marciniak, The Byzantine Performative Turn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423Maciej Salamon, Apollonius of Tyana and the Account of the Death of Oleg, the Ruler

of Rus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431Przemysław Wojciechowski, Theodor Mommsen: The Ides of March, Caesar

and Caesarism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445List of Bibliographical Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451