Exploring History Vol. V - VI No. 2, 1 (Royal Size).p65

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THE CHANGING NATURE OF POWER, STATUSAND HIERARCHIES IN JAPAN (1600-1877)

Frank Jacob

ABSTRACT

The forced opening of Japan by Commodore Matthew C. Perry and his'black ships' in 1853 changed the Japanese society as a whole. The existingsocial order, which had been established by the Tokugawa family during the17th century were redeployed and the former rulers of Japan, the warriorclass, lost its power, status and hierarchical rank. The submitted paper willline out the creation and development of Tokugawa rule in the 17th century.Next to this it will outline the factors, which led to an elimination of thispower system from 1853 onwards. The reasons, the establishment of the neworder and the reaction of the former ruling class shall be examined in detail.The paper in total will show that the determinants of power, status andhierarchy are changeable factors in the course of history, which are influencedby different transnational parameters.

Keywords: Commodore Perry, Japan, Ruling Class, Samurai Class,Tokugawa rule,

At the end of the 19th Century, when Nitobe Inazo (1862-1933) wrotehis famous book about the Bushido1, the way of the Japanese warriors, theformer rulers of Japan, who had determined its fate for hundreds of years,had already lost their rank, status and power. The forced opening of Japanin 1853 changed its society as a whole.2 Especially the samurai class, which

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had ruled the Japanese islands unchallenged for many centuries, became avictim of modernisation. The Boshin War of 1868-693 ended the right ofthe Tokugawa shogun to participate in the process of power and the emperorwas reinstalled as the only leader of the Japanese state. In consequence,4 theJapanese society was totally changed by the Meiji-Restoration, a modernisationprocess which would last till the middle of the 1880s and see an end ofsamurai rule.

The following analysis will show in what way the Tokugawa familyestablished a system in which all power, status and hierarchies had beendeveloped to serve just one purpose: the authority and the control of theTokugawa family as heads of the Japanese state. Furthermore, the firstTokugawa shogun, Ieyasu (1543-1616),5 and his measures to create anautocratic state with the samurai class at its political top, will be analysedin detail. After this first introduction to the then hierarchical system, the eventsof 1853 and the years till the Meiji-Restoration in 1868, which led to theabdication of the last Tokugawa shogun, Yoshinobu (1837-1913)6 and theBoshin War will be discussed to show that the unchallenged Tokugawa systemof power, status and hierarchy had no chance to survive the blow from outsideof Japan. In the third part, the Meiji-Restoration and its impact on theJapanese economy, military and society will be taken into consideration.Which elements were decisive and why had the new government no chanceand no interest to keep the existing hierarchical order with the samurai classon top? And finally, the reaction of the warrior class itself should not beforgotten. How did the samurai react to their own disempowerment? TheSatsuma rebellion in 18776 was the final attempt of the impoverished samurai,who had been overburdened by social transformation since 1868, to gain backtheir privileges, power and status. The failure of this attempt made the samuraiall but forgotten until they became famous outside of Japan, much helpedby Nitobe's book about the soul of Japan. That this soul had already beendestroyed was not important for the success of his best-seller, but the systemthat the Tokugawa family had created in the first years of the 17th centurywas not allowed to survive.

Tokugawa Japan

In the second half of the 15th to the third part of the 16th century, Japanwas divided by warlords, who were aiming to achieve power by force. Theso called era of the Warring States8 lasted for almost 150 years and just threemen were finally able to end this bloody period of Japanese history, OdaNobunaga (1534-1582),9 Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598),10 and finallyTokugawa Ieyasu. The unification of Japan11 was the work of these three

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unifiers, who are maybe the most well-known Japanese people of the earlymodern period. A Japanese proverb perhaps describes the process of unificationat best: 'Oda pounds the national rice cake, Hideyoshi kneads it, and in theend Ieyasu sits down and eats it'.

In fact, it was Oda Nobunaga who set up a mighty army and tried to unifythe country by force.12 He was very successful, but he hadn't reached thisambitious target completely when he was assassinated by one of his servantsin 1582.13 Due to the fact, that he was not able to get nominated as shogun- which is the highest military rank in Japan - his heirs had no chance ofsurviving this plot against Oda's rule, as they had no legitimisation with whichto continue the rule. During the power struggle, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, a manof mere humble origin, was able to gain power in Japan and to unify thecountry after the defeat of Oda's traitor. But Japan itself was not enough forthis ambitious man, who longed for even more power and status. Hideyoshiwanted to invade Korea and even China.14 He prepared the largest invasionarmy ever seen in Japan prior to modern times. But despite his high ambitions,the invasion was a total failure. When he died in 1598 he had not managedto conquer the Korean and Chinese empires, but he at least had tried to savethe position of his own heir, Toyotomi Hideyori (1593-1615),15 who was achild on the day his father died. A Council of Five Elders - of which TokugawaIeyasu was a member - should serve Hideyori until he was able to rule byhimself. But like Oda, the Toyotomi family was not able to legitimise theirrule over Japan and a war broke out between the Five Elders. On the oneside the coalition of the Western daimyo under the leadership of IshidaMitsunari (1560-1600), on the other side the Eastern daimyo under theleadership of Tokugawa Ieyasu, were fighting for the right to rule the Japaneseempire. Ieyasu won the decisive battle at Sekigahara and became the newruler of Japan.16 In contrast to his predecessors, he was able to tighten hisrule by using military power, hierarchical status and traditional legitimisation.

With his first move, Ieyasu managed to change the whole country. Theland was confiscated and reallocated. The daimyos, who had been loyal tothe Tokugawa family before Sekigahara - the fudai daimyo - received newlands in the central provinces of Japan, next to the Tokugawa homeland. Theopponents of Sekigahara - the tozama daimyo - were allocated smaller fiefsin the outer provinces of Japan.17 After this reallocation, the Tokugawahomeland was now the largest territory and the Tokugawa family was ableto recruit the greatest army in the country. It was clear that Ieyasu had gainedpower due to his military success and even though he was going to pursuethe vassal system of earlier times, he changed it in more than one way.

THE CHANGING NATURE OF POWER, STATUS...

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Finally legitimised by the third Tokugawa shogun Iemitsu (1604-1651) inthe 1630s, the sankin kôtai system - a system of alternate attendance - wasintroduced by Ieyasu.18 The daimyo were expected to visit the new capitalEdo every second year to endow the Tokugawa family with the honour oftheir visit. Furthermore, it was expected that the family of the daimyos wouldlive in the capital. This made them hostages to the new ruler in Japan andalso constituted a financial burden for the daimyos. The sankin kôtai systemwas an effective tool of control, which made the Tokugawa family's positionincontestable, because many daimyo had neither the money to set up arebellion, nor the will to bring their own families into danger by opposingthe new rulers of Japan. The political situation remained a vassal system, butIeyasu was willing to transform it into a more bureaucratic system, as thedaimyo were still de facto rulers of their own fiefs.19 To further this, theTokugawa set up an official cadre, whose members were able to go on a typeof inspection tour to far off provinces in order to control the daimyo and theiractions in their homelands. In addition to this, the nearby fiefs and theirdaimyo were required to note every abnormal or strange activity in theterritories in which they were located or the territories, which were locatednext to themselves.20 As a consequence of this spying system, no daimyowould dare to set up a revolt against the Tokugawa family. But it was notjust this cleverly devised system of checks and balances which saved thepower of the Tokugawa for such a long time, it was the higher legitimisationof the new rule which underlined their claim to power.

In 1603, Ieyasu was nominated shogun - highest military leader of Japan- by the emperor.21 With this title, his position and his rule were authorisedby the highest might in Japan. Even though the samurai had taken over thepower of the court in the 12th century,22 they were not able to rule withoutthe official permission of it. With the title in his hands, Ieyasu achieved alevel of power his predecessors, Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi, hadnot previously achieved. This fact was important, and Ieyasu was perspicaciousenough to ensure this title was passed down to his family. In 1605, Hidetadabecame shogun and Ieyasu retired. The new shogun had to be accepted byall of the daimyo as well. From his residence in Sumpu, Ieyasu ruled fromthe background and was able to control and influence the course of Japanesepolitics for over ten years until his death in 1616.23 With the military mightand the legitimisation of the court, the Tokugawa shogunate had a well-positioned power base. But the new rulers did even more to keep their newsystem of power. Following Confucian orthodoxy, a class system wasimplemented into Japanese society. The Confucian hierarchy of scholars -which were replaced by the samurai in the case of Japan - the classes of

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peasants, artisans and merchants were all arranged in the most suitable wayfor the might of the Tokugawa.24 No social mobility was allowed, whichdetermined the standing of each class in society for the next 250 years. Thesamurai - especially the Tokugawa as the highest samurai - were theundisputed leaders of Japan. And to bring the new dynasty onto an equalfooting with the court, Ieyasu became deified after his death. The people ofJapan were able to worship the founder of the ruling dynasty, which also gavea more transcendental legitimisation to the following shoguns. Just onedanger remained: Japanese society was an agrarian one.

Following Theda Skocpol's work on States and Social Revolutions (1979),peasants always had a reason for rebellion.25 Due to the high level of revoltsduring the Tokugawa era, this seems to be a grave factor causing instability.26

But the Tokugawa family knew about this problem and continued the policyof disarming the peasantry, a policy which had been started during the reignof Toyotomi Hideyoshi. All villages were searched for weapons and thegovernment confiscated all of them to ensure its own position against possiblefuture rebellions. As a consequence of this fear of uprising, foreign trade wasreduced and Christianity banned from Japan.27 Foreign ideas were seen ashighly dangerous and only the Dutch - as well as Korean and Chinese traders- were allowed to buy and sell goods at Dejima, an artifical island near thesmall harbour village of Nagasaki. What became famous as Japan's policyof the chained country - sakoku - was just a measure by the Tokugawa familyto tighten their control over imports, especially of weapons and foreignideas.28 Nothing would be allowed to disrupt their new power status or itsideological legitimisation.

If one takes all these parameters into consideration, Tokugawa Ieyasu andhis heirs were able to achieve a hegemonic position over the state. Rulingfrom the new capital of Edo, they were at the top of the existing hierarchy,possessed all the required might and power to keep this hierarchy in existence,and had the legitimisation to rule the daimyo as the military leaders of Japan.This reign should last over 250 years, till interference from foreign powerschallenged the existing status, power and legitimisation of the Tokugawaleaders.

The forced opening of Japan and the Meiji-Restoration

When Commodore Matthew C. Perry (1794-1858) arrived with his 'BlackShips' (Jap. kurofune) in 1853 at Uraga harbour near Edo, it was a sign ofthe downfall of the existing order.29 American foreign policy dictated theneed for harbours for their whalers, and Japan seemed to be the most suitable


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place for this plan. The Japanese government had been informed about thegunboat policy of the imperial powers, as the Dutch traders had told themabout the hazardous Opium War (1840-1842) between Britain and China.30

This had demonstrated the backwardness of a traditional Asian empire in the1840s. A small force of gunboats was quickly able to take on a giant empire.The Japanese were aware that American steam ships could be just asdangerous as the British ships some decades before, so they tried to negotiatewith the American commodore. But Perry was not willing to give up andsail home without a treaty. He left Japan only to return in the following yearwith the will and ability to blast a possible Japanese refusal to ashes. Thegovernment had no answer to this plan and finally signed the first of theunequal treaties, the Kanagawa treaty (Kanagawa jôyaku) on 31 March1854.31 Included in the treaty was, that the Japanese ports of Shimoda andHakodate would be opened for the purpose of trade with the United States,and in the case of a shipwreck, American sailors would be saved by theJapanese government. Furthermore the foreigners received extraterritorialityand the status of the most favoured country regarding their ambitions for atrade with the Japanese empire. The treaty was humiliating for the samurai,who were not willing to surrender to the new order, but the shogunate wasnot willing to allow his forces to be slaughtered by an almighty opponentpossessing modern weaponry.

The news of this new trading opportunity spread around the world. Moreand more imperial powers reached Japan to get a piece of the Japanesemarket. The British, the Russians, the French, the Italians, the Germans andthe Austrians all sent diplomatic missions to Japan to sign treaties with theshogunate. And the Tokugawa rulers were unable to stop this flood ofdiplomatic petitioners, who normally arrived in Japan with a military optionin reserve. The shogun and his subordinates tried to delay the signing of newunequal treaties as more and more waves of nationalism shook the country.32

Foreign diplomats became the victims of angered samurai, who did not wishto get westernised by the arriving barbarians. The shogunate was reckonedto be too weak to do something against them, and each new treaty was astab at Tokugawan rule. The samurai of Satsuma and Chôshû were not willingto further cooperate and decided to change the existing distribution of powerand status. Saigô Takamori and Kido Takayoshi formed the Satsuma-Chôshû-Alliance which supported Emperor Kômei (1831-1867) - father of the laterMeiji emperor Mutsuhito (1852-1912) - to challenge the reign of theTokugawa family. The position of the emperor as the head of state - withreal power in his hands - would be restored. The 15th Tokugawa shogun,Yoshinobu, realised that an alliance against his rule had been forged and he

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saw no chance to keep his status as the leader of the Japanese society. InNovember 1867, he resigned thus restoring imperial rule. But Yoshinobu stillpossessed influence and was a part of the new order, and he was not willingto lose his position in the government. As a result of this, the Boshin Warbroke out between the Satsuma-Chôshû-Alliance and the Tokugawa army inorder to settle the conflict over power.33

The campaigns of the war demonstrated the backwardness of the militaryorganisation of the shogun forces, as although the imperial faction wassmaller in numbers, it was a modernised army which was able to act fasterand to force Yoshinobu's troops to surrender.34 The daimyos of Satsuma andChôshû in western Japan had started to modernise their military power,organisation and tactics long before the opening up of the islands, a fact whichyielded fruit during this short war. Of the 120 000 men mobilised during theconflict, only around 3500 were killed, but the victory had an ideologicaleffect on the imperial faction. The remaining forces of the shogunate drewback to northern Honshû and Hokkaidô, where they founded a separate typeof state, the Ezo republic,35 but they were forced to surrender as well. Thetraditional power of the Tokugawa house was destroyed and the Meijiemperor was the new incarnation of power, holding the status of animpeccable leader with the legitimisation of deity supporting his position. Thesuccess of the Meiji-Restoration in 1868 marked the starting point for theprogressive decline of the samurai, the former rulers of Japan, and the breakupof existing hierarchical structures.

The Meiji-Restoration and the samurai

The samurai no longer stood at the top of society. They were an equal partfrom now on, and had to face the harsh side of life. The transformative processhad been launched by the new Meiji government, which felt the threat fromthe western imperial powers who were wishing to integrate Japan into theircolonial empires.36 The only solution seemed easy: to become as strong asthe imperial powers. The traditional vassal system was no longer suitable fortackling the ambitions of Great Britain and the other imperialists. Whatfollowed was a very fast modernisation process. Following the slogan fukokukyôhei - rich country, strong army - the Japanese Empire was modernised.Foreign specialists - o-yatoi gaikokujin - from all around the globe were hiredby the Japanese government to assist in this ambitious project.37 It were Britishspecialists who supervised the building of the Japanese railway system, it wereFrench and German officers who trained the new Japanese army, and it wereAmerican, Dutch and Italian specialists who worked in the fields of education,architecture and art. Due to this vast use of foreign knowledge and specialists,


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Japan was able to catch up. Around 35 years later the Japanese imperial armywas able to rival the Russian army during the Russo-Japanese war.38

But before this military success and to make the modernisation effective,the system of power and hierarchy had to be changed as well. The losersof the transformation were the samurai. Firstly, they had to return their fiefsto the emperor whilst receiving compensation via stipends. However, onlythe daimyo and the higher officers could make their living from thesestipends, as their level of income was related to the size of the former fief.Most samurai had to face the reality: impoverishment. Most warriors werenot able to integrate themselves into the new order, where they were seenas equals to their former subordinates. The unrest increased and more andmore samurai turned to violence. Saigô Takamori, who fought for the imperialcause during the Boshin War, and was also willing to modernise Japan, wasnot willing to humiliate the noble warriors. He tried to find a solution fortheir aggressive energy and unrest. In 1873, as the majority of the governmentswere in Europe and the United States as part of the Iwakura mission, adiscussion about a possible invasion of Korea - seikanron - divided theremaining government.39 Saigô wanted to punish Korea for its negativeattitude against Japan. The Koreans had refused to welcome Japanesediplomats and blamed Japan for its pro-Western attitude. Saigô planned tosail to Korea as an emissary, where his possible murder would establish areason for an invasion.40 The returning members of the Iwakura mission wereable to foil this plan and there was no invasion. The government agreed aboutthe need for an invasion of Korea, but disagreed about the timing.41 Theopponents of Saigô's plan wanted to modernise the Japanese army beforewaging a war in Asia. Saigô left the government and returned to Kumamoto,where he established his own military school. This remained a dangerousfactor for the government and by the same time the position of the samuraifurther worsened. In 1873, a general conscription was instituted and theformer leaders of the Japanese hierarchy were forced to fight side by sidewith peasants. Furthermore, they lost their privilege to wear swords in public.This must have been the most humiliating part of the Meiji-Restoration fromsamurai perspective, as it meant that the samurai lost the symbol of theirstatus, their souls.

The unrest grew, especially in southern Japan, where the demographicthreat was immense - as most samurai lived in Kyûshû. The Japanesegovernment tried to solve this problem by an expedition against Taiwan in1874,42 where Japanese fishermen had been slaughtered by Taiwanesemountain tribes. But the expedition brought no glory, just deaths by diarrhea.So, even a military campaign was not able to solve the social and economic

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problems of the samurai class. More and more of them were ready to starta rebellion against the Meiji government, which was seen as the initiator ofthe samurai decline. Saigô would become the figurehead of the last rebellionagainst the new power system of Meiji-Japan, even if he tried to not getinvolved in this violent episode in history.

The Satsuma rebellion

The fact that Saigô Takamori had left the government after the failure ofhis invasion plan of Korea, combined with his ambitions to gather a dangerousarmy of samurai in his private military school, made the new Meiji leadersworry. From the beginning of the Meiji-Restoration in 1868 onwards, therehad been numerous samurai revolts and violent outbreaks, mainly in Kyûshû.Due to the fact that the new government was worried about a coup d'étatby Saigô, who could have tackled the new system with such a big force, theMeiji-elders sent a police force to investigate the situation in southern Japan.They worked as spies to find out about samurai unrest and its real threat tothe Meiji state. But the police force were captured, and confessed undertorture that they had been sent to kill Saigô. This false statement spreadquickly and the warriors of Kyûshû used it as a plea for the upcomingrebellion. The government tried to prevent the samurai from getting modernweaponry into their hands by sending a battleship to Kagoshima, where thestored guns and rifles would be removed. In combination with the burdenof impoverishment, this humiliating treatment of the former leaders of Japanwas the last straw. Their anger culminated in the call for an immediaterebellion against the new system of power, the new hierarchical leaders whohad insulted the honour of the warriors too often.

Some members of Saigô's military academy attacked the armoury inSomuta, where they captured the weapons, helping to make the rebellioneven more dangerous. The samurai were clear on the fact that brute forcewas not enough to overwhelm the new Meiji-system, a fact that underlinedthe need for well-planned tactics and a modern army. With this knowledge,more armouries were attacked and this provided the samurai force inKyûshû with a remarkable amount of rifles as well as some artillery.Regardless of the depiction of a fight between traditional warriors andmodern soldiers in movies such as 'The Last Samurai',43 the forthcomingrebellion was a war between two well-equipped armies fighting over thefuture of Japan. This was the last chance for the samurai to halt their ownruin. Saigô was confronted with a fait accompli and finally agreed to leadthe rebellion. The government in Tôkyô was willing to find a diplomaticsolution for the conflict and sent Admiral Kawamura Sumiyoshi (1836-


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1904), Saigô's cousin, to Kagoshima to appease the rebellious warriors, buthe was not even allowed to debark. His battleship was attacked by armedsamurai, who were not willing to negotiate anymore. In February 1877,members of the government discussed the situation and decided to send theImperial Japanese Army to Kagoshima to suppress the rebellion and finallyput an end to the still existing menace of Saigô and his followers. Awidening of this unrest definitely had to be prevented, because the new armywas not yet strong enough for a second civil war of national magnitude.

At the same time, Saigô discussed the situation with his military leadersand expressed the intention to march to Tôkyô, where the samurai questionwould be settled. The aim was to strengthen the samurais' rights again andto rescue their standing in the Japanese society. For this reason, he did notask for support from other provinces and did not leave parts of his army asbackup in Kagoshima, where he could establish at least some type of militarybase for a retreat. Given this fact, it seems obvious that Saigô had no intentionof a direct conflict, but rather wanted to underline the need for a settlementwith the government by the appearance of so many warriors, who wereintended to work as a threatening gesture. On February 19, in 1877, whenthe garrison of Kumamoto castle refused to surrender, the Seinan sensô(South-West War)44 started with the siege of this fortress. The samurai weretoo presumptuous, because they thought that the conscripts and formerpeasants of the new imperial army were not capable of defending the castleagainst the experienced samurai warriors. But they learnt that this assumptionwas wrong. The new soldiers were stronger than expected and Saigô and hismen were not able to seize the castle by a simple coup de main. The longsiege in the last winter months in 1877 was a blow to the warriors' morale,who suffered from cold and hunger. The arrival of a reinforcement of imperialtroops finally ended the siege in April. The samurai were forced back andhad to fight an open battle against the conscript soldiers who had fought theirway to Kumamoto previously. Against the general assault of 90 000 imperialsoldiers, the 15 000 samurai had no chance to win the fight. Saigô wantedto negotiate, but the government refused his offer. They were eager to dealwith this threat permanently. In one of the bloodiest battles of the South-West-War, the imperial troops gained victory and the samurai had to flee fromimperial persecution.

Saigô, who had now lost his base, retreated to Hitoyoshi and laterMiyazaki. In the first instance, the imperial troops were neither willing norable to pursue the rebels for the whole distance, because they had to waitfor fresh supplies. In July 1877, the remaining samurai troops were encircledby the conscript troops. Saigô succeeded with a surprising breakthrough, but

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his remaining 3000 men had no more modern weaponry or artillery so thecontinuation of an open war seemed hopeless for them. The remainingsamurai entrenched themselves on the slopes of Mount Enodake, where theywaited for their final moment of the war: their glorious death. The proportionwas 7:1 against the former rulers of Japan and the most men capitulated orcommitted suicide so as to not lose their honour. Saigô burned his personaldocuments and his uniform, and fled with a few hundred men to Kagoshima.There, the last samurai would die and lay the grounds for the legends aboutthem. The ratio had worsened to 60:1 and the surrounded samurai must havegiven the impression of trapped lambs who knew that they would beslaughtered. General Yamagata of the imperial army was not willing tonegotiate, as the root of rebellion needed to be extinguished for all time. Tothis aim, after some days of preparation, he ordered a general assault whichwould ensure that the rebels had no further chance to escape the trap. First,artillery fired shrapnel on the warriors and since Saigô was not willing tosurrender to the new system of status, power and hierarchy, symbolised bythe modern imperial army and general Yamagata in this situation, an assaultwas started during which almost all the remaining samurai were killed. Saigô,who had been wounded, was beheaded by one of his followers. There hasbeen speculation, if Saigô maybe had been beheaded after his death to savehis honour as a warrior, but true or false this story laid the grounds for hislater fame. Till the last moment of his life he remained a true warrior, a symbolof the bushidô.45

After Saigô's death, the last survivors unsheathed their swords andattacked the conscript army. The conscripts killed the brave warriors who haddominated their ancestors for so long. This event ended the rebellion and hadshown that the new modern army was superior. The Meiji-government hadtaken the right decision and the samurai were the victims of this decision.The Meiji-Restoration was able to go on with the forthcoming reforms whichmade Japan a modern country, with a profitable economy and a strong army.The rebellion had shown that the imperial army was on the right track, butit still needed time to get stronger and better organised before achieving theskills to counter a European army. The remaining samurai of Japan had toaccept that the former order could not be restored or re-established, and thatthey had no other possibility but to accommodate themselves to the new order.Some of them were successful, most were not. The abandoned warriorssearched for new ways. Some left Japan to range the Asian mainland asmasterless warriors (tairiku rônin),46 some worshipped Saigô and his ideas.Due to the fact that an open opposition was impossible, some former samuraiin Kyûshû founded nationalistic, expansionistic and anti-western secret


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societies like the Black Ocean Society (Gen'yôsha),47 whose members wouldtry to influence Japanese foreign policy in the following decades. It seemsironic, that at the same time that the soul of Japan, the way of the samurai,had become popular around the world, the warriors themselves had lost theirstatus, power and hierarchical rank in their own country, their own society.

Conclusion

All in all, the case of Japan from the middle of the 16th century to theend of the Satsuma rebellion in 1877 is a proof, that status, power, andhierarchy are no constants of history. They are changeable due to the politicalcourse of a country and do depend on different factors. The shogunate ofTokugawa, Ieyasu, who had reached the top of the hierarchy by using militarymight, changed Japan step by step into a more bureaucratic system. In thissystem, the legitimisation of the new rulers was no longer defined by bruteforce, but by a mixture of court legislation, trade control, transcendentalworship for the founder of the new dynasty, the disarming and eliminationof potential opposition groups and finally, by a new hierarchical system basedon a Confucian archetype.

The forcible opening up of Japan made evident, that even if the Tokugawasystem of status, power and hierarchy was strong enough to rule Japanunchallenged for around 250 years, it was not built to last forever. The blastcame from outside Japan. The shogun and his men were not able to counterWestern wishes for trade treaties. They had to abandon their resistance to theopening up process, a fact that strengthened national discontent. Thenationalistic forces of Japan were not willing to open up the country, whichseemed to be a humiliating process - strengthened by the fact that all treatieshad been unequal from the Japanese point of view. A new force gathered bythe Satsuma-Chôshû-Alliance longed for the restoration of imperial power,which would end the weak rule of the Tokugawa house. A civil war wasfought and the system of power, status and hierarchy was changed again. Thereason was a transnational one, the inclusion of new powerful factors intoJapanese politics. The interests of the Western powers, which strengthenedthe case for modernisation of the country, as the imperial powers saw theirchance to establish a wealthy new market in Asia.

The antiquated Tokugawa state model was extinguished and by doing that,the emperor retrieved his position as the unchallenged head of state. Tounderline this position, the Confucian hierarchy had been dramaticallychanged. State Shintô made the emperor the central figure of the newJapanese hierarchy, where power had its roots in religious aspects as well

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as in the support of the anti-shogun alliance of the Western daimyo. Whatfollowed this realignment of power, status and hierarchy, was a stateconducted modernisation of the country, its political system, its military andits economy. The traditional rulers of Japan were removed step by step. Theywere no longer allowed to hold their own fiefs, which led most samurai intoimpoverishment. They were no longer allowed to wear swords in public,which took away their soul. They were no longer the predestined warriors,because general conscription ended their pure monopoly of violence. Everyone of these measures had been implemented in a very short time span, andthe samurai were not successful in this new alignment with regard to the newsystem of status, power and hierarchy, because most of them had been usedto their own unchallenged rule during the last few centuries. To put it simply,this gridlocked part of society was not able to transform itself to match thechallenge of a new political system, a new hierarchy.

Their last attempt to stop this fast development had been rebellion.Especially in the South-West of Japan, where the demography showed amajority of samurai families, the rebellion caught fire and Saigô Takamoribecame the figurehead of the fight for their lost position, their status andpower inside the state hierarchy, inside Japanese society. But the elite warriorsof the past were overwhelmed by the new modern army, and the death ofthe last samurai laid the grounds for legends about the way of the warriors,the bushidô, the soul of Japan.

Notes and References:

1. Nitobe Inazô, Bushido: the soul of Japan, Tokyo, 1974.

2. William McOmie, The opening of Japan, 1853-1855: a Comparative Studyof the American, British, Dutch and Russian Naval Expeditions to Comel theTokugawa Shogunate to Conclude Treaties and Open Ports to Their Ships,Folkestone, 2006

3. Sasaki Suguru, Boshin sensô: haisha no Meiji ishin, Tokyo, 1977

4. Regarding Sakamoto, Takao, Meiji kokka no kensetsu 1871-1890, Tôkyô,1999, the process of the Meiji Restoration lasted for more than one decade.

5. Still the most detailed account on Tokugawa Ieyasu is provided by A.L. Sadler,The Maker of Modern Japan: The life of Tokugawa Ieyasu, London, 2011.

6. For the political position after the opening of Japan and the biography of thelast Tokugawa shogun compare Matsuura Rei, Tokugawa Yoshinobu: shôgunkeno Meiji ishin, Tokyo, 1989 or Tani Tsuneo, Tokugawa Yoshinobu no eiryaku,Tokyo, 1997

7. For an introduction to the South West War: Ikai Takaaki, Seinan sensô: sensôno taigi to dôinsareru minshû, Tokyo, 2008


Exploring History14

8. For a detailed account of the period of the Warring States see John WhitneyHall, Nagahara Keiji, Yamamura Kozo, eds., Japan before Tokugawa: PoliticalConsolidation and Economic Growth, 1500-1650, Princeton, 1981

9. For a biography of Oda Nobunaga in a Western language, Jeroen PieterLamers, Japonius Tyrannus: a Political Biography of Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582), Leiden, 1998 is highly recommended.

10. Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi, Cambridge 1982.

11. A brief account of the events leading to the unification of Japan is found inÔishi Shinzaburô, 'The Bakuhan System' in Nakane Chie, Ôishi Shinzaburô,eds., Tokugwa Japan : The Social and Economic Antecedents of ModernJapan, Tôkyô 1990, pp. 11-36 and 12-18.

12. William de Lange, Pars Japonica. The First Dutch Expedition to Reach theShores of Japan, Warren, 2006, p. 157.

13. Ôishi, Bakuhan System, op. cit., p. 12.

14. Eri Hotta, Pan-Asianism and Japan's War 1931-1945, New York, 2007, p. 35and Ôishi, Bakuhan System, p. 14.

15. In 1615 Toyotomi Hideyori's possible claim for power had been ended by twocampaigns against Ôsaka castle by the Tokugawa family.

16. Conrad. D. Totman, Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu 1600-1843, Cambridge, 1967p. 33.

17. For the battle of Sekigahara and its consequences compare Anthony Bryant,Sekigahara 1600 : The Final Struggle for Power, Oxford, 1995.

18. Tsukahira Toshio G., Feudal Control in Tokugawa Japan: The Sankin KôtaiSystem, Cambridge, 1966, pp. 39-50.

19. Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan, Berkeley,1986, p. 6.


21. Tsukahira, Feudal Control in Tokugawa Japan, Tokyo, p. 12.

22. For the relation of court and warrior class in the Kamakura era compare JeffreyP. Mass, ed., Court and Bakufu in Japan: essays in Kamakura history, NewHaven, 1982.


24. Totman, Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu, pp. 2.

25. Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, Cambridge, 1979, p. 115.

26. On the problem of peasant urprisings during the Tokugawa period compare HughBorton, Peasant Uprisings in Japan of the Tokugawa period, New York, 1968.

27. C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549-1650, Berkeley, 1974,pp.362-370 and in general Jurgis Elisonas, 'Christianity and the daimyo', inJohn Whitney Hall. ed., The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol.4, Early ModernJapan, Cambridge, 1991, pp. 301-372.

15

28. Vlastos, Peasant Protests, op. cit., p. 9.

29. For Perry's journey see Francis L. Hawks, Narrative of the Expedition of anAmerican Squadron to the China Seas and Japan, performed in the Years1852, 1853, and 1854, under the Command of Commodore M. C. Perry,United States Navy, by Order of the Government of the United States, NewYork, 1856.

30. Peter Ward Fay, The Opium War, 1840-1842: Barbarians in the CelestialEmpire in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Century and the Way by WhichThey Forced the Gates Ajar, North Carolina, 1975.

31. On the treaty of Kanagawa: Tokutomi Ichirô, Kanagawa jôyaku teiketsu hen,Tokyo, 1924.

32. One example was the murder of the Dutch interpreter Harry Heusken in 1861,who had worked for the American as well as Prussian delegations. On thiscase compare Michael R. Auslin, Negotiating with Imperialism. The UnequalTreaties and the Culture of Japanese Diplomacy, Cambridge, 2004, p. 72.

33. Due to their support for the imperial faction, the Satsuma-Chôshû-Allianceand their leaders became very infulential in the new political system. SeeEdward Charles Fields, 'The Early Meiji State and the Rise of the Satsuma-Choshu Oligarchy : The Limited Possibilities for Alternative PoliticalDevelopment, 1875-1885', MA thesis, Santa Barbara 1994.

34. Hagiwara Kôichi et al., Zusetsu Saigô Takamori to Ôkubo Toshimichi, Tokyo,1990, p. 46.

35. For the history of the Ezo republic compare Reinhard Zöllner, GeschichteJapans. Von 1800 bis zur Gegenwart, Paderborn 2006, pp. 184.

36. Mark Ravin, The Last Samurai. The Life and Battles of Saigô Takamori,Hoboken, 2004, p. 168.

37. On this phenomenon and the single persons involved Umetani Noboru, Oyatoigaikokujin. Meiji Nihon no wakiyakutachi, Tokyo, 2007, is highlyrecommended.

38. The most detailed accounts on the Russo-Japanese War are Peggy and DenisWarner, The Tide at Sunrise: a history of the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905,London, 2002 and John W. Steinberg [et al.], ed., The Russo-Japanese warin global perspective: World War Zero, 2 vols., Leiden, 2005/2007.

39. For the seikanron compare Nakatsuka Akira, 'Seikanron', in Fujiwara Agira,Imai, Seiichi, and Ôe, Shinobu, eds., Kindai Nihonshi no kisochishiki. Jijitsuno seikaku na ikai no tame ni, Tôkyô, 1979, pp. 56f. and Sakamoto Takao,Meiji kokka no kensetsu 1871-1890, Tôkyô, 1999, pp. 165-178.

40. Inoue Isao, 'Seikanronsô to Ôkubo seiken', in Sugihara Sôsuke, ed., Nihonshino kiso chishiki, Tokyo,1974, pp. 350f and Maeda Renzan, 'Jiyûminken' jidai- Itagaki haku kara Hoshi Tôru made, Tôkyô, 1961, pp. 47ff.

41. Wieland Wagner, Japans Außenpolitik in der frühen Meiji-Zeit (1868-1894).Die ideologische und politische Grundlegung des japanischen


Exploring History16

Führungsanspruchs in Ostasien, Stuttgart, 1990, pp. 105-110.

42. Ibid. pp. 145-147.

43. The Last Samurai, 2003. The movie focused on Nathan Algren (Tom Cruise),who should help to modernize the Japanese army, but joined the rebellion ofthe samurai leader Katsumoto (Ken Watanabe).

44. For a detailed description of the war compare Konishi Shirô, Seinan sensô,Tokyo, 1977.

45. Saigô became a symbol for many Japanese nationalists in the followingdecades, who worshiped him as the first Japanese imperialist.

46. For the phenomenon of the tairiku rônin compare Eiko Mariko Siniawer,Ruffians, Yakuza, Nationalists, The Violent Politics of Modern Japan, 1860-1960, Ithaca, 2008.

47. The Gen'yôsha (Black Ocean Society) had been a nationalistic, anti-Western,and expansionistic secret society. Its members tried to influence Japaneseforeign policy, especially by supporting Asian independent movements.

17

BI AMMAN AS A PIONEER MUSLIM WOMENLEADER: HER ROLE IN THE FREEDOMSTRUGGLE IN BIHAR DURING 1920's.Bi

M Waseem Raja & Tahira Jamal

ABSTRACT

This paper provides glimpses of what was happening on political frontas far as the fight against colonialism was concerned apart from revealingthe happenings around the beginning of 1920's when India was at thecrossroads of remarkable change in terms of political happening stand anda big turn was expected. On the one hand country was reeling under theBritish Governments draconian lawas and brutality like Jalianwala Baghmassacre, Rowlatt Act, Montague Chelmsford1 reform while on the otherhand on international arena, the famous Khilafat issue was making headlines.The British government of India was to deal with such issues. The Indianleadership particularly khilafat nationalist leaders like Ali brothers,2 HasratMohani and others were jailed. A Muslim lady rose up and took up the causeof khilafat while touring various parts of the country making people consciousof khilafat and nationalist cause to freedom.

Keywords: Khilafat, Panchaytia akhara, Charkha, Khaddar, Madarssa,Swaraj,Chauri-Chaura, Musalman, Angora Fund, Burqa, Lathis, pardanashin,

Among the leading women freedom fighters during the first quarter of20th century, the name of Bi Amman stands as a highly exceptional one. Herstruggle for freedom started with a symbolic gesture against colonial domination

Exploring History18

in regard to various issue relative to colonial subject in the British Empirei.e; Khilafat issues being of wider implications. She plunged into politicsstraight away when two of her illustrious sons had taken up the cause ofKhilafat vis-a-vis the national struggle from the British imperialism.Both werejailed and there was vacuum of leadership, so it was her decision to fill thosegaps and provide the leadership to those who were trying to save khilafatand general issues pertaining to freedom struggle. Her interest in such maledominated arena is startling as very few Muslim women had courage to comeout in open and play an active role in such a thorny, contentious maledominated arena of Indian politics. Bi Amman was the celebrated mother ofIndian political leaders or personages Maulana Mohammad Ali3 and ShaukatAli. Bi Amman,4 whose actual name was Abadi Begum, was farsighted aswell as progressive lady. Though, she belonged to an orthodox family. Shediscarded the shackles of a secluded life to come forward and attempt to freetheir motherland from imperial subjugation. Bi Amman called MahatmaGandhi and said that she was ready to work till her last breath and put allher efforts to attain freedom.5 Bi Amman is one of those glorious Indianladies who contributed their valuables, ornaments, Jewelleries for the sakeof freedom struggles and also exhorted others to the same, thus she becamea source of motivation and forte to the Indian freedom fighters.

She wanted to spread the message of national struggle against Britishcolonialism by touring far and nook of the country and reach out to the massesand make them aware of British maladministration and how British hadsubjugated and exploited India by misusing the resources of the country. Inthis paper the focus has been on her remarkable journey to width and breadthof small and big places of Bihar as part of micro study. Nevertheless, shetravelled throughout the country. Her Bihar entourage had all the ingredientof high voltage political outpourings and mass contacts and humdinger withthe masses both rural and urban. Her Bihar tour is remarkable in variousaspects of the political struggle our countrymen were waging against themighty British Empire, as it was unique in terms of a frail lady making suchan extraordinary ventures. She had visited to Bihar also and addressed severalhuge gatherings at Patna, Biharsharif, Phulwarisharif, Islampur, Barh, Gaya,Monghyr, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga, Samastipur, Muzaffarpur, Chapra, Motihariand other places. She addressed exclusive gatherings of ladies also whichkindled the spark of nationalism among the masses. Her daunting exercisewas to unite women, instill confidence in them and to ensure their participationin the freedom movement in Bihar on a larger scale.6

In the year 1917 a Muslim League session of Congress was held inCalcutta in which Bi Amman also gave an audience in a bold and brave

19BI AMMAN AS A PIONEER MUSLIM WOMEN LEADER:...

manner ; a speech in her son's best oratorical style, from behind the veilof her burqa.7 This was the perhaps the first time that an Indian Muslimwoman spoke at length in a mixed political congregation as opposed to awoman's meeting.8 We can deduce from the description of an importantmeeting where Bi Amman for the first time spoke along with other personalitiesin which we also find the extra ordinary scene of Hindu-Muslim unity andthe participation of the masses in that.

The meeting addressed by Bi Amman had a focus on how the two Alibrothers had been imprisioned by the Britishers. Shah Suleiman and Mr.Mazharul Haq also participated. It was Shah Suleiman9 who especiallymentioned Bi Amman in such words: — Bi Amman, who is the mother oftwo great friends of mine, Muhammad Ali and Shaukat ali. Look to her oldage and weak constitution. Weigh the calamity of a women, whose twobrilliant and shining children, who were proud of the country and the nation,be imprisoned without any fault."10 Speech which was started by Bi Ammanhad content of Hindu-Muslim unity and the greater cause of Khilafat issuesand also encouragement to those who were fighting against the Britishimperialism. She exhorted the Muslims in particular to stand firm behind theleadership of Turkish revolutionary Mustafa Kamal Pasha11 and be ready forbigger sacrifices. The content of Bi Amman speech as follows: "DearBrethren, be it you, a Hindu, a Parsi, a Jew or a Mausalman, heard the arrestof my children I have raised my veil and I have raised my veil and I havebecome like you. Brethren you should remember that this is the time for work.You should be ready and I wish you success. Do not be afraid of jail. It willbe a heaven to you as was the fire on Ebrahim. Another thing for you todo is the accomplishment of the Hindu-Muslim unity. Leave aside envy andhatred. The war has two sides. One wins and the other party fails. Those whoexercise soul force win the cause. In conclusion she said that Ghazi MustafaKamal was fighting for the cause of the Khilafat and it was the time whenall Muhammadans should sacrifices their wealth and life and the children.12

Another meeting was held at Mr. Mazharul Haqq's Compound on 2ndFebruary, 1922 and was well attended by 2500 men where majority of whomwere Moslem students and prominent personalities like Mr. Mazharul Haqq,Dr. Mahmood, M. Abdul Hakim Vakil, M. Yasin,M. Fazlur Rahman,RamKrishna Pathak,M. Ashfaq Ali,Bi Amman, M. Mohinuddin Tammana etc. BiAmman spoke on two important issues mentioning the poverty of India asIndia were starving due to British mechanism. Then she spoke about theawaking of Indian woman for nationalist for their was call for collecting fundfor khilafat cause. Bi Amman's speech started as follows "My dear brothersand dear sons! The wind is blowing from all the four sides, find out which

Exploring History20

way is blowing and act up to it. If you sleep during the night peacefully, youhave got to be anxious for the day and likewise. Poor Indians are starving,they should try to go to jail where they will get food as a guest of theGovernment. I am glad to say that our females of India are on alert now.They say if their men will not work they will leave them in houses, for usingcharkha and cooking food and they will come out for the work."13 Then sheasked, people to collect money.14

In Bihar she had series of meetings one meeting specially for Pardahnashin15

ladies was held at the National school on 2nd february 1922. Some 150 ladiesattended the meeting. Bi Amman appealed for Angora Fund16 and explainedthe necessity of using Charkha and Khaddar.17

Another meeting was held at Idgah of Shahganji where she spoke beforea nationalist charged atmosphere with national song and other such emotiveoutbursts which had nationalist fervor. Bi Amman ungrudgingly used to thankthose present as she wanted all to support her for the nationalist cause.18 Thespeech of Bi Amman had content of humility and an expression of failingsin national duty for not doing enough for nationalist cause. "You havehonoured me very much. I do think I am deserving it. However, I thank youfor this honour. It is that Almighty who has elevated me so much otherwiseI have so far rendered no valuable service to the country. The Almighty mayreward you for your kind deeds and bring you out successful in yourundertakings. My dear children and brethren, both the Hindus andMuhammadans have their aims and objects on and same and I wish you everysuccess.19

In a series of meeting starting from the compound of the MonghyrNational School on the 6th February 1922,20 to Patna they had moved toGaya. In the way she halted at Jahanabad where she also spoke of people'sparticipation in the nationalists' activities and their sacrifice for the sake ofcountry and nation.21

Her Gaya Meeting was quite successful at Panchaytia Akhara wherewomen were hysteric in having a glimpse of Bi Amman, where fund wascollected and on the same day the meeting was held at the compound ofMadrasa Anwar-ul- Uloom, Gaya, there also she spoke about Swaraj andKhalafat issues.22 Bi Amman spoke on various issues related to ongoingstruggle in the following words "My dear brethen and songs, all Hindus,Muhammadans, Parsis or Jews who are of age equal to me are my brotherand those who are equal in ages with my sons Shaukat Ali or MuhammadAli or Younger then they are my sons. Swaraj depends entirely on your labourand wisdom and if you will endure little hardship, Swaraj itself will come

21

to you. Khilafat cannot be saved without swaraj and swaraj cannot be attainedwithout Khillafat. Therefore it is necessary both for Hindus and Muhammadansto unite to gain their ends. If you would not attain Swaraj your conditionwould be worse than a slave. Hindu-Moslem unity and give up liquor etc.are highly necessary for the attainment of Swaraj. If you want to non-co-operate with the Government you will have to cease selling and dinkingliquor. Unless Swaraj is attained poverty cannot be exterminated.23

From Gaya she had reached Bhagalpur where she made scathing attackon the policies of the British Government. From Bhagalpur she reachedSamastipur where around 10 thousand men were present and mainlyMohammadans attended. In that meeting she addressed the gathering withthe following words which contained the substance of Hindu Muslim unityand related issues. In her own words"My Hindu and Muhammadan brethrenand children…what have you been listening just now and since how longare you listening this story. You might have heard lengthy speeches beforethis. I am an old women and illiterate too. The Jews, Parsis and Christians(Indians) are like my brothers. A word to a gentleman and whip to a noblehorse are sufficient. Become manlike and soldier…It is your Khilafat and yourwork.24

While attending the meeting at Samastipur she spoke about Ali Brothers'sacrifice for Khilafat and nationalist's cause.25 In this meeting around 8000persons attended the meeting in which the prominent personalities. Babu BrijNandan Prasad, Maulvi Yasin Maulvi, Fasih Maulvi Yusuf Khan, MaulviIshfaq, private secretary of Shaukat Ali, Maulvi Saiyid Ahmad, brother ofDr. Mahmud and Bi Amman. The object was two raise money for the AngoraFund and to protest against the treatment of Ali Brothers. In this meeting shespoke spoke as follows: "My dear Hindu and Muhammadan brothers. MayGod help you. You have lost your religion, Islam and Khilafat. Go down onyour knees. I do not worry about Shaukat and Muhammad. Hindus andMuhammadans are the same. Do not trust in word of the unreliable andslanderous Foreigners. They have taken your country from you on accountof your disunion. If you have taken your country from you on account ofyour disunion. If you have now been misled then the ship has sunk. You Hinduand Musalmans must never fight. Do not ever be misled again by the Englishinto fighting among yourselves. When the custom of faction fighting betweenHindus and Musalmans is done away with then there will be no further causefor disputes. Sons and brothers - what is there to fear - they are lakhs andyou crores. What is there to fear in jail. Have patience God will take revengefor you. Go down on your kness and consider we will conquer part of thecountry (?) But go slowly. When your enemy is dying of good things what

BI AMMAN AS A PIONEER MUSLIM WOMEN LEADER:...

Exploring History22

is the necessity to poison him? At Chauri Chaura they killed 2 while youkilled 20. Brothers what are your losses compared to theirs?

The uniqueness in her entourage was that she was collecting fund forKhilafat cause also which had overwhelming response also. The same dayBi Amman addressed a meeting of Muhammadan ladies.26 There were about1000 people present mostly Muhammadans. The object of the meeting wasto raise money for the Angora Fund and to give Bi Amman an opportunityto express grievances. Bi Amman also covered the same ground as in herprevious speeches in this district. She called Government servants to resignand take up work with Khilafat and Congress organizations. She closed byappealing for the Angora Fund,27 on 18th Feb. 1922 she reached Barh, whereshe spoke to use Charkha and to boycott foreign cloth. She also spoke howto attain Swaraj. Bi Amman started her speech with the following words "DearIndian brethren, Hindus and Muhammadans and children. You have heardeverything which is being told to you for the last 2 years. I want to knowwhether you would only listen the lectures only or would you like to dosomething. Have you the courage of serving the country? If you would havecourage to do something it would be better for you otherwise you mustremember the enemy is after you. This country belongs to Hindus andMuhammadans but there are good many enemies in our country. This is ourcountry. This is our land and we should serve her. We could get it back andthat we can only do by means of attaining Swaraj." After this I would askyou to use Khaddar and charkha. Boycott foreign cloth. It is your religiousduty. I regard you as Shaukat and Muhammad. I have no difference betweenthe Hindus and Muhammadans.28 Mind it, you may not be classed as cowards.Now this India is being ruined. Oh! My dear sons, put off the medals ofslavery. There are four lacs of English people and 32-33 crores of Hindusand Musalmans (in India)." There is no need of lathies if enemies die bymeans of sweets. Only he whose time has come will die (and none else).Death comes timely. It is such a foreign trap that it has left no one (uninjured).Give up their services. They are only four lacs in India, what harm can theyinflict on 32 crores of Indians. Help those Turks who are fighting for (gloryof) the Islam. Is it so that you Muhammadan brethren are getting slack inperforming your duties towards Islam. Brethren, I am not aggrieved in theLeast. I wish that you all may become Shaukat and Muhammad. This is thetime to show courage. You are but to be Lion hearted. Oh! My Hindu brethren,you should be united with the Muhammadan brethren like sour things withdhai and sugar and milk. The English make us quarrel (with one another).Their (the English treachery, faithlessness, and tricks are quite open Lookat the opportunity). These monkeys (the English) will go on snatching andeating your bread. Take care! my sons, to work on in union. Turn out the

23

enemy. Our Indian has totally been annihilated.29

The nationalists had been losing regards for the religious symbolic cause,as Khilafat cause was weakening, whether it was Hasrat Mohani or BiAmman. They were losing ground in the closing years of disbandment ofkhilafat movement.30

From the serious cause of Khilafat to national cause of getting rid Indiaof the British imperialism, Bi Amman's speeches while touring Bihar werefull of nationalistic, patriotic fervour which moved the masses as she alsospoke on various other issues pertaining to problems facing Indians duringthe second half of 20th century. She took up the cause with all her mightand showed how her frailty and weak physique (her being women did notdeter her) could raise the issue of national and of international importance.Her effort did not go in vain as she had raised the level of politicalconsciousness among the masses. She raised the women's confidence inparticular and asked them to rise up against the British imperialism visa-visthe importance of Khilafat. Though her main motive was to fight for Khilafatcause she emerged as the epitome of Hindu-Muslim unity and never left anystone unturned where ever there was need for showing the unity of Hindusand Muslims.


1. Niemeijer, A.C, The khilafat Movement in India 1919-1924, New York, 1972,see for details on Ali brothers on pp.7,10,61,63,65-66,92,110,122,124,129,139,162-164,166,221

2. Ibid, see for details pp.20-21,70-71,74,75

3. Shakir, Moin, Khilafat to Partition, New Delhi, 1983, see for details on therole of Ali brothers particularly Muhammad Ali in khilafat movement as wellas in nationalistic activities during 1920's,pp.57-95

4. Minault, Gail, The khilafat Movement: Religious, Symbolism and PoliticalMobilization, New Delhi, 1982,p.16

Bi Amman's actual name was Abadi Banu Begham but she was popularlyknown as Bi Amman as their sons used to call Bi Amman in love.

5. Ibid,p.170

6. Srikant, An Account of Bi Amman's Bihar Visit, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental PublicLibrary 1922,Patna, reprnt., 1996, p.3

7. Such an act was unthinkable in those days as Muslims considered it taboothat a woman should come out in public to address a gathering.

8. Minault, Gail, op.cit, p.58

9. Some 300 persons attended the meeting.


Exploring History24

10. File No. 90/1922, political (Special) Deptt., Patna, Proceeding of the meetingheld at Phulwarisharif in the Khubi Sao's garden on 31st January 1922, BiharState Archives (henceforth BSA)

11. Turkish revolutionary who fought for the cause of the Khilafat.

12. Op. cit.,

13. Report of a meeting held on 2nd Feb 1922 in the compound of Mr.MazharulHaq's House.

14. S. Ahmad announced the following donations. Wife of Nehal Miyan of SimliP.S. Chowk through her Munshi zahoor Mian Rs. 100/- Abdul Hakim VakilRs. 100/-, Ladies of Gilani P.S., Najmul Hoda Rs. 346/14/

15. Muslim ladies of upper echelon of society though educated and enlightenedpreferred to remain in seclusion or behind veil and were not coming out inpublic.

16. "Angora is another name for Ankara and a fund for Khilafat cause institutedin that name as Agora fund" Minault, Gail, op.cit, p. 137. On being askedby Gandhiji for his contribution of Tilak Swaraj Fund, Mohd. Umer Sobhanigave his blank cheque and requested him to fill the amount with his own hands.Gandhi thereupon filled in Rs. 1 lakh; also contributed Rs. 1 lakh to theKhilafat movement; in addition gifted his bunglow to the Khilafat Cutttee,later known as Khilafat House. It has a gate named after him - Bab-e-oomer;in his efforts to raise money for Angora fund, Source: Memons InternationalDirectory; HNK; Foundations of Pakistan. All India Muslim League Documents,Vols. I and II; HINC Vol. I; Pathway to Pakistan. For more details see, Jain,N. K. ed., Muslims in India: A Biographical Disctionary, New Delhi, 1979.Vol. II. p. 162

17. Confidential file Memo No. 1624 S.B, Bihar Special Brach Patna, Dated 7thFeb. 1922 letter was written to deputy Inspector General of Police, C.I.D.,Bihar and Orrissa from Superintendent of Police Patna, Dated 4th Feb. 1922and copy forwarded to J.W.C. Jackson Esqr. for information no. 92/94 D.S.C.,Superintendent of Police, Patna dated 4th Feb. 1922.

18. File No 90/1922 Political (special) deptt., Panta B.S.A., Bihar and Orrisa,Criminal investigation deptt., special Branch Patna,, Dated 10th Feb. 1922.

19. Ibid, Proceeding of the meeting held at the Idgah of Shahjangi P.S. BhagalpurMofassil on 5th Feb. 1922.

20. Many men from Jamalpur also attended. About 3 to 4 thousand in all attendedthe meeting. Ram Prasad sang a song "Sachchi Bharat ki Chhatrani" mainlyadmiring the work of Bi Amman.

File No. 90/1922, political (special) deptt., Panta., BSA.

The Proceeding of a meeting held at Monghyr on the 6th Feb. 1922.

21. Ibid

22. File No. 90/1922, political (special) deptt., Patna., BSA.

About 3,500 attended the meeting.

25

23. Ibid, Letter was sent to Sd Gul Mohammad Sub-Inspector of Police, C.I.D.,dated 6th Feb.1922.

24. File No. 90/1922, Political (special) Deptt., Panta., BSA.

Proceeding of the meeting held at samastipur on the 8th February 1922.

25. Proceeding of the meeting held at Muzaffarpur on the 11th Feb. 1922 (TilakGround)

26. Report of a meeting in Bain House, Bihar on 16.02.1922

27. Report of a meeting held at Islampur on 17th Feb. 1922, Confidential Memono. 2449 S.B., Bihar special Branch 874-N-22, Patna deated 22nd Feb. 1922was sent to deputy Inspector General of Police C.I.D., Biahr & Orrisa, Memono. 2557 S.B. was sent to office of the Deputy inspector General of police,C.I.D., Biahr and Orissa dated 23rd February 1922

28. File No. 90/1922, political (special) deptt., Panta., BSA. Proceeding of themeeting held at Barh on the 18th Feb. 1922.

29. File No. 90/1922, political (special) deptt., Patna., BSA.,

30. Secret Punjab Police Abstract of Intelligence, 4th Jan, 1919, Vol.XII, No. 1,p.7 cited in Jalal, Ayesha, Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Communitiesin South Asian Islam Since 1850's, London, 2000, p.203.


Exploring History26

CHANGING PATTERN OF THE SETTLEMENTNATURE OF LITTORAL WEST BENGAL: A CASE

STUDY, TILL EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD.

Shreyasi Bhattacharya

ABSTRACT

Littoral West Bengal comprising the districts of Eastern Medinipur, North24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas, is a unique geographic entity in the truesense of the term. It supports the largest delta of the world, and has wellknitted tributaries and distributaries of some major rivers of the region, whichdebouches in the Bay of Bengal, thus providing an excellent inland riverinecommunications acting as a vital linkage between the coast and the interior.The land is fertile with the deposit of alluvium by these rivers. Thus the areais good for both trade and agriculture. The archaeo-material study shows thatthe settlement in the zone started from the Black and Red ware cultural stageand reached its zenith in the early historic period. It continued to play asignificant role in the early medieval period. The prosperity of the region thatstarted from the proto-historic period is continuing even now. But this processof continuation is not uniform throughout; some period becoming moreprosperous than others. The water network helped the development of thetwo important ports --- Tamralipta and Gange. The changing pattern ofsettlement in coastal West Bengal can be attributed to a great extent to thechanging pattern of the maritime trade.

Keywords: Black and Red Ware, Early Medieval Period, Settlement,West Bengal,

27CHANGING PATTERN OF THE SETTLEMENT NATURE OF ...

A preliminary survey has been conducted in the districts of Eastern Medinipur,North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas. We can broadly recognize followingthree eco-zones in this area-(a) Western part of the Bhagirathi/Hooghly, charac-terized by an old alluvium sometimes mixed with lateratic patches. (b) The eastof Bhagirathi/Hooghly comprising North 24 Parganas characterized by the newalluvium formation. (c) The Sunderban proper.

The settlement of the study area starts from the Black and Red ware periodin the western part of the Bhagirathi/Hooghly. On the basis of radiocarbondates, two sites in the western rolling plain, Bharatpur (1440 B.C.) andMahisdal (1380 B.C.), are said to have caused the initiation of the settlementof the earliest known agricultural community, thus leading to the introductionof the culture in the state. This was a pre-iron stage.

After the introduction of iron, movement of the Black and Red warepeople became more rapid, but the movement was never unidirectional fromthe western rolling plain to the new alluvium soil zone, because sites likeDihar and Bahiri found in the same ecological zone as that of Bharatpur andMahisdal are of a later date than that of Pandurajardhibi and Mangalkot ofthe older alluvium soil zone.

Map 1: Showing the location of the black and red ware sites in threedifferent zones (not based on latitude and longitude)

Exploring History28

By about 6th/7th century B.C there was another movement towards south-east of West Bengal.

All these sites lie to the west of the Bhagirathi, whether this is fortuitousor reflects reality is difficult to say. It is generally said that the main reasonbehind the isolation of the eastern side of the river is that the area was coveredby mangrove, swamp and sundari forests during this period which made theland inaccessible, and it was only after the knowledge of iron technology wasacquired that forest could be cleared.

The settlements to the west of Bhagirathi in the Black and Redware period show three distinct clusters. The major concentration is in thezone of Bardhaman and Birbhum, Zone A. The second zone is around theriver Rupnarayan in Eastern Medinipur, where the concentration is moderate,Zone B and the third zone is the area covering Purulia and Bankura wherethe settlement is of dispersed nature, Zone C.1 The change in the settlementconcentration can be attributed to the geology of the region.

`

Map 2 : Distribution of Black and Red ware sites

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The reason of the movement of the Black and Red ware people whichappears most probable is that technological development initiated settled life,which in connection caused population growth, the soils, and other naturalresources of the western rolling plain could not provide all the facilities thatthe first agricultural community needed, so they moved further interior. Theintroduction of iron caused an increase in agricultural production. The surplusagricultural production needed proper waterways to trade the surplus produc-tion. Probably for the purpose of trade and the availability of agrable landthese people moved further downwards, where the iron implements helpedto clear up the swamp forests. The sites on Rupnarayan like Tamluk andNatsal provided facilities for trade. It seems that trade played so importantrole in this last-phase of Black and Red ware culture that due to the shiftingof Ajay, Pandurajardhibi could not meet the condition and ceased to existimmediately after the historical period, whereas, Mangalkot appeared as astrong urban centre of Bengal.

Settlement Nature of Early and Late Historic sites in Coastal West Bengal.

This forest clearing operation and reclamations of land both for settlementand agriculture extended to the east of Bhagirathi by about 5th/6th centuryB.C. At the initial stage the settlements were nothing but modest dwellingsas revealed through excavations, but as time passed by, these dwellings gaveway to fortified settlements like Bangarh, Chandraketugarh, Bahiri and othersby about 3rd C B.C.2

The lower course of Bhagirathi has a number of early historic settlements,the major concentration of which is in the eastern part of Bhagirathi coveringthe districts of North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas. Eastern Medinipurhas also yielded quite a large number of early historic sites some of which,as mentioned above have a Black and Red ware cultural stage proceedingthe early historic period.

Very few early historic sites in the coastal section of West Bengal havegiven evidence of cluster. Those, which were clustered, showed moderate sizeof settlement. The cluster around Tamluk is represented by at least twenty-eight sites of unspecified dimensions, located mostly on the rivers Rupnarayan,Hooghli and Haldi. The principal site, viz. Tamluk stands on the right bankof the river Rupnarayan while the other sites around are Amritaberia, Natsal,Latpatia, Raghunathbari, and Ratulia. A few sites such as Tilda, Karanji,Bahiri and Panna located at some distance from Tamluk are also part of thesame complex. Chandraketugarh in North 24 Parganas along the riverVidyadhari presents almost similar features. This ancient city now comprisesof the villages of Berachampa Deuliya) Ranakhola, Ghorapot, Dhanpota,

CHANGING PATTERN OF THE SETTLEMENT NATURE OF ...

Exploring History30

Chuprijhara, Singerati, Shanpukur, Jhikra, Mathbari,Haripur,Gazitala,etc.Onthe basis of the similarities of the archaeological objects from surface findssome more villages namely Ramnagar, Adampur, Piyara, Panditpol, Peelkhana,Haroa, Majherati, Atghara, Basabati, Khas Balanda, Uttar Ranigachi, Bhangoreetc, a tract south of Berachampa, nearly seven miles long and one mile wideare in the immediate environs of Chandraketugarh. Other than these two, thereare a number of sites along the old course of the river Bhagirathi, Piyali, andMoni rivers, like Boral, Atghara, Ghosher Chak, Khari, Dakshin Barasat,Sarberia, Kachuberia, Pakutala, Mandirtala, Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, Dhosa,Tilpi and others. Most of these settlements depict a linear pattern. Probably,the size of the settlement could not grow much due to the saline water ofthe region, which could not support more than one crop in a year. But it istoo early to jump into any conclusion, as proper horizontal excavation donein the region is very less. Excavation in the area may produce some differentpicture.

The similarity in materials found from Tilpi (located in the third eco-zone under study) in the district of South 24 Parganas and Chandraketugarh(located in the 2nd eco-zone under study) shows that probably these two siteshad some connections, which may not be improbable as Tilpi is an importantsite located on the bank of the river Piyali which is a branch of Vidyadhari,both, thus sharing the same river channel network. Sites like Harinarayanpurand Deulpota located on the eastern bank of the Hooghly channel and in thethird eco-zone under study show much similarity with the materials foundfrom Tamluk cluster in the first eco-zone than with Chandraketugarh.

Table 1: Showing the Early Historic Sites of the region and the siteswhich started from the Early Historic Period and continued till the

Medieval Period

Sl District Site Latitude Longitude Cultural Topo Police

No. Sequence Sheet Station

1. South 24 Atghara 22° 21' 88° 27' Early Histori- 79B/7Parganas 55" 20" cal-Medieval Baruipur

2. South 24 Bishnupur 22° 7' 88° 26' Early Histori- 79B/8 JaynagarParganas cal

3. South 24 Boral 22° 27' 88° 22' Early Histori- 79B/7 SonarpurParganas 20" 20" cal-Medieval

4. South 24 Burobu- 21° 37' 88° 23' Early Histori- 79C/6 PatharParganas rirtat 30" cal-Medieval Pratima

5. South 24 Dabu 22° 14' 88° 38' Early Histori- 79B/12 CanningParganas 58" 56" cal

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6. North 24 Deganga 22° 40' 88° 39' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas cal-Medieval

7. South 24 Deulpota 22° 13' 88° 11' Early Histori- 79B/4 DiamondParganas 35" 30" cal Harbour

8. South 24 Dhosa 22° 14' 88° 32' Early Histori- 79B/12 JaynagarParganas 45" 45" cal

9. North 24 Gopalpur 22° 36' 88° 45' Early Histori- 79B/14Parganas 52" 05" cal-Medieval

10. North 24 Hadipur 22° 40' 88° 41' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas 58" 39" cal

11. South 24 Harina- 22° 8' 88° 12' Early Histori- 79B/4 KulpiParganas rayanpur 30" 35" cal-Medieval

12. North 24 Haroa 22° 36' 88° 40' Early Histori- 79B/10Parganas 60" cal-Medieval

13. North 24 Itakhola 22° 39' 88° 40' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas 47" 44" cal

14. South 24 Jangulia 22° 15' 88° 28' Early Histori- 79B/7 SonarpurParganas Namaj- 27" 18" cal

garh

15. South 24 Jatar 21° 58' 88° 28' Early Histori- 79B/8 RaidighiParganas Deul 60" cal-Medieval

16. North 24 Jhikra 22° 39' 88° 42' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas 58" 10" cal

17. North 24 Khana 22° 41' 88° 40' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas Mihirer 30" 38" cal-Medieval

Dhibi

18. South 24 Mandir- 21° 49' 88° 06' Early Histori- 79C/1 SagarParganas tala 10" 30" cal-Medieval

19. North 24 Mochpol 22° 43' 88° 34' Early Histori- 79B/10Parganas 19" 45" cal

20. South 24 Pakurtala 21° 54' 88° 14' Early Histori- 79C/1 KakdwipParganas 35" cal-Medieval

21. South 24 Sarberia 22° 15' 88° 25' Early Histori- 79B/7 JaynagarParganas 35" 20" cal

22. North 24 Singher 22° 41' 88° 41' Early Histori- 79B/10 DegangaParganas Ati 30" 55" cal




Exploring History32

23. South 24 Tilpi 22° 14' 88° 34' Early Histori- 79B/12 JaynagarParganas cal

24. Medini- Panna 22° 38' 87° 41' Early Histori- 79N/14pur 33" 57" cal-Medieval

25. Medini- Nischin- 22° 17' 87° 54' Early Histori-pur tabasan 45" 45" cal

26. Medini- Tamluk 22° 18' 87° 56' Early Histori- 79N/5pur cal-Medieval

27. Medini Tilda 22° 15' 87° 20' Early Histori- 79N/12pur 30" cal

28. Medini- Bahiri 21° 51' 870 47' Early Histori- 790/13pur 18" 19" cal-Medieval

MAP 3: SHOWING THE EARLY HISTORIC SITES OF THE REGION AND THE SITES, WHICHSTARTED FROM THE EARLY HISTORIC PERIOD AND CONTINUED TILL THE EARLY MEDIEVAL

AND MEDIEVAL PERIOD IN RELATION TO THE GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS.



33

Settlement Nature of the Early Medieval Sites in Coastal West Bengal.

The study of the early medieval sites shows there is a difference in thepattern of development. In the Eastern Medinipur early medieval sites arealmost unknown. In the eastern part of the Bhagirathi too there is a shift ofsettlement further down wards of the Sunderban area.

During this time there is a marked increase in the number of sites alongthe original channel of the Bhagirathi River. The Bhagirathi thus occupiedthe beds of the Ganga Nullah and Muri Ganga or Bartola River, which nowflows into the Bay of Bengal east of Dhobalat to join the Bay at Gangasagar.It dried up long ago but is clearly discernible at various places. O'Malleyobserved, "Even in places where it is entirely silted up, tradition points toold tanks still called Ganga as having been excavated along its courses whileit was an active stream. Such tanks may be found at Jaynagar and Visnupur,and Khari in the Mathurapur Thana (i.e.police station), that at the place lastmentioned has a special sanctity and is known as Chakratirtha or Chakraghata".3

Presumably the tract was important on account of its sacred geographythrough association with the Ganga and by extension with its sin absorvingpower. The growth of religious establishments between Kalighat and theSagar probably linked up the two extremes of a sacred space.

Table 2: Showing the Early Medieval and Medieval Sites of the region.



A. South 24 Achintya 21° 49' 88° 26' Early Medie- 79C/5 PatharParganas nagar vel Pratima

B. South 24 Asurali 22° 16' 88° 8' Early Medie- 79B/3 DiamondParganas val Harbour

C. North 24 Baduria 22° 44' 88° 47' Medieval 79B/10Parganas 30" 09"

D. South 24 Bakultala 22° 8' 88° 29' Medieval 79B/8 JaynagarParganas 25"

E. South 24 Baishhata 22° 7' 88° 28' Early 79B/8 JaynagarParganas 38" 28" Medieval

F. South 24 Bari- 22° 3' 88° 26' Early 79B/8 RaidighiParganas bhanga Medieval

G. South 24 Bhangar 22° 31' 88° 37' Early 79B/10 BhangarParganas Medieval


Exploring History34

H. South 24 Braja- 21° 42' 88° 21' Medieval 79C/6 PatharParganas balla Pratima

bhpur(Raksh-khali)

I. South 24 Chubri- 21° 59' 88° 31' Early 79C/9 JaynagarParganas jhora Medieval

J. South 24 Chhatra- 22°03' 88° 26' Early 79B/8 Mathura-Parganas bhog Medieval pur

K. South 24 Dakshin 21° 46' 88° 10' Early 79C/6 PatharParganas Gobinda- 60N 5E Medieval Pratima

pur

L. South 24 Gobinda- 21° 42' 88° 23' Early 79C/7 SonarpurParganas pur 30" Medieval

M. South 24 Deulbari 22° 30' 88° 35' Early 79B/12 KultaliParganas 30" Medieval

N. South 24 Dhara 22° 31' 88° 40' Early 79B/10Parganas Medieval

P. South 24 Dingel- 22° 25" 88° 23' Early 79B/7 SonarpurParganas pota Medieval

Q. North 24 Gaighata 22° 55' 88° 43' Early 79B/9 GaighataParganas 60" 60" Medieval-

R. South 24 Gilarchat 22° 4' 88° 27' Early 79B/8 RaidighiParganas 44" 58" Medieval

S. South 24 Gobar- 21° 34' 88° 24' Early 79C/6 PatharParganas dhanpur 54" 06" Medieval Pratima

T. North 24 Gobor- 22° 52' 88° 45' Early 79B/9Parganas danga 29" 31" Medieval-

Medieval

U. North 24 Habra 22° 50' 88° 38' Medieval 79B/9Parganas 55" 10"

V. South 24 Khari 22°07' 88° 26' Early 79B/8 RaidighiParganas Medieval

W. South 24 Monirtat 22° 4' 88° 30' Early 79B/12 RaidighiParganas 30" Medieval

X. South 24 Nalua 22° 6' 88° 26' Early Mathura-Parganas 41" 59" Medieval pur



35

Y. South 24 Raidighi 21° 59' 88° 26' Early 79C/5 RaidighiParganas 30" Medieval

Z. South 24 Ramna- 22° 19' 88° 28' Early BaruipurParganas gar 59" 18" Medieval

I. South 24 Sashan 22° 20' 88° 27' Early 79B/7Parganas Medieval-

II. South 24 Sita- 22° 21' 88° 27' Early 79B/7 BaruipurParganas kunda 48" 35" Medieval

III. North 24 Swarup- 22° 49' 88° 52' Medieval 79B/10Parganas nagar 60"

IV South 24 Uttar 21° 42' 88° 24' Early 79C/5 PatharParganas Surendra- Medieval Pratima

gunge

V Medini- Raghu- 22° 22' 87° 47' Earlypur nathbari 21" 02" Medieval-

Medieval

MAP 4: SHOWING A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE SETTLEMENTS OF EARLYHISTORIC, EARLY MEDIEVAL AND THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD IN THE REGION.




Exploring History36

Discussion

The prosperity and the chronology of the region, which started from theBlack and Red ware period, are continuing till now. But this process ofcontinuation is not uniform throughout; some period became quite prosperouswhile some developed less. But large scale horizontal excavation is neededto get the proper understanding of the culture of the region.

The analysis of the materials found from different sites of the study regionreveals that the settlement in the said zone, which started well from the Blackand Red Ware cultural stage, reached its zenith in the early historic periodand continued to play a significant role in the early medieval period too.

Coastal West Bengal is a unique geographic entity in the true sense ofthe term. It supports the largest delta of the world, and has well knittedtributaries and distributaries of some major rivers of the region, whichdebouches in the Bay of Bengal, thus providing an excellent inland riverinecommunications acting as a vital linkage between the coast and the interior.The land is fertile with the deposit of alluvium by these rivers. Thus the areais good for both trade and agriculture.

The water network helped the development of the two important ports--Tamralipta and Gange. From various archaeological evidences it can beinferred that from 4th century B.C onwards the Tamluk region were involvedin an interactive trade with Southeast Asia and became an international portcity in entire Eastern India. Sites like Bahiri, Tilda, Harinarayanpur, andDeulpota may indicate that these were in ancient times connected withriverine and ultimately the sea-borne trade of South-Western Bengal. But byno means can these be compared with Tamralipta. But their riverine contactsand ultimately access to the sea may underline their significance as smallerports which may have acted as supporting or feeder ports for a much largerharbour nearby like Tamralipta. These water linkages, together with welldeveloped land network provided the best ways to promote internal andexternal trade as far as China and countries of South-East Asia, Srilanka andRome. While it maintained direct and transaction trade with China, South-East Asia and Srilanka, the trade with Rome was indirect.

The changing pattern of settlement in coastal West Bengal can beattributed to a great extent to the changing pattern of maritime trade. TheDudhpani inscription in the 8th century A.D., last referred Tamralipta as aport. The main cause of its decline has been attributed to hydrography. Thechannel on which Tamluk was situated and afforded the facilities fornavigation was silted up by the tenth century A.D. However, till the 17thcentury, it was an important riverine settlement. In the map of Van der Brucke,

37

Tamboli, is identified as an important town. Desavalivivriti, calls it a largevillage mahagrama.4 Recent study by Chakravarti, Bhattacharyya, Chakravarty,Banerjee, Sengupta and Gangopadhyaya5 on Chandraketugarh showed thatthe region around the archaeological site comprises a number of Holocenemeander belts and tidal plains of successive ages of the Ganga-Brahmaputradelta. The oldest Proto-Padma meander belt (PPM) comprising 5 sub-belts(PPM1 [oldest] to PPM5 [youngest]) holds clue to human adaptation at thesite. Early settlers reached the site through the PPM 2 channels and settledon their levee. Subsequently to the complete desiccation of PPM 2 channels,the channels of PPM 3 meander belt formed a point bar complex just northof Berachampa.The PPM 3 channel additionally provided an access to thechannels of the Bhagirathi and Ichhamati meander belts to the west and eastrespectively. Subsequent development of a set of a parallel and straight PPM3 channels branching off from the south western corner of the point bar,uptothe river Bidyadhari to the south, provided the Berachampa settlers vitalaccess to the Bay of Bengal. This indicates that there was no reason forGange/Chandraketugarh not to operate as an international port. Though wedo not get any reference of the Gange port after the time of the classicalwriters, archaeological sources suggest that it was quite active till 3rd -4thcentury A.D.

From 6th -7th century A.D. onwards new riverine ports started to developin the eastern side of the delta, then called the Samatata region. The port wascalled Vangasagarasambbhandariyaka in the Sabhar region near Dhaka,Devapatra (located in or about Mainamati, Commilla), and Dwarahatta, inthe Gangasagar region became important riverine port. These inland riverineports played the vital role of a feeder port to the more celebrated internationalport Samander in the Chittagong region.

The study shows a movement of settlement from this time onwardstowards the Sundarban region. Thus, it can be conferred from the aboveinvestigation that the settlement cluster, which started to develop in thewestern rolling plane from around 1440 B.C., shifted further east with timeand necessity of the people. Some settlements show cluster pattern, somelinear, but each contributing in some way or the other in the developmentof the culture of the region.


1. Datta, A. 'Chalcolithic Culture in West Bengal-A Study on Settlement andTransition in' A.Ray and S.Mukherjee, eds., Historical Archaeology of India-A Dialog Between Archaeologists and Historians, New Delhi, 1990, pp 77-89.


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2. Datta. A, Chalcolithic Culture of West Bengal: An Overview: Bulletin of theDeccan College Post-Graduation and Research Institute, Vol. 64-65, 2004-2005, pp59- 77.

3. Malley, L.S.S.O'. Bengal District Gazetteers-24, Kolkata, 1914, pp 7-8.

4. Majumdar, R.C. ed.. Desavalivriti, (in Bengali), Vangiya Sahitya ParisatPatrika, Vol. 55, 1355 B.S, pp1-20.

5. Chakrabarti Chinmoy, Bhattacharya Banani,Chakravarty Pratap, BanerjeeSoumendra Nath,Gangopadhyay Kaushik and Sengupta Gautam, “PreliminaryObservations on the Growth of Early Historic Settlement ofChandraketugarh,West Bengal-A Geomorphological Approach,” Man andEnvironment, Vol. 33, 2008,pp 47-60

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REVISITING THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THEPEEL COMMISSION (1858) AND THE

REORGANIZATION OF THE INDIAN ARMY

Manas Dutta

ABSTRACT

In this article an efforts has been made to understand the Peel Commis-sion and its recommendations for the Indian Army after the Great Mutinyof 1857. As we know, the official body appointed to examine the militaryin India after the Great Mutiny of 1857 was the Peel Commission (1858),which tried to trace out the causes of the Mutiny in all India level also thefuture formation of the Indian Army along with the three separate Presidencyarmies. This Commission looked into the matter very closely and more than47 witnesses from the Indian Army establishment were thoroughly interro-gated and finally it submitted its written report to the Court of Directors forfurther proceeding. It was arguably the biggest inquiry Commission in theBritish government's first 100 years of ruling in the subcontinent. TheCommission was given complete independence to look into the rebellioustendencies of the native sepoys in India. Although it was not instructed toexamine the role of caste, it soon became aware that caste and the structureof the Indian society would be a central problem. The Commission at theinitial level tried to investigate the various conditions of the Indian Army andfinally they recommended three points as a concise manner. These were thebalanced recruitment pattern drawing from all section of a region's societyfor the three Presidency armies. It also proclaimed while recruiting the sepoy,the quality of birth or origin was not be considered rather soldierly attitudes,ability to act independently and self-reliance would be taken as standardmeasure. The second points was diametrically opposed the earlier point, it

Exploring History40

stated that some castes and classes should be eliminated from the Indian Armysince few castes and classes were being driven by the attitude of rebellioustendencies and undisciplined nature in course of the Mutiny. So, theCommission was advocated this as one of the main points to be consideredwhile reorganised the army in India in future. Third point emphasised thefitness and quality of providing service in the army by particular caste andthat should not be eliminated while recruiting for the army. Here comes themartial quality of the sepoy as well as the social and ethnic background ofthem. Finally, the Commission advocated the mixed caste recruitment for theIndian Army and gave an indirect clue to the abolition of the three Presidencyarmies which Eden Commission (1878), after twenty years of the formationof the Peel Commission propagated the same and at last in 1895 thePresidency armies were dissolved into Indian Army.

Key words: Company Officer, Court of Directors, Inquiry Commission,Mixed Caste, Native Sepoy, Recruitment, Reorganization, Royal Proclama-tion.

I

The Mutiny of 1857 stands as one of the great turning points in Indianhistory, perhaps as much for its impact upon the British as its impact on thedevelopment of Indian nationalism. One source estimates that about 30,000Indian sepoys remained loyal through the mutiny, an equal number weredisarmed or deserted, and 70,000 joined the revolt at one time or another.1

The Mutiny itself had been catastrophic. The British Indian army wasthe strong arm of the British Raj. Its main purpose was to quell internaldisturbances and to counter external aggression in the subcontinent. However,the mutiny of the Bengal army in 1857 exposed many weaknesses of the army.This resulted in its complete change and reorganization. The happenings of1857 made the British realize how defective their security system in the IndianSub-continent was. For this reason, they decided to revolutionize the orga-nization of their army, as well as other security institutions, in such a wayas to be more efficient in facing up to any possible domestic emergency inIndia. This could be seen in the number of British troops in India during the1860s, which, according to Lord Strang, was said to have cost more that thearmed forces of any European monarchy.2 So, reforms were inevitable. Theprocess of the reconstruction of Bengal army in particular and the reorga-nization of the three Presidency armies in general, as also the status of theEuropean units of the late East India Company's army were being concludedas an urgent agenda.3 The Great Revolt of 1857 was completely crushed. By

41

virtue of the Royal Proclamation of August, 1858, the government ofHonourable East India Company was terminated and India was declared asa colony of the Crown. By virtue of the same declaration, the troops in theservice of the Company were also transferred into the service of the crownand were born the Army in India, the first truly modern army that India everhad. Once this was done, more powers were granted to the officers to addressand avoid any repetition of such an uprising in future. This further concen-trated their influence on administration and government.

The Great Uprising of 1857 or the War of Independence was a majorupheaval and unforgettable experiences for the colonial masters. It arguablyrepresents the largest popular uprisings against colonialism anywhere in theworld during the period. Directed against the world's greatest colonial powerof the time, it has become a milestone in the history of imperialism.4 Fromthe military's point of view, the main responsible factor in the outbreak ofthe mutiny was the Bengali soldiers. As a result, the Bengal army wasgradually replaced. One lesson learnt from the mutiny was the danger ofallowing any one part of the army to attain a vastly preponderating strengthover others. The Mutiny was the Bengal army's 'homogeneous' fusion intoone huge body of soldiers.5 It was equally one of the reasons that contributedto the outbreak of the Mutiny. Hence, in future, the British maintaineddistinction and separateness of castes and class in the army. No single casteor class was allowed to dominate or command another caste or class.6

In the aftermath of the Great Uprising of 1857, race and specially castewere key explanatory tropes for colonial administrators and historians alikeand one of the principal 'lesson' of 1857, as we will see, emphasised theimportance of surveying, monitoring and regulating the ethnography of therecruits who made up the Indian Army. This reading of the rebellion, andthe administrative measures which derived from it had significant conse-quences in the late nineteenth century. In the immediate aftermath of 1857ethnographic knowledge was harnessed in order to diversify recruiting so asto ensure that no single group predominated in the ranks of the imperialmilitary. The processes by which military policy and strategy evolved duringthe late nineteenth century may also help to us approach some widerhistoriographical questions. The debates around the notion of Indian 'differ-ence', for example, have rarely engaged with the wealth of material relatingto the history of the Indian Army, arguably the key imperial institution forthe newly constituted Crown Raj.7

The Court of Directors authorised Lord Canning to assemble a mixedcommission of officers (both Company and Queen's) and civil servants toreport on the future organisation of the Indian Army immediately after

REVISITING THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE PEEL...

Exploring History42

recapturing Delhi, the Subcontinent's capital, in late November 1857. Since,the Army proved to be effective in expanding the British Empire in thesubcontinent, so it was their concern, which led to review the army structurearound this time. This article will review the deliberations of the RoyalCommission appointed to advice on the reorganisation of the Indian Army.It will conclude that a large chunk of the Commission's evidence, itsrecommendations and the subsequent military reforms were directed towardsredressing the type of professional grievances that underlay the mutiny.Admittedly the Commission was not set up specifically to identify the causesof the military revolt. Nor was the oral and written evidence presented toit entirely free from an element of hindsight. On the other hand, a numberof its key proposals (particularly those additional recommendations whichwent beyond its original remit) were virtually identical to the military reformsthat were being urged upon the Bengal Army before the mutiny by far-sightedmen such as Henry Lawrence and John Jacob. These proposals were, it couldbe argued, an implicit response to what the Commissioners (or more properlytheir witnesses) had identified as the fundamental causes of mutiny. Theywere required to provide written responses to a series of questions onRecruiting, Rules of Discipline, Organisation, Promotion and various otheraspects of army life. In August, Durand began drafting summaries of thereplies for Lord Canning.8

Meanwhile, a Royal Commission had been set up in London to inquireinto the organisation of the Indian Army on 15 July 1858. The Commissionchairman became Major-General Jonathan Peel, Secretary of State for Warand brother of the late Prime Minister. His ten co-members were Lord Stanley,Commissioner for Indian Affairs (and later Secretary of State for India); theDuke of Cambridge, Commander-in-Chief of the British Army; General theMarquess of Tweeddale, the former Governor and Commander-in- Chief ofMadras; Lieutenant-General Sir George Wetherall, Adjutant-General of theBritish Army; Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, a celebrated veteran ofthe Peninsula, Waterloo and 1st Sikh War; Major-General Viscount Melville,commander of a Bombay cavalry brigade in the 2nd Sikh War; Major-GeneralHenry Hancock, the former Adjutant-General of the Bombay Army; Major-General Patrick Montgomerie; Colonel William Burlton; and Colonel ThomasTait, the Commandant of the 3rd Bengal I. C. and the only member still aserving officer in the Indian Army.9 The Committee initially tried to avoidunity amongst native soldiers and as a result recommended that 'the NativeArmy should be composed of different nationalities and castes, and as ageneral rule, mixed promiscuously through each regiment.'10 However, localregiments were also limited to their respective areas of recruitment except

43

in case of emergency.11

The Peel Commission began its inquiries on 2 August 1858, the thenQueen Victoria gave her assent to an act which transferred the administrationof India from the East India Company to the Crown.12 With the Indian Armynow the direct responsibility of the Queen, the Commission was asked torespond to eleven questions regarding the army's future organisation. At theinitial stage the Committee was being trying to gather answers on 12 questionsand the interview was essentially linked with those particular questions. Thesewere as follows,(i) The term on which the Army of the East India Companyis to be transferred to the Crown , (ii)The permanent force necessary to bemaintained in the Indian Provinces respectively, after the restoration oftranquillity , (iii) The proportion which European should bear to NativeTroops, in Infantry, Cavalry, and Artillery respectively, (iv) How far theEuropean portion of the Army should be composed of troops of the Line,taking India as part of the regular tour of service, and how far of troops raisedfor service in India only, (v) In connection with this question, the best meansof providing for the periodical relief of the former portion, and of securingthe efficiency of the latter, (vi) Whether it be possible to consolidate theEuropean Forces, so as to allow of exchange from one branch of the serviceto the other, and what Regulation would be necessary and practicable to effectthis object, with perfect justice to the claims of all Officers now in the serviceof the East India Company, (vii) Whether there should be any admixture ofEuropean and Native Forces, either Regimentally or by Brigade, (viii)Whether the Local European Force should be kept up by Drafts andVolunteers from the Line, or should be, as at present, separately recruitedfor in Great Britain, (ix) Whether it would be possible to raise any Regimentsin the Colonies, either for temporary or permanent service in India, (x)Whether the Native Forces should be Regular, or Irregular, or both; and ifso, in what proportions, (xi) Whether any Native artillery Corps should besanctioned, (xii) Whether Cadets sent out for service with Native Troopsshould, in the first instance, be attached to European Regiments to secureuniformity of drill and discipline. Six questions (numbers i, iii, vii, ix, x, xi)were partly or wholly concerned with the native portion, including the termsof the Indian Army's transfer to the Crown, the proportion of European tonative troops, the possibility of mixing European and native troops inregiments or brigades, the preference for regular or irregular native corps (ora mixture of both), the desirability of retaining native artillery corps, and thequestion of whether cadets for native corps should be attached first toEuropean regiments 'to secure uniformity of drill and discipline'. Theremaining five questions (numbers ii, iv, v, vi and viii) were exclusively about


Exploring History44

European troops: the size of the permanent European force, the proportionof local troops in that force, the method of their recruitment, the relief ofQueen's regiments, and the possible consolidation of local and Queen'sregiments so that troops could be transferred from one branch of the serviceto the other.13

II

The Peel Commission,14 considered the reconstruction of the imperialmilitary by examining 47 witnesses, each considered 'expert' in various aspectsof imperial military practice. It collected a vast amount of written evidence(including the responses to Durand's questionnaire and Durand's own summa-ries). Although it was not instructed to examine the role of caste, it soon becameaware that caste and the structure of Indian society would be a central problem.Its report was submitted on 7 March 1859 and much of the evidencesconcerning native corps, particularly those of the Bengal Army. The Commis-sion submitted their report consisting seven pages, accompanied by more than600 pages of dense addenda, supplementary papers, and appendices in Marchof the following year. The report was the culmination of an extensiveinvestigation into the Mutiny; both in London and in India, official enquiriesinto the causes of the Uprising had begun shortly after the scale of the rebellionhad become clear. Some months before the formation of the Royal Commission,Parliament had initiated its own enquiries into the causes of the rebellion,calling for information on the various castes from which the East IndiaCompany had latter recruited its armies.15 Here we are more concerned withthe interpretation put on it by the Commissioners. Their responses to the originaleleven questions were contextually described by Soul David in his book.16

These are as follows:

1. No change should be made in the terms of employment for existingCompany officers (including rates of pay, pensions and promotion byseniority), but new regulations could be applied to future officers. 2. The totalnumber of Europeans necessary for the security of India 'should be about80,000; of which 50,000 would be required for Bengal, 15,000 for Madras,and 15,000 for Bombay. 3. The amount of Native force should not ...beara greater proportion to the European, in Cavalry and Infantry, than two toone for Bengal, and three to one for Madras and Bombay respectively. 4.The Commissioners were 'unable to arrive at any unanimity of opinion' withregard to the proportion of Local European regiments to regiments of dieLine, but the majority came down in favour of abolishing the Local forceon the grounds that it caused professional jealousies and was less disciplinedthan its Line counterpart. 5. In the event that the European force was split

45

between Local and Line regiments, the latter's tour of service in India 'shouldnot exceed twelve years'. 6. The Commissioners could see 'no obstacle to atonce allowing the [European] officers of die junior ranks (second lieutenants,comets, and ensigns) to exchange from one Branch of the service to the other',but there was 'a great difficulty in the higher ranks, arising from the senioritysystem of promotion'. 7. With regard to the mixture of European and nativetroops, the Commissioners agreed with die preponderance of evidence thatany admixture of the two forces, regimentally, would be detrimental to theefficiency and discipline of both, but that the admixture by brigade wouldbe most advantageous. 8. Recruitment to a Local European force should bekept up by drafts from England and volunteers from regiments of the Lineleaving India. All Bengal native cavalry should be on the irregular system(with a commandant, an adjutant, a medical officer and one European officerper squadron, and the sowars receiving an increase in pay to enable them'to purchase and maintain horses and arms of a superior description'), andthe other presidencies following suit if it was thought necessary; the nativeinfantry, on the other hand, should be 'mainly regular'. 10. Artillery 'shouldbe mainly a European force' with exceptions being made for stations whichwere 'peculiarly detrimental to the European constitution [e. g. mountainartillery]'. 11. European cadets for native corps should 'be thoroughly drilledand instructed in their military duty' in Britain before they were sent out toIndia.17

The Commission, while conducting the enquiry, witnessed that only theanswers to few questions (9 and 11) were an attempt to rectify the type ofprofessional grievances that many believed were responsible for the mutiny.This was mainly because the questions themselves had not been drafted withany such intention in mind: they were more concerned with the deterrent valueof an enlarged European force, and therefore concentrated on its size andorganisation vis-à-vis its native counterpart. But during their examination ofthe evidence, the Commissioners had had their attention drawn to a numberof 'important points', many of which were about issues of recruitment andconditions of service. The Commissioner therefore made nine additionalrecommendations:

1. That the Native Amy should be composed of different nationalitiesand castes, and as a general rule, mixed promiscuously through eachregiment. 2. That all men of the regular Native Army... should be enlistedfor general service. 3. That a modification should be made in the uniformof the Native troops, assimilating it more to the dress of the country, andmaking it more suitable to the climate. 4. That Europeans should, as far aspossible, be employed in the scientific branches of the service, but that Corps


Exploring History46

of pioneers will be formed, for the purpose of relieving the European sappersfrom those duties which entail exposure to the climate. 5. That the Articlesof War, which govern the Native Amy, will be revised, and that the powerof commanding officers is to be increased. 6. That the promotion of Nativecommissioned and non-commissioned officers, be regulated on the principleof efficiency, rather than of seniority, and that commanding officers ofregiments have the same power to promote non-commissioned officers, asis vested in officers commanding regiments of the line. 7. That whereas thepay and allowances of officers and men are now issued under various heads,the attention of H. M. Government be drawn to the expediency ... of adopting,if practicable, fixed scales of allowances for the troops in garrison orcantonments, and the field. 8. That the Commander-in-Chief in Bengal bestyled the Commander-in-Chief in India, and that the General Officerscommanding the armies of the minor Presidencies be Commanders of theForces, with the power and advantages which they have hitherto enjoyed. 9.[That] the efficiency of the Indian Army has hitherto been injuriously affectedby the small number of officers usually doing duty with the regiments towhich they belong. [To reverse this trend] various schemes have beensuggested: a. the formation of a Staff Corps b. The system of "seconding"officers who arc on detached employ. c. Placing the European officers of eachPresidency an general lists for promotion. Your Commissioners not beingprepared to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion on this point, withoutreference to India, recommend that the subject be submitted without delay,for the report of the Governors and Commanders-in-Chief.18

The most contentious recommendations out of the total made by the PeelCommittee, was the one that advocated irregular cavalry (at least in Bengal)but 'mainly' regular infantry. In his evidence, Lieutenant-General Sir HenrySomerset, the Commander-in-Chief of Bombay, had come out against irregu-lar corps because they were less disciplined and gave too much power tonative officers. But in a minute of 4 June 1858, J. P. Grant, the Presidentof the Governor-General's Council, approved of irregulars on the basis thatthey were the most effective soldiers and could be recruited from untaintedareas. Canning's opinion was a compromise. In a memorandum of August1858, he suggested that all cavalry and 30 regiments of Bengal NativeInfantry should be on the irregular system, with a further 20 of the latter asregulars3. But others like Sir Bartle Frere, Commissioner of Sind, andBrigadier-General John Jacob, Commandant of the Sind Irregular Horse,believed that the system should be wholly irregular. Frere observed that aregular regiment with a full complement of European officers would militateagainst the professional efficiency of the native commissioned officers.19

47

Jacob noted that the native officers would be always more powerful, moreobedient, and more faithful under a few well selected officers than under agreat number taken at hazard with regard to character or qualification. FourEuropean officers were more than adequate. The large number allowed ina regular regiment, said Jacob, prevents the native officer, whatever his merit,from attaining a responsible or very respectable position in the army therebykeeping out of its ranks natives of birth, and family, and preventing in thenative soldier the full development of that love for and pride in the servicewhich are essential to great efficiency. Irregular sowars, Jacob added, costless than half their regular counterparts. Frere and Jacob were supported bythe members of the influential Punjab Committee, Sir John Lawrence,Brigadier-General Neville Chamberlain and Lieutenant-Colonel HerbertEdward who recommended extending the system which operated within thePunjab Irregular Force to the rest of the native army of Bengal, includingpromotion by merit and substantial powers for commanding officers. But toensure its success, they added, the European officers would have to becarefully selected: a bad European officer cannot work a system of merit;he would soon spoil the best native officer in the world.20

Here we should mention that the Peel Committee followed the suggestionsof the Punjab Committee and established a set of principles which becamethe guidelines for a whole generation of army reforms. These principles wereconfirmed twenty years later in another major examination of the army inIndia. The Punjab Committee had suggested guidelines for the future armyin India. The Committee's viewpoint is worth mentioning here, " as we cannotdo without a large Native army in India, our main object is to make that armysafe; and next to the grand counterpoise of a sufficient European force, comesthe counterpoise of Natives against Natives. At first sight, it might be thoughtthat the best way to secure this would be mix up all the available militaryraces if India in each and every regiment, and to make them all general servicecorps. But excellent as this theory seems, it does not bear the test of practice.It is found that different races mixed together do not long preserve theirdistinctiveness; their corners and angels, and feeling, and prejudice get rubbedoff, till at last they assimilate, and the object of their association to aconsiderable extent is lost. To preserve that distinctiveness which is sovaluable, and which, while it lasts, makes the Muhammadan of one countrydespise, fear or dislike the Muhammadan of another, corps should in futurebe provincial, and rivalries are strongly marked. Let all races, Hindu orMuhammadan, of one province be enlisted in one regiment and no others,and having thus created distinctive regiments, let us keep them so againstthe hour of need by confining the circle of the ordinary service to the limits


Exploring History48

of their own province, and only marching them on emergency into other partsof the Empire, with which they will then be found to have little sympathy.By the system thus indicated, two great evils are avoided firstly, thatcommunity of feeling throughout the Native Army, and that mischievouspolitical activity and intrigue which results from association with other racesand travel in other Indian provinces; and secondly, that through discontentand alienation from the service which has undoubtedly sprung up sinceextended conquest has carried our Hindustani soldiers so far from their homesin India proper."21

III

The recommendations applied primarily to the Bengal Army, because thearmies of Madras and Bombay already fulfilled the recommendation formixed composition as well as most of the other criteria so far set forth forthe reorganization of the Indian Army. The armies of Bombay and Madraswere organised on a 'plum-pudding' basis down to the company and squadlevel. The composition advocated by the Punjab Committee was adopted inthe Bengal Army (which included the Punjab Frontier Force). In 1864, itconsisted of twenty 'mixed' regiments, sixteen regiments with ethnicallyhomogeneous companies, and seven pure ethnic regiments (mostly Sikhs andGurkhas). Recruitment in all three Presidencies was localized, and troopsrarely served outside of the home Presidency. The latter development hadserious repercussions, without prospect of active duty, service in Bombay andMadras became increasingly unattractive to the capable officer, and thequality of their units slowly declined.

In June 1859, having considered the Peel Commission's report, theMilitary and Political Committee of the Council of India concurred with theview that all Bengal native cavalry regiments should be organized on theirregular system. They could not, however, agree about native infantry. Threemembers (J. P. Willoughby, John Lawrence and J. Eastwick) wanted allinfantry regiments on the irregular system; the other two (R. J. H. Vivian andH. M. Durand) were, like Canning, in favour of 20 regular and 30 irregularcorps. Sir Charles Wood, Secretary of State for India from 1859 to 1866, sidedwith the majority on grounds of economy and politics: the irregular systemwas cheaper and would encourage natives of a higher rank to enter the army.European officers, he added, could be appointed to the irregular regimentsby selection from a Staff Corps. Canning and Sir Hugh Rose, Commander-in-Chief of India from 1860 to 1865 disagreed; the former pointing out thata pool of regular regiments was needed from which to select the best officersfor the irregular corps. But Lord Elphinstone and Lieutenant-General Sir

49

William Mansfield, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Bombay respec-tively, were of the opinion that all troops in India should be irregular, withfour or five officers per regiment selected from a Staff Corps.22

The idea for a Staff Corps whereby unattached officers on a general listwould be appointed to staff, civil and regimental duty had been suggestedfirst by Sir John Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay, in 1830. Other officersand senior officials including Lieutenant-General Sir Willoughby Cotton,Commander-in-Chief of Bombay, and Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General- had urged the creation of such a corps prior to the mutiny. But it had alwaysbeen rejected on the ground of expense. However once the Peel Commissionhad accepted that the efficiency of the Indian Army" had been injuriouslyaffected by the small number of officers usually doing duty with [their]regiments, not least because those left behind resented such duty, reformbecame a priority. Of the three options mentioned by the Commission,Canning and the Political and Military Committee of the Council of Indiafavoured the system of 'seconding' (i. e. replacing officers who were ondetached employ) because, they said, it was the best adapted to the require-ments of service in India and would be the most economical. But Sir CharlesWood and the Military Finance Commission in Calcutta preferred theformation of a large Staff Corps of all arms because it would ensure continuityin detached appointments and would enable officers to be selected for thenew irregular regiments.23

Wood's preference was supported by the majority of Canning's Counciland most other senior figures in India bar the Governor-General and theCommander-in-Chief, for irregular regiments and a Staff Corps prevailed.Drafts of the warrant for the formation of a separate Staff Corps in eachpresidency were laid before the Council on 8 January 1861. All Companyand Queen's officers under the rank of field officer were eligible foradmittance (as were all officers then in staff employ under the substantiverank of colonel). Henceforth staff employ would include appointments to civiland political posts, to the general and personal staff, and to regimental duty.Ten days after the formation of the Staff Corps, Wood instructed that all nativeregiments were to be organized on the irregular system with six Europeanofficers (not including a medical officer). This alteration would result in a'very considerable saving', said Wood, 'as nearly one half the charge of aregular regiment consists of the pay and allowances of its officers'. He alsoinsisted that the efficiency of the regiments will in no respect suffer, whilstan opportunity will be given of raising the character and position of the nativeofficers, and, probably, of affording an opening for the employment of nativesin a higher position.24


Exploring History50

In 1861, the Bengal cavalry and infantry were reorganised on the irregularsystem. The 19th surviving cavalry regiments" (not including the Guides andthe five Punjabi corps) were renumbered 1st - 19th Bengal Cavalry andconsisted of 13 native officers, 60 N. C. O. s, 6 buglers and 6 troops of 70sowars each. Of the 44 renumbered infantry regiments, the 1st - l9th werefrom the old regular army. Henceforth they contained 16 native officers, 80N. C. O. s, 16 drummers and eight companies of 75 sepoys each. By late1863, the Bombay Army had followed suit. Madras held out for longerbecause its Governor, William Denison, and its Commander-in-Chief, Lieu-tenant-General James Hope Grant, did not believe that Madras native officerswere fit to command troops or companies: not least because they were mostlylow class and not able to use social position as a means to inspire respect.Denison, in particular, was fearful of giving them too much responsibility.If they are to lead their troops in action, he wrote, "and thus get knowledgeand self-confidence, we shall find that we have risen up a class of men moredangerous than useful". The Madras officials were supported by Sir HughRose who suggested abolishing native officers altogether. But in 1865, withthe replacement of Rose and Hope Grant by William Mansfield and LeMarchant respectively, the Madras Army finally embraced the irregularsystem with regard to the number and duties of European and native officers.The cavalry switched to the full silladars sytem the following year.25

The chief importance of the irregulars system is that it did away with thetendency of European officers to regard regimental duty as a sign of profes-sional failure. Henceforth, officers were selected for regimental appointmentsfrom the Staff Corps, and after 1864 those with less than seven years servicewould have to serve a year's probation and then be examined by a committeeof officers before a permanent posting. The financial incentive to avoidregimental duty was also removed by the equalisation of military allowanceswith "those obtainable in the early stages of civil ... or quasi-military employ".Regimental positions were now regarded as staff appointments with allowancesas well as pay. From October 1863, a commandant of an infantry regimentreceived an additional 700 rupees a month, the senior and junior wingcommandants 270 and 23 0 respectively, the adjutant 200, the Quartermaster150 and the Doing duty officer 100. "It was because of this financial attractionthat there was, after the reorganisation of the native army, 'writes Shibly, 'nodifficulty in getting adequate European officers for native regiments.' Out ofthe 517 members of the Staff Corps in 1875, 370 held appointments in nativeregiments.26

The irregular system also provided native troops with the incentives ofgreater responsibility and higher pay. In a cavalry regiment, for example, the

51

six senior native officers were in command of troops (or ressallahs) andreceived from Rs. 120 to 300 per month, depending upon seniority.27 Eventhe sowars were paid Rs. 27 a month, with the maximum good conduct payincreasing it to 30. Native officers in the pre-mutiny irregular cavalry, bycontrast, had received a maximum of Rs. 150 a month, with sowars on Rs.20. The eight subedars in the reorganised infantry regiments commandedcompanies and were paid from Rs. 67 to 100 a month, with an extra Rs. 25for the subedar-major, while the eight jemadars were on Rs. 30 to 35 (thepre-mutiny rates were fixed at Rs. 67 for subedars and Rs. 24.8 forjemadars).But the pay of havildars, naiks and sepoys remained at its former monthlyrate of Rs. 14, 12 and 7 respectively until 1895.28

By the late 1870s, most regiments in the Indian Army were undermanned.General Sir Neville Chamberlain, Commander-in-Chief of Madras, put thisdown to the fact that the sepoy's static pay had not kept pace with the relativeadvantages to be obtained in other employments. Moreover, he added, theirpay had decreased in actual terms because of the universal rise in the costof living. 20 In fact, according to one survey of prices and wages, the averagepay for an agricultural labourer would seem to have raised much in manydistricts since 1873 and to have fallen much in others. In Midnapore inBengal, for example, it rose from 4 to 7 rupees a month from 1873 to 1880.But in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh it was fairly static and evenfell in some districts (like Faizabad confirms the trend in rising prices byciting the increase in the cost of a sepoy's average monthly supply of atta,dal, ghi, sugar, salt, firewood and tobacco from Rs. 3.6.8 in 1848 to Rs. 4.11.3in 1875. The problem of declining recruitment was eased, he says, by anincrease in the sepoy's basic pay to nine rupees in 1895 and 11 in 1911.29

In his letter about low recruitment levels, Chamberlain also suggested thata more rigid discipline may have lessened the popularity of the army. Thiswas an oblique reference to another crucial area of military reform recom-mended by the Peel Commission30 : an increase in the power of regimentalcommanding officers to punish. The vast majority of witnesses who gaveevidence to the Commission were of the opinion that Bengal officers, inparticular, needed more authority over their men, including enhanced powersto punish and reward. But some, like John Jacob and the Punjab Committee,accepted that the quality of commanding officers had to be improved if theywere to be entrusted with enhanced powers. This was achieved by the switchto the irregular system and the institution of the Staff Corps in 1861:henceforth regimental officers were selected. Later that year, the revisedArticles of War went a long way to satisfying the reformers' other demands:Article 3 gave commanding officers the summary power to reduce N. C. O.


Exploring History52

s to the ranks and to discharge N. C. O. s and ordinary soldiers (a punishmentthat carried with it a mandatory loss of pension); Article 67 gave commandingofficers the option to try offences normally applicable to a District Court-Martial by a Regimental Court-Martial; Article 81 authorised commandingofficers to hold summary trials of N. C.O .s and soldiers and, on conviction,to carry out sentences without confirmation from higher authorities, as longas the sentences were not more severe than could be awarded by DistrictCourt-Martial; and Article 83 affirmed the commanding officer's summarypower to award light sentences including extra drill, restriction to barracklimits, confinement in the Quarter Guard, defaulters' room or solitary cell,removal from staff situations or acting appointments, piling or unpiling shotand cleaning accoutrements with the maximum award at the discretion ofindividual Commanders-in-Chief By 1873, commanding officers could alsodeprive soldiers of good conduct pay.31

In an effort to bolster further the authority of Bengal commandingofficers, the Peel C omission recommended that efficiency should replaceseniority as the dominant factor in the promotion of native troops. The reformsof the 1860s acted on this advice. No sepoy was to be promoted to N.C .Ounless he possessed a competent knowledge of reading and writing in at leastone character except when commanding officers may deem it desirable orexpedient to make exceptions in the case of men who have displayedconspicuous courage or who posses [other useful] qualifications. In general,seniority was to be taken into account but commanding officers had thediscretion to override it. 'The vicious system of promotion by seniority, initself sufficient to destroy the discipline of any army has been abolished',wrote Chesney in 1868,' and by the new Articles of War commanding officersare vested with considerable powers, both for reward and punishment.32

IV

Another recommendation of the Peel Commission was that the uniformof native troops should be assimilated 'more to the dress of the country' andmade more suitable to the climate". The hated leather stock had already beendiscontinued by a General Order of 15 February 1859. So too had the bulkyshako headdress as the loyal sepoys of the Bengal Native Infantry took towearing their undress Kilmarnock caps (first introduced in 1847) instead.From March 1860, commanding officers of native infantry regiments weregiven the option to issue pugris (turbans). Apart from the Gurkhas and ahandful of other corps, who retained their Kilmarnocks, most infantryregiments were wearing pugris by the close of the century. Another majoralteration took place in 1863 when the tight coatee was replaced by the so-

53

called zouave jacket, said to be based on the coat wom by French zouaves(colonial

troops) during the Crimean War. In fact that coat was short and worn openwith large braid loops. The model adopted by the Indian native infantry wasa long, red single-breasted tunic with cut-away skirts and no collar, not thatdissimilar to the coat worn by the British Army. It was not particularly 'native'in style, but it was certainly more comfortable and durable than the old coatee.The Indianisation of dress was more apparent in 1869 when sepoys wereissued with baggy, blue knickerbockers trousers, worn either with whitegaiters or drab puttees

Given that only Bengal Irregular Cavalry regiments survived thereorganisation of the Indian Army, the reform of cavalry dress was not anissue. If anything, the uniform for the new Bengal cavalry regiments was moreformal than it had been for the old Bengal Irregular Cavalry. The exceptionswere the eight surviving irregular cavalry regiments (renamed the 1st- 8thBengal Cavalry) who were allowed to retain their alkaluk coats. The otherswore kurtas (loose frock coats) for winter and white 'American' drill forsummer. By 1874, however, all regiments were wearing pugris, curnmerbundsand a loose kurtas of regimental pattern. The Bengal Sappers and Miners alsoconformed to the general pattern in that shakos and trousers were replacedby pugris, pyjamas and dark blue puttees. All regular native artillery (horseand foot) had been abolished on the ground that it was too dangerous to leavesuch a vital branch in the hands of Indians. The irregular exceptions werefive mountain batteries of the Punjab Irregular Force and four batteries ofthe Hyderabad Contingent.33

The only other recommendations of the Peel Commission that directlyconcern this study were those concerning recruitment: "That the Native Armyshould be composed of different nationalities and castes, and as a generalrule, mixed promiscuously through each regiment" and "That all men of theregular Native Army ... should be enlisted for general service". Both wereaimed at dismantling the high-caste Hindu brotherhood in the Bengal NativeInfantry that had made a general mutiny possible. Interestingly enough, theCommissioners' report made no specific mention of religion. If they hadbelieved religion to be as central to the mutiny as most subsequent historianshave done, it is reasonable to assume they would have referred to it in someway: if only to recommend the Indian government to be cautious whenintroducing measures which might offend the sepoys' faith. Instead theCommissioners proposed to weaken the position of the high-caste sepoys inthe Bengal Army still further by broadening the recruitment base, the very


Exploring History54

policy that is said to have contributed to the mutiny in the first place.34

Three positions on recruitment had emerged from the evidence. The first,generally held by officers and civil servants familiar with the Madras andBombay armies, advocated a balanced pattern of recruitment from all sectionsof society. Soldierly ability, and not caste, was what counted for men likeSir Bartle Frere and Sir Mark Cubbon. They tended to agree with the militaryaxiom that there are no bad soldiers, only bad officers. Diametrically opposedto this position was the view held by Major- General J. B. Hearsey and othersthat the recruitment of all Brahmins and Muslims from Hindustan shouldcease. Hearsey particularly mentioned t the regions of Oudh, the Doab,Shahabad Bhojpore and Robilkhand. Both positions were determined toprevent caste from interfering with military discipline. "Any soldier refusingto work,'' said Hearsey, "because it interfered with his caste was to be triedby court-martial and sentenced to be flogged, or transportation for life." Thethird position recommended using the best material available. The PunjabCommittee, for example, wanted to counterbalance Hindustani soldiers byrecruiting Christians, Eurasians, Santals, Bhils and other unfashionable races,as well as more Punjabis and Gurkhas. They also emphasised the need tobalance and separate castes. The first recommendation of the Commissioners,therefore, was a fudging of the first and third positions.35

Even before the appointment of the Peel Commission, native levies had beenraised in Bengal from mainly low-caste recruits. The Mainpuri Levy (later the35th N. I.) was wholly so; the levies rose at Bareilly (36th N. I.), Meerut (37thN. I.), Agra (38th N. I.) and Shahjahanpur (4th N. I.) had been allowed toenlist two companies of Rajputs each. No decision had been taken on theirlong-term future by 1860 when Sir Hugh Rose, the new Commander-in-Chiefof India, came down in favour of mixed recruitment. "The homogenouscomposition of the old Native Army, fostering caste, combination and indis-cipline," he remarked to Lord Canning, was one of the springs of the mutiny,and has been proved to be an element of danger in a Native army. He thereforesuggested limiting the proportion of anyone sector caste in each regiment toa quarter, with Sikh and Gurkha corps the only exceptions.36

After making disagreement with Commission's report, Sir Charles Woodfavoured the general mixture system (different races and castes throughoutthe companies of regiments) in conjunction with a district system wherebyeach regiment was recruited from a particular locality. The difference, heinformed Rose on 25 April 1862, "will be greater in some regiments thanin others, some regiments will be more, others less homogenous and hereanother sort of variety will be created." His intention was divide and rule.

55

He told Denison in 1861 that he never wanted to see again a great Army,very much the same in its feelings and prejudices and connections, confidentin its strength, and so disposed to unite in rebellion together. If one regimentmutinies, I should like to have the next so alien that it would be ready tofire into it.37

The commission threw adequate light on the composition of regimentswithin the army establishment in the subcontinent. After making a sort ofcompromise, the Government of India authorised four different systems ofenlistment for the Bengal regiments of native infantry in November, 1862.Though, they were quite hesitant about the further existence of the Bengalregiment since this was the hot bed of rebellion. There were four Gurkharegiments (not line corps) and two Muzbi Sikh regiments (23d and 32d N.I.), which were to continue to recruit from a single class.Tthe nine Hindustaniregiments(1st ,2nd, 3rd, 4th, 7th, 11th, 12th, 16th and 17th N. I. ) and theother two Sikh regiments (14th and 15th N. I. ) would recruit from the sameclasses under the District system; the Punjab regiments raised in 1857-8 andthe Assam and Sylhet corps, 15 in number (19th, 20th 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th,26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 31st, 42nd, 43rd and 44th N. I.), would embracethe General mixture system with no one class greater than 50 per cent ofthe total; and the remaining 16 regiments would operate under a Classcompany system (whereby each company was composed of a different raceor caste).38

V

These systems remained unchanged for two decades. But during that timemore and more commanding officers of the General mixture regiments beganto report that long association removed any class or race differences betweentheir men, thereby fostering a general esprit de corps. This trend was seenas increasing the threat of a mutinous combination and the General mixturesystem was abolished in 1883. Thereafter, 32 regiments of Bengal infantryand 14 of Bengal cavalry were organised on the Class Company or troopsystem; and the remaining 12 regiments of infantry and 3 of cavalry usedthe Class regiment system. By 1899, with a halt having been called to theenlistment of low-caste men or menial classes, there were just 22 Classcompany and 42 Class infantry regiments in Bengal. Madras and Bombayalso abandoned the General mixture system between 1887 and 1889: but theirregiments were placed on the Class company or troop system, with theexception of one Class regiment in Madras. In general terms, the chiefrecruitment ground for the Bengal Army had moved from Oudh and itsadjacent provinces to Nepal, the Punjab and the North-West Frontier. In1893,


Exploring History56

for example, only nine of the 64 regiments of Bengal infantry were composedof high-caste men: seven of Rajputs and two of Brahmins.39

Historians like, A. H. Shibly has argued that the new irregular system didnot go as far as the expectations of the native soldiers.40 Before the mutiny,he writes, "a native officer in the irregular cavalry could rise to the commandof a squadron which was, under the new system, commanded by Britishofficers."41 He also points out that the intention to "raise the character andposition of the native officers by affording an opening for the employmentof natives of higher position" was "not wholly milled''. The vast majority ofnative officers continued to be promoted from the ranks: not a single directcommission in the Bengal infantry 39was given until 1873, while only 35were awarded from 1873 to 1885. All this is true. But the introduction ofthe irregular system was still a significant improvement - an opinion Shiblyshares: That the new system answered better than the old one might fairlybe asserted, firstly, on the ground of the greater efficiency, secondly fromthe achievements of these regiments in the field, and thirdly, from theirobedience. There were no instances where any of the regiments had refusedto perform pioneer work when necessary, not merely in sieges, but at anytime in the field, or had refused to go on Foreign Service when required.The superior position and authority entrusted to the native officers, and theefficiency required of them in drill and discipline, developed and improvedtheir capacities.42

There were 20 mutinies in the Indian Army between 1858 and 1947. Fewoccurred before 1886, while the 15 that took place between the 1880s andthe 1930s have been described by David Omissi as minor. The smallestinvolved just 20 men, the largest a single regiment. Only one - the mutinyof four companies of the 5th Light Infantry at Singapore in 1915 resultedin sepoy violence against their officers. Most of the mutinies - including theseven that occurred between 1886 and 1914 - were little more than peacefulcollective protests over professional issues such as pay, allowances, promo-tions and the conditions of service. 'These affairs should not be seen asminiature versions of 1857,' writes Omissi. 'They bore much greater resem-blance to the strikes and protests of industrial workers, just as peasant-soldiershad much in common with other labour migrants.43

Yet it could be argued that these mutinies had many characteristics similarto 1857 -just on a smaller scale. That they did not develop into anything moresignificant is surely down to the post-1857 military reforms: the increasedratio of European to native troops (which remained at around 1: 2 until 1914),the concentration of artillery in European hands and the brigading of one

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European regiment with every two native corps so that no major station wasleft without a European presence. Also significant were the improvementsmade to the service conditions of all three presidency armies, and the BengalArmy in particular: the creation of a Staff Corps and the selection of Europeanofficers for more lucrative regimental duties which came to be regarded asan honour rather than a chore; the increase in the power of commandingofficers to punish and reward, including the replacement of seniority withmerit as the dominant principle of promotion; the switch to irregularregiments with fewer Europeans, which gave native officers more responsi-bility and greater job satisfaction; the increase in pay for native infantryofficers and all native cavalrymen; the switch from tight and uncomfortableEuropean-style uniforms to those more suited to the Indian climate; and,crucially, the Bengal Army's shift in recruitment from the high-caste Hindusof Oudh and the North-Western Provinces to the Sikhs and Muslims of thePunjab, the Gurkhas of Nepal and the lower castes of Hindustan.44

The Peel Commission finally led the road to the formation of the IndianArmy into proper manner so that it could not further provide any groundsfor Mutiny. Most of the recommendations advocated by the Commission werebeing maintained while recruiting the sepoys and followed law and ordersin the Army. Yet, the growing illegal recruitment of northern Indians bothin the Bombay and Madras presidencies was being serious concern for theColonial government. The Commission explained the twofold ways, whichcould be dealt with the problem. The Commission also recommended nofurther foreign expeditions till then the Indian Army could be reorganisedinto a 'proper shape.'45 Roughly, around this time the class regiment and class-company regiment were under consideration. Class regiments were composedentirely of the same ethnic or caste groups; class-company regiments had adifferent class in each of its three companies; the companies themselves werealways pure. Promotion for Indians to commissioned posts varied in the twotypes of regiment; in class regiments promotion was based on a generalseniority list encompassing all companies, but in class-company regimentpromotion was made from the rolls of the particular class in which a vacancyoccurred. No Indian officer of one class was permitted to command troopsof another. This system guaranteed that the link between the unsophisticatedsepoy and his British commander would be a solid, experienced IndianCommissioned officer of the same class as the sepoy himself. We could saythat the Peel Commission made the ground ready for the Eden Commission(1878) which further inquire into the condition of the Indian Army and carriedforward the legacies of the earlier Commission.


Exploring History58


1. Sen, Surendra Nath, Eighty Fifty Seven, New Delhi, 1957, p. 406

2. Lawrence, James, Raj: The Making and Unmaking of British India, London,1997, p. 171

3. The then Secretary of State for India, Sir Charles Wood, told Lord Canningin 1859, 'I never wish to see again a great army, very much the same in itsfeelings and prejudices and convictions, confident in its strength, and sodisposed to unite in rebellion together. If one regiment mutinies, I should liketo see the next regiment so alien, that it would be ready to fire into it.' Formore details see, Lt.-Gen. Menezes, S. L., Fidelity & Honour: The Indian Armyfrom the Seventeenth to the Twenty-First Century, New Delhi, 1993, p. 188

4. Pati, Biswamoy (ed.), The 1857 Rebellion, New Delhi, 2007, p. 12

5. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, The Indian Empire, Vol. IV: Administrative,London, 1907, pp. 347-53 and Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwardi,'Punzabization in the British Indian Army 1857-1947 and the Advent ofMilitary Rule in Pakistan', Edinburg Papers in South Asian Studies, No. 24,2010, p. 12

6. Belmekki, Belkacem, 'A Wind of Change: The New British Colonial Policyin Post-revolt India', Journal of the Spanish Association of Anglo-AmericanStudies, Vol. 30, No. 2, p. 112

7. Rand, Gavin, 'Learning the lessons of 57: Reconstructing the Imperial Militaryafter the Rebellion', Centre for South Asian Studies, University of Edinburg,Conference Paper, 2007

8. Shibly, A. H. The Reorganization of the Indian Armies, 1858-1879, Ph.D.Thesis, S.O.A.S., University of London, 1969, p.45

9. Myres, R. A. Regimental Histories of the Indian Armies, A Bibliography,Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of London, 1957, p.221

10. Report of the Commissioners appointed to Inquire into the Organization ofthe Indian Army; together with the Minutes of Evidence and Appendix,London, (Henceforth Peel Commission Report), 1859, p. 9

11. The army in India adopted different organizational systems: 1. The generalmixed composition system: each company in a regiment consisted of differentraces and castes which were mixed together irrespective of caste and creed.2. The class company system: each company in a regiment has soldiers of onecaste and social class. In this way, each company was pure; different castesand classes were kept separately at the company level. 3. The class regimentsystem: the whole regiment comprised men of one distinct social class or caste.At times, a regiment could have soldiers enlisted exclusively from one district/region. Ibid.,

12. M.S.A. Rao, 'Caste and the Indian Army', Economic and Political Weekly, IssueNo. 35, August 29, 1964, p 1439-42

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13. Cohen, Stephen P. 'The Untouchable Soldier: Caste, Politics and the IndianArmy', Journal of the Asian Studies, Vol. XXVIII, 1969, p. 34

14. Peel Commission, op. cit., 1858, p. 4

15. Parliamentary Papers (1857-1858) XLIII, p. 123, 'Return to an Order of theHonourable the House of Commons, dated 5 February 1858; for, A Copy 'ofany Orders that may have been issued by the Court of Directors regarding theCastes of Hindoos from which the Native Army is to be recruited.'

16. David, Soul, The Bengal Army And The Outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, NewDelhi, 2009, p. 311

17. The Peel Commission was appointed to inquire in to the various conditionsof the Indian Army. At the initial stage the Committee was being trying togather answers on 12 questions and the interview was essentially linked withthose particular questions. The Committee was trying its best to address theissues within the army that created problems before the British administration.op. cit. p. VI

18. David Julian Saul Markham, The Bengal Army and the Outbreak of the IndianMutiny, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001, pp. 264-68

19. Ibid., pp. 27073

20. Paper Connected with the Reorganization of the Army in India, Supplementaryto the Report of the Army Commission, n.d. (1858-1860), New Delhi, p. 50

21. Punjab Committee quoted in the Report of the Army Organization Commission(Eden Commission), 1879, pp. 78-79, Great Britain, House of Commons,London, November 11, 1884. Sir Ashley Eden, Lieutenant-Governor of Bengalwas chairman of the Eden Commission.

22. Op. cit, pp. 270-74

23. Cohen, Stephen P., The Indian Army: It's Contribution to the Developmentof a Nation, New Delhi, 1990, p. 35. Cohen argued that the official bodyappointed to examine the military in India after the mutiny of 1857 was thePeel Committee that was not instructed to examine the role of caste, it soonbecame aware that caste and the structure of Indian society would be a centralproblem.

24. Op. cit. pp. 234-49

25. Jackson, Donavon, India's Army, London, 1940, pp. 34-41

26. Mason, Philip. A Matter of Honour, New York, 1974, pp. 231-49 andHeathcote, T. A., The India Army: The garrison of British Imperial India,1822-1922, London, 1974, p 97

27. Badenach, Walter. Enquiry in to the State of the Indian Army, Suggestions forits Improvements and the Establishment of Military Police for India, London,n. d., p. 214

28. Majumder, Rajit K. Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, New Delhi, 2003,p. 112


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29. Farwell, Byron, Armies of the Raj: From Mutiny to Independence, 1858-1947,New York, 1989, pp. 95-99

30. All the evidence before the Commission pointed out the necessity of improve-ment of the position of the officers, serving regimentally. For the attainmentof this object and for the remedy of the evil complained of various schemeshave been suggested, viz, the formation of a Staff Corps, the system ofseconding officers who are on detached employ, which exists to a certainextent in the Line Army, placing the European officers of each Presidency ongeneral promotion. For further details, see Peel Commission, pp. xiii-xiv

31. Ibid., p. xii

32. Ibid., p. xiii

33. Ibid., pp. 121-23

34. Mollo, Boris The Indian Army, London, 1981, p. 93

35. House of Commons, "Reports from Commissioners: Organization of Army(Indian)," 1859, Session 1, vol. V, Tamilnadu Archives, p. x

36. Singh, Madan Paul, Indian Army under the East India Company, New Delhi,1976, pp. 156-157

37. Peel Commission, Report of the Evidences by Lt. Gen George Pollack onAugust 10, 1858, pp1-11

38. Ibid, The Bengal cavalry was also recruited under a variety of systems: Singleclass (1st, 14th and 15th B. C. General mixture (2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th and 7thB. C. ); and Class troop (6th , 8th 9th, 10th 11th, 12th, l3th, 16th, 17th,I 8th, 19th B.C. After the mutiny of 1857, the Company tried to solve theissues, which led to traumatise the military environment. Evidences by MajorGeneral Low on August 10, 1858, pp. 11-15

39. Ibid., Evidences by Colonel R. B. Wood on November 8, 1858, pp. 306-311

40. Shibly, A.H. op. cit.,

41. Op. cit., Evidences by Major General Ashburnaham on September 28, 1858,pp. 121-125

42. Ibid., Evidences by Colonel H.M. Durand on November 25, 1858, pp. 213-232

43. Omissi, David, The Sepoy and the Raj: the Indian Army, 1860-1940,London,1994, pp. 231-34

44. Op. cit., pp. 256-67

45. Here, I tried to say that the recommendations set by the Peel Commission hadbeen followed and maintained so as to get the proper shape of the army inIndia.

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AFGHAN ENDGAME: POSSIBILITYOF REGIONAL CONSENSUS?

Ashish Shukla

ABSTRACT

September 11 attack on United States was undoubtedly a watershedmoment in the history of international relations and made a deep impact onthe foreign and security policy of a number of states. It was the most seriouschallenge ever faced by United States, the sole superpower of the world afterdismemberment of USSR, and what made it even more challenging was thefact that American political, economic and military supremacy was challengednot by any rising state power but by a non-state actor-the al-Qaeda. It tookno time for US to determine that Afghanistan based al-Qaeda, headed byOsama Bin Laden, was behind the attack. This very incident guided astructural change in international system and subsequently Bush administrationslaunched "Global War on Terrorism" with the aim of eliminating top al-Qaedaleadership, responsible for the attack, defeat the Taliban and dismantle theinfrastructure of terror worldwide.

Keywords: Afghanistan, Al-Qaeda, NATO, United States of America,Taliban,

In his West Point speech, delivered on 1 December 2009, President Obamamade some modifications in the "narrowly defined" goal set by his predecessorGeorge W. Bush and laid down the core of US goals in Afghanistan. Hedeclared that our overarching goal would be the same "to disrupt, dismantle,

Exploring History62

and defeat al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacityto threaten American and our allies in the future." However, he also addedthat to meet these ends the US would reverse the Taliban's momentum andstrengthen the capacity of Afghan government and Security Forces so thatthey could take the responsibility to defend their country.1 One should readbetween the lines the indication that US were interested to handover theresponsibility that would pave the way for their exit from Afghanistan. Hedid not stop here but elaborated the entire strategy and said that in order tobreak Taliban's momentum, Washington would pursue a military strategy; toimprove the situation in Afghanistan it would pursue a more effective civilianstrategy by working with her other partners; and most importantly will alsofocus on Pakistan where the cancer had taken root.2

Despite these lofty goals and strategies, situation in Afghanistan is farfrom satisfactory. United States and international forces, engaged inAfghanistan, have achieved only minimal success in this regard. In recentpast, we have seen the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) gettingbogged down in a cat mouse game with the Taliban.3 Ahmed Rashid hasrightly compared the Taliban with balloon-if you push them from one side,they will appear on the other side and through this cat-mouse game overtimethey have also learned the art of lifting pressure from one region by targetingthe enemy in another region.4 Though, the coalition forces had killed andcaptured a number of al-Qaeda leaders and cleared their strongholds but themost notable success came only in May 2011, only after a decade long chase,when US Navy SEALS conducted an operation in Abbottabad, near PakistanMilitary Academy Kakul, and killed the world's most wanted man-Osama BinLaden. However, this did little to improve the situation in Afghanistan whichremains shaky and unstable today.

Rashid questions the commitment of Western leaders who all the timemaintained a strong rhetoric to get the things right in Afghanistan but neverprovided the adequate money and manpower. He claims that Afghanistannever received sufficient funds necessary for infrastructure development andstabilising economy, and to one's utter surprise instead of deploying troopsoutside Kabul just after 2001 invasion, Washington preferred to rearm localwarlords.5 Rashid is quite right that Western partners of Afghanistan are notseriously committed to rebuild Afghanistan. It is clear from the statement ofUK's Defence Secretary Liam Fox who in May 2010 clearly said thatBritishers were not interested in nation building in Afghanistan. He statedthat "National security is the focus now. We are not a global policeman. Weare not in Afghanistan for the sake of the education policy in a broken 13th

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century country. We are there so the people of Britain and our global interestsare not threatened.6 Apart from all these mistakes, international forcesconsistently underestimated the capacity of Taliban to adapt and expand andwrongly believed that it was a local insurgency which was not only dividedbut also lacked any comprehensive strategy.7 All these mistakes, made byinternational coalition, resulted in the strengthening of the insurgents. Theinsurgency which was earlier confined to traditionally Pashtun dominatedareas has expanded into the non-Pashtun areas also. Taliban are tapping intothe vulnerabilities of a corrupt Afghan government and are installing shadowgovernments in the central-eastern provinces.8 With each passing day,Taliban forces are increasing their presence and control in larger areas. Thesituation in Kabul and seven surrounding provinces is not very encouraging.Taliban are in a position to mount an attack whenever they want. They havedisplayed their ability by attacking the intercontinental Hotel in June 2011and who can forget the brazen attack on the US embassy on 13 Septemberthat left twenty seven people killed. On April 15, 2012, the US, British,German and Japanese embassy compound came under heavy fire whenmilitants attacked the capital's diplomatic enclave. On this very day suicidebombers struck across Afghanistan in a coordinated which was claimed byTaliban as the start of a spring offensive.9 They again struck on 2 May 2012and targeted a foreigners' housing compound. The attack is significantbecause just before 90 minutes President Obama was in Afghanistan forsigning "Enduring Strategic Partnership Agreement".10

The advance made by Taliban seems irreversible, as the grip of centralgovernment is loosened and the governing structure has been collapsed,especially in most of the rural areas. Indeed, the fact of the matter is thatthe central government controls only cities of Afghanistan, excluding largeparts of Pashtun belt.11 Government in Kabul is weak and fragmented. Karzaiis not well connected to the Afghan populace and is out of touch with thepeople. Rigged elections in 2009 have considerably maligned the image ofKarzai. In order to enjoy some level of influence throughout the country, hehas included a number of former warlords in his government.12 This showsthat at the provincial and district level, Karzai does not enjoy the real support.The insurgents in the country are well aware of the limits of both, the Afghangovernment and her Western partners. They have started exploiting popularprotests against Karzai regime and coalition forces. The return of Talibaninsurgency to a remarkable extent has forced both the Western actors andAfghan government to acknowledge the fact that Taliban cannot be militarilydefeated and there is a need to engage them in a political negotiation. After

AFGHAN ENDGAME: POSSIBILITY OF REGIONAL CONSENSUS?

Exploring History64

realising this, Washington secretly opened backchannel talks with the Talibanwithout even informing Afghan leadership.13 This time again Washingtondefied its own rhetoric of supporting any negotiated settlement led by Afghansthemselves. It also irritated the Pakistani army, the most powerful institutionin Pakistan that exclusively formulates Pakistan's Afghan policy, which notonly demands a chair at the negotiation table but intends to direct thenegotiation process on its own terms.

Call for a Regional Solution

To discuss the "transition strategy" for Afghanistan, Germany, in November2010, hosted a summit of NATO leaders in Lisbon which was also attendedby Afghan President Hamid Karzai and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.The summit, in the end, decided to handover the responsibility of Afghanistanto Afghan people in a phased manner. It was agreed that this will start in2011 and be completed in next four years that is by 2014. However, NATOSecretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen emphasised that "We will stayto finish the job…The process must be condition-based, not calendar-based.We have to make sure we don't leave Afghanistan prematurely."14 This wasechoed by Ban Ki-moon who said that "We must be guided by reality, notschedules."15 It was from this very point that Washington with other westernpartners started articulating a regional solution to the Afghan problem so thatthey could prepare the ground for the withdrawal of a large contingent ofwestern forces, not each and every soldier, from Afghanistan. It is importantto note that since then the West has extensively funded, to sell their idea,a series of conferences across the world to discuss and explore the possibilityof a viable regional solution.

It is ample clear now that US is not going to leave Afghanistan completely.President Obama has recently signed "Enduring Strategic PartnershipAgreement" with Afghanistan which says that even after 2014, US willarrange funds "to support the training equipping, advising, and sustaining ofAfghan National Security Forces, so that Afghanistan can independentlysecure and defend itself against internal and external threats, and help ensurethat terrorists never again encroach on Afghan soil and threaten Afghanistan,the region, and the world."16 The agreement requires Afghanistan to "provideUS forces continued access to and use of Afghan facilities through 2014, andbeyond…For the purpose of combating al-Qaeda and its affiliates, trainingthe Afghan National Security Forces, and other mutually determined missionsto advance shared security interests."17

The regional solution which the western actors have been consistently

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trying, since late 2010, to feed everybody emphasizes the crucial role ofAfghanistan's immediate and nearby neighbours, such as Pakistan, Iran,Central Asian Republics, India, China and Russia, can play in stabilizingAfghanistan. Despite the much touted need and advantage of a regionalsolution we do not find a clear vision of what the regional solution wouldentail.18 It is surprising that on the one hand the west is selling the idea ofregional solution but on the other its engagement with Afghanistan's neighboursis limited and there is no serious attempt to bring all of them to the tableto at least discuss the issue.

Interests of Major Regional Players

After Lisbon NATO summit, it became clear that West is not going tostay indefinitely in Afghanistan and many of the western actors flagged theidea of regional solution and with this the fears' of many would be regionalplayers came true. There is no doubt that a stable, peaceful and prosperousAfghanistan is everybody's interest but it seems that regional actors are moreinterested to gain a greater amount of leverage over Afghanistan so that theycould protect their respective national interests. This has been the primaryreason behind different responses from regional players over the issue. Itwould be better to analyse interests and responses of major regional playersbefore formulating any conclusion regarding the issue.

Pakistan: Due to its strategic location, geographical proximity, historicaland cultural ties, Pakistan is the most important neighbour and is activelyinvolved in Afghan conflict since last three decades. It holds the key and ithas the ability to play both constructive and destructive role in Afghanistan,however, historical experiences suggest that it is more interested to serve itsown interests even at the cost of Afghan stability, peace and development.Pakistan has three key interests in her mind which it wants to pursue at anycost; first, it strictly aims to limit Indian presence, if not entirely eliminating,in Afghanistan; second, it emphasises on an inclusive government in Kabulthat would include Pashtuns, meaning Taliban, which would neutralisePashtunistan issue and also provide "strategic depth" against India and; third,it desperately needs some space for itself in Afghanistan to maintain its"strategic assets".

As far as its first objective is concerned, Pakistan is not interested to allowany kind of presence in Afghanistan and sees each and every step of Afghan-India friendship and cooperation with great suspicion. During a visit toIslamabad in March 2010 when Karzai asked Pakistan's cooperation, he wastold by the army leadership that if he wanted their cooperation, he should


Exploring History66

first shut down Indian consulates and reduce Indian presence in Afghanistan.19

Pakistan not only accuses India of pursuing a policy of "strategic encirclement"by strengthening cooperation with Afghanistan but also blames that throughits consulates it is fomenting trouble in Balochistan. However, given the levelof Indian developmental assistance and its rising clout in international arena,Pakistan has realised that it would not be possible for itself to simply getIndia out of Afghanistan and that's the reason it has modified its objectiveand now insists on limiting Indian presence to developmental activities only.

Army is the self-appointed guardian of Pakistani states that claims todefend both the territorial and ideological frontier of the country. Pakistan'sAfghan policy is formulated not by civilian elites in Foreign Ministry but byMilitary Leadership in General Head Quarters (GHQ) at Rawalpindi. Armyis obsessed with India threat and implicitly maintains that it is necessary tohave a pliant government in Kabul which would provide "strategic depth"to Pakistan in any future wars with India. When it demands an inclusivegovernment, it is basically asking to accommodate Taliban in any futurearrangement that would not only neutralise the Pashtunistan issue but alsoprovide the much needed "strategic depth" to army. General Mirza AslamBeg, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) was the author of the doctrine of "strategicdepth" and since then successive army chiefs have pursued the policy ofhaving a pliant government in neighbouring Afghanistan. Pakistani armyrealised the dream of "strategic depth" during 1996 to 2001 when Talibanwere at the helm of affairs in Afghanistan and created trouble for India inmany ways.20 Hijacking of Indian Airlines flight IC-814 and Kargil intrusionis some of the cases in point.

On April 27, Jawed Ludin, Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister, met withHina Rabbani Khar, Pakistan's Foreign Minister, and during their meetingKhar said that Pakistan is committed to strengthen its ties with Afghanistanand would support any Afghan-led and Afghan-owned initiative for peace.She also said that Pakistan has an abiding interest in the stability ofAfghanistan. Indeed, officially, Pakistan maintains that a stable democraticand peaceful Afghanistan would be in the interest of Pakistan but in realityit seeks instability in Afghanistan because a stable Afghanistan will mostcertainly be pro-India,21 if it is not dominated by Islamabad's puppets. It iseven not happy with the way Americans are building a strong Afghan NationalArmy (ANA) and sees it as a threat to Pakistan's interests, as in ANA non-Pashtun officers are holding key positions.22 It desperately needs some spaceto maintain and nurture some of the militant outfits which it considers asimportant "strategic assets" against India23 and intends to use them to bleed

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India by thousand cuts and create problems in the state of Jammu & Kashmir.Apart from all this, Pakistan is also interested in full US-NATO withdrawal,however officially it has not put forward the demand for it. Munir Akaram,former Pakistan Ambassador to UN, has recently wrote a piece in Dawnnewspaper in which he claimed that US-NATO military intervention inAfghanistan is a threat to Pakistan and stated that it is in Pakistan's interestto bring about orderly, honourable but full withdrawal of US-NATO forcesas soon as possible.24

Iran: After, Pakistan it is Iran that has a major role to play in the endgamein Afghanistan, as it shares a 582 mile long border with troubled country.Iran has deep historical and cultural ties with Afghanistan and it still maintainsclose links with Afghanistan's Hazara and Tajik Shia population which isabout 20 percent of total Afghan population. During 1979 Soviet invasion,it not only strongly opposed the invasion but also provided substantialfinancial and military assistance to Ahmed Shah Massoud group that wassympathetic to Iran. It did not feel comfortable when Pakistani proxy, theTaliban, captured Kabul. After getting the information about Taliban's harshtreatment of Hazara Shia minority of Afghanistan, it stepped up its assistanceto Northern Alliance which included money, weapons, and humanitarianaid.25 It became more hostile and threatened to attack when Taliban executedIranian diplomats, captured its consulate in Mazar-e-Sharif, and massacredthousands of Shias there.26 When US launched its Global War on Terrorism,Iranian President Khatami saw it as an opportunity to get rid of Taliban regimeand extend Iranian influence in Afghanistan. Since then, it has actively beenengaged in the reconstruction of Afghanistan, more specifically in theprovinces of Heart, Farah and Nimruz that borders Iran.27 The recentdevelopment, largely negative due to Iran's involvement to go nuclear,between Iran and US relations has an important bearing on its role inAfghanistan. As far as Iranaian interests in Afghanistan are concerned onecan count that-

Firstly, Iran is interested to maintain its traditional influence over westernAfghanistan so that it could protect Shia and other Persian-speaking minoritiesthat are largely based there.28 Hazara Shia minorities of Afghanistan,numbering around 3-4 million, have deep cultural and religious ties with Iranand Iran is determined to provide protection to them. Secondly, Iran isstrongly opposed to return of Taliban at the helm of affairs. Due to the pastexperience of Taliban rule, Iran knows that it would not be easy to protectits interests in Afghanistan if Pakistani proxy returns to power. Thirdly, it doesnot want any instability in Afghanistan, as this would increase the flow of


Exploring History68

refugees in Afghanistan. It has been reported that between March 21 andFebruary 2011, Iran forcibly repatriated about 160,000 Afghan refugees29 butit still hosts around one million which puts an intense strain on its economy.Fourthly, Iran has the world's worst heroin problem and due to which HIV/AIDS is spreading rapidly in the society.30 As far as the drug problem isconcerned, it is important to note that Afghanistan produces about 90 percentof world opium and due to a long porous border, with the largest opiumproducer, Iran is the most vulnerable for illicit drug trafficking. Half of thisillicit production passes through Iran and it is estimated that a substantialamount of this drug is used by 1-4 million drug edicts of Iran.31 Afghanistanand Iran both along with Pakistan are part of the infamous Golden Crescentwhich has been traditionally responsible for the world's heroin supply32 anda UNODC report, published in 2008, has claimed that one of the three majorroutes preferred by drug traffickers is the western route via Iran.33 Fifthly,due to the strain in relations with the US, Iran is now opposed to any USpermanent base in Afghanistan which could be used either to pressure or inworst case scenario to attack Iran. This was the reason of Iran's irritation whenthe US and Afghanistan signed a strategic pact on May 2 2012. In an attemptto show its anger towards the recent development Iran harassed some of theAfghan diplomats in Tehran.34 Iran made its displeasure public and its foreignministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast denounced the agreement bysaying that "Not only will the strategic pact not resolve Afghanistan's securityproblems, but it will intensify insecurity and instability in Afghanistan."Abbas Araqchi, Deputy Foreign Minister for Asia Pacific, also said that "thestrategic treaty which justifies the presence of foreign forces in Afghanistanwould only damage regional peace and security. Presence of foreigners inAfghanistan will be the root cause of more tensions and conflicts in thatregional country." As per some reports in the media, Iran has renewed itscontact with the Taliban also. This explanation for it is being given that Iran'sengagement with Taliban is directly related to its tensions with the US andthe latter's desire to stay in Afghanistan even after 2014. C. Rajamohan, thedoyen of South Asian affairs, has recently written that Iran for now Tehran'spriority is to effectively deal with the "Big-Satan" and for that it is comfortableto engage the "Little Satan", the Taliban,35 which was earlier considered asthe biggest enemy of Tehran.

India: It is widely believed that Indian interests in Afghanistan are exactlyopposite to those of Pakistan which is not necessarily true, despite the factthat some of its interests directly clash with Pakistan's, in the sense that itsdesire to have a healthy relationship with Afghanistan and to enjoy a certain

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degree of influence is largely positive. In other words India is not interestedto use its influence in Afghanistan against any of its neighbours includingPakistan. India has a clean track record in this regard also. One should alsoremember that it is not the changed dynamics in the region due to which Indiafinds an interest in Afghanistan but the fact of the matter is that since itsindependence in 1947 India has enjoyed very cordial relations and somedegree of positive influence in Afghanistan. This influence received a majorsetback when Afghanistan descended into chaos and later Taliban, with theactive help of Pakistan, captured Kabul. During Taliban rule (1996-2001)India was completely out of picture and was supporting Panjshir-basedNorthern Alliance but immediately after Taliban's defeat in 2001 revived itsrelations and vigorously pursued a pro-active Afghanistan policy. PrimeMinister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was quick to announce a $100 million line ofcredit, one million tons of wheat and as early as in December 2011 sent ateam of doctors to help Afghan people. At present it is fifth largest donorto Afghan reconstruction and is engaged in a number of developmentalprojects that has created enormous goodwill for it among Afghan populace.Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, during his visit to Afghanistan, in May2011 announced a new India-Afghanistan "Strategic Partnership" agreementwhich President Karzai signed in October 2011 when he was visiting India.The pact grants India a formal role as one of the guarantors of Afghan stabilityand also provides for expanded political and cultural ties.36

India has a number of interests in Afghanistan. Firstly, India wants toprevent the repetition of the story of Taliban taking over Kabul by any means.India fears that it will not only reduce Indian influence in Afghanistan andreverse the developmental gains made by international community inAfghanistan but there will be an increase in Islamic extremism in the country.Given, the current situation in Pakistan where hardly any day passes withouta violent incident, this would be detrimental to peace in the region. Secondly,India sees Afghanistan as the gateway of energy rich Central Asian Republics.Since India is energy deficient country and it desperately needs to broadenits energy imports in order to enjoy uninterrupted energy supply so that itcould sustain the momentum of its economic growth in long term. India, thus,want Afghanistan to serve as a bridge to Central Asia. Thirdly, India is alsointerested to curtail the growth of illegal drug production in Afghanistan37

and this constitutes one important reason for India's active involvement inAfghanistan. India is well aware of the fact that through Pakistan a largeamount of illicit drug trade takes place and the money earned by this tradeis used to finance terrorism in the region and not to say that India is also


Exploring History70

a target.38 Fourthly, India wants a greater role for itself in regional affairs39

in order to live up to the expectations of international community that nolonger sees India as a South Asian power struck with Pakistan. Christine C.Fair is of the view that India's involvement in Afghanistan advances itsposition as an important power beyond South Asia.40 Indeed, India hassuccessfully demonstrated to the world that it is willing to play an active rolein the world and would employ all legitimate means available to it forprotecting its interest anywhere in the world. As, already mentioned it iscurrently the fifth largest donor to Afghanistan and is engaged in a numberof productive developmental activities in Afghanistan and is also ready totravel an extra mile to protect its interests in Afghanistan.

China: Through a small "Wakhan Corridor", China is connected toAfghanistan. It is deeply concerned about the Uighur problem in its Xinjiang,the largest province where its sovereignty is under threat due to the activitiesof religious radicals and secessionists, and is well aware of the connectionbetween Uighur rebels, Taliban, al-Qaeda and some Pakistani based terroristoutfits. Any amount of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan is a threat to China.But it is really surprising that China has not meaningfully engaged inAfghanistan after the defeat of Taliban in 2001. It's presence in Afghanistanis limited and primarily guided by its own economic interests of securingAfghan minerals and other resources. On 5 December 2011, Chinese ForeignMinister Yang Jiechi met with President Hamid Karzai and assured him that"China would attach special importance in terms of tapping up the resources,infrastructure, energy and training programme in support of Afghanistan."One thing is very clear that it is not very happy the way India, US and NATOare engaged in Afghanistan. It feels that NATO's presence in Afghanistan isaimed to secure a strategic base in the region from where energy resourcescould easily be secured and China could be encircled.41 It is also concernedabout the possible encirclement of its all-whether friend Pakistan by growingIndian presence.

Russia: Russia still suffers with "Afghan Syndrome" and is confused withthe complex situation in the region. On the one hand it supports US andNATO forces against Taliban and on the other wants to contain US influencein Central Asia and Afghanistan. As far as the Russian interest in Afghanistanis concerned, it most certainly does not want the return of Taliban and seesthis possibility as a threat to its own security. It is important to note thatTaliban regime had recognised Chechnya's independence and offered trainingto Chechen rebels. Taliban also encouraged and assisted radical Islamicmovements in Central Asian Republics where Russia wanted at least a soft-

71

dominance. Russia also wants positive improvement in its drug problemwhich is largely because of the production in Afghanistan. It aims to stemthe drug flow from Afghanistan that is causing at-least 30,000 to 40,000deaths in Russia every year.42

Russians are confused over the US role in the region. There are at-leastthree groups in Russia who have different views over the issue. First groupconsists of those who want US to be completely defeated and humiliated.Other group is made of those who consider US as an adversary and wantit to engage indefinitely and prevent the return of Taliban at the helm ofaffairs. One should not be confused that this group want an outright victoryof US. The third group really wants US to be victorious, as it would certainlyremove most of the threats Russia faces in the region. Though it is difficultto decide which group would prevail in the end but Russian President'sremarks are important in this regard. Vladimir Putin, in April 2012, said that"We are interested in things there being under control and it is in our nationalinterests to help maintain stability in Afghanistan."43 He further stated that"NATO and the western community are present there. Let them do theirwork."44 During an informal discussion with the author, Dr. Sanjay Pandey,Associate Professor in Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, JNU,hinted that the third group should prevail, as there is strong possibility thatthis would neutralise almost all the threats Russia faces in the region.

Central Asian Republics: Like India, Iran and Russia, Central AsianRepublics are also worried about growing instability in Afghanistan, as itseriously threatens their own security, and the protection of the rights of theirethnic minorities in Afghanistan. These republics are also fearful of the returnof the Taliban that had created serious problems for them by supportingradical elements in the region. It was not a coincidence that after Taliban'svictory in Kabul Jumaboi Khojaev alias Juma Namangani and Tahir Yuldashevannounced the formation of Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) with anaim to overthrow the government of President Islam Karimov and subsequentlyestablish an Islamic state in Uzbekistan which received funds from SaudiArabia and Pakistan.45 To discuss the Taliban threat, some of the CentralAsian Republics with Russia and China formed a regional grouping whichcame to be known as Shanghai Cooperation Organization.46 Later, after 9/11 when Americans launched "Global War on Terrorism" and came toAfghanistan, many of these republics welcomed the initiative. Uzbekistanprovided US the Karshi-Khanabad air base in October 2001 and asked USto vacate the base when a rift emerged over Uzbekistan's crackdown againstriots in Andijon, however again in February 2009, it allowed US and NATO


Exploring History72

forces to use its Navoi airfields to supply goods to Afghanistan.47

Conclusion

December 2014 is the deadline which is closing with each passing dayand international forces are gearing up to leave the region. Nobody knowsexactly what would be the future of Afghanistan and the region, as for asstability, security, peace and development are concerned. It is now ample clearthat each and every state in the region is worried about the rise of radicalextremism and return of Afghanistan excluding Pakistan, as it still considersAfghan Taliban important for achieving its regional objectives and its Armyis preparing again to send their boys (Taliban) to capture Kabul. If we closelyexamine the interests of various actors in the region, we will come to concludethat each one is interested to fulfill their own national interests and increasetheir level of influence in Afghanistan. Relations of Afghanistan's two mostimportant neighbours, Pakistan and Iran, with the US have deteriorated dueto competing and conflicting interests in the region. Pakistan and Iran wantUS and NATO forces to leave the region as soon as possible while otherswant at-lest US to stay longer. However, nobody wants US to make apermanent base in the region. There is no clear roadmap for the regionalcooperation and it seems that regional consensus is unlikely to emerge, asmost of the actors have competing as well as conflicting interests inAfghanistan.


1. President Obama's Speech on Afghanistan, Dec. 1, 2009.

2. Ibid.

3. Narayanan, Sripathi (2010), Pakistan & Afghanistan: Understanding Islamabad'sObjectives and Strategies", IPCS Special Report 94, New Delhi.

4. Rashid, Ahmed (2012), Pakistan on The Brink: The Future of Pakistan,Afghanistan and the West, UK: Allen Lane, pp. 105-106.

5. Ibid, p. 95.

6. Cited in Aneja, Atul (2010), "U.K. Mulls Over Afghan Exit Plan", The Hindu,New Delhi, 23 May 2010.

7. Dorronsoro, Gilles (2010), Afghanistan: At The Breaking Point, CarnegieEndowment Report.

8. ICG (2011), The Insurgency in Afghanistan's Heartland, Asia Report No. 207,Washington D.C.: International Crisis Group.

9. "Taliban's New Offensive Rocks Afghanistan", Dawn, Karachi, 16 April 2012.

10. "Taliban Strikes Close on Obama's Heels", The Hindu, New Delhi, 3 May 2012.

73

11. Dorronsoro (2010), op cit.

12. Chorev, Matan and Jake Sherman (2010), The Prospect for Security andPolitical Reconciliation in Afghanistan: Local, National and RegionalPerspective, A Workshop Report, Balfer Center for Science and InternationalAffairs, Harvard Kennedy School, Cambridge.

13. Rana, Amir Muhammad (2012), "Movers and Shakers", Dawn, Karachi, 29January 2012.

14. Traynor, Ian (2010), "Nato Maps out Afghanistan Withdrawal by 2014 atLisbon Summit", The Guardian, 20 November 2010.

15. Ibid.

16. Article III (5) of the Enduring Strategic Partnership Agreement between TheIslamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States of America.

17. Article III (6) of the Enduring Strategic Partnership Agreement between TheIslamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States of America.

18. CSS (2012), Afghanistan: Withdrawal and A Regional Solution?, CSS Analysisin Security Policy, No. 109, March 2012, Zurich.

19. Rashid (2012), op cit., p. 131.

20. Shukla, Ashish (2011), "Pakistan's Quest for Strategic Depth: Regional SecurityImplications", Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, currently in press.

21. Alaaldin, Ranj (2010), "Afghanistan: Time to Face Reality",http://www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/ranj-alaaldin/afghanistan-time-to-face-reality?utm_source=feedblitz&utm_medium=FeedBlitzEmail&utm_content=714440&utm_campaign=Weekly_2010-12-22%2005:15.

22. USIP (2011), Pakistan, the United States and The End Game in Afghanistan:Perceptions of Pakistan's Foreign Policy Elite, Peace Brief 100, UnitedInstitute of Peace, Washington D.C.

23. Narayanan (2010), op cit.

24. Akram, Munir (2012), "For Comprehensive Security", Dawn, Karachi, 13 May2012.

25. Coll, Steve (2005), Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistanand Bin Laden, New York: Penguin Books, p. 345.

26. Fite, Brandon, et al. (2012), Competition in Afghanistan, Central Asia andPakistan, Center for Strategic & International Studies Report, March 2012,Washington D.C.

27. Ibid.

28. Katzman, Kenneth (2012), Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security,and U.S. Policy, Congressional Research Service Report, 4 April 2012.

29. Quraishi, Ahmad (2011), "Iran Expels Thousands of Afghan Refugees", http://www.pajhwok.com/en/2011/02/07/iran-expels-thousands-afghan-refugees,accessed on 2 May 2012.


Exploring History74

30. Beehner, Lionel (2006), "Afghanistan's Role in Iran's Drug Problem", http://www.cfr.org/iran/afghanistans-role-irans-drug-problem/p11457, accessed on2 May 2012.

31. Laipson, Ellen (2012), Engaging Iran on Afghanistan, The Henry L. StimsonCenter Report, Washington D.C.

32. Shukla (2010), op cit.

33. UNODC (2008), Illicit Drug Trends in Pakistan, United Nations Office onDrug and Crime, Pakistan.

34. "Kabul's Strategic Pact Causes Tension with Iran", The Express Tribune,Karachi, 9 May 2012.

35. Rajamohan, C. (2012), "Tehran Finds Taliban?", The Indian Express, NewDelhi, 10 May 2012.

36. Katzman (2012), op cit.

37. Heine, Jorge and Partha Ghosh (2011), "The Elephant in the War: India andthe Afghan-Pakistan Link", Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 17 (1): 50-61.

38. For details see, Shukla, Ashish (2010), "Drug Trafficking in Pakistan: Threatto Regional Security", Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, 14 (3): 65-85.

39. Pant, Harsh V. (2010), "India in Afghanistan: A Test Case for A Rising Power",Contemporary South Asia, 18 (2): 133-153.

40. Fair, Christine C. (2011), "Under the Shrinking U.S. Security Umbrella: India'sEnd Game in Afghanistan?", The Washington Quarterly, 34 (2): 179-192.

41. Alaaldin (2010), op cit.

42. Trenin, Dimitri and Alexei Malashenko (2010), Afghanistan: A View fromMoscow, Carnegie Endowment Report, Washington D.C.

43. Cited in Swamy, Praveen (2012), "Asian Powers Anxiously ContemplateAfghanistan Sans America", The Hindu, New Delhi, 17 April 2012.

44. Ibid.

45. K. Warikoo (ed.), Religion and Security in South and Central Asia, Oxon:Routledge, 2011, p. 5.

46. Katzman (2012), op cit.

47. Ibid.

75

EDUCATIONAL INTERVENTION ANDNEGOTIATION: A CASE STUDY OF SERAMPORE

MISSION AND NEW EDUCATION

Amrita Mondal

ABSTRACT

The Christian missionaries became interested in spreading education inBengal from the mid-eighteenth century. While doing so, the missionaries'main aim was to make the local people realise that their salvation lay inacceptance of Christianity, while they criticised vicious practices of Bengal.The Charter Act of 1813 had empowered missionaries to preach Christianityin India. Besides preaching, the Act also encouraged the missionaries in otherphilanthropic works. In the educational field, this philanthropy was markedby the introduction of western science along with Biblical studies, whichultimately marginalisation of the indigenous knowledge system. However,interaction between indigenous education and missionary's education systemhad reframed the missionaries' educational aims over time. This indicated thatthese Christian missionaries did not fully reject the indigenous knowledgesystem. In this context, the paper evaluates the educational activities of theSerampore mission. It consults several missionary documents of Seramporemission. Besides, this paper also tries to explore the Serampore Missionaries'perception of indigenous knowledge systems. The Mission established in1800 by William Carey, Joshua Marshman and William Ward in Serampore.

Key words: Missionary, Education, Nineteenth century Bengal, SeramporeMission, Indigenous Society, Indigenous education

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With the colonial intervention and the establishment of British rule inIndia, several changes took place in different realms of Indian society. Thesechanges also affected the Indian education and evolved it into a 'modern'educational system which was mainly based on western education. Along withthe colonial government, Christian missionaries were also taking activeparticipation in the process. Initially, the British colonial power had tried tocondemn the activities of Christian missionaries, but with the passing ofCharter Act of 1813 all restrictions were abolished. This helped the missionariesto penetrate into Indian educational field and established schools to enlightenthe 'native' souls. While preparing the schools' curricula they tried toemphasise western knowledge, incorporating science within the curriculum.Besides, they also took initiatives to educate women. Thus, M. A. Laird hasargued that Christian missionaries were the pioneer in introducing theelementary science in curriculum, compiling them into the textbooks andstarting school for the girls.1

Milton S. Sangma while discussing the activities of the American BaptistMission in North East India argues that missionaries' intention of theeducational activities in India was to make the indigenous people able to readthe scripture. Sangma also depicts that these American missionaries hadfound, 'without a knowledge of Three R's there would be little or no effectof their Mission'. Sangma's observation is also valid for all other missionaryorganisations. Noticeably, while preparing schools' curricula missionariesincorporated biblical studies which reflected their religious intention ofeducating people. All these circumstances hinted that these educationalinterventions made by Christian missionaries and the British Governmentultimately segregated the indigenous knowledge system. However, it wouldbe wrong to generalise the educational approach of all Christian missionariesas contradictory approaches existed within the activities of Christianmissionaries in India.

The article tries to seek these contradictory approaches through the casestudy of Serampore Mission's educational activities, especially through theirinitiatives while promoting science education. Incorporating science subjectswithin the schools' and colleges' curricula were part of westernization ofeducation in India. This activity delegitimised indigenous knowledge. Thisfact leads to the quarry whether Serampore Missionaries educational approacheswere different from the other missionaries while promoting science education.

To address these nuances the paper has been divided into three sections,beginning with three existed educational approaches in the first half ofnineteenth century Bengal, then moved on to the educational curriculum,

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especially science curriculum of Serampore Mission's schools. Further, thepaper has discussed the Serampore Mission College's science syllabus to tracetheir educational approaches.

I

During the early nineteenth century, Bengal had three different educationsystems which were run parallel to each other by their associated authorities.These education systems were, indigenous educational system; educationsystem ran by the East India Company, and educational system introducedby Christian missionaries. Further, the indigenous education was divided intothree categories according to their governing authority, like Pathshalas, Tolsand Madrassas. In these indigenous institutes, pupils were given the lessonsof spelling, letter writing, multiplication tables, rules of Arithmetic (calledaryas), Syakhats, grammar and moral lessons, like Gurudakishana, DataKarna, Prahlad Charitra and Chanakya Slokas. Other subjects were the rulesof land measurement, agricultural accounts, zamindari and commercialaccounts. Besides, the indigenous curriculum also emphasis on lessons likehow to write different types of letters and maintain land revenue, along withthe rule of cubic and square measurements which are required for diggingponds.2 Noticeably, this indigenous curriculum emphasised the practical useof the knowledge system.

Parallel to this, the East India Company had also taken initiatives to spreadeducation after 1813. Initially, the East India Company had maintained adistance from the indigenous society, not because of any enlightening attitudetowards the religion or culture of Indian society, but out of their businessand desire of not to create unrest among the 'natives'. However, the Act of1813 had changed this notion. While discussing on the Act of 1813, SureshChandra Ghosh has argued,

"the act empowered Governor General to appoint 'a sum of not less than one lakhof rupees' in each year out of 'the surplus territorial revenues' for the revival andimprovement of the landed natives of India, and for the introduction and promotionof knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories inIndia".3

With this Act, the East India Government had become interested ineducating indigenous people and the process started with the establishmentof 'Calcutta School Book Society' (1817), 'School Book Society' (1818), and'Hindu College' (1817). Meanwhile, controversy started on the issue ofspending of one lakh rupees while educating the 'natives'. To solve theproblem, the Company Government had decided to prepare a secular and

EDUCATIONAL INTERVENTION AND NEGOTIATION:...

Exploring History78

useful curriculum. Within this secular curriculum they incorporated subjects,like classical languages of Europe and India, Geography, Astronomy for theschools4 and for the colleges they decided to introduce subjects, like classicaland vernacular Indian languages along with English literature and Englishscience. They opened the educational field for all without any discrimination.5

Though, the Company Government prepared the curriculum from a secularapproach, but gradually they tried to spend their money in western educationand marginalised the indigenous one.

The third educational effort had been taken by Christian missionarieson the basis of missionary zeal. Though, before 1813 few missionaries tookindividual initiatives to spread education, however, in 1813 after obtainingthe official permission to preach Christianity in India, Christian missionariesmade a parallel education system with evangelical ideology. They establishednormal schools and orphanages to educate indigenous people as well as theorphan children of soldiers.6 Further, expansion of educational network bymissionaries helped in establishment of five types of missionary schools inBengal.7 They were,

1. Boarding schools, founded for European boys and girls.

2. Schools "for the education of the children of such who lost cast (sic)for Gospel"8 .

3. The third type of boarding schools was founded for the Indian Christianboys and girls.

4. The fourth type of schools was established mainly for the 'RomanCatholic' boys and girls.

5. Last kind of schools was founded with the intention of converting the'native' pupils.

While formulating curricula of these missionary schools, some of thesemissionaries had included both eastern as well as western subjects, along withthe study of the Bible. As it has been discussed that the missionaries mainintention of educational approaches was to make the 'heathens' realised thatthat their salvation lay in the acceptance of Christianity, so they prepared theircurricula in such way where they criticized indigenous society, introducedbiblical studies with few new western subjects like, 'geography'. Seramporemission's perception almost same while educating 'heathens' except few areaswhich are needed to be highlighted.

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II

Soon after it foundation, Serampore Mission started its journey ineducational field while opening two boarding schools on 1st May 1800 andone native school in the month of June with forty pupils.9 Mr. and Mrs.Marshman was the pioneer in that work. Considering the Charter Act of 1813,Educational approaches of Serampore Mission can be divided into twophases.

During, pre 1813 period, educational curriculum of Serampore Missionwas almost same like the other missionaries in India. Their aim behind theestablishment of schools was to bring changes in the hearts of the heathensby providing them education, converting them to Christianity and train themas future missionaries. Keeping these aims in mind Serampore Missionariestried to introduce such curriculum in their schools where students were givenlessons of arithmetic, 'Scripture'10 along with English language. However,missionaries had also given emphasis on learning of vernacular languages,like Sanskrit and Bengali. At the beginning these Missionaries did not giveimportance to the science subjects. First and foremost, they introducedsubjects like orthography, grammar and vocabulary in vernacular language,mathematics along with the lessons of ethics and morality.11 Even when theyestablished 'Benevolent Institution' during 1809-10, for the Eurasian poor ofKolkata, there also they limited their curriculum within "reading, writing, andArithmetic, in different degrees and capable of preaching the scriptures inthe Bengalee or the English languages".12

After 1813, changes occurred in the educational curriculum of SeramporeMission's schools. Marshman planned to extend the curriculum as well asthe schooling network in different parts of Bengal and outside of it. Theseplans were properly drafted in 'Hints Relative to Native School', publishedin 1816. Several reports of the Institution for the Encouragement of NativeSchools in India have depicted the implementation of these plans andexpansion of schooling network in different parts of Bengal. In Hints Relativeto Native School, Marshman discussed about the introduction of newsubjects, like Geography and use of compendiums in the Native Schools.Compendiums were used to describe matters like grammar, arithmetic,including a view of the solar system, ethics and morals etc.13

At the school level they did not introduce any science subject exceptGeography and 'Jotish'. Only after the establishment of Serampore College;the Mission authority introduced different science subjects like Chemistry,Botany and Zoology in the College syllabus. They also introduced the


Exploring History80

Scientific Copy Book to help students to make their concepts clear.14 Whilepreparing that copy book they followed a method. At first they chose a topicand then explained that in one, two or three sentences of convenient length.15

The 'Scientific Copy Book' contained the ideas of solar system or 'Jotish',Geography, Chronology, General History, True nature of virtue, Morality andReligion.16 This copy book was a hand book for students, which providedessential knowledge for their future. After intensive study of sample questionsof this book, it can be said, though these Serampore Missionaries tried tointroduce science education, but while doing so, they were propagatingChristianity, as they incorporated questions related to Christian theology andethics within this copy book.

When Serampore Mission established 'Institute for the encouragement ofNative School' in 1816, several schools established in towns and villageswithin thirty miles of Kolkata came under its supervision. In fact, several otherschools in different parts of Bengal also came under the Institution. Forexample, at Catwa17 and its neighbourhood area few schools had establishedunder the supervision of William Carey Junior.18 The first school reportdepicts that in these areas the demand of schools was indeed high. In Dacca,several new schools were opened by Mr. O. Leonard at the beginning of theyear 1817 but the Serampore Mission restricted the number in five. Reportsrelated to 'Institute for the encouragement of Native School', like, The FirstReport of the Institution for the Encouragement of Native Schools in India(July, 1816 to October 1817), depict the number of newly established schoolsas well as number of enrolled students. The report also depicts that theSerampore Missionaries introduced different subjects like, Dig-Durshuna,Letters, Astronomical Compendium, Spelling Lessons, Tables and Inferiorlessons with Elementary Tables and most of the students were enrolledthemselves in spelling lessons and in 'Dig-Durshuna.

In the following years these Missionaries had published subsequentreports of this Institution. The Second Report of the Institution for theEncouragement of Native Schools in India, published in 1818, shows thatthe number of students in Native schools gradually increased. By October1818, the number of the students had reached seven thousand one hundredand eighty eight.19 Besides, almost twelve new schools were founded afterOctober 1817. The second report of the Institution also shows that after 1817,with the help of Serampore Missionaries, the Institution introduced few newsubject in the Native Schools, like Dig-Durshuna,20 Jotish, the ShastraPuddhuti and Letters, Nittee Bakya and Spelling lessons and made certainsubjects combinations. Further, other than oriental languages, they incorporated

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few indigenous subjects in the school's curriculum. However, the missionariescould not introduce these indigenous subjects in every school due to lack ofrequired number of teachers. Besides, all students were not keen to choosenew subjects introduced by the missionaries in some schools.

In 1818, Serampore Mission published Dig-Durshuna, a magazine foryouths, to circulate some scientific and geographical knowledge among theyouths. The main aim of this magazine was to secure the improvement ofthe youth's mind and to prevent youths' minds from getting filled with idleor injurious. The Third Report of the Institution for the Encouragement ofNative Schools in India notified that 1818 onwards, Samachar-Darpana andDig-Durshuna were sent to every school.21 These Serampore Missionariesused this Bengali newspaper and journal, namely, Samachar-Darpana andDig-Durshuna as a textbook in their schools. With the expansion of schoolingnetwork outside of Bengal they translated the first two volumes of Dig-Durshuna in Hindi and published them in 'Dev-Nagree' character with thesame view.22

To illustrate different lessons properly to students, Serampore Missionariesplanned to use compendiums. As a result, they prepared various compendiumson different subjects for illustration. These compendiums were the ElementaryTables, the Grammatical Tables, the Orthographical Tables,23 the ArithmeticalTables, Tables of Vocabularies, the Astronomical Compendium, theGeographical Compendium, the Philosophical Compendium, the Historicaland Chronological Compendium and the Compendium of Ethics and Morals.These compendiums were also given numbers, like 'the 1st elementary table,the 3rd orthographical tables'23 etc. and 'in the various compendiums, thelessons were numbered in the same manner'.24 Along with these compendiums,the Serampore Missionaries also prepared a set of Arithmetical Tables andtranslated them into Bengali. This compendium consisted of 'all fundamentalrules of Arithmetic, with directions for solving them, as well as the weightsand measures, used by natives'.25 In this way they prepared and printed twentyfour tables.26

Curriculum of each school under Serampore Mission was not always thesame. Several educational reports published by the Serampore mission presshave given a vivid picture of this variation. These reports have shown thatmost of the schools were given due attention to spelling lesson. Moreover,only after 1818 writing and reading of Dig-Durshuna, letters and elementarytables were included within schools' curricula in a large scale. Anothervariation in curricula has been noticed after the expansion of SeramporeMission's schooling network in north-east India. For example, in 1829 David


Exploring History82

Scott, a missionary of Serampore Mission, opened a school for Garo boysat Singimari under the supervision of Serampore Mission. There Scott"envisaged, in association with the school where instruction would beimparted to the Garo boys through their own language rendered in Bengaliscript, an extensive agricultural and animal husbandry project."27

It can be said that, missionaries had changed their methods according toneed of the situation. In the case of Scott, he thought that his policy wouldhelp to stabilize the Garos and bring them within the folds of Christianity.28

After the Serampore Mission, the American Baptist mission started theirmissionary school in north-east India. They also tried to follow the Seramporemission's methods of teaching. Incidentally, they emphasised on Englisheducation as well as on the gospel.29 After re-evaluating the Seramporemission's schools' curricula, it can be said that the Serampore Missionprepared a balanced curriculum for the adolescence while incorporatingindigenous knowledge along with western science in it. However, they didnot marginalise or delegitimise the indigenous one. Later, these missionariescontinued with this approach while preparing college curriculum.

III

While preparing a new educational curriculum for Mission's schools,Serampore Missionaries also became interested in higher education. In 1818,they founded Serampore College within the premises of Serampore Mission.Later on it became the vertex point of 'eastern literature and western science'as a result; the teaching was backed up by a well-stocked library, laboratory,museum, medical unit and observatory. Clearly, in that Institution science wasgiven due attention. In the first prospectus of Serampore Collage, named,College for the Instruction of Asiatic Christian and Other Youth in EasternLiterature and European Science at Serampore, Bengal describes the aimsof the Institution. In the prospectus, it was said that, eastern languages likeSanskrit, Arabic, and Chinese as well as major western languages like Greek,Latin, and English were taught there.

The fifth point of this instruction's prospectus depicted that along withvarious eastern and western languages and literatures, pupils had alsoprovided the lessons of European Science to expand their knowledge.Besides, it also argued that science education should start with elementaryideas, based on Geography, like, solar system, the laws of motion, nature ofthe mechanical powers etc., and then 'gradually advance as the mind of youthexpand'.30 In this prospectus, it had also been told that lectures would deliveron various branches of science and any Hindu or Muslim could attend them.

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While preparing the College's curriculum, the Serampore Missionariesprepared two separate courses, one for European and East-Indian studentsand another for Christian and non-Christian natives. On one hand, theEuropean and East-Indian students were taught Hebrew, Greek, Latin,Bengalee and Mathematics and attended lectures on mental Philosophy,Chemistry and ancient and ecclesiastical History, on the other hand 'native'Christian and non-Christian students were given lessons of Sanskrit, Bengali,English as language along with the lessons of Chemical Studies, LogicalCourses, including a summary of Baconian System and analysis of the ancientAristotelian Methods, explanation of nature, the varieties, the Law ofEvidence etc.31

From the time of its establishment, Serampore College gave due attentionto the learning of English. While explaining their plans, the Mission authoritysaid that if pupils acquired a good knowledge over the English language, thenthrough the knowledge of English language they would easily access thetreasure of western science along with western literature and this ultimatelywould also enable them to enlighten their own people. However, it did notmean that Serampore missionaries totally neglect oriental knowledge in theirCollege. Oriental languages had given due attention, even indigenous scientificknowledge too. Most of the faculty members of the Serampore College wereenthusiastic in promoting science education. They strictly followed the outlinementioned in the College prospectus for the promotion of science. In theprocess of promoting science education in College, two people took a leadrole, one was William Carey's son Felix Carey and another one was JohnMack. While doing this they did not neglect the 'Eastern' or 'Vernacular'knowledge. For example, on the occasion of the establishment of SeramporeCollege, in 1818 Samachar-Durpan published news of that event along withthe description of different subjects which were taught there. The news hadconveyed information that if anyone wanted to study Indian Astronomy, alongwith Suryasidhanta32, Lilabati33, then they must contact the SeramporeCollege. They appointed Kalidas Bhattachariya, a famous scholar for that.34

On another day, while discussing the solar eclipse, Samachar-Darpan quoteda verse from Surya Siddhanta. These two news highlights one thing thatSerampore Mission did not delegitimise the eastern knowledge system whilepromoting science education, rather they tried to make people rational byproviding both eastern and western knowledge to pupils.

Several Serampore Missionaries, like William Carey, Mr. Albrech, andJohn Mack had delivered lectures at the college. All of them selected theirarea of interest to teach. For instance, after the establishment of Serampore


Exploring History84

College, Carey used to give lectures on Zoology and Botany.35 Mr. Albrech,another Serampore Missionary and professor of Serampore College, hadtaken the responsibility of the Geographical Department. He took good careof maps of the world.36 Another respected professor of the SeramporeCollege of that period, Sir John Mack joined the Serampore Mission and asChemistry Professor at the College in 1821. While joining SeramporeMission, he brought many scientific books along with scientific apparatuseswith him and later it enriched the College library as well as the Collegelaboratory. Along with chemistry, Mack also taught Geography in a scientificway while using maps. Moreover, he translated the English map of India intoBengali for the benefit of students. Serampore Missionaries always encouragedthe learning of natural science like Geography. The Mission's keennesstowards that subject made it a compulsory subject in school from thebeginning.37

In 1823, John Mack first delivered a lecture on Chemistry at SeramporeMission. As the College notified, this lecture was open to all. The Fourthreport of Serampore College for the year 1823 had depicted that,

'The most respectable natives in Serampore and its neighbourhood havebeen invited to attend the course free of cost, as well as the students andPundits of the College and those connected with the establishment. Thecourse has also been favoured with (attended by) the Company's Gentlemenfrom Barackpore, and Calcutta'

Moreover, this lecture had left a great impact on the audience. The Fourthreport also said that after the succeeding lecture of that day, people whoattended the lecture, discussed about all things, whatever they had seen.Though, some problems occurred as that lecture was delivered in English.Mack also faced the same problem when he delivered lecture at Asiaticsociety. To overcome the problem, he tried to learn the native language. Hetried to deliver lectures in Bengali and translated many scientific terms withthe help of scientific Sanskrit terms.

Parallel to all these scientific lectures, the Serampore Missionaries alsopublished several scientific books in vernacular language. In this process ofpublishing scientific book, Carey's son Felix Carey took an important role.A number of valuable scientific works in Bengali were written and translatedby Felix Carey.38 For example, he wrote an encyclopaedia and translatedan anatomy book, named Vidya-Harabali. It was the first anatomy book inBengali, published in two volumes. First volume described different internalparts and anatomy of human body as well as the anatomy of some animals

85

like cow and dog. Second part discussed on Chemistry, medicine andsurgery.39 These two books had a big demand for a long time, even manyyears after Felix's death.40 In that book Felix Carey translated the medicalterms into Bengali and while doing so he took help from Sanskrit words.Some of these terms are,

Hand: Hastha, Helicis major, m.: Karnagra baloyastha brihathasma,Helix: karnagra baloy, Intestinal canal: Khudra-Pranaly, Inspissated coagulablelymph: Medh, Integument: Charma (skin), Internal Jugular: Kanthnanthastharaktabhak nari, Internuntii: Raganta dibash, Intestinum Rectum: Saralyantraetc.41

Besides translating different medical terminology in Bengali with the helpof Sanskrit words, Felix Carey also translated John Mack's book Principlesof Chemistry in Bengali.

After discussing Serampore Mission's schools' and College's curriculumsof science and other subjects, it can be said that when they were preparingthe curriculum for schools and College, they gave equal importance towardsthe secular curriculum of East India Company Government, moral educationalsystem of Christian missionaries' and indigenous educational system. Thiskind of approaches of the Serampore Missionaries towards education wasmostly influenced by orientalist approach. However, later the attitudes ofdifferent Christian missionaries while educating Indians changed. For example,when Alexander Duff founded his school as well as college in 1830 onwards,he was strongly critical of the secular educational curriculum of CompanyGovernment.42 While preparing school's as well as college's curriculum, Duffcovered a large number of 'literary instructions, beginning with the alphabetand extending to the most advanced course of literature'.43 He mainlyemphasised to make pupils rational with close questioning on variousissues.44 Moreover, through this process, he marginalised the indigenousknowledge system.

On the contrary, Serampore Mission, while promoting science educationand rational knowledge, had not only raised questions on various superstitiousand vicious practices of indigenous society, but also gave legitimacy toindigenous scientific knowledge by incorporating them within their schoolsand college curricula. Besides, they appointed native pundits for deliveringlectures on 'Jotish'.

Conclusion:

It can be said that Serampore Mission's schools' and college's curricula


Exploring History86

had gone through several changes. Initially their aims were to bring changesin the hearts of the heathens by providing them education, converting theminto Christianity and train them as future missionaries. Keeping these aimsin mind Serampore Missionaries tried to introduce such subjects, whichwould help to achieve their aims. When in 1813, Charter Act of 1813 waspassed and all political obligations had been withdrawn from missionaries'activities, some changes occurred in Serampore Mission's educational activities.Missionaries brought changes in their schools' curriculum by incorporatingnew subjects, especially different indigenous subjects along with 'modernwestern' subjects. Besides, they choose vernacular languages as medium ofinstructions in schools. It might be possible that the reason behind choosingof vernacular language as medium of instruction and introducing indigenoussubjects along with western subjects was, to attract large number of peoplein their school. Even when the parents of the pupils opposed to their planof introducing the Bible in their school, the Serampore Missionaries postponedtheir plan. However, they did not give up their missionary zeal while makingsuch negotiation with the indigenous people. For Example, while preparing'Scientific Copy Book' they incorporated questions related to Christiantheology and ethics.

Besides, while preparing Serampore Mission College's curriculum, themissionaries incorporated western science along with eastern literature. Thiscurriculum made Serampore College the vertex point of 'eastern literature andwestern science'. They incorporated indigenous knowledge, like 'Jotish' in thecollege's curriculum and also legitimised the Indian's notion of eclipse whichwas depicted in Surya Siddhanta. When Serampore Missionary like FelixCarey translated several scientific books into Bengali, they took help fromdifferent Sanskrit words. Appointing native pundits for delivering lectures inschools and college also indicated the orientalist nature of SeramporeMission.

Moreover, all these approaches of the Serampore Mission indicated thatunlike the other Christian Mission and missionaries, the Serampore Missionand its Missionaries maintained a negotiable attitude towards indigenousknowledge by legitimising indigenous rational knowledge as well as indigenousscientific knowledge by incorporating them within their schools' and college'snew curricula, especially while promoting science education.

Notes:

1. Laird, M. A., Missionary and Education in Bengal, 1793-1837, Oxford, 1972,p. xi.

87

2. Acharya, Poromesh, 'Indigenous Education and Brahmanical Hegemony inBengal' in Nigel Crook ed., The Transmission of Knowledge in South Asia,New Delhi, 1996, pp. 108-109.

3. Ghosh, Suresh Chandra, The History of Education in Modern India, 1757-2007, New Delhi, 2009, p. 18.

4. These subjects were incorporated within the curriculum of Calcutta Grammarschool. (Source: Friend of India, Quarterly Series, 10th June, 1824.)

5. Viswanathan, Gauri, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule inIndia, New Delhi, p. 34.

6. Frykenberg, Robert Eric, Christianity in India, New York, 2008, p. 149.

7. Sen Gupta, Kanti Prasanna, The Christian Missionaries in Bengal, 1793-1833,Calcutta, 1971, p. 100.

8. Ibid.

9. Marshman, John Clark, The Life and Time of Carey Marshman and Ward,Vol.1, London, 1859, p. 131.

10. Potts, E. Daniel, British Baptist Missionaries in India, 1793-1837, Cambridge,1969, p. 116.

11. Ibid., p. 119.

12. Friend of India, Vol. 1, September, 1818, pp. 133-134.

13. Hints Relative to Native Schools, Together with the Outline of an Institutionfor Their Extension and Management, p. 26.

14. Scientific Copy Book: The 'Scientific Copy Book' contained the ideas ofsolar system or 'Jotish', Geography, Chronology, General History, True natureof virtue, Morality and Religion. It could be said this copy book was a kindof hand book for students which provided essential knowledge for theirfuture.

15. Manual of direction of Superintendants attached to the institution for theEncouragement of Native Schools, p. 36.

16. Second Report of The Support and Encouragement of Native Schools, p. 37.

17. Catwa is a small town, situated in Nadia district, West Bengal.

18. William Carey Junior was the second son of William Carey.

19. The Second Report of the Support and Encouragement of Native Schools,p. 9.

20. Though 'Dig-Durshuna' was a magazine for the youth but SeramporeMissionaries introduced this magazine as a subject in their schools.

21. The Third Report of the Institution for the Support and Encouragement ofNative Schools, p. 15.

22. The Second Report of the Support and Encouragement of Native Schools,p. 26.


Exploring History88

23. Hints Relative to Native Schools, Together with the Outline of an Institutionfor Their Extension and Management, p. 26.

24. Ibid., p. 27.

25. Ibid., p. 37.

26. Ibid.

27. Downs, Federick S., Christianity in North East India, Delhi, 1983 p. 54.

28. Ibid.

29. Sangma, Milton, A History of American Baptist Mission in East-India, Vol.II, New Delhi, 1992, p. 2.

30. College for the Instruction of Asiatic Christian and Other Youth in EasternLiterature and European Science at Serampore, 1819, p. 7.

31. Adam, William, On the State of Education in Bengal, Calcutta, 1835, pp. 70-71.

32. Suryasidhanta was an old Sanskrit book on astronomy.

33. Lilabati was an old Sanskrit book on Astronomy and mathematical calculation.

34. Samachar-Darpan, 20th March, 1819.

35. 'Brief Memoir Relative to the Operation of Serampore Missionaries, p. 27.

36. Ibid.

37. Calcutta Gazette, Thursday, 27th May, 1824.

38. Palit, Chittabrata, Scientific Bengal, New Delhi, 2006, p.49.

39. Carey, Felix, Vidya - Harravalee, Bengalee Encyclopedia, Vol.1, Serampore, 1820,p. 3, (Actually the proposal of that second volume discussed in the end of firstvolume and it was also said that after completing so respected mission pressnotified that on Samachar-Darpan and on Friend of India.)

40. Friend of India, 1835-1839, during those years Felix Carey's book on anatomyappeared in the advertizing page which display the mane of those books whichwere on sale.

41. Carey, Felix, Vidya - Harravalee, op.cit., p. 5.

42. Viswanathan, Gauri, Masks of Conquests, op.cit., p. 48.

43. Ibid., p. 53.

44. Ibid., p. 54.

Reference:

Primary Documents:

Newspapers:

Carey Library and Research Centre, Serampore College, Serampore, Hooghly

1. Friend of India, (Quarterly Series), 1818.

2. Friend of India, 1835-1840(weekly).

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3. Samachar-Durpan, 1819.

4. Calcutta Gazette, 1824.

Institutional Papers:

Carey Library and Research Centre, Serampore College, Serampore, Hooghly

1. College for the Instruction of Asiatic Christian and Other Youth in EasternLiterature and European Science, Serampore, Bengal. London, 1819.

2. Hints relative to native schools together with the outline of an instruction forthe extension and argument, Serampore, Mission Press, 1816.

3. The First report on the institution for the encouragement of native schoolsin India with list of subscribers and benefactors, Serampore, Mission Press,1817.

4. The second report of the institution for the support and encouragement ofnative schools begun at Serampore, Nov.1816, with a list of subscribes andbenefactors, Serampore, Mission Press, 1818.

5. The Third report of the institution for the support and encouragement of nativeschools begun at Serampore, Nov.1816, with a list of subscribes and benefactors,Serampore, Mission Press, 1820.

6. Manual of direction of Superintendents attached to the Institution for theEncouragement of Native Schools, Mission House, Serampore, 1818.

7. Brief memoir relative to the operation of Serampore Missionaries in Bengal,London, 1827.


Exploring History90

DEFINING WOMEN AS PROPERTY: ANEXPLORATION OF THE JATAKAS

Taniya Roy

ABSTRACT

The Jatakas are the stories of the previous births of the Buddha. It isa collection of approximately 547 stories, and developed over centuries asoral narratives. Unlike the Brahmanical texts that have been examined forreviewing the past, the Jataka doesn't limit itself with the concern of the rulingelites. We get an opportunity to hear the stories from the unheard voices.

In this paper, I would attempt to gaze at the notion of objectifying women.In the prevailing patriarchal social domain, women have been treated asproperty in a number of occasions. It would be an interesting exercise to tracethe trajectories that became instrumental in treating women as property oftheir patriarchal lords. An investigation of birth stories of the Buddha, bringsforth the heterogeneous picture of subversion of women. Thus a meticulousstudy of the Jatakas, allows us to perceive the several ways of patriarchaldomination sometimes women could exercise a semblance of power in it.

Keywords: Jatakas, Buddha, Patriarchy, Property, Women.

The Jatakas1 are the stories of the previous births of the Buddha. It isa collection of approximately 547 stories, of which many of the stories formpart of the oral tradition. The stories are arranged in 22 nipatas or books.Ideally each of the stories contains four elements: the Paccupannavatthu orthe story of the present, relating to the story of the Buddha's present birth;

91DEFINING WOMEN AS PROPERTY: AN EXPLORATION OF THE JATAKAS

the atatavatthu or the story of the past, where we hear the incidents of theBuddha's previous birth followed by the gatha or verse. The gathas are notself explanatory; it is often followed by the story of the past to contextualiseit. The gathas are clearly survivors of an oral tradition, and one supposes thatthe Buddhist preachers were left to narrate the context and provide the ethicalor religious dimension.2 Jatakas have a unique status in the early Indiantextual genre. It provides closest approximation to the everyday lives ofcommon people. Although the Jatakas are birth stories of the Buddha withBuddhist ethics as prime concern, the pictures of contestation and negotiationof the social norm by humans are clearly explicated.

Household, kin, caste, religion are not iron grids they provide the contextsfor our lives, choices we make, thoughts we think and so on.3 Householdbecomes a crucial unit within which individuals are differentiated based ongender. An attempt would be made here to weave together a range of concernswithin the household and beyond to understand the varied trajectories inwhich women are reduced to property of their patriarchal lords. What issignificant is the range of social scenarios in the Jatakas, which can beregarded as plausible.

I

Did women form resources for their patriarchal lords?

Locating women in the Jatakas would allow us to understand the veracityof situations that reduced them into mere resources. Instances are not rarewhen daughter has been ascertained as a coveted prize to be exchanged byher patriarchal lords. In the story of the past of the Culladhanuggaha - Jataka,4

we come to know of an archer who acquired the knowledge of archery fromhis master. His master became so pleased with his skill that he gave hisdaughter in marriage to his disciple.

It is possible to distinguish between the various stories of the Jatakaswhere we get the idea how women formed the wealth of their patriarchallords. In the story of the past of the Dasannaka - Jataka,5 we come to knowof the son of the priest who fell in love with the wife of the chief king. Theking came to know of his suffering and told him 'I give her to you for sevendays, spend those days at your house and on the eighth day send her back.'6

The priest and the queen lived together happily and didn't come back on theeighth day. The king became sick pining for his wife. It was the Bodhisattawho made the king realise that something given with consent can't be desiredback.

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In the narrative we come across the queen who was like a movableproperty of the king. Without asking for her consent he asked another manto take her and live with her for seven days. We learn that even an unlawfuldesire of a person could be fulfilled by the king if he held the post ofimportance to the king.

Other stories develop the scene where wife protest the injustice metedupon her. In the story of the past of the Asitabhu - Jataka,7 where we cometo hear the story of the son of king Brahmadatta. He was banished by hisfather from his realm. So he along with his wife went to the forest wherethey lived on wild foods and fishes. One day he got enamoured by a woodlandspirit and decided to make her his wife. On hearing this, his wife Asitabhuwas so sad that she went to the Bodhisatta and did him reverence anddeveloped Attainments. Incidentally, prince Brahmadatta followed the spriteand realised it was a futile attempt as she disappeared. As his wife saw himreturning towards their hut she immediately rose up in the air and told himthat she wouldn't live with him. So saying she departed to another place.

However, instances are not rare emphasising the innate evil nature ofwomen. It has been often visible in the stories that women are adulterousby nature and could not be possessed by anyone. This could be seen in thestory of the past of the Asatamanta- Jataka.8 We come to know about theBodhisatta who was a renowned teacher in the city of Takkasil?. To teachthe vile character of women, asked his student to take care of his ailing motherwho was a hundred and twenty years old.

He asked his student to praise her while cleaning her hands and feet andappreciate her for her immense beauty. The student followed all that hisMaster told him. The old mother of his Master thought the young lad hadfallen in love with her and it was because of the Bodhisatta that he couldn'tapproach her. So she decided to kill her own son to fulfil her lust. The younglad after having the knowledge of the innate vile quality in women decidedto abandon the worldly life and embrace the life of asceticism as his parentswanted him to.

In other instances as in the story of the past of the Anabhirati - Jataka,9

we come to know the Bodhisatta was a renowned teacher. One day onenquiring about the long time absence of one of his pupils he came to knowthat he had suffered from a broken heart because of his unfaithful wife. TheBodhisatta then told his student, "My son, there is no private property inwomen: they are common to all. And therefore the wise men knowing theirfrailty are not excited to anger against them."10 On hearing his instruction

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his pupil became indifferent to women. His wife being aware that theBodhisatta knew about her activities gave up her wicked ways.

Instances are not rare when the daughter formed the property of her fatherand he could devise shameful tricks to test her virginity. In the story of thepresent of the Pannika -Jataka,11 we hear about a grocer. In order to testhis daughter's virtue he attempted to make love with her. The maiden burstout in tears and began to cry out that such a thing would be monstrous. Thenthe man revealed that his only intention was to know whether his daughterwas virtuous. The maiden declared that she never looked on any man with'eyes of love'12 the man calmed her fear and took her back home and gaveher in marriage.

In the above narrative we get an impression that the daughter was likea property of her father who wanted to test her virtue by the heinous act ofmaking love with her. He justified his act by asserting that 'a bad girl marriedinto a strange family is her parent's shame. I must find out for certain whethershe is a good girl or not.'13

There were still other instances as in the Sattubhasta - Jataka,14 wherethe husband used his wife in mortgage when unable to repay his debt.Instances are not rare where the woman could be seen exploiting her beloved.In the story of the present of the Muaika - Jataka,15 we hear the story toldby the Master, while at Jetavana about a Brother being seduced by a youngwoman. The master told him that he became passion tossed for her and shewas his only bane. In the above narrative we come to know about the manwho was fooled by a young woman and utilised by her in the long run. Hehad to sacrifice his life to fulfil her need.

The use of the physical violence by husband on his wife was not rare.As in the story of the past of the Ucchittha -Bhatta- Jataka,16 we could seehow the husband resorted to physical violence to discipline his adulterouswife.

Equally interesting is the representations of protecting women as possessionby their patriarchal lords. In the story of the past of the Samugga- Jataka,17

we come to know of a demon, who fell in love on seeing a noble lady. Allthe men escorting the lady fled on seeing the demon. The demon carried herto his cave and made her his wife. He provided her with ghee, rice, and fishand with all the amenities. In order to protect her he used to put her in abox and swallowed it. One day he allowed her to enjoy in the open air.Leaving her for a while he went to bathe. In the meantime, the son of Vayu,who was a magician, came near her. She put him inside the box and together

DEFINING WOMEN AS PROPERTY: AN EXPLORATION OF THE JATAKAS

Exploring History94

went inside the demon's belly. As the story progressed we come to know thatthe Bodhisatta made him aware of the third person he was unconsciouslycarrying inside his belly.

The demon came to realise his folly and told the ascetic that it was onlythrough his mediation that his life was saved. The Asura told the Bodhisattathat despite keeping her safe inside the belly, she couldn't be protected. Soit was of no use in arresting her anymore. So he let her go and returned tohis forest home.

In the above narrative we come to know how the lady was imprisonedinside the demons body as he considered her to be safe there. As the storyended we could see that no matter how strong was his protective measurehe failed to keep the lady safe.

II

The concept of dowry from the perspective of women

As revealed in the stories of the Jatakas, dowry was not only confinedto the movable items gifted to the lady in her marriage by her parents butalso extended to immovable exchanges like the territorial rights bestowed byher father on her husband. For instance in the stories of the past of theCullakalinga - Jataka,18 we come to know about the silent presence of fourroyal ladies who were just like material assets of their father and later onfor their husband. An entire war between father and husband was wagedaround them, but nowhere the voice of protest could be heard on their part.Although these royal ladies possessed huge material wealth in the form ofjewellery and titular ranks as chief queen, in reality they had no independentexistence and were left at the mercy of their patriarchal lords.

The daughters of king Kalinga were used as the movable properties oftheir father to satisfy their jingoistic spirit.

The king on the advice of his ministers decorated his four beautifuldaughters with rich ornaments before setting them on the journey passingthrough different kingdoms. This suggests the dichotomous reality. The royalladies had access to movable assets like jewelleries which were used todecorate them and exhibit their royal status but they had no right to decisionmaking in other matters. They themselves were like movable assets of theirfather who could use them as per the need of the situation.

We get an idea from the story that the identity of the father played sucha crucial role for the royal ladies that most of the kings restrained themselves

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from taking them to their harem. Keeping in mind their paternal identity allthe kings abstained from competing with king Kalinga in a possible war.

As the story progressed we come to know that king Kalinga on being overconfident couldn't win the confrontation with king Assaka and he had to paya huge dowry for the marriage of his four beautiful daughters. We could seethe royal ladies were made the chief queen after marriage with all the titulargrandeur but their rights were restricted to the movable property like that ofjewellery.

This story is suggestive of the fact that the royal ladies were denied anindependent existence. Their patriarchal lords could exhibit complete controlover them and exchange them as war booty and flaunt their prowess to others.Besides, there is a clear indication that territorial rights were demanded inmarriage by the groom from his in-laws.

In the Jatakas, we come across the territorial rights bestowed on the son-in law in one's daughter's marriage.

For instance in the story of the past of the Dighitikosala- Jataka;19 wecome to know of a prince Dighavu who couldn't take revenge for his parent'smurder. The Bodhisatta told the king that though his parents were killed byhim he would not harm the king as revenge breeds hatred. On hearing this,the king took him to the city, and gave him in marriage to his daughter. Heestablished him in the kingdom that belonged to his father and they ruledtogether harmoniously. In the above narrative we get an idea of the exchangeof territorial rights on the marriage of the daughter. It is through the marriagethat the son - in- law got the right over the property of the bride's father.

However, there were rare examples in the stories of the Jataka, where wecome to know about the territorial rights conferred on the daughter duringher marriage. In the story of the present of the Harita - Mata - Jataka,20 wehear about the king Maha- Kosala, when he married his daughter to kingBimbisara, had given her a village in Kasi for bath-money. The son of theking Bimbisara was murdered by his son Ajatasattu. It was not long afterhis death that his queen died of love for him.

After his mother's death Ajatasattu enjoyed the revenues from the village.He had to fight his uncle to acquire the throne. He used to return happy whenhe conquered and miserable when he did not.


Exploring History96

III

Probing into the titular status conferred on women

The representations of women in the Jataka stories reveal a certaindichotomy regarding the titular status bestowed on them by their patriarchallords. Women are often portrayed in the Jatakas, as the chief queen, princessand with other titles of grandeur. As we go through the stories the realityof their status gets explicated. For instance in the story of the past of theSujata Jataka,21 Brahmadatta was the king of Banaras; the Bodhisatta washis minister and adviser. The king fell in love with a jujube seller on hearingher voice and raised her to the rank of the chief queen after getting marriedto her. With the passage of time the maiden intoxicated with pride and theaffluence of royal life not only became completely oblivious of her life asa jujube seller but also failed to recognise the jujube fruit which her familytraded. The king became wrathful at her pride and said, "O daughter of agreengrocer, dealer in ripe jujubes, the special fruit of your family?"22 Heeven said "bare headed and meanly clad, my queen, thou once didst feel noshame, to fill thy lap with the jujube fruit, and now thou dost ask its name;thou art eaten up with pride, my queen, thou findest no pleasure in life, begone and gather thy jujubes again. Thou shalt be no longer my wife."23 Asthe story progressed we find the Bodhisatta mediated in the royal couple'squarrel to reconcile them and he said to the king that 'there are sins of awoman, my lord, promoted to high estate: forgive her and cease from thyanger, O king, for it was thou didst make her great.'24

The king realised his mistake and restored the queen to her former positionand they lived amicably together. In the above narrative, we come to knowthat the jujube seller's daughter participated in her family trade and sheassisted in the earning of her family. As the story progressed we could seethat fortune had made her into the chief queen of the king's palace and shegot carried away by the royal luxury and affluence, forgetting her past lifeas a fruit seller.

The above story very interestingly portrays the dual picture of theeconomic rights of a woman and how it varied in different echelons of thesociety. Compared to the wives and daughters of kings, gahapatis and theaffluent sections of society, stories of women without access to propertydepict them as engaged in labour. Working for wages to support themselvesand their families was a very common description. In the stories of the Jatakaswe come to know about the high sounding titular positions bestowed on theroyal ladies yet they lacked the independence which their servants could

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enjoy. A woman was regarded as infested with inborn sins and she was notcapable enough to make wise use of her rights. Rights only can make herintoxicated with pride and she insists on misusing them. The story hinted atthe fact that it was the mistake of the king that he bestowed so muchindependence on his queen being oblivious of the innate nature of the woman.

Similarly in the story of the past of the Puta - Bhatta - Jataka,25 we cometo know of the Bodhisatta who was the adviser of the king. The king wasso afraid of his son that he turned him out of his kingdom along with hiswife. On hearing about his father's death he thought of returning to the cityto claim his birthright.

On his way someone gave him a mess of pottage asking him to share itwith his wife. He gave her none and ate all by himself. On returning toBenares, he became the king and made his wife the queen consort. Seeingthe king's lack of respect for his queen the Bodhisatta asked the queen whyshe could not donate. The queen replied to him,' what boots the place of aqueen consort, when no respect is paid?'26 The Bodhisatta told the queenthat it was of no use to stay as a queen to the king without any respect. Heasserted that honour should be shown to one who honours but not to the onewho dishonours others. On hearing this, the king bestowed honour to hisqueen and they dwelt happily after that.

The above narrative explains the titular status conferred on the royal lady.In spite of being the queen consort she had no right to donate. It was withthe intervention of the Bodhisatta that the king realised his mistake andconferred honour on the queen.

Through the stories of the Jataka we get the glimpses of the titular statusconferred on women, who in reality had no honour. In the story of the pastof the Mahaassaroha - Jataka,27 the Bodhisatta was the king of Benares. Inorder to quell some disturbances in the frontier he set out with a large force.Being defeated he reached a border village. People being afraid of the sightran to their house. One man amongst them couldn't recognise the king andbrought him to his abode. He asked his wife to bathe the friend's feet. Sheprepared good food for him and arranged for all luxuries. Thus the king stayedat his place for a few days and while leaving he invited the man to his place.As he didn't visit the king the tax of his village was deliberately increasedby the king. So the man had to visit him to bring down the tax of his village.The king offered a warm welcome for his friend. He asked his chief consortto wash his feet. As the story progressed we could see that the king receivedthe gifts brought by his friend and he built a house for him in the city. He


Exploring History98

gave half of his kingdom to his friend. He told his men that he was bestowinghonour to his benefactor who helped him in need.

In the above story we come to know that the wives of both the king anda lay person in the village were treated equally by their patriarchal lords. Thequeen consort like the poor lady in the village had to abide by the order ofher lord. Both the ladies had to wash the feet of their husband's friends andtake every care of them.

A similar instance could be traced in the story of the past of the Godha- Jataka;28 we come to know about a certain landowner. He along with hiswife was returning home. On the way a hunter gave them a roasted lizardand asked them to share it between them. Incidentally the husband ate thelizard in the absence of his wife. On returning to his city he became the princeand made his wife the queen consort. Yet no honour or respect was paid toher. It was the Bodhisatta who desired to win honour for her. He asked thelady in the presence of the king's courtier the reason why she could not donateindependently. To this the queen narrated the story of her dishonour. TheBodhisatta told her that she shouldn't live a life of dishonour with the king.He said that by staying with the king she had created unpleasantness for bothof them.

On hearing this, the king recalled the virtues of the queen and decidedto give the queen the whole realm of his power. The king not only conferredsupreme power on his queen but gave great power to the Bodhisatta forreminding him of her virtues.

On many occasions the stories provide us with the insight where we couldsee that the queen provided valuable advice to the king which benefitted himin the long run. For example in the story of the past of the Mahasupina -Jataka,29 we come to know about king Kosala, who was frightened by hissixteen great dreams he dreamt while he had been asleep all the night. Sostrong was his fear that he told the brahmins about his dream. The brahminsasked him to offer a sacrifice at a pit dug in the highway. On hearing aboutthe expensive sacrifice the queen Mallika asked the king to meet the Buddhain the monastery and ask him about the real meaning of his dreams. The kingfollowed the advice of his queen and described his sixteen dreams to theBlessed one. Then the Master explained the meaning of his dreams to theking.

There were instances where the queen in spite of fulfilling all the dutiesof a good wife was not provided with reciprocate treatment by the king. Inthe story of the past of the Sambula - Jataka,30 we come to know of the son

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of king Brahmadatta, known as Sotthisena. His chief consort, Sambula, wasextremely beautiful. By and by leprosy showed itself in Sotthisena andphysicians failed to cure him. Sotthisena decided to leave the royal life andlive his painful life in the forest. It was his beautiful wife Sambul?, whodecided to follow him in the forest. In the forest she took every care of him.One day she went in the forest to collects food and a goblin fell in love withher. He was not willing to let her go. It was only with Sakka's appearancethat she could take leave. On hearing this, her husband was not ready tobelieve and suspected her. As the story progressed we come to know thatshe cured him of his disease by performing an Act of truth.

As he was relieved from his disease they went back to their kingdom.We come to know that Sotthisena became the king and Sambul? was merelyconferred the rank of chief consort but no honour was paid to her. He ignoredher existence and took pleasure with other women. At the end of the story,we come to know that with the intervention of the ascetic Sotthisena cameto realise his mistake and apologised to Sambul?. He conferred all the powerto her and they lived happily together.

A story by no way typical can be traced in the story of the past of theAsampadana Jataka;31 we come to know of the Bodhisatta as the treasurerof the king of Magadha. He was very rich and called as 'millionaire'. Oncehis friend was in distress and came to him for help. The Bodhisattaimmediately divided his wealth into half with his friend. His friend returnedto Benares and dwelt happily. Not long after that the Bodhisatta lost everypenny he had and calamity overtook him. He went with his wife to his friendbeing assured about his help. At the entrance of the city he asked his wifeto wait as it wouldn't be befitting for her to trudge along the streets with him.He told her to remain there till he sent her a carriage and a servant to bringher into the city in proper state. On reaching the city he came to realise hisfriend whom he once helped was not ready to assist him. He was providedwith a half - a quarter pollard to carry away with him. On learning the wholestory his wife started crying but the Bodhisatta told her that he could haverejected the meagre donation of his friend but he valued friendship and didn'twant to insult his friend.

In the above story we come to see the treasurer being aware of the statusof his wife. Even after losing all his wealth he asked his wife to wait outsidethe city as it would not be befitting for her to trudge the road. He told herhe would send the carriage and servant on reaching his friend's place.

There are stories where we come to know that women denied her right


Exploring History100

to possess. As in the story of the past of the Culla-Bodhi-Jataka,32 we cometo know of the Bodhisatta was born to a rich brahmin couple. As theBodhisatta grew up he was sent to Takkasila and after completion of hisstudies there he was married to a beautiful lady. After marriage they led alife without desire. After the demise of his parents the Bodhisatta decidedto renounce the worldly life and embrace the life of asceticism.

He asked his wife to take all his wealth and led a life of happiness. Hiswife asked him whether women were permitted to embrace the ascetic life.As the Bodhisatta replied in affirmative she immediately told him that shehas no affinity with wealth and she wanted to accompany him in his asceticlife. As the story progressed we come to know that the king fell in love withher as he took a single glance at her. He took the lady by force to his kingdombut the Bodhisatta didn't tell him anything. He conferred great honour onher on reaching his kingdom. But the lady was completely reluctant to allthese gestures. The king could realise that it was not possible to win her heart.At the end of the story we come to know that the king returned her to theBodhisatta.

Conclusion

It can be said in the way of conclusion that Jatakas through its narrativestrategy open before us a plethora of evidences revealing various mechanismsthrough which patriarchal hegemony became instrumental. Yet the ambivalencein the representations as have been mentioned earlier, allow us to look beyondthe homogeneous understanding of the patriarchal control. We come to termswith the plurality of patriarchy through the narratives of the Jatakas. TheJatakas, through the portrayal of everyday life of common people disclosesgender relations that were the locus of patriarchal hierarchy. Besides theapparent misogyny pervaded in the text, we get a simultaneous portrayal ofwomen participating in economic activities and accorded high status infamily. Occasional representations of women advising their husbands as aminister or retaliating the ill treatment meted upon her was visible. Therefore,it can be said the Jatakas represented various attitudes through its narrativestrategy. The juxtaposition of andocentric misogyny, the soteriologicalinclusiveness in the narratives allows us to look beyond the homogeneousportrayal of women as objects of patriarchal lords.


1. Cowell, E.B. (ed), The Jatakas, Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher's Pvt. Ltd.New Delhi, 2002. All the references to the Jatakas are taken from thistranslation.

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2. Roy, Kumkum. The Power of Gender and the Gender of Power. Explorationsin Early Indian History. p.290.

3. Geetha, V. Patriarchy, p.165.

4. Culladhanuggaha - Jataka, Story No; 374.

5. Dasannaka - Jataka, Story No;401.

6. Ibid.,

7. Asitabhu - Jataka, Story No: 234.

8. Asatamanta Jataka, Story No: 61.

9. Anabhirati - Jataka, Story No: 65.

10. Ibid.,

11. Pannika -Jataka. Story No: 102.

12. Ibid.,

13. Ibid.,

14. Sattubhasta - Jataka, Story No: 402.

15. Muiika - Jataka, Story No: 30.

16. Ucchittha -Bhatta- Jataka, Story No: 212.

17. Samugga- Jataka, Story No: 436.

18. Cullakalinga - Jataka, Story No: 301

19. Dighitikosala- Jataka, Story No: 371.

20. Harita - Mata - Jataka, Story No: 239.

21. Sujata Jataka, Story No; 306.

22. Ibid. p.14.

23. Ibid.,

24. Ibid. p.15.

25. Puta - Bhatta - Jataka, Story No: 223.

26. Ibid. p.144.

27. Mahaassaroha - Jataka, Story No: 302.

28. Godha - Jataka, Story No: 333.

29. Mahasupina - Jataka, Story No: 77.

30. Sambula - Jataka, Story No: 519.

31. Asampadana Jataka, Story No: 131.

32. Culla-Bodhi-Jataka, Story No: 443.



MAPPING THE NAXAL MIND IN THE LIGHTOF GLOBALIZATION

Saurabh Mishra

ABSTRACT

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization(UNESCO) declares that "since wars begin in the minds of men, it is theminds of men that the defences of peace must be re-constructed". The wholegamut of idealism is based on mind, its structure, its concerns and itssubtleties. An enquiry in naxal thought, views, statements, programs andactivities gives us substantial glimpse of their mind out of which we canconstruct a picture of the orientations and extensions of their mind. A mappingof their mind in the contemporary global circumstances may be allusive tothe tools to be used for the mitigation or resolution of the problem in thelong term as no solutions is possible immediately. Naxalism, indeed, is aproblem for those who identify themselves as peace-loving Indians derivingtheir state/political identity from the glorious Indian national movement.Sometimes, the question 'Who is India?' and an answer to it explains the socialmental structure of the naxalites and India in terms of the marginalized andthe mainstream. With the advent of the age of globalization, the inspirationand experience of naxalism is not limited only to the domestic front, it hasglobal dimensions too, as it is exposed to the global forces - economic,political and socio-cultural - up to varying degrees.

Keywords: Adivasi, Globalization, Labour, Naxal Mind, Special EconomicZone

103MAPPING THE NAXAL MIND IN THE LIGHT OF GLOBALIZATION

The Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organisation (UNESCO) declares that "since wars begin in theminds of men, it is the minds of men that the defences of peace must bere-constructed". These lines of the UN charter point towards the non-materialor the latent but active actor in the social phenomena - the mind. The wholegamut of idealism is based on mind, its structure, its concerns and itssubtleties. The questions - what is mind? Of what it is composed of? Howis it functionally related with our social-behaviour?-are very important as theiranswers explain the root of a problem which refer to the way of life or thephilosophy of life which a person identifies with. An enquiry in naxal thought,views, statements, programs and activities gives us substantial glimpse oftheir mind out of which we can construct a picture of the orientations andextensions of their mind. A mapping of their mind in the contemporary globalcircumstances may be allusive to the tools to be used for the mitigation orresolution of the problem in the long term as no solutions is possibleimmediately.

Naxalism, indeed, is a problem for those who identify themselves aspeace-loving Indians deriving their state/political identity from the gloriousIndian national movement. Sometimes, the question 'Who is India?' and ananswer to it explains the social mental structure of the naxalites and Indiain terms of the marginalized and the mainstream. With the advent of the ageof globalization, the inspiration and experience of naxalism is not limited onlyto the domestic front, it has global dimensions too, as it is exposed to theglobal forces - economic, political and socio-cultural - up to varying degrees.Though assertion of the left and left to the centre in Latin American countriesand Nepal are different from the Indian context, they have similar groundsof discontent - backwardness, underdevelopment, land reforms and lack ofdistributive justice. Therefore, the discontents of globalization and developmentall around are affecting the naxal mind. The existing and the changing modeof governance, and attitude towards development have exacerbated the threat.The spread of naxalism in 13 states of India and frequent challenges to thelaw and order machinery gives a glimpse of something tormenting inside -the failure of health, education and distribution system. The Indian democracyto them seems to be grossly inadequate. The digital and social divide betweenthe global and the local has broadened the rifts of discontents which areexpressed in the forms of local incidents of violence and clashes. Prof.Manoranjan Mohanty recognizes that while in the 1990s "the BJP and theCongress were committed to the agenda of globalization, the CPI and CPI-M tried to keep the critique alive on behalf of workers, the lower middle


classes and the rural poor who suffered tremendously and largely silentlyunder the process of economic reforms. But the main resistance to globalizationwas put forth by the Naxalites".1

They have a social base in the tribal areas which sustains despite themeasures adopted by the Indian Government to cut that off. Their influencehas spread rather than decrease.

Relating naxalism and globalization

History is the evidence of the phenomenon of globalization. Interspatialtransportation and communication among the individuals and societies haveever increased from the time immemorial. One can transcend the nationalboundaries both really and virtually. Really, by tourism, migration (for jobopportunities, better living standard and quality of life, and other reasons)as the national borders are more open than earlier leading to economic,political and cultural exchanges. The virtual border crossings take placethrough the electronic media, internet and telecom facilities. The real mantrafor the contemporary times is that 'communication sans borders'. Variouspeople, cultures and consumer items are available at one's disposal from farflung countries. Information and interconnectivity has raised the standard oflife according to one parameter. But the undeclared essential qualificationsfor an individual to be true and conscious global-person are not available stillto a large section of the society. Merely being in the reach of globalizationdoes not make a person global until s/he takes an active and willing part init. The person may be affected by globalization but s/he cannot be consideredglobal until s/he acts as a conscious agency realizing his/her inevitableintegration in the world system. The minimum reasonable qualifications forbeing global can be identified as having a well fed and decent life, a minimumgood English education and computer literacy which is far from the tribalregions of India.

It is also to be noted that though the naxalite movement started in 1960s,the terrorist activities have picked up its dangerous intensity and regularityfrom the beginning of the twenty-first century only. The credit to thisphenomenon is given to the liberalization of the Indian economy as a resultof economic globalization and the simultaneous emergence and expansionof private media groups. Though the print media was providing sufficientcoverage to the problem earlier also, the preeminence of electronic mediahas made a big difference leading to the recognition of media as a force; creditgoes to its sensationalism. While, up to an extent, the problem is reachingto the public in its real form, it is also giving rise to apprehensions.2 The

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naxalites are also able to use the media to convey their messages and gainwider audience. The globalization of media has given the movement a newdimension to its 'struggle'.

Two divergent India have emerged since the 1970s - the rapidly developingwestern part and the eastern underdeveloped 'Red Corridor'3 - which havegrown starkly more different than earlier with the opening up of the Indianeconomy in the 1990s. The emergence of the 'Red Corridor' is sometimescompared to Mao Tse-Tung's Kiangsi Soviet, a state within a state, that wasused as a base to refine guerilla tactics and administering people's organizationto acquire and communize other Chinese cities.4 The naxalites precisely aimto penetrate in the urban centers after consolidating a base in the remote tribalareas. A workshop organized by the Observer Research Foundation on theNaxalite Movement from 28-29 Jan, 2005,5 in Chennai brought to lightseveral aspects. Its major exposition was that naxalites have been able to makeinroads precisely in those areas whose population predominantly comprisesof adivasis, dalits and landless. Ninety percent of them are below povertyline. Obviously, they are devoid of the minimum qualifications of beingglobal. The global is mobile and ever penetrating. But, barring the leadership,the most of the worldview of most of the naxalites (lower ranks and cadres)are limited in their locality or a small region comprising a few districts. Theirstatus has remained static for a period that we can recollect. The Indian tribeshave been the silent spectators, from a distance, of all changes the Indianmainstream society is undergoing. They are living by very traditional methodsof tribal farming - Jhum, etc. or by working as farm labourers on the landof others. "The adivasi have not shared in the fruits of India's democratic oreconomic successes. Legislation and government policy has undermined theirtraditional economic and social structures".6 The adivasi society has dependedon the collective use of forests and the provisions of the Indian forest Actdeclaring several regions as "protected" without a proper address to theadivasi problems of land and living which stand in turmoil due to thelegislation creating real social problems and anger.

Naxal sympathiser and ideologue Varavara Rao, in an interview in 2009,asserted that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's identification of the naxalproblem as the biggest internal security threat to India rather than terrorismshould be seen in the context of the government's imperialist policies ofglobalization. The trade organisations are talking now about the naxalproblem as the naxals are fighting against the MNCs for the alleged people'sright to self-reliance. The naxals consider the government as the agent of theWorld Bank. They claim that they are very clear in their distinction about

MAPPING THE NAXAL MIND IN THE LIGHT OF GLOBALIZATION


the public and private enterprise. They opposed Tata's and Posco's steelprojects but did not try to close IDPL and Allwyn. In this light, the Maoist"economic programme is to occupy the land, the military programme is theguerilla struggle, and the political programme is to bring power to the peopleby organising gram rajya [village rule] committees".7

Cultural changes and the mind: Way of life

Market culture and consumerism are the salient aspects of globalization.The race for resource acquisition due to the concept of growth in terms ofproduction maximization has led to penetration into the tribal lands by'outsiders' whom the tribes call dikus in some regions. The tribes considerthat the forest lands belong to them and they are the rightful ones to use itto their benefit. They are attached to their land as it provides them the meansof survival - food, shelter and the spiritual content. The concept of 'mothernature' inspires their emotions. On the other hand, the phenomenon ofglobalization is associated with the capitalist industrialist philosophy ofwinning over nature which is contrary to the tribal beliefs. Mining, deforestationand acquisitions for industrial purposes and lack of compensation haveenraged them as they feel uprooted, devoid of their natural rights andbewildered being unused to the new ways of life. Often, the rehabilitationprocesses after the acquisition of tribal lands are found inadequate and marredby official neglect and corruption. With the economic reforms and theglobalization of the Indian economy, setting up of the Special EconomicZones (SEZs) and mining projects, the naxalites have been able to sell theidea that the Indian state is no less oppressive than the British who also passedlaws to appropriate tribal land, forests and mineral resources same like theIndian state 'allied' with the Western capitalist forces of imperialism. Thewestern dailies generally report the current Indian naxal problem as a struggleover mining rights.

The fight for the rights of land and forests is not new for the adivasipeople. Their history of struggle against the British and the local zamindars,thikadars, jagirdars and lenders in the Santhal uprising (1850s and 1860s),Munda rebellion (1899-1919), the revolt of Rampa tribe (1879) in the coastalAndhra and several others small struggles are related to the same. Thisfundamental struggle continued even after India's independence and theerstwhile king of Bastar Pravir Chandra Bhanj Dev, who was considered asa God by the local adivasi people, was killed in a government operation in1966. Although, he had been elected as the Member of the LegislativeAssembly form Jagdalpur ( in Madhya Pradesh at that time) in 1957, he did

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not agree on many points with the line of the state and came in clash withthe government on the issue of the use of land and resources of the region.

Globalization resembles speed and expansion, urbanization, liberalizationand mobility while most of the naxal cadres (mostly from tribes) areuneducated, of limited world-view and have limited resources with them.Their primitive life-style alienates them from the mainstream, making themskeptical about any 'outer' interference. Even those who join the mainstreamby best of their efforts are unable to compete with the rest of the mainstream.The people becoming naxalites are not well equipped to utilize the opportunitiesprovided by globalization due to the long term negligence by the state andthus they are unable to enjoy the benefits of globalization. The naxalideologues and top leaders use these genuine grievances to divert the energyof tribal youth to their advantage. Tribal spirituality is primitive, believingin the 'Nature Gods', local deities and ancestors. The loyalty to the naturemakes them reactionary as they see the philosophy of winning over the natureagainst their fundamental beliefs. They vigorously protest any interferencewith it as the whole process of development through mining and resourceutilization puts under question their primitive identity which they are attachedwith. Being unskilled and uneducated they cannot be employed in theindustrial development programs which make the situation grimmer. Here isone narrative of the naxal problem from a non-Indian global eye:

"India's rural-based Maoists found fertile grounds for insurgency in thelong-forgotten forests and plains of central and eastern India - a world, farremoved from the frenetic, modernizing aspirations of the country's urbancenters. In these distant corners of the country, riven by social violence andextreme poverty, the state only existed in the avatar of the local policeman- if it existed at all. And more often than not, even the local policemanfunctioned as a uniformed enforcer for the rule of brutal and corrupt localparty bosses. It was an ideal terrain for insurgency".8

There is an apparent division between the mainstream and tribal India interms on the benefits of the global wave of modernization which relates tothe problem of inclusionary processes within the Indian democracy.

The phenomenon of globalization has been benefiting as well as harmingin the case of naxal problem. Andhra Pradesh, for years, enjoyed six percentof Gross Domestic Product growth encouraging higher education andinformation technology. The state opened up biotech firms and auto plantsproviding employment and economic well-being; all together with continuedpolice actions and strengthening its agricultural base.9 The state has been



successful in waning the problem using a comprehensive strategy. The mostimportant part was the political will and weakening of the Maoist-politiciannexus in the state. One the other side, in the states with Maoist-politiciannexus and still under the grip of deep feudal system and absence of statecontrol, globalization has worsened the problem in terms of naxal's heightenedconsciousness towards injustice and inequality and finding violence as theonly way to give meaning to their voices.

The End of Ideology

Globalization has led to an ideological crisis. The dominant liberalideology has threatened the left ideological hold and the naxal leaders aretrying to fill the vacuum with new theories of fight against neoliberalism.They have declared that imperialism in India is the biggest threat. While theyrefer to this term they are truly global in its sense. They plan to counterimperialism in India which is rampant through the International MonetaryFund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) policies. Though there are no concreteand large scale reports of physical and sustaining exchanges among the leftistMaoist groups in South Asia, with the increasing connectivity and developmentand improvement of communication the naxalites are forging an ideologicalnetwork in the neighboring countries. The political resolution adopted at thefourth conference of the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties andOrganizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA)10 which concluded in mid-August 2006 at some undisclosed location in South Asia vowed to retaliateagainst attacks on Maoist groups by the reactionary rulers, the Indianexpansionists and kick the United States (US) and all imperialists out of SouthAsia.11 This may be identified as an attempt to keep the movementideologically alive in the absence of a direct imperialist force.

The Maoists have attempted to redraw their battle lines in terms of thenew global contexts. They have shifted their primary ideological focus fromland-reforms to the attainment of forest rights and 'keeping out' the 'imperialist'private companies out of the tribal regions. They cannot indoctrinate peoplein terms of classical Marxism which emerged in the context of industrialization.The Indian tribes are not engaged in industrial employment enmasse as theyare unskilled and uneducated. Most of them are still living in the feudalrelationships of the pre-industrialization period. The Maoists define them asa class in terms of their ethnicity and culture which is quite distinct fromthe non-tribal India. It does not mean to say that the tribes of India has noinfluence of the larger mainstream ancient Hindu culture because several ofthe British period uprisings aimed to establish Saiyug (a Vedic influence of

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satayuga) after the annihilation of the dikus. However, the Maoist mobilizethe tribal India in the context of their poverty, feudal suppression and the'inadequacy' of the Indian democracy to address their problems as it has 'allied'with the global imperialist powers which intend to exploit the resources oftheir region, which traditionally belongs to them, without paying them theirproper due and respect.

A sea change is visible in the modus operandi of the movement. Buildingmass organizations is not understood as a sign of "revisionism" and most ofthe cadres have been involved in some kind of "reformist work". Some ofthem have come forward to join electoral politics supposedly to expose thesystem the idea of a red army does not seem to be viable.12 The end ofideology syndrome has also weakened the movement in its global outlookand support. Despite the CCOMPOSA conferences they have not been ableto forge any strong sustainable network of cooperation and intellectualsolidarity even in South Asia. Another notable feature in the naxal movementis its changing class composition. It is no more a movement of the best brains.The best brains of India are engaging with the global forces of developmentand they find themselves less interested in the ideologies of the left. Themovement is now composed of the marginal tribal, caste and economic groupssupported by some middle class sympathizers on the basis of ideology as wellas actual tribal misery.

The global ideological part of the naxal problem is important as it startedwith citations of successful examples of the erstwhile USSR and China. Chinawas the inspiration after fall of the USSR long ago; therefore, the reality ofglobalizing China is despairing for the naxal ideology and movement. "India'snaxalite leadership regards those now leading China as backsliding revisionists,not as true Maoists".13 Now, the Chinese are also cautious about publicsupport to the movement. The closeness of China and the USA in theeconomic terms weakens the naxalite argument against imperialism. Theagreement of the Nepali Maoists to become part of the democratic governmenthas confused their Indian counterparts. A successful democratic governmentin Nepal with the participation of the Maoists may be good for the Indianstate as an example in the neighborhood may make the naxals less averseto democratic participation, or at least discourage them on ideologicalgrounds. At the CCOMPOSA, somewhere in Nepal, the Maoists in SouthAsian countries had vowed to advance the armed struggle for seizure of powerin the respective countries. Their aims are high but to be realistic we mustavoid exaggeration. The fifth and the latest CCOMPOSA was organized inMarch 2011. The meetings noted the "fall out of the current global crisis,



the devastations it has caused among the masses, the wave of struggles inimperialist citadels triggered by the crisis and the recent series of popularupsurges in Arab countries" against the West and neoliberalism. It found themain trend of the 'revolution' "strengthened" and noted that "the subjectivestrength of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties still lags" behind.14 Naxalactivities in India are focused on definite strategic and material links withthe Maoists of other countries but they have not been materialized. But therise of left in Latin America, Europe and some other parts of the world mayinspire them but they are still too far to be linked with. Their attempts toforge links with the communist parties in Italy, Germany, Colombia, Turkey,Philippines and some other countries have not been much successful.15 Theymay be sharing ideological affinity and tactical inspirations but still they aremovements apart without substantial engagements. The naxals had tried toforge a network in South Asia but it has suffered a setback with the democraticdevelopments in Nepal and the elimination of LTTE (which used to providesome training) from Sri Lanka.

India as a nation-state and naxalism

Even during the Indian freedom struggle the Indian tribes did not identifydirectly with the mainstream national movement. They were running theirown parallel struggles against the British colonialism in their own local sites.They had never taken an active part in the Indian 'mass freedom struggle'led by the middle class representatives. Many of the leaders during thefreedom struggle were zamindars or authority on land. Though these leaderswere fighting for the ouster of the British from India, they did not say muchabout the internal socio-structural subjugation of the peasants and the tribes.However, the tribes and the mainstream sympathized with each other due totheir common enemy and they could even conceive a union in a democraticand inclusive constitution. But the naxals simply do not identify with thecurrent Indian state as it, to them, is a tool in hands of a particular class.It has not come out of the hands of their colonial masters and their relationshiphas taken only a new form. The picture in their (naxals') mind of the Indianstate comes as an alien system which has no space for them due to rampantcorruption and vested interests. The decline of the concept of nation-state inthe era of globalization and disappearance of 'the national discourse' fromgeneral public life too has aggravated the problem as the advantagedmainstream does not bother much for concepts like national unity andintegration. They have apathetic approach towards the problem and shiftthemselves to new destinations and people, disconnecting from their ownindigenous identities.

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The problem is also about the reach of the Indian nationalism and nation-building processes in the remote parts of the state. The advent of the forcesof economic globalization before the proper reach of the state to its peoplein term of basic state services has added to the problem of alienation. Nation-building has become something reduced to only economic integration(exploitation in naxal terms) rather than fulfilling state responsibilities anddeveloping sentimental bonds. The Indian government has been successfulto keep the Maoists largely out of the areas where it has been able to reachand exercise control by giving attention in delivering basic state services toany remarkable degree, if not excellent. Therefore, "barring occasional foraysto attack the state administration, Maoist activities are so far confined to thoseareas where the footprints of the state administration do not exist. Truly, theMaoists have taken control of the vacuums left by the state but are yet faraway from displacing the state authority where it exists".16 The problem ofNaxalbari subsided because despite the strong use of force and measures thegovernment employed the Green Revolution successfully in these areas inthe 1970s.17 With the reach of the state and its benefits to these areas, theNaxalbari movement died down.

The point to be noted is that naxalism is not fundamentally challengingto the territorial idea of India. It has defined itself as a socio-economicpolitical movement rather than problemitising the very idea of the Indiannation. They allegedly are fighting against the Indian exploitative state whichstructurally pauperizes the poor, especially the tribal India.

Why reaction?

For long, tribes have been the most resistant to interference in theirenvironment and have a legacy of violent resistance even before theindependence. The Santhal uprising of the mid nineteenth century againstchanging land equations and of the Kols of Chhotanagpur (1820-37) are afew examples. One typical instance of heroism of the Santhals has beennarrated by L.S.S.O'Mally:

"They showed the most reckless courage, never knowing when they werebeaten and refusing to surrender. On one occasion, 45 Santhals took refugein a mud hut which they held against the sepoys. Volleys after volley wasfired into it……Each time the Santhals replied with a discharge of arrows.At last, when their fire ceased, the sepoys entered the hut and found onlyone man was left alive. A sepoy called on him to surrender, whereupon theold man rushed upon him and cut him down with his battle axe".18

The narration points out the commitment of the tribal groups towards their



clan, community and environment. The naxalites have inspirations from suchincidents in their folklore, too, which they are deeply attached with. If oncethey are convinced about a threat to their existence and identity, they mayretaliate violently. The pressures of globalization and development arecontracting the space available to the human kind. In the exploration of newfronts of expansion, the clashes between state authorities and closed tribalsocieties have occurred. Tribes in Brazil are also fighting for their forest rightsand protesting against mining and dam building as they affect their livelihoodand environment. They want their existence and space conserved andprotected on the globe as the dominant popular technological culture is aliento them.

There is no conflict until there is consciousness towards incompatibilities,injustice or inequalities. The tribal areas were relatively peaceful until theyhad interacted with the 'outside' world because prior to that they consentedwith or accepted the inequalities as realities of life. The means of globalizationhas raised the consciousness towards difference and inequality among thetribal people. They can see the prosperity of the 'outside' world and realizethe rights for development in that context. In such conditions, even smallincidents of the failure of judiciary, executive and bureaucracy to sort outthe daily life complexes of people and tribes make them system-resistant. Thiscomes through different progressive stages - alienation, isolation, self-annihilation or reaction:

Alienation: from the system due to corruption, structural dominance,vested interests, negligence, etc.

Isolation: It puts someone in confused and pessimistic mind leaving theperson alone and accumulating anger.

Self-Annihilation/Reaction: those who choose for survival instead ofanonymity and self-annihilation react fighting desperately for existence andjustice. In the case of fighting against an extremely superior power (as theIndian state) the reaction may be weighed equivalent to self-annihilation.Therefore, there is a tendency to choose violence against the state rather thanself-annihilation.

Different Sets of Naxal Mind

Maoism is neither Indian nor tribal in origin. It is an imported ideologyfrom China, another form of globalization. The frustration and anger of thetribal people in the absence of the state sympathies are channeled by theMaoist ideologues against the Indian state. These ideologues are generally

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university educated people who have had an orientation to the foreignideology. The whole movement began as a romantic youth movementpromising to bring some panacea to the uneducated and largely ignorantpeople of the tribal region. The factors, which have been already discussed,provided a social base to the global ideology of communism and Maoism.Different kinds of people joined the movement for different reasons. Themovement which started as a genuine political dissent has now transformedinto a mix of genuine frustrations at the lower levels and vested interests atthe top level of the naxal hierarchy. The naxal movement now has differentsets of minds in its leadership and cadres:

Nascent: It is the bewildered and romantic youth which dreams to changethe world getting attached to the Maoist ideology.

Mature: They are the supporters, but silent. They are living a decent lifeand are connected with naxals for their vested socio-economic interests. Theyfeel that only the ideology will not serve the purpose of change. They tryto remain in the mainstream while showing their sympathies to the movement.They generally use the Maoists for their own purposes and also work as linkfor them between the rural and the urban areas.

Political: It strives for political power using all the sophisticatedphilosophical tools of communism, justice and force when required. TheMaoist cadres have been influenced by the mainstream development of theIndian state and they too want to have a share of it. Though they blame theIndian democracy and its leaders of corruption, they too have an eye on theeconomic benefits attained by them by joining into mainstream politics.Several examples of differences of opinion between the Maoist leaders canbe found illustrating the fact that they are finding it difficult to resist theattraction of economic gains and development. The split in the Chasi MuliaAdivasi Sangh (CMAS) translated as the Association of Peasants, BondedLabours and the Tribal, with alleged connections with the Maoists, due tothe differences over joining electoral politics, is a recent example. Therefore,the hardliner Maoists who find themselves deserted then require maintaininga fear in their cadres from joining the mainstream democratic forces byeliminating the dissenters advocating electoral politics.19 There have beenseveral examples of Maoists killing leaders joining mainstream politics. Itreveals the naxal leadership's assertion of its control on its cadres who areattracted to mainstream politics and its benefits. The naxal movement is nomore only a voluntary movement and it is difficult to get out once somebodyis in.



Criminal: The cadres having this kind of mindset do not have any longterm objectives as they use the naxal party for their short term monetary andsensory objectives. They are the ones involved in extortion, looting etc. forprivate gains. They behave like barbarians and often engage in inhumanviolent activities. Naxalism is a profession and means of power and influencefor them.

Nature of counterstrategy

Given the nature of the naxal problem, any counterstrategy to deal withthe naxal problem cannot be only military. The actual menaces are violence,criminal elements, and the crisis of development. These are to be addressedseriously. But the state cannot fight against its own people with full forceand violence. The state will have to deal with the conditions that attract peopletowards naxalism. The problem should be tackled with a two prongedapproach. The criminals should be dealt strongly while working on developmentof the tribal areas and providing the people of the region with a feeling ofthe presence of a welfare state. The efforts to mitigate or resolve the problemshould be essentially local with an eye on the global.

The naxals have adopted the global tactics, modus operandi and theweapons used by Islamic insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan. They useImprovised Explosive Devices (IEDs) which has killed the largest numberof US and NATO troops in Afghanistan.20 Therefore, the challenge againstthem has only increased which needs modern ways of surveillance andintelligence. The important point is that "many of the Maoist methods arealready beginning to be seen by the people as acts of highhandedness".21

They are being increasingly seen as arrogant and vengeful rather than fightingfor any sober ideology. They also recruit cadres by force as many people arenot willing to join them. The momentum can be used by the Indian state byregistering its presence and delivering its duties towards the people. Thebarbarism being displayed by the naxal cadres will only help the Indian stateas it helped earlier in subsuming insurgencies in its other parts.22

The agencies dealing with the problems should be clearly discriminatingin their behaviour towards the naxal cadres with different sets of minds. Theyshould not be suffering with any stereotypical syndrome of the naxal image.

The Indian state should understand that until and unless it effectivelyaddresses the historic problems of hunger, malnutrition and acute povertyin the tribal areas, the social base with an affinity towards extreme leftideologies will remain. The development of tribal areas should be patternedon a regional approach rather than some application of global standardwithout considering local specifications.

115

The intellectual fervour of the movement has been diluted in the era ofglobalization - criminals have penetrated into for material gains and power.Many of them are making themselves rich through kidnappings and extortionssometimes in collusion with the local politicians. No strategy will besuccessful without the end of the politician-naxal nexus. There should be afocus on strategies to break the collusion.

The bottom-to-top social mobility channels should be kept open andunblocked from nepotism and corruption as they keep a society peaceful andlong-living, creating hope and opportunity for the marginalized people.Strengthening law and order, judiciary, and fair distributive system togetherwith efficient and quality education within the reach of every aspiring andcompetent person regardless of class is essential. Although there is nopanacea, inclusive development and improvement in the system may mitigatethe threat.

Conclusion

The naxal movement in India despite all ideological global setbacks andfailures sustains due to its almost consistent social base in form of thedeprived and backward tribes in India. Anti-statism, even without anyideology, is sufficient to instigate these people to indulge in violence as itgives them identity, recognition, voice and influence. The conditions ofglobalization only magnify the problem. The protests at World TradeOrganization (WTO) and World Economic Forum (WEF) meetings in the lastdecade and the recent protests throughout Europe and the United Statesrepresent the rising leftist sentiments around the world. The details of theprotracted left movements in other parts of the world are now more and easilyavailable to the naxalites. They may take inspirations from other fierceterrorist organizations and their attempts to be a part of a global left maycome true. However, the good part is that the left movements throughout theworld are nationally focused and they are not challenging their nations butsystems. The Indian government, therefore, still has time and capacity toaddress the naxal problem both with sympathy and show of strength inspecific conditions. If globalization cannot be reversed, the government hasthe responsibility to integrate each section of its own people with its benefits.The prime focus should be to take away the naxal social base.


1. Mohanty, Manoranjan, 'The Course of Naxali', countercurrents.org, September22, 2005, at http://www.countercurrents.org/india-mohanty220905.htm ,accessed on October 19, 2013



2. Shad, Asghar Ali, 2011: Genesis and Growth of Naxalite Movement in India,Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) Paper 15, Islamabad, pp. 18-19

3. Poprzeczny, 'Joseph, India's 'Red Corridor' and the Naxalite threat, NewsWeekly", May 29, 2010, at http://newsweekly.com.au/article.php?id=4332,accessed on October 19, 2013

4. Ibid.

5. Ramana, P.V. ed., The Naxal Challenge: Causes, Linkages and PolicyOptions, New Delhi, 2008

6. Spacek, Michael, "India's Enduring Naxalite Insurgency", World PoliticsReview, February 22, 2011, at http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/7948/indias-enduring-naxalite-insurgency

7. Sahi, Ajit, 'Naxals Will Rise Again Like the Phoenix', Tehelka.com, February21, 2009, at http://www.tehelka.com/naxals-will-rise-again-like-the-phoenix/,accessed on October 19, 2013

8. Spacek, Michael, "India's Enduring Naxalite Insurgency", World PoliticsReview, February 22, 2011, at http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/7948/indias-enduring-naxalite-insurgency

9. Axe, David, 'India's Greatest Threat?', The Diplomat, May 28, 2013, at http://thediplomat.com/2010/05/28/indias-greatest-threat/?all=true

10. The CCOMPOSA was formed on July 1, 2001 and its membership has sincefluctuated with outfits joining from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, SriLanka.

11. Ramana, P.V., 'No Clarity on Nature of Naxalite Threat', Observer ReserchFoundation, November 2, 2006, at http://www.orfonline.com/cms/sites/orfonline/modules/analysis/AnalysisDetail.html?cmaid=5026&mmacmaid=5027, accessed on November 4, 2013.

12. Gatade, Subhash, 'The Naxalite Left at the Beginning of the Millennium', athttp://www.massline.info/India/Gatade.htm, accessed on October 19, 2013

13. Poprzeczny, Joseph, 'India's 'Red Corridor' and the Naxalite threat', NewsWeekly, May 29, 2010, at http://newsweekly.com.au/article.php?id=4332 ,accessed on October 19, 2013

14. Press Release of the Fifth CCOMPOSA available at http://www.bannedthought.net/International/CCOMPOSA/, accessed on November 10,2013

15. Ramana, P.V., 'Maoists' Global Web of Linkages', Institute for Defence Studiesand Analyses, May 19, 2013, at http://idsa.in/idsacommentsMaoistsglobalweboflinkages_ pvramana_19052012, accessed on October 27,2013

16. Banerjee, Gautam, 'The Fall of Maoist Revolution', Indian Defence Review,July 15, 2013, at http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/the-fall-of-maoist-revolution/0/

117

17. Jawaid, Sohail, 1979: The Naxalite Movement in India: Origin and failure ofthe Maoist Revolutionary Strategy in West Bengal 1967-1971, New Delhi

18. Quoted in Chandra, Bipan, 1989: India's Struggle for Independence (157-1947), New Delhi, p. 20

19. Behera, Anshuman, 'Maoist Link in Odisha: Case of the Chasi Mulia AdivasiSangh', Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, August 5, 2013, at http://idsa.in/issuebrief/MaoistsLinkinOdisha_abehera_060813

20. Axe, David, "India's Greatest Threat?", The Diplomat, May 28, 2013, at http://thediplomat.com/2010/05/28/indias-greatest-threat/?all=true

21. Banerjee, Gautam, "The Fall of Maoist Revolution", Indian Defence Review,July 15, 2013, at http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/the-fall-of-maoist-revolution/0/

22. Ibid.



LIVING WITH THE WILD: EARLY BRITISHPOLICIES TOWARDS WILDLIFE IN ASSAM

Geetashree Singh

ABSTRACT

The province of Assam was endowed with valuable animals some ofwhom like the world famous one horned rhinoceros was native to its forest.There were herds of elephants, tigers, leopards, bears, buffaloes, large deer,wild pigs, jackals and numerous kinds of monkeys. The increasing humanpopulation and men greed to earn more led to the growing wildlife-Humanconflict. Human habitation in the form of human lives and agricultural cropswere greatly subjected to depredations of the wild animals. The Britishgovernment adopted the method of paying rewards for decreasing the numberof wild animals in Assam. Shikaries were also appointed for this purposewhich led to the killing of wild animals in large number. But wild animalswere not a source of generating revenue for the British exchequer before 1874except elephant; on the other hand government had to spend a good sum ofamount on keeping down the wild animals. Thus, there appeared to be noconcrete policy of the British government during early British rule as far asthe wildlife in the forest of Assam is concerned. This article is an attemptto study early British policies towards wildlife in colonial Assam.

Keywords: Animal, Assam, British, Shikar, Wildlife

The conservation of wildlife is an important issue in the present world forthe maintenance of the bio-diversity, the diversity of biological life upon ourplanet. The earth is a living ecosystem, a fragile system of interdependenceand balance. Our own survival as a species depends upon the preservation of

119LIVING WITH THE WILD: EARLY BRITISH POLICIES TOWARDS WILDLIFE IN ASSAM

the biodiversity and is tied to the survival and vitality of everything on thisplanet. The study of the wildlife in the past will help to understand theimportance of the process of the preservation of wildlife. It will also revealthe man-animal conflict, its consequences and ultimately the causes which ledto the starting of the process of the preservation of wildlife in the past. Thoughthe term 'wildlife' indicates both fauna and flora in their wild state but in thiswork the term 'wildlife' denotes only the wild animals in their wild state.

The wildlife-human conflict could be observed since long back. In AncientIndia, though hunting was practiced but it was also revered as it has beenevident that the deities of the ancient India were mostly in animal form. Thepictures of Deities were found in various forms like that of hump less bull,elephant, rhinoceros, buffalo, tiger, hare etc.1 This indicates the importanceof wild animals in ancient India. Mauryan king Ashoka, gave up royal huntand started protecting birds and animals after embracing Buddhism.2 Thoughhunting continued during the medieval period but Akbar forbade hunting oncertain days.3 Even Kashmiri Sultan, Zain-Ul-Abidin gave up meat eatingand tried to dissuade his nobles from hunting.4 The people of Assampracticed both hunting and revered them. Assamese folktales tell how thevillagers often stayed away from dense forest for fear of wild animals. Thefolk tale entitled 'The Chief Daughter and the Snake' describe the giving ofgoat or other animals to snakes so that it prevent them from inflicting someterrible punishment upon the villagers and 'The Spirits of Animals' talks abouta hunter who killed all kinds of animals.5 But the coming of the British ledto the wholesale destruction of wildlife. Reward giving, appointing shikaries,and hunting for sports and trophies led to the record breaking destructionof wildlife during the British rule. Ramachandra Guha and Madhav Gadgilviewed that as consequences of the record breaking shikar the population ofwild animals decreased and even some of the animals like elephant andrhinoceros disappeared from areas in which they were formally quitenumerous.6 But the process of the destruction of wild animals did not startabruptly. Starting with the killing of wildlife for mere sports and trophiesgradually it spun in wildlife trade. But there was not much trade in wildlifein Assam before 1874 except the trade of elephant teeth. The trade articlesduring early British rule mostly consisted of musk, rice, silk, lac, bell-metalvessel, ivory, pepper, mustard seeds, fishery etc. Later the destruction ofwildlife also helped in the expansion of cultivation after the jungles were clearoff, which in turn helped the British government to earn more revenue. Inthe initial state the British government has no concrete policy towardswildlife. Through this paper an attempt has been made to study the pre-1874British policies towards wildlife, since when the forest department of Assam


started functioning. This will help to understand the early British policiestowards wildlife in Assam in particular and in India in general.

Atrocities to life and property by wild animals can also be noticed inAssam even before the British establishment in the province. Destruction ofcrops and cattles by wild animals made the human settlement so difficult thatmany villages were abounded. Some references of the destruction andatrocities by wild animals could be observed in many literatures. John M'Coshmentioned that "wild elephants are plentiful, and, move in large herds andare very destructive both to the crops and to human life; entering villagesin day light and plundering granaries, and stores of salt, of which latter theyare very fund".7 S.R Ward mentioned that "The worst night disturbers inAssam are the numerous jackals."8 She also mentioned "There are nightvisitors of a stronger and more dangerous kind; your cattle and horses arenot safe when a leopard or tiger is prowling about your dwelling which isnot an unusual occurrence, as everyone knows who has been many monthsin Assam."9 This indicates that the wild animals led to the damages anddestruction of life and property. Every year large number of people was killedby wild beast. 277 and 239 people were killed by wild animals between 1869-70 and 1870-71 respectively.10 135 people in Kamroop, 16 in Durrung, 49in Nowgoan, 3 in Seebsagar, 9 in Luckimpore, 9 in Khasi & Jynteah hills,18 in Naga Hills were killed in 1870-71.11 But the number of causalities bywild beast could have been more as reported by the deputy commissionerof Naga Hills that the number of causalities by wild beasts reported duringthe year falls far short of the actual number killed by them.12 Among deathsreported by snake bite 62 people were killed in 1869-70 and 72 in 1870-71.

Ravages committed by wild animals

The miles and miles of grass and real jungle made the existence of lifeand property an utter impossibility. Jungles were so heavy that it was almostimpossible to track any wild animal. Lieutenant J. Lamb, collector of Zillah,Durrung, on his way to drive away a tiger that had killed some cows viewedthat the jungle was so heavy that it was out of question to kill them.13 Ifthe jungles were not cleared and burnt, the shelter for wild animalsincreased and it made the existence of life and property more dangerous.Wild elephants were also very destructive. Wild elephants moving in largeherds were very destructive both to the crops and to the human life, enteringvillages in day light and plundering granaries and stores of salt of whichlater they were very fond. In the winter of 1866-67, one village wasabandoned in the Kamroop district as a consequence of the destructioncaused by the wild elephants.14 In Naga Hills also a village was deserted

121

Year By wild elephants

By wild buffaloes

By tigers By wild hogs

By alligators

Total

1833 17 2 4 2 0 25 1834 17 0 8 1 1 27 Grand total 52

by its inhabitants on account of the depredation by the ferocious tigers.15

How peerless was the lives and property of the people of Assam can beunderstood from the fact that many villages were abandoned because of thedepredation by the ferocious wild animals. During 1868, 129 persons werereported to lose their lives because of snake bites or from attacks by wildanimals. Human habitation in the form of human lives and agricultural cropswere greatly subjected to depredations of the wild animals. Tigers were verynumerous in the Jynteah hills and 14 people were reported to have beenkilled in the month of August, 1866.16 In the neighborhood of CheeraPoonjiee and in Cheera Poonjee itself tigers also committed considerabledamages to human lives besides a good number of cattle.17 Only inGowalpara district 9, 34, 39 people were reported to have been killed in1867, 1868 and in 1869 respectively.18 The following table shows thenumber of people killed in various district of Assam.

Table 1.1. Number of people killed by wild animals

during 1833 and 1834.

Source: M'cosh, John, Topography of Assam, Ed. Laxmi NathTamuly,Guwahati, Bhawani print and publication, 2010,p. 117

Table 1.2.Number of person killed by wild animals in Assam from 1858-63

Source: NAI, Home, Public-A, 1870, file No. 31-48

District No. of persons killed by

tiger Leopard bear wolves Other animals

Remarks

Gowalparah (a) 74

6 (b)42 (a)Eleven cubs;(b)5 by bears, 3 by rhinoceros, 30 by buffaloes and 4 by elephants;

Kamroop 229 22 41 ………

Durrung 65 44 5 3 (a)71 (a)56 by buffaloes, 4 by mad dogs, 10 by boars and 1 by rhinoceros;

Seebsagar 8 (a)21 (a)3 by elephants, 17 by buffaloes and 1 by jackals

Lukimpore 11 1 (a) 2 (a) By buffaloes Cossyah and jynteah hills

8 ………………..

Nowgong 336 (a)15 (a)By buffaloes

Cachar 26 (b)4 (b)by wild boars Sylhet 64 1 (a)21 (a)4 by buffaloes, 12 by boars, 4 by

elephants and 1 by stag Total 821 44 35 3 217

LIVING WITH THE WILD: EARLY BRITISH POLICIES TOWARDS WILDLIFE IN ASSAM


Table 1.3.Number of people killed by wild animals

Remarks: *represents the number killed during three yearsSource: NAI, Home, Public,A, September-1871 file no, 43-72

Table 1.4. Number of people killed by snakebite

Source: NAI, Home, Public-A, September. 1871, 43-72

Only in the district of Durrung (Darrang) 52 people were reported to bekilled only in two year, 1833 and 1834.19 From 1858-63 a total of 1120 peoplewere reported to have been killed in various districts of Assam.20 In 1866a total of 1413, in 1867 a total of 1363 and 1869 a total of 1577 people werereported to have been killed by wild animals.21 By snake bite 64,100 and160 people were reported to have been killed in 1866, 1867 and 1869respectively.22 The reports were not available of the cattle killed by wild

District 1866-67 1867-68 1868-69

Kamroop 28 33 33

Durrung 2 2 12

Nowgong 14 19 27

Seebsagor 2 ……….. 4

Luckimpore ………… ……… …………

Khasi and Jynteah hills No report received

Naga Hills No report received

Cachar 4 2 5

Sylhet 14 35 45

Gowalpara ………. 9 34

Total 64 100 160

District Loss of human life from several kinds of wild animals

Loss of cattle or crops from the same cause

In 1866-67

In 1867-68

In 1868-69

In 1866-67

In 1867-68

In 1868-69

Kamrup 110 82 77 Durrung 15 15 40 Nowgong 61 72 45 Seebsagor 7 9 6 Luckimpore 22 31 61 Khasi and jynteah hills

28 18 16

Naga hills 4 Cachar 13 16 11 Sylhet 1121 1074 1263 918 947 940 Gowalpara 37 46 70* Total 1413 1363 1577

123

animals for all the districts of Assam except Sylhet where 918, 947 and 940cattle were reported to have been killed.23 The Superintendent of Cachardistrict has reported immense loss of life and property in Cachar in the year1869 because of the vast increase of jungles. Around Fourteen & fifteendeaths were reported in a week. Even there is possibility that more than 14-15 people were killed in a week as many such cases were not reported bythe villagers of the remote areas of this district.24 There is also little doubtthat many deaths from wild animals and snakes took place which were notreported to police and the return of wild animals killed does not include thelarge animals that are unquestionably annually destroyed by sportsman andthose persons who did not claim authorized rewards on the other hand suddendeaths from natural causes and probably even cases of homicide and suicidewere frequently reported as deaths from snake bite.25 A large number of lossesof life from venomous snakes were also observed and offering of rewardsfor the destruction of snakes didn't answer the real object in view while itentails an enormous expenditure on government. A few years ago the planof granting such rewards was tried in the districts of the Burdwan divisionand though the reward was only 2 annas for each poisonous snake theexpenditure in a short time an account of rewards amount to 30,000. Thefact that the people were ready enough to kill snakes and that they evenbrought them from distant jungles for the sake of the reward, satisfied thegovernment that the inhabitants of villages and town would for their ownsakes destroy a snake when they met it, and as nothing was to be gainedby killing those that infested jungles the reward were discontinued and havenot since been resumed.26

Early British Polices towards wildlife

The killing of wild animals by local inhabitants was accidental and notintentional. The elite class also used to Hunt wild animals as it was supposedto up-holds once social status- a higher social status required a more ferociousanimal to be hunted. But it was occasionally and not a regular process. Itwas only during the British regime in Assam that various methods wereadopted for the destruction of wildlife like awarding of rewards, appointmentof regular shikaries etc. W.W.Hunter mentioned about the rewards given forthe destruction of wild animals in various district of the province.27 CaptainRoger, Bengal Staff Corps., introduced a gun especially for killing wildanimals.



Fig.1.1. Gun introduced by Capt.Roger for the killing wild animals

Reproduced from the proc. Of the govt. of Bengal, judicial dept.,feb.,1870,proc. No. 179-180.

Captain Roger's planed was to kill wild beasts by means of fixed gun,with strings attached to it. But it is doubtful whether it was not as dangerousto cattle and human beings as to the noxious animals it was intended todestroy.28 Good sums was given as rewards for the destruction of wildanimals varying in amount depending on the species of animals to bedestroyed and its prevalence or destructiveness in any particular part of theprovince. A considerable sums were paid monthly by the district commis-sioners for the destruction of wild beasts and professional huntsmen wereengaged in the pursuit are exerting themselves in an unwanted degree andit is hoped with good effects like in Kamroop.29 In Nowgaon, the districtcommissioner believed that the grant of an increased rate of rewards in hisdistrict had the effects of inducing the people to enter more systematicallyand generally into the work of the extermination of wild animals.30 Specialrewards were also occasionally sanctioned by government for the destruc-tion of some particular man eating tiger or a notorious dangerous elephant.31

Great mischives were committed by wild boars in Gowhatty (Guwahati)

125

town and to get away of this problem a reward of Rs. 10 was sanctionedby the government for the destruction of wild boar in Gouhatty (Guwahati)town.32 In Cossyah and Jynateah hills the reward for killing tiger wasincreased from rupees 5 to rupees 20 and for tiger cubs, leopards fromrupees 2-8 to rupees 10 each tiger as a special measure.33 In some casesthe grant of rewards for the destruction of wild animals were stopped likein Naga Hills in 1870 but in the same year itself the deputy commissionerof the district felt the need of reintroduced the practice of granting therewards for the destruction of wild animals.34 The extent of killing wildanimals for rewards was high.35 However, in spite of the provision forreward the absent of regular shikaries could also be noticed, as in Sylhet15 people were reported to have been killed during 1847 and during thesame period there were only nine tigers brought in for the Govt. reward.For six they being full grown the reward for each was Rs.5/-, two not fullgrown Rs. 4/- each, and for one small one Rs.3/-. Again the scale of rewardsvaries from time to time and district wise depends on the atrocities by thewild animals. In 1848 scale of rewards for elephants was Rs. 10/-, forrhinoceros, tigers and leopard was 5 annas, for Bear and Buffalos 2.8annas.36 In Nowgaon Rs. 5/- was rewarded for the destruction of Rhinoc-eros.37 The general amount of Rs. 5/- for a tiger, Rs.2.8 annas for leopardand bear and Rs. 2/- for Hyenas were awarded for the destruction of theseanimals in 1850 in all the divisions of Bengal including Assam.38 Thespecial rewards sanctioned in 1850 for the destruction of Elephants,Rhinoceros, Buffalo was 10/- annas, Rs.5/- and Rs.2/- and 8/- annasrespectively in Assam division and in Cachar Rs. 7/- was sanctioned fora tiger.39 The highest amount paid as reward for the destruction of tigerunder the Bengal presidency was Rs. 100/- per head.40

The following table shows the scale of rewards sanctioned for thedestruction of wild animals since 1866.

Source: WBSA, Judicial Proceedings of the Government of Bengal forSeptember, 1871

The forest of Durrung (Darrang) district also was full of elephants,

Division & districts

Tiger Rs. As. P

Leopard Rs.As. P

Bear Rs. As. P

Hyena Rs. As. P

Elephants Rs. As. P

Rhinoceros Rs. As. P

Buffalo Rs. As. P

Wolf Rs.As. P

Assam division 5 0 0 2 8 0 2 8 0 2 0 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 2 8 0 0 0 0 Cachar 7 0 0 2 8 0 2 8 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nowgong & Kamroop districts

15 0 0 2 8 0 2 8 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0



tigers, rhinoceros, buffaloes, bison, deer of many kinds, bears, pigs etc.41

Those wild animals used to inhabit the large wastes of reed and grassjungle, and occasionally caused considerable damage to life and property.An amount of Rs 416, 7 annas and 8 paisa was paid by the governmentfrom 1858-63 as reward for the destruction of wild animals.42 A consid-erable amount of 15.6 pounds in 1866-67, 18.4 pounds in 1867-68 and9.5 pounds in 1868-69 was expend in the district of Nowgaon by thegovernment to keep down the tigers and leopard, the main destructive wildanimals in the district.43 The reward for killing a tiger which was onlyRs. 5 or 10 shillings to Rs. 25 or 2.10 pounds.44 Similar rewards werepaid for the destruction of wild animals in the Sibsagar district whichamounted to 18.4 pounds in 1859 and 4 pounds in 1869.45 A small amountof 10 shillings was paid as reward for snake killing in the Lakhimpurdistrict. This was something not at all done in the other districts ofAssam46 as no rewards were paid to kill snakes in any of the provinceunder Bengal till 1874.47 Paying of rewards for decreasing wild animalswas mostly accepted method for the destruction of wildlife in Assam asit has also been found that almost in all the districts of Assam, rewardswere given for killing of wild animals.

The plan of employing paid shikaries was occasionally been tried butwithout any real success. In some cases marksmen were selected by police,and being furnished with arms and ammunition were encouraged to shootwild animals and were allowed half the reward in each case, but that too didn'tget success.48 Sometime large hunting parties were also organized to destroyparticular wild animals to those places where the loss of life and propertyfrom wild animals is great.49 These hunting parties were organized underthe guidance of local officers at a small expense to government. This besideshelping to kill off wild beasts also gave the people courage and incites themto organize similar hunts on their own account and teach them to make astand against a danger that is now destroying their substance and them-selves.50 All these attempts resulted in the large number of wild animalskilling. The following table shows the destruction of wild animals for rewardsduring early British period.

127

Table. 1.6. Number of wild animals destroyed in Assam from 1858-63

Reproduced from the extract from the Judicial Proceedings of theGovernment of Bengal for July 1864

Table 1.7. Number of wild animals killed and the reward paid for theirdestruction

Reproduced from the extract from the Judicial Proceedings of theGovernment of Bengal for September, 1871

The following table shows that every year a good number of wildanimals were killed for rewards and a good sum of amount were expendedby the government for its destruction. From 1858-63, 8682 wild animalswere killed for which a sum of Rs. 28443-4-3 was paid by the government.51

District No. of animals killed

Tig

er

Leo

pard

Bea

r

wol

ves

Hya

ena

Oth

er

anim

als

Amount paid as rewards

Remarks

Gowalparah 225 69 50 (c)115 Rs. As. P. 1707 4 0

(c) 99 buffaloes and 16 rhinoceros.

Kamroop (a) 3,402 (b)1424 (c )345 (d)254 21,022 8 0 (a)200 and 54 cubs; (b) 98 cubs; (c)94 cubs; (d) 240buffaloes, 12 calves and 2 elephants.

Durrung 326 204 75 (b) 700 416 7 8 (b) 175 cubs.

Seebsagar 157 33 1 (b)214 1,421 4 0 (b) 3 rhinoceros,210 buffaloes and 1 elephant.

Lukimpore 231 36 33 472 2515 0 0 Cossyah and jynteah hil ls

1 2 10 0 0 ………………..

Nowgong (b)133 6 (c)12 672 8 0 (b) 21 cubs; (c)2 elephants, 1 rhinoceros and 9 buffaloes.

Cachar (a)97 7 499 7 4 (a)15 cubs Sylhet (b)58 178 10 7 (b) 6 cubs.

Total 4630 1775 510 1767 28443 4 3 8682

Number of various animals killed Cost to government for the destruction of wild animals

In 1866-67

In 1867-68

In 1868-69

In 1866-67

In 1867-68

In 1868-69

Rs. As. P Rs. As. P Rs. As. P Kamrup 1289 320 238 4805 0 0 3242 8 0 2640 0 0 Durrung 93 98 121 292 0 0 304 0 0 391 0 0 Nowgong 16 19 7 153 0 0 182 8 0 92 8 0 0 Seebsagor 38 33 10 153 0 0 134 0 0 39 8 0 0 Luckimpore 54 40 52 200 0 0 140 0 0 166 0 0 Khasi and jynteah hills

9 15 150 0 0 175 0 0

Naga hills 3 Cachar 100 0 0 49 0 0 14 0 0 Sylhet 2891 2193 1881 10,313 0 0 9776 2 0 9298 0 0 Gowalpara 425* 697 0 0 170 0 0 3054 0 0 Total 4381 2712 2752 16713 0 0 14148 2 0 17064 0 0



From 1866-69, 9854 wild animals were killed which a sum of 47,925 waspaid as rewards.52 It does not include those animals which were killed forsports and those for which no reward was claimed. That means the numberof the wild animals killed during these years could be even more.

Revenue from wild animals before 1874

Wild animals were not a source of generating revenue for the Britishgovernment before 1874 except elephants. The feare nature of Assam as awhole was not made to contribute towards the revenue, or rather to the wealthof the province excepts the trade of ivory in a limited sense in the Lakhimpurdistrict where elephant catching also contributed a nominal amount.53 In factelephant were always been a source of revenue for the government of Assameven in the medieval period. Dr. Wade's 'History of Assam' mentioned aboutthe making and use of ivory boxes, fans of ivory, ivory articles in Assam.He also mentioned that king Rudra Singh presented mats, fans, and chessmenof ivory to the king of Delhi.54 Elephant catching expedition under kheddahwere conducted since the early years of the company's rule. In fact,government played his monopoly over elephant catching. There were mainlytwo kinds of licenses that were formally granted. One was an annual leaseof a particular tract of the country. It also gave the permit holder the exclusiveright to catch elephants in any manner, he might choose.55 The amount paidby such license holder as fee varied at times and in 1869 the revenue derivedfrom the issue of such licenses was 601 pounds and 10 shillings (approxi-mately rupees 6,0101).56 The other type of license which was granted tocapture elephants in all unreserved forest upon payment of an annual royaltyof 2 pounds or Rs. 20/-.57 However, revenue derived from elephant catchingwas not considered significant.58

Trade in wildlife during early British rule

One of the earliest accounts, by John M'cosh, Topography of Assam(1937), described the practices of trade in wildlife during early British rule.He viewed in his account that every year a large number of elephants werecaught and transported to various countries. He estimated that every yeararound 700- 1,000 elephants were exported from Assam every year and aduty of Rs. 10 was levied at Goalpara on every elephant exported.59 Hementioned about the crude practice of the Singphos to kill elephants for itsivory that used to kill then by poisoned arrows fired from a musket, and afterstriking out their teeth, used to leave the carcasses to be devoured by beastsof prey.60 Jenkins also reported that every year merchants from Bengal madeattempts to visit the province with koonkees to catch wild animals and were

129

generally very successful. He found that out of the 600-700 elephants caughtin Assam in 1850, around 500 were exported, where as in 1851 about 900were caught. Newly caught elephants could often be purchased, if under 5feet in height, for Rs.100/- but the merchants seldom dispose the finer onesin the province as they realized Rs.800 to Rs. 1,00 each for them in Bengalor Hindustan, if they succeeded in keeping them alive for 2 or 3 years.61

A.J.M.Mills also observed that both ivory and rhinoceros horn were exportedfrom Assam. Trade in Sylhet district in elephant tusk and buffalo horns andhides were observed by Hunter.62 Though M'cosh observed that they werenot much sought for unless by some caste for eating. M'Cosh viewed thatthe old Rhinoceros were frequently killed for their skin or their horn. Theskin was valuable as the best shields in the country were made from it.63

M'cosh also viewed about the sanctity attached to the rhinoceros horn. In hisview, "Great sanctity is attached to the horn; so much so that the general beliefis that there is no more certain way of ensuring a place in the celestial regionsthan to be gored to death by the horn of the rhinoceros".64 Thus, trade inwildlife during early British rule was not uncommon. But the trade in wildlifeskin was not common there are evidences were the tiger skin was cut to piecesor destroyed after reward was given for a particular tiger skin,65 so that thesame skin might not be used for the reward for a second time. Though allskins of animals and their claws for which a reward was paid become theproperty of government and no person should have the option of purchasingthe same. But no trade in wild beast's skins was carried on in Assam before1874.66 The British government has fixed certain amount to be paid for thesale of the Skin of wild animals. It was for tiger, Chita. Panther and leopardwas Rs. 10/- each, for bear Rs.2/- and for wolf or hyena Rs. 1/- each.67

On the other hand the government had to spend considerable amount tokeep down wild animals as it can be seen that the spend more than 67.18pounds in 1865; 401.16 pounds in 1867; 110.18 pounds in 1870; 228.10pounds in 1871; 227.10 pounds in 1872; 182.15 pounds in 1873 and 362.10pounds in 1874.68 A reward of Rs. 28443, 4 annas, 3 paisa was made from1858-63.69 In 1866-67, 1867-68, 1868-69 an amount of Rs. 16713, Rs.14148and 2 annas, Rs. 17064 respectively was rewarded.70 John M'cosh viewedthat the number of wild animals killed was so great that, the amount ofrewards absorbs a great portion of the revenue. This was he said only forthose animals killed by shikaries at that too only by bows and arrows.71 Soa good sum was spend to keep down the number of wild animals in theprovince.



Conclusion

The men-animal interactions was not new to the British regime in Assam,but never before wild animals were destroyed in such large numbers. Theavailable records reveal the number of wild animals killed in during earlyBritish rule were much more than the number of human being killed by thewild animals. From 1858-63, 217 person were killed while 8682 wild animalswere killed during the same period. Again, from 1866-68, 4353 human beingswere killed by wild animals on the other hand 9845 wild animals weredestroyed during the same period. Now, the question arises was the killingof wild animals in such large number needed? Safety of life and propertywas the main concern is doubtful, as it is found that the villagers of Durrang(Darrang) were not allowed to clear off the jungles and they had to payrevenue out of their own pocket to clear off the jungles and if the jungleswere not cleared off the shelter of wild animals would have increased. Thevillagers also could not burn the jungles as it might burn their houses.Moreover the number of people annually destroyed was much lesser then thewild animals killed. Sport was one reason why wild animals were killed andsecondly, it was for the sake of trade in wild animals as it is found that theBritish government has fixed certain amount for the sale of the wild animal'sskin as mentioned earlier. There are also evidences of trade of Ivory, hornand hides of wild animals. Though, no trade was carried on in wild beast'sskin but it would also be wrong to conclude that there was no trade in wildlifebefore 1874. It can be said that the in initial stage the British were notsuccessful in their attempt to trade in wildlife in Assam. It can be concludedthat there was no concrete policy of the British government regarding wildlifein Assam till 1874 and not much revenue was generated from wildlife onthe other hand the government has to spend large sum of amount on thedestruction of wild animals. Though, there was not much trade in wildlifebut the revenue from elephant catching was enough to meet the expenditureof the destruction of wild animals and the clearance of jungle later helpedthe British government to expand the cultivable land and to earn more andmore revenue.

Notes and References :

1. Habib, Irfan, Man And Environment, The Ecological History Of India, Delhi,2010, p.64

2, Rangarajan, M., India's Wildlife History, An Introduction, New Delhi, 2001,p.8

3. Ibid, p.18

131

4. Ibid, p. 18

5. Barkakati, S.N., Tribal folk tales of Assam, Assam/ Guwahati, 1970, p.7

6. Gadgil M. and Ramachandra Guha, The Fissured Land, An Ecological Historyof India, New Delhi, 2002, p.232

7. M'cosh, John, Topography of Assam, in Laxmi Nath Tamuly, ed., Guwahati,2010,p. 41

8. Ward, S.R., A Glimpse of Assam, Calcutta, 1884,p.136

9. Ibid. PP.136-137

10. Judicial and Revenue Administrative Report of 1835, file no. 298, Bengal,Assam Secretariat, General Department, 1836, Assam State Archives (hence-forth ASA)

11. Ibid.

12. Judicial and Revenue Administrative Report of 1835, file no. 298, Bengal,Assam Secretariat, General Department, 1836, ASA

13. Assam Commissioner Papers, file no. 446, correspondence regarding GoorkhateMehals from 10th March, 1858 to Jan, 1865. Letter from lieutenant J.lamb,collector of Zillah, Durrung to Coll. J.Jekins, commissioner of revenue Assam,Dated camp Lahar Barree, 20th January, 1859, ASA

14. Hunter, W.W., A Statistical Account of Assam, Vol. 1, repnt., New Delhi, 1990,p.25


16. Home, Public-A, 31-48, Feb. 1870, National Archives of India (henceforthNAI)

17. Ibid, letter from col. H. Hopkinson, agent to the Governor- General., North-East Frontier and Commissioner of Assam to the Secretary to the Governmentof Bengal dated 22nd Sept. 1866.

18. Home, Public, A, September, 1871, NAI, pp.43-72

19. M'cosh, John, Topography of Assam, in Laxmi Nath Tamuly. ed., Guwahati,2010,p. 117

20. Ibid.,

21. Home, Public,A, February, NAI, 1870, 31-48

22. Home, Public ,A, sept-1871 file no, 43-72, NAI

23. Home, Public-, Sept. 1871, 43-72, NAI

24. Dutta, D. Cachar District Records, , Silchar/ Assam, 2007, p.29

25. Home, Public-, Sept. 1871, 43-72, NAI

26. Home, Public-A, sept, 1871, nos. 43-72, NAI

27. Hunter, op. cit.,



28. Home, Public-A, sept.1871, nos. 43-72, NAI.



31. Home, Public, A, Sept.1871, file no. 43-72, letter from the junior secretary,to the govt. of Bengal to the Secretary to the Government of India, NAI.

32. Proceeding of the Hon'ble the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal during July1861, Judicial department, Proc. No. 308 S 309, dated 1861 19th July, p. 226-227, West Bengal State Archives (henceforth WBSA)

33. Home, Public-A, 5th Feb 1870, 31-48, NAI


35. Rangarajen, M.,'The Role of Administration in Extermination: Fresh Evidenceof Cheetah in India', Research-in Progress Papers, History and Society, Centrefor contemporary Studies, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Teen MurtiHouse, New Delhi, 1998

36. Bengal Government Papers, file no.340, Scale of Rewards for the Destructionof Wild Animals, 1848, ASA.

37. Ibid.

38. Proceedings of the Hon'ble the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal during February1870, Judicial Department, Proc. No. 179-180, WBSA

39. Ibid.

40. Revenue Department, B., Proceedings of the Government of Bengal for 29thOct 1863, proc. No. B. 361-62, ASA.

41. Hunter,W. W., op. cit.,

42. Home, Public, A, February, 1870, pp.31-48, WBSA.

43. Hunter, W.W., op.cit. p.176

44. Ibid.

45. Ibid., p.232

46. Ibid., pp 300-301

47. Judicial Dept., Sept. 1873, 47 -53 Proc, A experiment was tried in Burdwandivision of Bengal, which is one of the worst from snake bite in the wholeprovince and it had been found that snake killing became a regular trade. Thesnakes were being brought in from jungles where they did harm nobody. Thecost under this system had in 1863 became enormous having risen in the smalldistrict of Bancooral alone to over Rs. 20,000 per annum. This led to thewithdrawal of reward for snake killing in Bengal.

48. Home, Public-A, sept.1871, nos. 43-72, NAI

133

49. Ibid.

50. Home, Public-A, September, 1871, Nos.43-72, NAI

51. Home, Public-A, February, 1870, 31-48, NAI

52. Home, Public-A, sept-1871 file no, 43-72, NAI

53. Hunter, W.W. op.cit.,

54. Kumar,B.N., Assam in Ahom Age, 1228-1826, Calcutta, 1970, p. 173

55. Goswami, S.D., Aspects of Revenue Administration In Assam, p.115

56. Hunter, W.W. op.cit. p. 301

57. Hunter, W.W. op.cit. p. 301

58. Handique, R., British Forest Policy in Assam, New Delhi, 2004, p. 49

59. Ibid.p. 42

60. F. Jenkins, Report On The North-East Frontier Of India: A DocumentaryStudy, in H.K.Barpujari. ed., Guwahati, 1995

61. Assam commissioner papers, file no. 446, correspondence regarding GoorkhateMehals from 10th march, 1858 to Jan, 1865. Letter from lieutenant J.lamb,collector of Zillah, Durrung to Coll. J.Jekins, commissioner of revenue Assam,Dated camp lahar barree, 20th January, 1859, ASA.

62. Hunter, W.W. op.cit., p. 270

63. M'cosh, J. op. cit. p. 42

64. Ibid.,

65. Dutta, D. Cahar District Record, vol. 1, No. 23, Kolkata, 2007

66. Hunter, W.W. op.cit, p.301

67. Home, Public-A, 1870, August, nos. 71-73, NAI.

68. Ibid. the value of one pound was equal to about ten rupees at that time.

69. Home, Public-A, February, 1870, pp. 31-48, NAI.

70. M'cosh, John, op.cit, p. 43

71. M'cosh, John, op.cit, p. 45



BOOK REVIEW

INDIA'S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY: FROM ANCIENTTIMES TO THE COLONIAL PERIOD, VOL. 1

Mahesh Rangarajan

INDIA'S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY: COLONIALISM,MODERNITY, AND THE NATION, VOL. 2

K. SivaramakrishnanPermanent Black, New Delhi, 2012, pp.VI+464. & pp.1X+614.

ISBN 81-7824-316-4.(For a Set of two volumes)

This edited Book having two Volumes, under review, belongs to the newgenre of South Asian environmental historiography. It offers a historical cut-out of India's ecological past ranging from pre-historic period to the end oftwentieth century. India's environmental history is relatively a new field ofHistory that has emerged over the past few decades. Scholarship onEnvironmental History has been concentrated principally in the Euro-Americanworld. The intellectual origin of environmental history as a domain of enquiry,write Richard Grove and Vinita Damodaran, 'can be traced to the encounterof 17th and 18th century WesternEuropeans…' A new phase of globalenvironmental history began with European decolonization from the 1950sonwards. The latter 1950s saw the spread of environmental history to thescholars belonging to Africa and South Asia. Environmental history writingin India took a concrete shape in 1980s and 1990s. Till the mid of 1980s,historians concentrated mostly on the urban and arable parts of the landscapes.The non-arable forest, pastoral, mountains, marshes, forest dwellers, forest

135BOOK REVIEW

desiccation, animals, flora and fauna, gender and such other anomalous zonesetc., were ignored. The issues of differences between indigenous and colonialconstructions of Nature were also ignored. Historians belonging to CambridgeSchool, Nationalist School, Marxist School and even the Subaltern Schoolneglected such issues. David Arnold is probably right, while he writes-'Subaltern historians of tribal and peasant protest have, until recently,neglected the ecological implications of different systems of ownership ofproduction.' From the late 1980s, a series of books and essays brought forththe quest for environmental history. A good number of scholars stationed inIndia, the Duke University and Oxford approached the subject principallyconcentrating on agrarian changes, land use in the tropics and its impact onenvironment, flora, fauna, forest, indigenous people and their ideologicalcontent.

Both Mahesh Rangarajan and K. Sivaramkrishnan,-the Editors of this twovolumes Book, belong to the group of environmental historians who treat thecolonial rule not as a watershed but as a period in which continuities withthe pre-colonial period should be regarded equally important. Byaccommodating the essays concerning India's pre-colonial, colonial ecologicalpasts and post-colonial present, the editors have made required bridgebuilding between Environmental History of India and India's EnvironmentalHistory. The edited Volumes should be credited as a pioneering attempt inassembling thirty three Articles of the scholars of repute.

The Editors, in their scholarly introduction, have attempted to address theneed of assimilating the essays by placing their arguments on the three basicpremises of the idea of an India in slow or long equilibrium. The first premisewas the limited reach of states beyond the cultivated arable land and rulerswere not seen as intruding extensively in resource control or appropriation.The second premise about the past was the virtual eclipse of states as actorsin the arena of landscape change. The popular notion regarding this hasmoved in recent decades from one extreme to the other. The third premisewas that the self- governing local communities had been seen as havingcontrol over resources in the pre-modern era. However, such a premise mayignore the wider power relations within which village societies existed. Withthese basic premises, the Editors have identified such essays in these volumesso that a reader can understand the continuity, departure and dichotomies ofvarious facets of India's past from the present traversing pre-colonial, colonialand post-colonial ecological history of India.


Under the first section entitled 'Ecology and Archaeology', of the firstVolume, the first essay of M.L.K.Murty on 'Sheep/Goat Pastoral Cultures inthe Southern Deccan :The Narrative as a Metaphor', examines the evolvingrelations between nature, landscape, animals and pastoral culture, sometimesconflicting and at times cooperative. The second Essay on 'Climate, A Factorin the Rise and Fall of the Indus Civilization: Evidence from Rajasthan andBengal' by V.N.Misra shows a complex picture of conflicting evidences. Tohim, the local impact of Harappan culture on the floral-faunal complex needto be set against wider changes in the ecological mosaic. Makhan Lal's Essayon 'Iron Tools, Forest Clearance, and Urbanization in the Gangetic Plains', leadsto the debate on the role of iron tools in land clearance in the Gangetic valley.Contradicting the common notion that the urbanization was possible onlybecause of the widespread use of advance iron tools, he has placed adequatefirst hand materials to conclude that the notions are nothing but myth. The Essayon 'Settlement pattern and the Spatial Organisation of Subsistence and MortuaryPractices in the Mesolithic Ganges Valley, North Central India' by Umesh C.Chottopadhyaya has been drawn on evidence from three sites in the middleregion that helped the human presence in the ancient Gangetic valley in a widercontext.

In the second Section entitled 'Literary Images and States of Nature',Romila Thapar's Essay on 'Perceiving the Forest: Early India' has capturedthe multiple and changing meanings of the forest over time'. To her, thereare many varieties of forests with multiple meanings attached to differentplaces at different times. Aloka Parasher- Sen's Essay on ' Of Tribes,Hunters and Babbarians: Forest Dwellers in the Mauryan Period', presentsa unique interpretation that an ancient empire, however, powerful, it alwayshad difficulties in containing diverse ethnically powerful populations. Shehas shown how the state perceived the forest dwellers and sought tosubordinate and assimilate them. She suggests that the lands of the blackantelope were seen as purer than others in cultural and not merely ecologicalterms. Thomas Trautmann's Essay on 'Elephants and the Mauryas', sketchesa picture of Mauryan India with the help of Arthashastra and the GreekAccounts. He has gone so far as to identify the availability or the absenceof supplies of war elephants as a strategic factor in Indian history. DaudAli's Essay on 'Gardens in Early India Court Life', shows how criticalgardens were to early Indian Court life. Ali says that human-nature relationswere not only about conflict and co-existence, they could also be aboutmutual change and adaptation. At a larger scale, the author draws attention

137

to anomalous spaces and grey zones.

Under the third section entitled 'Animals, Places and Politics', the firstEssay of Jos Gommans on 'The Silent Frontier of South Asia,c.1100-1800c.e.,'looks at animals, war and conquest together and relates the supply lineof animals as war logistics. He argues that India and its ecologies and politicsare seen as integral to a wider world of continental Asia by positing Indiaas the meeting place between arid and monsoon lands-'the Silent Frontier'.Simon Digby's Essay on 'The Supply of War Horses',provides a close lookat animals, war and conquest during Delhi Sultanate'. To Digby, the tradeoverland as well as commerce in horses across the seas changed in scopeand value over the centuries. The Essay of Divyabhanu Sinh on 'At the Courtof the Great Mughals', has brought to light the pictorial and literary evidenceof changing human relations through the studies of hunting during theSultanate period. Although the texts or paintings of the period reflect thestrategic or military interest, he shaped such sources to present how natureand cultures interacted at the time in the geographical locations of hunts andthe revealing landscapes of the past. In his Essay on 'Claims on the Commons:Political Power and Natural Resources in Pre-colonial India', Sumit Guhaargues that hunts were taken place in a larger backdrop of far-reachingchanges in pre-colonial India. He concludes that rulers and so to say the powerelites had privileged control and access to rural-urban resources and scarcebiomass and had claims on the commons.

Section IV entitled 'The Company State and India's Environments' includesthree Essays. To begin with, Richard Grove's Article, 'The East IndiaCompany, the Australians, and the El Nino: Colonial Scientists and Ideasabout Global Climatic Change and Teleconnections Between 1770 and1930',has shown that how the new legal and land systems worked their way in ahill region divided between different jurisdictions, the Nilgiris. MichaelMann's Essay on 'Forestry and Famine in the Chambal-Jamna Doab, 1879-1919' examines the imperial control over Indian forest by 1900. He has shownin details the direct deforestation/desiccation not simply as an enclosure butthat made a huge shift in forest and country side in the late colonial period.

The companion Volume of this Book includes seventeen Essays indifferent five Sections. Under the first Section captioned 'Agrarian Change/Forest Transformation', Indu Agnihotri, in her Essay on 'Ecology, Land Use,and Colonization: The Canal Colonies of Punjab', looks at the landscape inthe throes of unprecedented changes that had taken place with the creation

BOOK REVIEW


of canal colonies in the Indus Basin. Such changes displaced the oldersystems of pastoral production and dry land farming. David Ludden in hisEssay on 'Investing in Nature around Sylhet: An Excursion into GeographicHistory', has shown how did changing administrative perceptions and practicescreate impact on the mapping of the landscapes of the hills of Sylhet as wellas on production, settlement, and the wider ecology of a region. The Essayof Mahesh Rangarajan on 'The Raj and the Natural World: Dangerous Beastsin Colonial India,1875-1925,' sketches the conflicting and different attitudesof peasants, herders and tribesmen to carnivores(dangerous beasts) targetedfor elimination during the period. David Arnold in his Essay, 'Disease,Resistance, and India's Ecological Frontier, 1770-1947', establishes linkagesbetween Nature and the disease and the response of the state and reactionsof the commons located in ecological frontier over a period of time.

Under the second Section entitled 'Environment Identity and Power', RichFreeman in his Essay on 'Folk Models of the Forest Environment in HighlandMalabar', examined the sacred groves on the ground showing that ruralsociety is as many layered as an onion. In the event of protection of floraand fauna, entailed exclusions of lower castes or women and change indemography could propel the landscape as a whole into change at a fasterrate. K. Sivaramkrishnan in his Essay on ' Transition Zones: ChangingLandscapes and Local Authority in South West Bengal 1880s- 1920s',hascited the transition zones of anomaly. To him, state forestry had its limits evenas it tried to regulate the use of fire or usufruct rights. In her Essay on 'ThePolitical Ecology of Swidden Cultivation: The Survival Strategies of theBaigas in the Central Provinces, India, 1860-1960', Archana Prasad hasexamined how changes in the forest had a deep impact on local societies andindigenous people.

Under Section III titled 'Animals, Poetics and Politics', the Essay ofNeeladri Bhattacharya on 'Pastoralists in the Colonial World', deals with thepastoralists, and their sedentarization under revenue conscious colonial state.Paul Greenbush in his Essay on 'Bio-ironies of the Fractured Forest: India'sTiger Reserves', has questioned the conventional notions that equate policingand the absence of resident people with the recovery of carnivore populations.He rather argues, it is the removal of such forest based peoples that couldexpose imperiled animals to ominous threat. Ann Grodzins Gold and BhojuRam Gujar's Essay on 'Wild Pigs and Kings: Remembered Landscapes inRajasthan', traced the oral memory with the landscape changes in Rajasthan

139

and shown the huge shifts in the past few decades.

Under Section 1V titled 'Environment, Dearth and Development', theEssay of Sajal Nag on 'Bamboo, Rats, and Famine: Famine Relief andPerception of British Paternalism in the Mizo Hills' traced the ecologicalhistories of India with a special focus on bamboo famine of the Lushai Hillsin the late 1950s and placed such events of dissents and discontents betweenthe people and the government in a longer term historical setting. Darren C.Zook's Essay on 'Famine in the Landscape: Imagining Hunger in South AsianHistory,1860-1990, deals with details of sources and concludes that suchsources do remain silent on the issues and socio-economic causes of hunger.The Essay on 'Common Property Resources and the Environmental Context:Role of Bio-physical versus Social Stress' by Narpat S. Jodha, has attemptedto show how dry land and hill ecologies and common property system havedone much to the marginal peoples living today since centuries.

The Companion Volume ends with Section V entitled 'Contested Landscapesof Development'. Under this Section the Essay of Bina Agarwal on 'Gender,Environment, and Poverty Interlinks: Regional Varieties and Temporal Shiftsin Rural India,1971-1991', bridges the gap by bringing gender dimension inecological studies. She has shown how social and political relationships denyproperty right and access to forests for women with their regional variationand ecological diversity. Amita Baviskar in her Essay on 'Written on the Body,Written on the Land: Violence and Environmental struggles in Central India',sketches out how a private company with state support try to push througha large dam in Madhya Pradesh in the face of non-violent resistance of thelocal people. Rohan D'Souza in his Essay on ' Damming the Mahanadi River:The Emergence of Multi-Purpose River Valley Development in India(1943-1946),' has traced into details of the facts and events and the impact oftechnological interventions on the people and the landscape as made by thestate- sponsored nationalist capital. The Essay on 'Disaster, Development, andGovernance: Reflections on the Lessons of Bhopal' by S. Ravi Rajan hastraced the causes of disaster of Bhopal in an urban industrial setting of violentenvironment.

A curious reading of the essays included in this two volume Bookestablishes the fact that the Editors have attempted to show the fluctuationsbetween stressing continuities as well as major departures with the past. Allthese facts and events do have abiding consequences of varied nature on thedynamics of India's environmental history through ages. The Book suffers

BOOK REVIEW


from the principal limitation as it has failed to present a coherent logic toperceive India's environmental history through a specified method of history.The Essays so included cover a wide span of time and issues of differentdimensions sometimes create zones of anomaly at the perception level of ageneral reader due to their methodological diversities. Despite analyticalvariation, diversification of issues of enquiry, random time period, discretescales and levels of analysis, conceptual heterogeneities and methodologicalcomplexities, this two volume Book generates a very rich literature possiblyof the best scholarship on India's environmental history. The learned provocativeintellectual exercises made in this Book have been an eye-opener to thosereaders and scholars committed to undertake research in any aspect of India'senvironmental history.

Tahiti Sarkar

Research Scholar, Department of HistoryNorth Bengal University

Exploring History Vol. V - VI No. 2, 1 (Royal Size).p65

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