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A dress rehearsal for a presidentialcampaign: FDR's embodied “run” forthe 1928 governorshipAmos Kiewe aa Associate Professor of Speech Communication , SyracuseUniversityPublished online: 01 Apr 2009.

To cite this article: Amos Kiewe (1999) A dress rehearsal for a presidential campaign: FDR'sembodied “run” for the 1928 governorship, Southern Communication Journal, 64:2, 155-167, DOI:10.1080/10417949909373129

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A Dress Rehearsal for aPresidential Campaign: FDR'sEmbodied "Run" for the 1928Governorship

Amos Kiewe

Reporter. "The trip has been a pretty hard one so far. I wonder how you feel,how you have stood it?"

Mr. Roosevelt "How do I look?"

Reporter. "You look better than when you started"

FDR. "I think so. I am standing it extremely well"

Interview at Hotel Lafayette, New York City, October 21,1928,FDR: Family, Business and Personal Papers, FDRPL.

I n a recent study, Davis W. Houck (1997) argues that Franklin D. Roosevelt went togreat lengths to camouflage the "true" extent of his disability. In this essay Iextend Houck's argument by examining Roosevelt's 1928 gubernatorial cam-

paign. I argue that Roosevelt used both visual and verbal resources to dispel rumorsand media reports that suggested that he was "unfit" for public office. Looking atRoosevelt's entire 1928 gubernatorial campaign, I begin by discussing the nature ofRoosevelt's physical affliction. I then move to discussing the challenges he faced andthe rhetorical strategies he utilized in overcoming the perceived physical limitations. Iconclude by noting that Roosevelt's 1928 campaign can be productively read as a prol-ogemenon, a "dress rehearsal," for the 1932 presidential campaign wherein the "whis-pering campaign" would reappear, but on a national level.

Franklin D. Roosevelt always wanted to be president. His name, his relationshipwith his distant cousin Theodore Roosevelt, his progressive climb on the political lad-der from a maverick New York State Senator, to Assistant Secretary of the Navy underWoodrow Wilson, to his nomination as Vice-President on the 1920 Democratic ticket—all were steps in the presidential direction. But fate changed all that. During the sum-mer of 1921, Roosevelt contracted polio. The disease was a devastating shock to theenergetic Roosevelt (Rollins, 1962, pp. 180-181; Gunther, 1950, p. 223). The initialthree years of coping with the sudden disability were the most difficult for Rooseveltand his family. He had to learn basic skills all over again and he faced the mentalanguish of a life-long disability.

Those afflicted with polio in the first third of this century were often doomed toneglect for the rest of their lives, suffering not only from the literal effects of the diseasebut also from the social stigma that was associated with those infected. Polio was takento be the disease of the unclean and unhygienic, thus the poor and the low class, anddespite Roosevelt's upperclass background, he could not, "at least initially escape thedisease" (Rogers, 1992, p. 29; Houck, 1997, p. 22). In Illness As Metaphor, Susan Sontag

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contemplates "the romantic idea that the disease expresses the character [which] isinvariably extended to assert that the character causes the disease" (Sontag, 1991, p.47). Fear, then is often the pervasive thought associated with the diseased and theirpotential for spreading the disease to others. With polio, the physical affliction was alsoassociated, quite erroneously, with mental deficiencies. Given this stereotype, thethought of an invalid politician, then and even now, is often difficult to contemplate.

Houck notes that Roosevelt could not be candid about his infantile paralysis. If hewere, he would not have become president, not only because of the perception of polioand disability but also because of the masculinity that is associated with the American"body politic" (1997, pp. 20-36). Politicians are "expected" to possess healthy, mascu-line bodies. The symbolism of a healthy body at the helm of a political system speaks tothe traditional and symbolic order of things. Any deviation from the notion of a healthybody at the helm would cast a suspicious spell over the aspiring individual. Order, Son-tag argues, "is the oldest concern of political philosophy, and if it is plausible to com-pare the polis to an organism, then it is plausible to compare civil disorder to an illness"(Sontag, p. 77). Put differently, illness can be seen as a sign of an unhealthy polity.

The metaphorical and literal healthy body is dius crucial to the political arena pre-cisely because those individuals who enter politics do so often by proclaiming that thesystem needs healing, or that sickness and disease have pervaded the body politic.Roosevelt had no chance of circumventing such an idee fix. But polio, unlike other ill-nesses such as cancer, did not affect the body in a horrifying way. Polio withers the body,but, notes Sontag, it does not rot the flesh nor is it repulsive. Finally, polio affects thebody but not the face (p. 125). This distinction is crucial to understanding Roosevelt'shope for his improved physicality and for his ability to resume political activities.Despite the prejudices sorrounding polio and its victims, there was room for manuever-ing. In time, Roosevelt would realize which physical improvements were possible; mostimportantly, displaying his body would be essential for the performative and rhetoricalaspects of sustaining the image of a healthy and fit politician.

From the outset of his affliction, a personal campaign for recovery was underway. Ini-tiated by wife Eleanor and loyal aid Louis Howe, reports of the severity of the illness wereminimized and optimism was the official line (Freidel, 1954, p. 102). Doctors' reportswere optimistic and recovery, it was said, was almost assured (Gunther, 1950, pp. 225-227). Roosevelt's public position was that he was steadily improving (Freidel, 1954, p.106). Consistent with publicly displaying his body, Howe laid down "an iron rule that he[Roosevelt] must never be carried in public" (Gunther, 1950, p. 231). In Warm Springs,Georgia, Roosevelt would perfect the "walking," or more accurately, the appearance ofbeing able to walk. He built a strong upper body and learned to walk on crutches.

Roosevelt's first political comeback took place during the 1924 DemocraticNational Convention. The crowd cheered, and Roosevelt, though slow and awkward towalk, did walk on crutches but only from behind the curtains to the podium to deliverthe speech that nominated Al Smith as the Democratic presidential candidate. His veryphysical presence and the strong delivery brought Roosevelt many accolades (Davis,1974, pp. 30-31; Freidel, 1954, p. 176).

The convention was a major success for Roosevelt and an early indication that per-haps with further exercise and better walking ability, he could resume his political aspi-rations. Roosevelt gained much respect for managing skillfully the deadlock betweenthe two Democratic contenders, Al Smith and William G. McAdoo, and was hailed bymany as the only bright light during a discordant convention. Some even suggestedturning to the "Dutchess Man as Deadlock continues" {The Evening Star, July 1, 1924,quoted in FDR: Campaign of 1924 Scrapbook, FDRPL). The talk about Roosevelt beingback in politics was a natural outcome of his convention success, but it was often accom-panied by a caveat regarding his health and limited physical ability. Roosevelt still hadmuch to overcome.

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Al Smith sought the presidency again in 1928, and Roosevelt again was asked to givethe nominating speech. Roosevelt again helped with the campaign, this time as theHouston convention floor manager—no small task nor an insignificant title for a dis-abled person. Four years after his last convention appearance, Roosevelt could nowimpress everyone with an improved walking ability. Four more years of physical exer-cises had taught Roosevelt to walk by relying on the locked knee braces, the arm of hisson James (or an aide), and a cane in the other hand. Now, Roosevelt "was determinedto show himself... as a man merely lame, not crippled" (Davis, 1974, p. 80).

The much-improved Roosevelt was a delight to the entire convention. Will Durantof the New York World-Telegram described Roosevelt on the stage,

beyond comparison the finer man that has appeared at either convention, . . .A figure tall and proud even in suffering; a face of classic profile; pale withyears of struggle against paralysis; a frame nervous and yet self-controlled withthat tense, taut unity of spirit which lifts the complex soul above those whosecalmness is only a stolidity; most obviously a gentleman and a scholar. A mansoftened and cleansed and illuminated with pain, . . . Hear the nominatingspeech; it is not a battery of rockets, bombs and tear-drawing gas—it is notshouted, it is quietly read; there is hardly a gesture, hardly a raising of thevoice. This civilized man; he could look Balfour and Poincare in the face. Forthe moment we are lifted up (quoted in Gunther, 1950, p. 250).

But 1928 would prove an even better year than expected. With Smith's presidentialcandidacy, somebody he trusted had to succeed him as Governor of New York. Seekingto strengthen his party's standing and to avoid the 1924 debacle, Smith needed a loyalperson who could deliver New York's 45 electoral votes. Roosevelt had the name, theclout, the respect, and he was not a Catholic, thus he could balance the vote. Roosevelt,Smith wished, would become a titular New York Governor, given his disability, while anable lieutenant Governor (a Smith man) would serve as the acting Governor.

Roosevelt initially refused to run in 1928. Roosevelt and Howe figured that 1928would be a Republican year but expediently both cited the health issue as a major limi-tation (Freidel, 1954, p. 251). The health issue was used on several occasions whenRoosevelt was approached to run for the Senate in 1922, and again in 1926 (FDR: Fam-ily, Business and Personal File, FDRPL; Freidel, 1954, p. 199). Roosevelt was so opposedto running for the governorship that after a phone call from Smith on September 29,1928, he wired Smith to reiterate his refusal: "my doctors are very definite in statingthat the continued improvement in my walking is dependent on my avoidance of coldclimate and on taking exercise here at Warm Springs during the cold winter months"(The Elmira Advertiser, October 2,1928, p. 1; Freidel, 1954, p. 252). The real reason forrefusing to run for the governnorship was political. Howe and Roosevelt calculated thatsince Hoover was popular he would likely be reelected in 1932, thus eliminatingRoosevelt's chances of progressing from the governorship to the presidency. Accord-ingly, Roosevelt would run for the governorship in 1932, and the presidency in 1936.

But the pressure on Roosevelt was mounting and Smith's attempts to contact himwere unrelenting. Despite Howe's objection, Roosevelt finally acquiesced not to turndown a convention nomination (Freidel, 1954, pp. 254-255). But Roosevelt, who keptusing his health as the reason for rejecting the call to run for the governorship, createda rhetorical trap for himself. He now had to extricate himself from this quandary.

No doubt Roosevelt was. ambivalent about running for office. He truly thought thathe needed more time to improve his walking ability. He had progressed far since 1921,and did not wish to jeopardize his prospects. But political calculations were significant.Roosevelt was in debt to Al Smith who, quite inadvertently, helped his career. The con-vention nomination speeches of 1924 and 1928 provided major boosts to Roosevelt's

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national standing. It is striking, then, to see that once the decision to run for the gover-norship was made, Roosevelt was confident and enthusiastic about his prospects.

Roosevelt knew he had much to overcome. Public perceptions of his fitness werecrucial. His sudden change of heart brought many to wonder about Smith's expediencyand Roosevelt's health status. The Elmira Advertiser (N. Y.) wrote on October 3, 1928,that Roosevelt agreed to run for governor to help the cause of the "Beloved Governor"(p.l). It also reported that "Roosevelt's name was the most discussed, although it wasgenerally felt by the delegates that his physical infirmity due to an attack of infantileparalysis a few years ago would prevent his entrance into the campaign" (p. 1).

Time wrote after Roosevelt's nomination that "In another two years, his doctors said,he might go without braces and canes—if he stayed at Warm Springs. If he did not stay,he would risk being crippled for life" (October 15, 1928, p. 12). Two days later, the NewYork Times lamented:

A noble character, a devoted public servant, a man of the finest instincts, highlycultivated—what a shame that in his poor condition of health he has beencalled upon to make such a sacrifice! If the Democratic Party had only waitedtwo years and nominated him for Governor in 1930, then all of us indepen-dents and Republicans would have been delighted to vote for him, but his year,as you see, the thing is sorrowfully impossible for us (October 17, 1928, p. 28).

The New York Post wrote on October 2,1928 that "There is something both patheticand pitiless in the 'drafting' of Franklin D. Roosevelt by Alfred E. Smith" (quoted inFreidel, 1954, p. 257). The New York Herald Tribune of October 3,1928 sharply attackedSmith for asking Roosevelt to run for office: "Stung by the Presidential bee, driven bythe necessity of getting New York's electoral vote, the Governor made this most loyal offriends agree to serve his ambition at a price that is beyond all reason" (quoted in Fre-idel, 1954, p. 256).

Roosevelt agreed to run for office seven years after being afflicted with polio. Butthe campaign ahead was largely defined by Roosevelt's refusal to run due to the healthissue and by the perception that his health was being sacrificed to satisfy Smith's ambi-tion. The health issue became the focal point of the campaign.

AN ENERGETIC CAMPAIGNER

Roosevelt had four weeks to run for a new office against both a questioning public andRepublican assertions that he was unfit and "dangerously ill" (Freidel, 1954, p. 257). Hisown statements regarding his unwillingness to run due to his health did not help either.Roosevelt mounted an energetic campaign that with hindsight would be a useful dressrehearsal for a future presidential campaign. He had to prove that he was physically fit andhe did so through a rhetorical strategy that emphasized both the verbal and the visual.

The "splendid deception" that would be crucial in the campaign of 1932 had sev-eral of its roots in the campaign of 1928 (Gallagher, 1994, p. 68-105). To counter anyhealth-related concerns, Smith told a press conference that "Roosevelt was mentally ascompetent as ever in his life," and that "a Governor does not have to be an acrobat. Wedo not elect him for his ability to do a double back-flip or a handspring" (Freidel, 1954,p. 258). But Smith underestimated Roosevelt's physical vigor. Roosevelt would be hisown best advocate and that meant going beyond the public appeals of colleagues. Hisstrategy of countering the health concern "was to display himself frequently and vigor-ously to the electorate of New York" (Freidel, 1954, pp. 258-259). And this he did withunusual energy.

Interviewed by reporters on October 9, 1928, and outlining his campaign strategy,Roosevelt was questioned on the health issue. When a reporter suggested that "It [the

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active campaign] is a rather ambitious program, I would say for a man—," Rooseveltcompleted the hesitant question, "who can't get around." Roosevelt suggested that hewould counter questions regarding his health once "people take a look at me." This wasthe key to Roosevelt proving his fitness—to be seen as an active campaigner who had nodifficulties getting around. The need to keep his exercise routine was also touchedupon, with the implication that too many trips to Warm Springs would disrupt hisduties as Governor. Roosevelt replied that it was not necessary to go to Warm Springsfor exercise but that "probably, instead of going, as the Governor has in the past, toAtlantic City, after the 30 days bills are over, I may run down to Georgia for two or threeweeks" (FDR: Family, Business and Personal Papers, October 9, 1928, FDRPL).Roosevelt was no longer just walking, he was now able to run as well.

Asked about his state of optimism, Roosevelt replied jokingly that "most people whoare nominated for the Governorship have to run, but obviously I am not in condition torun, and therefore I am counting on my friends all over the state to make it possible forme to walk in" (The New York Herald Tribune, October 9,1928, quoted in Freidel, 1954,p. 260). And walk he did, all over the state, driving in the back seat of a car, standing (inthe car and holding a metal bar) at every election stop to deliver a short speech.

Between his acceptance speech on October 16, and the election on November 6,1928, Roosevelt's travel itinerary was impressive: Binghamton, Deposit, Portjarvis, Han-cock, Owego, Elmira, Corning, Hornell, Wellsville, Olean, Salamanca, Elmira, Dunkirk,Buffalo, Batavia, Rochester, Canandaigua, Seneca Falls, Syracuse, Oswego, Watertown,Boonville, Rome, Utica, Hermkimer, Schenectady, Troy, Albany, Flushing (Queens),New York City, Bronx, Yonkers, New York City again, the Brooklyn Academy of Music,Madison Square Garden, and finally, back home to Hyde Park. This three-week motor-ing campaign throughout the State included spending nights at local hotels wherereceptions, short addresses, and meetings with local party officials and friends werescheduled.

THE PHYSICAL BODY IN ROOSEVELT'S CAMPAIGN RHETORIC

Roosevelt's principal rhetorical strategy of countering his disability and any linger-ing suspicion that he was physically unfit to be governor was based on engaging in a vig-orous campaign, appearing in as many places as possible, literally showing his body,making his very presence proof of his ability and energy, and countering any attack onhis health with mild sarcasm. In reading the campaign speeches, it is rather clear thatRoosevelt did not engage in direct refutation regarding his health and did not argueabout his health. Neither did he deny his physical limitations and the fact that he suf-fered from polio. The key to Roosevelt's talk about his health was to enact his ownclaims that he recovered from the onslaught of infantile paralysis with his body's pres-ence as the very "proof of his recovery. Roosevelt engaged in several rhetorical strate-gies, often combining them in a given address.

The following is a discussion of the primary rhetorical strategies Roosevelt used inaddressing his health issue during his 1928 gubernatorial campaign.

The Traveling Body

Roosevelt stated, directly and indirectly, that he could walk and that he had recov-ered from infantile paralysis. To aid in this strategy, Roosevelt talked frequendy about hisextensive travel. He also resorted to metaphors that indicated physical presence, physi-cal activity and physical energy. In short, Roosevelt could walk—at least rhetorically.

In his nomination acceptance speech on October 16,1928, Roosevelt stated that hewas "a disciple in a great cause. I have been enlisted as a private in the ranks for manyyears and I cannot fail to heed a call to more active service in a time when so much is at

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stake" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 13). Roosevelt's refusal to run for Governor due to his poorhealth had now to be transcended with the duty metaphor. A careful reading of thisacceptance speech also reveals an interesting reference to politics. Roosevelt called "forceaseless improvement to keep up to date those personal relationships of the individualto other individuals and to the whole body politic which we call Government" (Rosen-man, 1938, p. 13). Politics would metaphorically be the clothing of the body. StatedRoosevelt: "In the final analysis, the progress of our civilization will be retarded if anylarge body of citizens falls behind" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 15). The political system andits people assumed bodily features and the body would progress or retard, fall or rise,relative to its motivation.

Roosevelt would use both subtle and not so-subtle references to the active and vigor-ous body that he personally lacked. In Utica, N.Y., on October 25, 1928, Roosevelt didmuch rhetorical activity with his legs: "as I have been going around this State," and"That is where I stand," or "I want to go down to Albany, and I am going down toAlbany, to carry out the greatest constructive program for good government in moderntimes" (FDR: Public Papers File: Speech File, October 19,1928-April 3, 1929, FDRPL).

In Binghamton, N.Y., on October 17, 1928, Roosevelt implied his ability to walk:"Everywhere that I go, whether it be in the South or in the Middle West or NewEngland . . . , " and "I spent many weeks during that campaign [1919-20] going up anddown the United States, clear out to the Coast, down South, up in New England"(Rosenman, 1938, p. 17). The pre-polio and post-polio periods were cojoined to por-tray an able candidate who traveled energetically to every corner of the country.

Roosevelt also told his Binghamton audience that this "was to have been my firstspeech of the active campaign. That was the intention on the part of everybody, until Ileft Jersey City this morning, when the whole thing was knocked into a cocked hat—first at Middletown, and then at Port Jervis, and then at Callicoon, and then at Han-cock, and then Neponsit, and then at Susquehanna. So this is the seventh speech of thecampaign" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 16). Who could contemplate Roosevelt's disability withsuch an energetic campaign?

The stop in Salamanca, N.Y. on October 19, 1928, was typical. Roosevelt began bymaking references to his relationship with the crowd and with individuals he hadknown for quite some time. He reminded his audience of his past travels throughoutthe state and how happy he was to see them. Roosevelt did not get into the issues of thecampaign, stating that he felt they were well known to all. Finally, he made one morereference to his physical ability in the subtle form of reminding his listeners of hisextensive travel "up and down the United States" (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19,1928-April 3, 1928, FDRPL).

In Jamestown, N.Y., the same day, Roosevelt addressed his fitness directly:

Do I look to you good people like an unfortunate, suffering, dragooned candi-date? We started—the Democratic State Ticket and I started, day before yester-day, from Jersey City, and since then, commencing with Orange County, wehave spoken in every single county along the Southern tier. That is pretty goodfor an unfortunate invalid and a lot of other cripples.

We left Elmira this morning by motor, and we have had six outdoor meetingstoday. So I hope you will pardon me if my voice is a little bit frayed tonight.That is the only part of me, except a couple of weak knees, physically, but notmorally (Laughter and Applause) " (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19, 1928-April 3,1928, FDRPL).

Some metaphorical "standing" was subtle. Stated Roosevelt: "I can tell you quitefrankly that I shall have a program . . . I believe in programs, because I believe in mov-ing ahead. I am not one of those who are very keen about those periods of standing still

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that a Nation or a State sometimes has to have" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 29, emphasisadded). Roosevelt could stand but he did not like standing still.

Roosevelt also "proved" his fitness by inflicting metaphorical disease on others. InElmira, Roosevelt suggested that "There is a definite disease among Republican spell-binders in this state,. . . the principal symptom of which is to prove that black is white"(The Elmira Observer, October 18, 1928, p. 1). The very attempt to suggest sickness anddisease in others affored Roosevelt the opportunity to reverse perceptions. Thus, if oth-ers are diseased, then Roosevelt was healthy.

With metaphorical activity Roosevelt replaced the literal physicality that he lacked.By moving his body to every corner of the State and by engaging in extensive speakingwhich often included references to his active campaign, Roosevelt appeared fit,resourceful and energetic. Roosevelt learned for the first time how to modify his dis-ability without denying his affliction.

Sarcasm as Refutation

Mild sarcasm was the closest to direct refutation of charges against his health. With sar-casm Roosevelt could appear indignant and have the upper hand when atucked unfairlyby opponents. With sarcasm Roosevelt could refute without appearing to engage in adefensive strategy. Roosevelt understood quite well that a direct refutation of the accusa-tions regarding his physical fitness would be counter-productive and not very convincing.

In Salamanca, N.Y. (October 22, 1928), Roosevelt made fun of Republicans statingthat "it was a shame to draft me," and responded in kind: "Well, for a man who deservessympathy, it seems to me that I am pretty husky (Laughter and Applause). Some peo-ple, you know, have to run for the Governorship. Well, I can't run for the Governorship,but I hope that the people of this State are going to make it possible for me to walk in"(FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19,1928-April 3, 1928, FDRPL). In Batavia, Rooseveltstated that while this campaign is a quest for leadership, "Republicans are lashed to theparty anchorpost, hand and foot" (The Batavia Times, October 27, 1928, pp. 1, 3). Inother words, Roosevelt was the better leader because he was independent and movingwhile Republicans were constrained and restrained. Notwithstanding his own draftingfor public office, Roosevelt reversed perceptions whereby it was not he who succumbedto the party's wishes, but Republicans.

In Wellsville, N.Y., also on October 19, 1928, Roosevelt continued his sarcasm: 'Youknow, some of my Republican friends around New York are talking about the kind ofsympathy that the people of the State ought to have for this unfortunate invalid who isrunning for Governor (Applause), and I don't think that any of us need worry aboutthat" (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19, 1928-April 3, 1928, FDRPL). Roosevelt didnot shy away from the health issue and jovially side-tracked its impact. In Troy, N.Y., onOctober 26, 1928, Roosevelt lashed out at Republicans for asking: "Isn't it too bad thatthat unfortunate man has had to be drafted for the Governorship? Isn't it too bad thathis health won't stand?" Roosevelt's response, now ten days on the campaign trail was"Too bad about this unfortunate sick man, isn't it?" (Rosenman, 1938, pp. 53-54).

At the conclusion of his gubernatorial campaign, Roosevelt gained confidence inhis physical endurance. "His health was obviously so radiant," writes Freidel (1954, p.266), that in early November Roosevelt joked to an audience telling them that he wasgetting many letters asking him whether he expected to live after January 1. Whetherthis was true or not is not as important as the continuous concern many had forRoosevelt's health.

The very rhetorical trap Roosevelt initially created for himself by refusing to run forthe governorship due to the health issue was now successfully tackled with sarcasm andhumor. Roosevelt could not directly refute the reports about his health but with sarcasmhe could obfuscate Republican allegations altogedier and present his opposition as petty.

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The Recovered Body

Roosevelt also "proved" his fitness by addressing his "recovery." This way, he couldtalk about his polio and other polio sufferers without being accused of hiding his dis-ability. Roosevelt thus implied that a physically unfit person would not dare to discussrecovery if it was not true.

In Rochester, on October 22,1928, Roosevelt addressed his own bout with polio as ameans to stressing election objectives. "I may be pardoned," he began, "if I refer to myown intense interest in the care of crippled children, and, indeed, of cripples of everykind. . . . from the practical dollars-and-cents point of view, it is obvious that if a largeproportion of these cripples can by proper treatment be restored to active and usefulcitizenship, the money spent on them by the State will come back many times throughtheir increased productiveness" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 40).

His own suffering would turn Roosevelt into a genuine humanitarian and compas-sionate person but for successful persuasion, he knew he could not convince voters of aproposed policy of caring for the sick and the disabled on humanitarian grounds alone.He had to resort to a tangible argument—a dollar-and-cents rationale. The evidence tomerit an investment in crippled people was physically present in Roosevelt's own"recovery."

I suppose that people readily will recognize that I myself furnish a perfectlygood example of what can be done by the right kind of care. I dislike to use thispersonal example, but it happens to fit. Seven years ago in the epidemic inNew York, I came down with infantile paralysis, a perfectly normal attack, and Iwas completely, for the moment, put out of any useful activities. By personalgood fortune I was able to get the very best kind of care, and the result of hav-ing the right kind of care is that today I am on my fee t . . . . I am quite certainthat from the physical point of view I am quite capable of going to Albany andstaying there two years (Rosenman, 1938, p. 41).

The purpose of this statement was clear: Roosevelt was cured of his earlier afflictionand was now ready to become governor. The very talk about the right care implied hisrecovery and his fitness to assume office. That he was able to stand on his two feet was"proof of his recovery.

The overall strategy of rationalizing government care for the disabled affordedRoosevelt a measure of humanity and public responsibility for caring for the less fortu-nate that would be unprecedented. "The strides of science and invention," he said, "theshifting of economic balance, the growing feeling of responsibility toward those whoneed the protection of the State, call for ceaseless improvement to keep up to datethose personal relationships of the individuals and to the whole body politic which wecall Government" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 14). The seeds of the New Deal were sownalready in 1928, and a good year before the crash of the stock market. His disability fac-tor undoubtedly influenced Roosevelt's political thinking. Together with the growingeconomic hardship that mandated economic arguments, Roosevelt found the rhetori-cal strategy that presented himself as a credible politician. His own personal experi-ences enhanced his solutions to the growing social and economic difficulties. Along theway, Roosevelt stressed the point that he recovered from an earlier physical ailment.

Countering Bigotry

Important, if to a lesser degree, was Roosevelt's rhetorical strategy of attacking reli-gious bigotry and countering the aversion many had for Al Smith's Catholicism.Roosevelt used this strategy to counter prejudice regarding other issues, includinghealth and disability. With this strategy Roosevelt sought to preempt further negative

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talk about his disability. This strategy also presented Roosevelt as a risk-taker who didnot fear arguing against members of his own party who refused to vote for a Catholiccandidate (Freidel, 1954, pp. 231-233).

Roosevelt stated that he wished the campaign could be extended from a few weeksto three more months so he could counter what he had "noticed in a fairly extensivetrip around the country," the most un-American assault on religious liberty (Rosenman,1938, pp. 19-20). Roosevelt sought to impress his auditors with his extensive travel, histuning in to public sentiments throughout the country and his willingness to engage ina long fight for religious liberty—all acts of a vigorous candidate. Roosevelt implied thatprejudices in general, including those against the disabled, were un-called for and irrel-evant in politics.

A rather creative rhetorical strategy of countering bigotry brought Roosevelt inproximity to military activities to lend him the necessary physical cover. He told his Buf-falo audience on October 20, 1928, of his trip to France ten years earlier when servingas Assistant Secretary of the Navy during World War I: "I go back to a day in particularwhen several miles behind the actual line of contact between the two armies,... As wewent through these fields there were American boys carrying stretchers, and on thosestretchers were German boys and Austrian boys and American boys being carried to therear" (Rosenman, 1938, p. 37). The point Roosevelt made was about the lack of dis-crimination among the wounded soldiers during the war, in comparison with the preju-dices against a presidential candidate, Al Smith, who happened to be Catholic. Heconcluded emphatically that "If there is any man or woman who has seen the sights thatI have seen . . . after thinking of that, can bear in his heart any motive in this year whichwill lead him to cast his ballot in the interest of intolerance . . . 'May God have mercy onyour miserable soul'" (Rosenman, 1938, pp. 37-38).

Roosevelt skillfully resorted to a useful scene—and not surprisingly a scene of thewounded and injured—to push the subtle point about his active military experience,past and present, directly and indirectly. Interjecting himself into such a scene,Roosevelt was obviously the healthy one. His emphatic argument about caring for thewounded regardless of nationality and sentiments was an imaginative rhetorical strategythat combined several objectives. Roosevelt implied that he was physically active, thathe cared for the wounded and injured, and that he was not prejudiced against anyone.Now he asked the same from the voters.

Assessing the health issue

The overall public assessment of Roosevelt's gubernatorial candidacy vis-a-vis his dis-ability was quite favorable. Roosevelt was seen by many voters, while others read mostlyfavorable press reports of his active campaign. His efforts bore fruit. The Batavia Timesunder the heading "Fine Character Wins Support," reported on October 20,1928:

The chorus of approbation following the Roosevelt selection has been variedby only one discordant note. It was the protest of two or three leading opposi-tion journals against what they were pleased to call the selfish drafting intoparty service of a man who has not yet fully recovered from the effects of a seri-ous physical disability. This rather forced, and by no means sympathetic, objec-tion is now in the way of complete abandonment (p. 1).

The article also stated that Roosevelt's own reassurances regarding his health leavesthe newspaper to declare that it "cannot imagine a rational citizen of this state with-holding his vote from Mr. Roosevelt" (p. 1).

The Daily Messenger of Canandaigua, N.Y., reported that Roosevelt was on his way toBuffalo "after a vigorous three day appeal to the strongly Republican southern tier of

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New York" (October 23, 1928, p. 1). The same newspaper also carried a photo of astanding Roosevelt, casually leaning on a table. The newspaper also indicated thatRoosevelt gave a short speech from his car and that "Men and women crowded aroundMr. Roosevelt and for several minutes there was much handshaking and pow-wowing.The candidate smilingly spoke a word of greeting to those who were able to get nearhim" (p. 1). The photo that appeared in The Daily Messenger (October 23, 1928, p. 1)under the heading "Franklin Roosevelt Speaks here," was clearly not taken during thelocal event. Neither could this photo of a standing Roosevelt from the pre-governorshipperiod be located in the Roosevelt library photo collection. Yet, the important point isthat regardless of the inaccuracy, a local newspaper opted to put a photo of a standingRoosevelt on its front page.

In Syracuse, N.Y., the following day, The Syracuse Journal reported that "Mr. Roosevelthas been receiving enthusiastic receptions upstate" (October 23, 1928, p. 2). The topicthat Roosevelt raised was water power and it is here that he attacked his Republicanopponent for his stand on this issue. "As he concluded his attack," The Syracuse Journalreported, "Mr. Roosevelt was given a loud demonstration by the crowd. He is a goodcampaigner and many times during his speech was able to key the crowd up to enthusi-asm. His long experience in campaigning had taught him how to emphasize an insig-nificant point sufficiently to bring a demonstration" (October 24, 1928, p. 2). Moresignificantly, there was no mention of his disability.

His appearance in Utica, N.Y., must have left deep impressions, as The Utica Observer-Dispatch wrote the following:

Those about the hotel, who had previously met Mr. Roosevelt, were surprised athis appearance when he walked into the lobby last evening. Upon his formerappearance here, seven or eight years ago, there were expressions of sympathyfor the man who possessed the ambition to be about with the apparent physicalaffliction he suffered. He was at that time unable to walk and plainly showed inhis facial lines the effect of his suffering.

• He has not only gained in flesh and general appearance since then but he isable to walk fairly well. He says he feels well and rather enjoys the work of thecampaign, strenuous though it be (October 26,1928, p. 16).

Roosevelt could walk according to the newspaper and the marked improvementsince his last visit to Utica was clearly noted.

The Batavia Times discussed Roosevelt's health on November 3,1928:

franklin D. Roosevelt has laid down one of the most active careers in businessand the professions to become candidate for governor. The manifold activitiesof politics will mean no increased strain on the splendid energy which he hasemployed constantly with no diminution since the attack which eight years agodeprived him to a great extent of the use of his legs, . . . Energy and usefulactivities marked Mr. Roosevelt's career from the very beginning (November 3,1928, p. 6).

Roosevelt's physical presence would become a tool of effective political campaign-ing. Roosevelt displayed his best walking ability and the press reported his active cam-paign and his energy. Historian Alfred Rollins sums it up concisely: Roosevelt "had tofight off the burgeoning propaganda that he was an unfortunate, physically incompe-tent victim of political exploitation. It would be all too easy for the public to believe his

' own frequently asserted claims that he was not ready for office yet" (1962, p. 236). Suchwas the point Roosevelt made in early November 1928, telling his audience that he was"feeling much fitter and walking much better than when the campaign began" (quotedinFreidel, 1954, p. 266).

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Yet, talking about his health was quite different from showing photographic pic-tures of his disability. When Roosevelt arrived on November 6, 1928 at Hyde Park tocast his vote, he asked the many newspaper and newsreel photographers not to picturehim getting out of the car. His wishes were respected and the illusion maintained (Fre-idel, 1954, p. 237). Clearly, Roosevelt was concerned. He was so concerned that anothercampaign address on the issue of health was drafted.

I am deeply touched at the tender solicitude displayed by my Republican adver-saries, first as to my anguish of mind, and now as to my feebleness of body. Itrust I have convinced them that the martyr's crown was not being pressedupon my head and I would like at this early date . . . to reassure them as to myphysical condition. Let me soothe their fears by explaining that the impossibil-ity of indulging in excessive physical exercise has enabled me to take far bettercare of my health than is the case of most men as actively engaged in businessas I have been for the last four years (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19,1928-April3, 1929,FDRPL).

Roosevelt also opted for sarcasm. "My family physician has found me a very poorcustomer," he continued. "Let me assure them again that my only physical disabilitywhich is a certain clumsiness in locomotion and which I trust will eventually disappear,has interfered in no way with my power to think . . . I pride myself that during the pastfour years, I have done rather more than the average man's daily stint" (FDR: PPF:Speech File, October 19, 1928-April 3, 1929, FDRPL). Roosevelt's strategy had alwaysbeen not to deny his disability but to modify its appearance, to argue its temporality,and to deflect the most severe accusations with sarcasm.

Finally, Roosevelt threw the ball back to the Republican camp stating that he

would gladly furnish any of the Republican campaign managers with properweekly bulletins containing respiration, temperature and general physical con-dition. There is one disability I have which I imagine particularly impresses theRepublican leaders of the Legislature as being very serious. I must admit thatno man, compelled to move somewhat slowly, is a very good dodger. For thelast four years these gentlemen have spent most of their time dodging issues,dodging responsibility, dodging, rather poorly, the verbal missiles of GovernorSmith and I have been grieved to note, quite frequently dodging brickbatsthrown in brotherly strife at each other (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19,1928-April 3, 1929, FDRPL).

This speech was never delivered. A hand written note on the speech draft reads:"not used." No date is given for the added notation, though the speech is included inthe 1928-29 speech folder in the Roosevelt Library. Neither does the speech appear inany anthology. This speech which may have been drafted early in the campaign, couldhave been used as the master text from which Roosevelt extemporized during his manycampaign stops. What is clear is the fact that this speech draft contains a sharp dose ofsarcasm, strong proof of recovery, and obviation as the very strategies to proveRoosevelt's physical fitness when his health was questioned.

One of the final campaign addresses took place on November 2, 1928, at the Acad-emy of Music in Brooklyn. The speech was both a tribute to Al Smith and an appeal forvoters to focus on the issues and not on Roosevelt's health. His final plea was "not formy health," he stated, "but for my comfort, I want a Democratic Legislature with me(applause)" (FDR: PPF: Speech File, October 19, 1928-April 3, 1929, FDRPL). Thehealth issue was thus a very real concern for Roosevelt throughout the gubernatorialcampaign.

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CONCLUSION

Roosevelt won a tight election to become New York Governor, just as Smith wanted.Most significantly, Roosevelt carried Republican up-State New York. But Smith, whowon the Democratic nomination, lost the presidential election. Roosevelt's comebackwas difficult and risky but he prevailed and gained much confidence in his ability to dis-play his body. Roosevelt would be a good governor, though not great (Gunther, 1950, p.255). He was active on the legislative front despite a strong Republican majority in theAssembly. He learned the effective way of defeating his opposition by appealing directlyto the voters, using radio as an effective means of mass appeal, and keeping his traveland physical presence extensive both in the State and outside it.

The Depression, which began only months after Roosevelt assumed the governor-ship, changed much in his calculations. He would easily win the governorship a secondtime in 1930 and make a name for himself as a caring Depression Governor. Given theprospects of New York governors as presidential contenders, and given Roosevelt's ambi-tion and astuteness of timing, the ground for a presidential campaign was underway.

Roosevelt overcame the health issue to be elected governor. His projected energyand active persona were directly related to his disability and the need to prove withaction and presence that there were no physical constraints to his political abilities.Roosevelt's strategy of countering any doubt about his fitness to assume public officewas rooted in displaying his body and engaging his auditors with rhetorical allusions tostrength, vigor, and energy. Of the various rhetorical strategies he used to achieve thispurpose, the primary ones centered on disproving critics of his immobility and physicallimitations. He achieved this objective in two ways: he traveled extensively to display hisbody, and he resorted to rhetorical strategies that alluded to his fitness. These rhetori-cal strategies addressed his physical recovery, his active campaign, mildly refuted criticsand opponents, and countered prejudices of various kinds including those against thedisabled.

The health issue would not re-surface until his second term as governor, when theprospects of running for the presidency became a reality and the nation began to talkabout Roosevelt as the next president. Indeed, the health issue would occupy the betterpart of the presidential campaign. Roosevelt would repeat and even replicate in 1932several important features he successfully utilized in 1928. In his first gubernatorialcampaign one can find then the seeds for the symbolic importance attributed toRoosevelt's famous flight to Chicago and the subsequent train trips of 1932. In his pres-idential campaign as in his gubernatorial one, Roosevelt had to overcome the healthissue, and his approach to both campaigns was quite similar.

Roosevelt's disability also needs to be considered an integral part of his policy for-mation. Roosevelt's caring approach to government preceded the crash of the stockmarket in 1929, and the ensuing Great Depression. Roosevelt had spoken during hiscampaign for Governor in 1928 about a caring government, about the sick, the poor,the growing farm crisis and the increased unemployment in the cities. To a greatdegree, Roosevelt's political thinking was borne out of his personal suffering and life-long disability and his sensitivity to the plight of others. Roosevelt advocated a benevo-lent government, the one he personally could not rely on when he sought to heal him-self. Consciously or not, a disabled Roosevelt was the person a disabled nation turned tofor healing and recovery. The president who confidently mastered his own recovery wasto become the symbolic head of a sick body in need of healing.

NOTE

I wish to thank Davis W. Houck for his constructive criticism and helpful comments. I also wish to thankthe dedicated research staff at the Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library in Hyde Park, New York, fortheir assistance and advice.

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Dickerman. New York: Atheneum.Nominee and party stops at Herkimer. (1928, October 26 j . The Utica Observer Dispatch, p. 16.Fine character wins support. (1928, October 27). The Balavia Times, p. 1.Franklin Roosevelt speaks here. (1928, October 23). TheDaily Messenger of Canandaigua, p. 1.Franklin D. Roosevelt Democratic choice. (1928, November 3). The Batavia Times, p. 6.Freidel, F. (1954). Franklin D. Roosevelt: The ordeal Boston: Little, Brown and Company.Gallagher, H. G. (1994). FDR's splendid deception: The moving story of Roosevelt's massive disability and the

intense efforts to conceal it from the public. Revised Edition. Arlington, VA: Vandamere Press.Gotham talk of Ottinger is assailed. (1928, October 18). The Elmira Advertiser, p. 1.Gould, J. (1961). A good fight. New York: Dodd, Mead.Gould, T. (1995). A summer plague: Polio and its survivors. New Haven: Yale University Press.Gunther, J. (1950). Roosevelt in retrospect: A profile in history. New York: Harper & Brothers.Health forbids acceptance, is Roosevelt wire. (1928, October 2). The Elmira Advertiser, p. 1.Houck, D. W, (1997). "Reading the body in the text: FDR's 1932 speech to the Democratic National Con-

vention." Southern Communication Journal, 62, 20-36.In brown-derbyland. (1928, October 15). Time, p. 12.Looker, E. (1932). This man Roosevelt. New York: Brewer & Putnam.Rogers, N. (1992). Dirt and disease: Polio before FDR. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.Rollins, A. B., Jr. (1962). Roosevelt and Howe. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.Roosevelt appeals to progressive. (1928, October 23). The Daily Messenger of Canandaigua, p. 1.Roosevelt F. D. Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York. Public Papers File; Family, Business and Per-

sonal Papers, Campaign of 1924 scrapbook; Speech File 1928-1929.Roosevelt accepts nomination. (1928, October 3). The Elmira Advertiser, p. 1.Rosenman, S. (Ed.) (1938). The public papers and addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Volume One, 1928-1932.

New York: Random House.Rum not state issue, says Franklin Roosevelt. (1928, October 24). The Syracuse Journal, p. 2.Sontag, S. (1991). Illness as metaphor and Aids and its metaphors. London: Penguin Books.

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