EXPANDING THE CIRCLE OF TRUST: Tradition and change in iron Age Communities in Western sicily

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Acta Hyperborea – Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology – a periodical edited and published by Collegium Hyperboreum, a group of scholars associated with Danish universities and museums: Mette Moltesen, Birte Poulsen, Annette Rathje, Eva Rystedt, and Knut Ødegård.

Editors of the present issue: Jane Fejfer, Mette Moltesen and Annette Rathje.

acta hyperborea 1, 1988: East and West. Cultural Relations in the Ancient World, edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansen.acta hyperborea 2, 1990: The Classical Heritage in Nordic Art and Architecture, edited by Marjatta Nielsen.acta hyperborea 3, 1991: Recent Danish Research in Classical Archaeology: Tradition and Renewal, edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansen, Pia Guldager, John Lund, Marjatta Nielsen and Annette Rathje.acta hyperborea 4, 1992: Ancient Portraiture: Image and Message, edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansen, John Lund, Marjatta Nielsen and Annette Rathje.acta hyperborea 5, 1993: Aspects of Hellenism in Italy: Towards a Cultural Unity ? edited by Pia Guldager Bilde, Inge Nielsen and Marjatta Nielsen. acta hyperborea 6, 1995: Ancient Sicily, edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansen.acta hyperborea 7, 1997: Urbanization in the Mediterranean in the 9th to 6th Centuries B.C., edited by Helle Damgaard Andersen, Helle W. Horsnæs, Sanne Houby-Nielsen and Annette Rathje.acta hyperborea 8, 2001: Late Antiquity: Art in Context, edited by Jens Fleischer, Niels Hannestad, John Lund and Marjatta Nielsen. acta hyperborea 9, 2002: Pots for the Living – Pots for the Dead, edited by Annette Rathje, Marjatta Nielsen and Bodil Bundgaard Rasmussen.

MUSEUM TUSCULANUM PRESSUNIvERSITy oF CoPENHAGENISSN 0904-2067ISBN 978 87 635 4258 6

acta hyperborea 10, 2003: The Rediscovery of Antiquity. The Role of the Artist, edited by Jane Fejfer, Tobias Fischer-Hansen and Annette Rathje.acta hyperborea 11, 2009:Johannes Wiedewelt. A Danish Artist in Search of the Past, Shaping the Future,edited by Marjatta Nielsen and Annette Rathje.acta hyperborea 12, 2009:From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast,edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansenand Birte Poulsen.acta hyperborea 13, 2013:vessels and variety. New Aspects of Ancient Pottery, edited by Hanne Thomasen, Annette Rathje and Kristine Bøggild Johannsen.

Editorial correspondence and books intended for reviews should be sent to collegium hyperboreum,c/o The Saxo Institute Section of Classical ArchaeologyUniversity of CopenhagenKaren Blixens vej 4DK - 2300 Copenhagen S

Acta Hyperborea can be obtained from Museum Tusculanum Press,University of Copenhagen,Birketinget 6DK - 2300 Copenhagen [email protected]

Cover design: Thora Fisker.Cover illustration: Fragment of a krater attributed to the Tarporley Painter. Copenhagen, National Museum, inv. 1682. © The National Museum of Denmark.

TRADITION

TRANSMISSION OF CULTURE

IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

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Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology

ACTA HYPERBOREA14

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Tradition: Transmission of Culture in the Ancient WorldJane Fejfer, Mette Moltesen and Annette Rathje (eds.)

© Collegium Hyperboreum and Museum Tusculanum Press, 2015Layout and typesetting: Erling LynderCover design: Thora FiskerSet with Garamond Printed in Denmark by Tarm BogtrykISBN 978 87 635 4258 6ISSN 0904 2067

Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology. Acta Hyperborea, vol. 14

Collegium Hyperboreum:Annette Rathje, Birte Poulsen, Eva Rystedt, Knut Ødegaard and Mette Moltesenc/o The Saxo InstituteSection of Classical ArchaeologyKaren Blixens Vej 4, DK-2300 Copenhagen S

Cover illustration: Fragment of column krater attributed to the Tarporley Painter. Copen-hagen, National Museum, 1682 (Photo courtesy: The National Museum of Denmark).

This book has been published with financial support fromThe Carlsberg FoundationLandsdommer V. Gieses Legat

Published and distributed byMuseum Tusculanum PressUniversity of CopenhagenBirketinget 6DK-2300 Copenhagen STel. +0045 32 34 14 14Fax +0045 45 32 58 14 88www.mtp.dk

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Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology

ACTA HYPERBOREA14

TraditionTransmission of Culture in

the Ancient World

Edited by Jane Fejfer, Mette Moltesen

and Annette Rathje

Museum Tusculanum Press

University of Copenhagen

2015

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CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Niels Bargfeldt: Newly Invented Tradition: The Individual and the Community at the Northern Frontier of the Roman Empire . . . . . . 17

Cecilie Brøns: Textiles and Temple Inventories: Detecting an Invisible Votive Tradition in Greek Sanctuaries in the Second Half of the First Millennium BC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Jane Fejfer: Statues of Roman Women and Cultural Transmission: Understanding the So-called Ceres Statue as a Roman Portrait Carrier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

Solvejg Hansen: Using Textiles to Propose a New Identity for the So-called Goddess of Xeste 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Signe Isager: On a List of Priests: From the Son of Poseidon to Members of the Elite in Late Hellenistic Halikarnassos . . . . . . . . . . 131

Ifke van Kampen: Maripara and L’Imperatore: The Life and Afterlife of two Roman Statues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

Arja Karivieri: Tradition and Renewal: The Archaeology of Magic and Theurgy in Athens and Rome in Late Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

Jens Krasilnikoff: Tradition and Innovation in Classical Athens: The Case of the Athenian Acropolis as Place and History . . . . . . . . 195

Eva Mortensen: Ktistes: Mythical Founder Hero and Honorary Title for New Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Christian Mühlenbock: Expanding the Circle of Trust: Tradition and Change in Iron Age Communities in Western Sicily . . . . . . . . . 239

Marjatta Nielsen: New Times, Old Customs: Tradition and Renewal of Etruscan Funerary Culture from the Late Republic to the Early Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

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Nora Petersen: The Fan, a Central Italian Elite Utensil . . . . . . . . 301

Rubina Raja: Palmyrene Funerary Portraits in Context: Portrait Habit between Local Traditions and Imperial Trends . . . . . . . . . . . 329

Sine Grove Saxkjær and Jan Kindberg Jacobsen: The Trozzella IN. 3417 in the Collection of Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek: An Ethnic Marker or a Sign of Cultural Transmission? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363

Stine Schierup: The Nestorides: Innovation and Ambivalence in the Early South Italian Red-Figure Production . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387

Lone Wriedt Sørensen: Here There be Monsters: Hybrids Painted on Cypriot Iron Age Pottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

Christina Videbech: Private Collections of Sculpture in Late Antiquity: An Overview of the Form, Function and Tradition . . . . 451

Kristina Winther-Jacobsen: Ceramics in Funerary Traditions in Hellenistic Cyprus: The Custom of Duplication? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481

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EXPANDING THE CIRCLE OF TRUSTTR ADITION AND CHANGE IN IRON AGE COMMUNITIES IN WESTERN SICILY

CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

Introduction1

A number of recent studies have underlined the cosmopolitan nature of the Archaic Mediterranean. Connectivity models, inspired by the world of today, have stimulated new perspectives on colonization, trade and the transmission of culture in the ancient world.2 What is often lacking, however, is an understanding of how local communities dealt with these networks and how the cosmopolitan world of the Mediterranean was inte-grated into the already existing local communities.

There is no doubt that the Greek and Phoenician colonization of Sicily had a fundamental impact on the history of the Mediterranean. Archaeo-logical data suggests that the newly established contacts spurred a demo-graphic and economic uplift in the region. New commodities were distrib-uted over wide areas and new practices emerged as a response to the new situation. But among all the novelties and developments, it is important to remember that changes in the local communities occurred only gradually and evolved over many generations.

In the most up to date theoretical discussions of today, change is often understood as the result of entanglements between cultures in an in-between space (sometimes referred to as the third space, or middle ground).3 As an analytical tool, it works well to identify “new” practices, but if we wish to appreciate the whole operative chain it is also important to acknowledge what was before. In simple terms this means trying to identify traditional practices which were historically dominant before the “new” practices were introduced. It is also imperative, when the change has occurred and, in order to understand the dynamics of entanglement, to identify how the “new” practice was integrated within the already exist-ing society.

I wish to address these questions based on the archaeological pottery

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EXPANDING THE CIRCLE OF TRUSTCHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

material from the Iron Age settlement, Monte Polizzo, in western Sicily. The pottery production from this settlement is a splendid example of a practice which displays traditional roots, and, at the same time, was sub-ject to major changes in relation to the colonization of Sicily. In this sense, the pottery craft will be particularly illuminating in demonstrating how tradition was an particularly important component in maintaining a local identity as well as adapting to new situations and accommodating “new” practices within the frame of tradition.

Tradition and change in the Iron Age MediterraneanTradition is a habitual concept, and used frequently without a clear defini-tion.4 Yet, it is a commonly used term to describe a practice or a society which is regarded to be rooted in past practices. In modern language, it is often contrasted with change. Hence, the term is primarily associated with the enlightenment when western society became a society of sciences rather than a society of traditions.5 Rationality and scientific logic, the trademark of modern societies at the time, was perceived as the antithesis to the tradi-tionalism and ignorance typical of pre-modern societies.6

Furthermore, the word traditional is also intimately linked with the 19th century European opinion of the “other” encountered in the colonial enterprises in Africa, Asia, Australia and South America. In the view of the European, the traditional “other” became synonymous with the Archaic and the obsolete. As a consequence, what was then judged as “traditional” cultures of the indigenous “natives” were destined to be dominated and eventually replaced by the superior enlightened European culture.7

For some late 19th century historians in Great Britain, the Greek colo-nization was even presented as a prequel to the grand colonizing project endeavoured by the British in various parts of the world.8 In typical mod-ernist terms, the 6th century Greek society was similar to the industrious British 18th century society, regarded as a dynamic society. The Greeks were the bearers of civilization, of high culture, and of science. The indig-enous groups, on the other hand, remained fixed in a static society and were consequently regarded as backwards and heathen. The Greeks came to represent progress and change while the indigenous groups were char-acterized as traditional, and hence, therefore, the indigenous traditional culture was bound to be dominated and eventually replaced by Greek culture.9

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EXPANDING THE CIRCLE OF TRUST

Tradition and societyThe misconception of earlier research concerning tradition is not that it regarded local, indigenous Mediterranean societies as traditional, but that Greek society was considered as modern. In addition, if we examine the situation in Archaic Sicily, it is doubtful that we can even refer to the founding of Greek and Phoenician settlements in Sicily as colonization;10 and most research suggests that the Greeks were at least as traditional as the societies they encountered during their voyages along the Mediterra-nean coast.11

According to Anthony Giddens, the definition of tradition contains three basic principles that set traditional practice apart from other types of practices.12 Firstly, tradition constitutes a container for collective memory. Thus, it is not only characterized by a practice which is persistent over time but also one that is subjected constantly to reinterpretation of how it con-nects the present to the past.13 Secondly, tradition encapsulates some sort of formulaic truth which dictates how things should be done. The formu-laic truth is sometimes performative, as in ritual, and practitioners do not always know the reason why certain things are done in a certain way. A typical characteristic for tradition is that its proper historical meaning is only known to a few people, who Giddens refers to as guardians. Guardi-ans are key figures in the change of a tradition because they have the power to alter the tradition if they are able to legitimize it to a “historical truth”. The role of the guardians is not only to interpret tradition but also to guard it from dispute, because as soon as the tradition is seriously contested it becomes habit or custom.14 The third and final quality of the tradition is its normative and moral character.15 The moral character dictates what is done but also what should be done in a particular situation.16

In Archaic Sicily the Greek, Phoenician or indigenous societies were all traditional in the sense that tradition played a dominant role. Most individuals were born, grew up and probably died in the same place. In addition, all societies were primarily based on local communities tied to a limited geographical area. Jonathan Hall has demonstrated that the notion of a common Hellenic identity most strongly appeared after 480 BC.17 Colonial enterprises in Sicily were mostly conducted by individual cities rather than as a combined Greek campaign. The simplified notion of the Greek immigrant as carrier of an enlightened “modern” Greek culture in the initial stages of colonization has been revised for many years now, but it

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is still worth noting that all societies in Archaic Sicily were fundamentally defined by traditional practices which had evolved over a long period of time. Traditional founding myths, for instance, clearly played important roles in defining local and communal identities.18 Indeed local traditions were vital in articulating people’s identities, in shaping and maintaining local social, economic and political boundaries.19 Therefore, we can expect that tradition was a very important factor in shaping the way people lived their daily lives.

Monte PolizzoAround the turn of the 7th century BC, the region of western Sicily had become a contested land. Monte Polizzo, situated 726 metres above sea lev-el, holds a commanding position in the landscape of western Sicily (Fig. 1). The first traces of habitation here can safely be dated to the last half of the 7th century BC,20 and judging from location and the material culture encountered at the site it was an indigenous settlement possibly belong-ing to the Elymians.21 The establishment of the Monte Polizzo settlement correlates suspiciously well with the founding of the westernmost Greek colony of Selinous. The almost simultaneous establishment of these two major settlements around 625 BC was most probably part of a deliberate contest for the land in the west. At the time, the Phoenicians had already been present at Motya for more than a hundred years and the local groups were strengthening their grip on the island’s mountainous interior. Stefano Vassallo has shown that the number of indigenous settlements in west-ern Sicily rose from ten to almost fifty between 700−480 BC. Part of the expansion was most probably due to a demographic uplift, but it was also part of strategic positioning.22 Around 580 BC, the situation erupted into violence when a combined force of locals and Phoenicians prevented the Greek explorer Penthalos of Knidos from establishing a Greek settlement further west. According to Irad Malkin, this was the start of a regional division of Sicily and in the coming centuries we suspect that conflicts were common.23 Subsequently, around 550 BC Monte Polizzo was abandoned, possibly as a result of internal or external conflicts. At the time of aban-donment, the site covered approximately fifteen to twenty hectares and encompassed a population of up to 3,000 individuals (Fig. 2).24

Recent macrobotanical studies suggest that the area immediately encir-cling Monte Polizzo was one of the most fertile parts of Sicily.25 The rich-

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ness of the land was possibly one of the main reasons why the territory encircling Monte Polizzo was one of the most contested lands in the Medi-terranean.26 Excavations in a number of domestic structures (four houses are completely excavated) on Monte Polizzo (Fig. 3), commonly dated between 625−550, show that agrarian production was the main means of substance.27 Crop cultivation was complemented by husbandry farming and sheep herding.28

The town plan of Monte Polizzo was irregular and the layout of the houses was often adapted to the undulating terrain, preventing any kind of unitary grid. Houses, often composed of several rooms (between two and six), were constructed according to the local building tradition with low

Fig. 1 Map of Sicily ca. 550 BC with the main Greek and Phoenician settlements. The indigenous settlements mentioned in the text are indicated in the western part of the island. Scale 1:1,750,000.

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Fig. 2 Overview map of Monte Polizzo with the main areas of excavation indicated. Scale 1:4,000.

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Fig. 3 Plan over the three excavated houses in Area A. One additional house was excavated in Area B but this house is not included in this overview. Scale 1:300.

stone foundations and supporting walls constructed of wattle and daub (Fig. 4). The roofs were thatched. The houses varied in size between 20−30 square meters to almost 200 square meters.29 Three of the excavated houses contained large rooms which, in accordance with find distributions, were arenas for a number of important daily activities related to production and consumption of food such as grinding, cooking and eating. Ample evidence of both locally produced and imported drinking equipment suggests that wine drinking and feasting were integrated practices in the local society.30 Furthermore, all houses contained abundant evidence for

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weaving, most importantly large numbers of terracotta loom weights but also bobbins suggesting that the production of textiles was a vital daily activity with potential economic implications. Textiles and dress probably played a major role in defining a local identity on Monte Polizzo. Both fine and crude garments were produced and all houses contained fibula which helped to arrange the garments according to the local choice and style. Some of the more elaborate bronze and bone fibulae were produced locally.31

Aside from the more practice oriented and economic aspects of the households, we also find evidences of cult activities intimately related to the individual houses. For instance, some elaborate and more symboli-cally “loaded” items demonstrate that the inhabitants of Monte Polizzo also integrated a historical awareness which was strongly related to gene-alogy, space and identity.32 For instance, stone axes produced during the Bronze Age or earlier were found deposited in the 6th century find contexts (Fig. 5). The implication is probably that these axes had a historical value as

Fig. 4 Reconstruction of the domestic quarter excavated by the Scandinavian team in Area A.

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artefacts from the past, possibly attached to a mythical heritage.33 Similar meaning can, based on shape and find circumstances, be ascribed to some of the vessels which will be described below.

An analogous type of historical “referencing” is manifest in the more public cult visible in the small sanctuary excavated at Zone A at the Acrop-olis of Monte Polizzo. Here, around 575 BC, the old rectangular shrine was replaced by an altar erected in front of a circular outdoor sanctuary.34 Offerings of more than 30,000 fragments of deer antlers were discovered adjacent to the altar, some of which had been modified in order to be attached to headdresses.35 The present theory of the excavators is that the headdresses were important costume paraphernalia used in dancing per-formances around the small sanctuary.36 Interestingly, this occurred at a time when the red deer became scarcer as a result of massive deforestation in the area. Red deer are visible in the domestic faunal assemblage but constitute an absolute minority (around 1 to 2 per cent), and the bones found in the houses only derive from eatable parts of the animals. Thus,

Fig. 5 Stone axe, probably originating from northern Italy, discovered in the Archaic 6th century layer in Area A.

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the celebration of the deer at the sanctuary possibly signified the celebra-tion of masculinity (in relation to the hunt) but also, most importantly, a commemorative event for the community. The architecture of the sanctu-ary itself as well as the rituals performed there referred back to more than thousands years of Sicilian history.37

Local pottery The previous examples show that local traditions certainly played a cru-cial role in the society on Monte Polizzo. But in order to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of how tradition might have worked in the society at large, a more in-depth analysis is required. In this relation, a selection of pottery from Monte Polizzo will be used to demonstrate the dynamics between tradition and change. At the final stages, before the site was abandoned around 550 BC, there is evidence that the pottery manu-facture flourished. The excavations of the domestic contexts at the site have produced an impressive amount of shapes and fabrics which clearly were of local origin. In fact, in a recent archaeometric study based on some pottery classes assumed to be produced at Monte Polizzo, the authors were able to conclude that local workshops managed to yield the bulk of coarse and table ware pottery used at the settlement.38

The following analysis will contain only illustrative examples but it builds on an assemblage of more than 67,338 sherds,39 recognized as con-stituting at least 980 identified vessels.40 A majority of finds, around 70 per cent, were produced at the site or possibly in one of the neighbouring indigenous settlements. A number of different fabrics have been identified in different types of vessels such as cooking ware, plain use ware, coarse ware and various types of table ware and fine ware.

Most of the pottery at 6th century Monte Polizzo was produced by spe-cialists. Production techniques and raw material were selected according to the function and style of the different vessels. Clay and tempering were adapted to the vessel use. Cooking pots, for instance, contained quartz tempering in order to withstand repeated firing.41 The locally produced table amphoras were generally produced out of fine clay with grog temper-ing (small pieces of ceramics) to make the vessels more durable to constant use. Some of the finer table ware, on the other hand, contained almost no tempering at all. The high level of specialization required professional workshops. Furthermore, the level of know-how, the equipment and the

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work investment varied drastically depending on the desired pot. While the production of large pithoi (storage vessels) demanded a large size kiln, table ware could potentially be produced in much smaller kilns; handmade cooking pots were potentially produced on a household basis. It is therefore probable that different workshops specialized in different vessel types.

The local production of table ware ceramics in Iron Age Sicily was most-ly concerned with two distinct styles of pottery. One is usually referred to as the incised/impressed ware, and the other is often called the matt-painted ware. The two groups can easily be distinguished from each other as they display differences in clay types, in decorative schema and in sur-face treatment. The matt-painted vessels are generally adorned with a slip and painted in various geometric patterns, most commonly in red, brown and black colours. The incised/impressed ware can, in very few instances, be decorated with paint, but are mostly decorated with patterns in relief. Different tools, such as combs or stamps have been used to punch or draw various patterns into the unburned pot. The vessels are thus created to produce different effects on the viewer. The decorative repertoire of the matt-painted ceramics has much in common with Greek early geometric design. It is assumed, therefore, that the decoration on the matt-painted pots was originally meant to mimic imported Greek vessels.42 In western Sicily, the incised/impressed ware, on the other hand, is often regarded as a more traditional way of decorating pottery.43

In the 6th century house deposits at Monte Polizzo, only a very tiny fraction of identified vessels − less than 1 per cent − are matt-painted wares and all of them were closed vessels intended for keeping and/or transport-ing food and liquids. In comparison to what we find in other well-pub-lished indigenous settlements, these are extremely low numbers. At Mon-te Maranfusa, which is roughly contemporary with Monte Polizzo, the matt-painted ware dominated the non-Greek table ware repertoire with 70 per cent, compared with the grey incised/impressed ware which made up for around 30 per cent.44 A similar number is calculated for 6th century Entella where the matt-painted material ranges from 60−80 per cent of the table ware.45 At the indigenous site of Montagnoli, grey incised/impressed ware is entirely replaced by matt-painted ware by the 7th century BC.46 Although these figures might indicate a more profound shift in the indig-enous pottery production from incised/impressed ware to matt-painted ware, the evidence is still unevenly distributed and must be regarded with

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caution as the stratigraphic sequences for the 7th-6th century BC from the published sites are seldom particularly clear.47

Here it is justified to relate to the results from the stratified deposits in zone E at Monte Polizzo where Jeanette Cooper,48 in a communal dump, was able to examine the whole sequence of Monte Polizzo occupation. With particular emphasis on the ratio between matt-painted and incised/impressed Grey ware ceramics, she has discovered that, during the first phase of occupation from 650−600 BC, matt-painted ceramics were the dominant form among the domestic table ware. Subsequently, during the following fifty years, the matt-painted ceramics disappeared entirely, while the grey incised/impressed ware was used continuously throughout the period. This effectively means that the grey incised/impressed ware ceram-ics became the dominant decorated indigenous pottery from around the turn of the century while it entirely replaced matt-painted ware by the middle of the 6th century BC. If we relate these numbers to the situation within the domestic assemblages at Monte Polizzo this makes perfect sense.

Incised/impressed Grey ware: History and distributionThe impressed/incised ware tradition shares form and design elements with similar types of ceramics found on mainland Italy in the Proto Villa-nova culture. It is widely acknowledged that immigrants from southern Italy settled in Sicily during the end of the final Bronze Age.49 Incised/impressed ware first appeared in the eastern part of the island during the late Bronze Age and then subsequently appeared at the Late Bronze Age site of Mokarta, situated not very far from Monte Polizzo.50 The incised/impressed style on Monte Polizzo also shares elements with the so-called Sant’ Angelo Muxaro tradition. Sant’ Angelo Muxaro is often considered to be a key site in identifying incised/impressed Grey ware ceramics in western Sicily. Fatta has organized the material into three chronological groups spanning from the 8th to the 6th century BC. Most of the Sant’ Angelo Muxaro ceramics derive from Tombs.51 The Sant’ Angelo Muxaro pottery tradition is characterized by meander patterns and as such is per-haps more inspired by the geometric repertoire found in the Aegean during the 9th to the 8th centuries BC. Most of the incised/impressed ceramics from Monte Polizzo, on the other hand, are either plain or characterized by simple bands or dente di lupo (wolf teeth) patterns. The tendency when comparing vessels from different stratigraphic levels is that the decorative

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scheme subsequently became more and more restricted and standardized towards the end of the site-abandonment. The evidences might support the suggestion that the potters on western Sicily worked within a common tradition, with a strong local variation.52

Christopher Dixon characterizes the incised/impressed Monte Polizzo Grey ware pottery as follows: “the pottery is characterized by semi-lustrous black surface treatment. It typically has a light grey to charcoal grey core.”53 Later work has identified additional versions which are finer grey with a brownish grey core. The darkest version may be an attempt at copying Etruscan bucchero.54 The vessels are typically produced at low temperatures, mostly around 500−600 degrees Celsius.55 The selected clay is medium coarse without any added inclusions. All the vessels within the category were wheel thrown.

The locally produced incised/impressed vessels are often adorned with a set of stylistic elements. These elements are often combined according to a given set of rules, except in a few cases of vessels where odd combinations of decoration are often paired with an unusual vessel shape. The most com-mon decoration, however, is limited to two or three straight lines along the body of the vessel. These are normally used on all sorts of Grey ware ves-sels, but are most common on the shallow bowls, jugs and table amphoras. The third most popular motive is the dente di lupo design which has its name from its triangular shape reminiscent of pointed animal teeth. The triangles is sometimes filled with additional ornamentation such as incised waves, lines or dots (Fig. 8). These designs are particularly common during the Iron Age in the immediate area encircling Monte Polizzo and reaching into the Palermo region.56

At present, no ceramic kiln has been identified at Monte Polizzo but the consistency in chemical composition suggests that most Grey ware vessels were produced in the same location. The pottery manufacture was vital at the site from the very beginning and gained more and more popularity throughout the century until the site was abandoned. As demonstrated, the pottery craft builds on earlier traditions in Sicily and the typical crafts-manship had been maintained for a couple of hundred years before it flour-ished on Monte Polizzo. The guardians of the manufacture were experts in their trade and they show a consistency in the choice of material and manufacture. In this respect, we can speak about a pottery tradition. The Grey ware pottery production does, at the same time, display a surprisingly

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large corpus of shapes. This is partially a result of the laborious approach to the pottery craft but is also a sign of the vitalizing input of foreign vessel shapes.

A number of examples have been selected (below) to illustrate this rela-tionship. The first examples are selected because they clearly are part of a standardized repertoire of vessels shared among the local societies over a number of generations. The shapes must not necessarily be identical − all shapes are almost always subject to minor modifications − but the basic design is the same. The second group contains vessels where the shape has clearly been inspired by foreign prototypes.

Traditional shapesOne of the most traditional forms at Monte Polizzo is the dipper, referred to as attingitoio in Italian. The attingitoio is characterized by a carinated body, with a wide out-turned rim extending 45 degrees from the body. One single strap handle is attached to the body at the point of the carination. The employed construction sequence probably included both wheel throw-ing and hand building.57 These vessels can be found in most indigenous sites, both in matt-painted, incised/impressed and undecorated versions. The prototype for this vessel is common already in Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age contexts,58 but has existed as a shape since the end of the Copper Age (late 4th to early 3rd millennium BC) in Sicily.59 The shape remained popular in many Iron Age contexts in Sicily,60 but only two have been recovered from the domestic contexts on Monte Polizzo. One of the objects was probably much older than the rest of the material, decorated with an old fashioned incised meander pattern; typical for the vessels discovered at the 8th century Sant’ Angelo Muxaro site. The second one is much smaller and undecorated. The form is quite common in the zone E (the dump) material,61 but had obviously diminished in importance by the mid-6th century BC. There is no agreement concerning its function, but it could potentially have been used both as a cup, a bowl and a ladle.62

Two anthropomorphic vessels, found inside two of the domestic build-ings in Area A, were highly inspired by the attingitoio prototype. Here, the strap handle is replaced by handles with figures in relief. Similarly to the former, the technique applied in the production of the capeduncole required a combination of wheel throwing and hand building.

The oldest capeduncola (Fig. 6) was found inside one of the domestic

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Fig. 6 The anthropomorphic/zoomorphic vessel was dis-covered in House 3 in Area A and was probably produced during the 8th or 7th century BC by local craftsmen.

buildings on a small raised platform in relation to a medium sized storage vessel. The body of the vessel is a sharply carinated bowl with a flat handle attached to the rim. The handle is shaped as a triangle with two incised eyes and a moulded nose, possibly depicting an animal face. The trian-gular and slightly upturned corners of the head could indicate horns or possibly large pointed ears. Two tiny upraised arms extend from the body, underlining the vessel’s anthropomorphic qualities. The face is schematic; the eyes consist of three circles with the inner circle defining the iris and the nose is more similar to a beak. Also, the capeduncola is richly decorat-ed with some of the traditional impressed/incised Grey ware repertoire of motives such as dente di lupo patterns along the vessel rim and small wavy patterns encircling the outer rim. The handle combines two outer rows of small waves and one middle row with circles. One single circle was incised in the interior of the vessel. A vertical ridge on the back of the handle prob-ably acted as support for the handle. The shape of the capeduncola − almost identical with the old-fashioned dipper found in a contemporary layer in

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Area A − and its rich ornamentation suggests that it was produced during the 8th or the 7th century BC.63

The second capeduncola (Fig. 7) was discovered in the storage area in one of the houses in Area A. It has a slightly carinated body, surprisingly similar to imported Ionic cups. The handle part of the vessel ends in a tri-angle adorned with two incised eyes and a nose. Two upraised arms extend from the body. The decoration is comparatively sparse; it has two dente di lupo triangles covering the middle part of the body and the lower part of the face. The decorative elements might possibly depict body parts (mouth and breasts) or body ornaments (necklace and breast plate). The rim of the bowl is perforated by three holes on each side of the handle where we sus-pect that metal items might have been attached. Three knobs with drilled holes are attached just below the vessel rim. From this arrangement we can deduce that the capeduncola could be suspended from the roof or the wall of the building where it was found. One additional knob is placed on the front of the bowl, it is not perforated and was placed there to enhance the symmetry of the vessel.

The similarity between the attingitoio and the capeduncola is probably no coincidence. The capeduncole are an interesting combination of figurative art and practical vessel alluding to the same qualities as the attingitoio. The allusion was clearly intended to mimic the mechanics behind the attin-gitoio as a provider of liquids and/or cereals. Adding the close contextual link between storage vessels and the capeduncole this might suggest that the anthropomorphic vessels were not just objects intended for passive devo-tion. Through the mediation of human action, the capeduncole were able to physically provide either food or liquids to human subjects. Thus, it appears as if the anthropomorphic vessels were participants in a domestic ritual where distribution of food and/or liquids played a crucial role. It is, of course, difficult to make far reaching conclusions based only on two well published examples,64 but the find circumstances of the capeduncola in combination with their shape might suggest that the vessels, besides being important ritual objects, were also important identity markers for the individual households.65

The third example is much more related to everyday practices. The cari-nated bowl (Fig. 8) is the most common vessel in the domestic sphere with around 170 identified examples from the four published domestic con-texts.66 The carinated bowl was a very popular shape in many contempo-

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rary Sicilian indigenous Iron Age communities.67 The body of the carinated bowl, as the name implies, is always angular; in later versions the lower part of the body, below the carination, is more rounded than in the earlier ver-sions where the carination has an angle of around 45 degrees. These vessels are almost always wheel thrown. The decoration varies, a minority is com-pletely plain while the most common type carries the typical dente di lupo (repeated triangular) patterns. Others are adorned with incisions, mostly along the flat rim. Typical for all versions are two slightly upturned or straight handles extending from the middle part of the body. The two han-dles on these bowls – separating them from the attingitoio − were probably introduced somewhere between the 9th to the 8th century BC when the pottery craft transformed markedly in many of the local communities.68

Copies of foreign prototypesIn the second group I have selected a number of vessels which clearly are inspired by Aegean and Phoenician prototypes. All are made of the typi-cal Grey ware fabric; they are wheel thrown and replicas in terms of shape and, to a lesser degree, size and finish. The ones that have been subjected to chemical analysis indicate that they were made by the same craftsmen that produced the Grey ware incised/impressed carinated bowls. Further-more, the results indicate that the tempering practice was emulated to some extent.69

The trefoil jug (Fig. 9) is often mentioned as one of the first shapes in the local pottery repertoire that clearly was inspired by Greek prototypes.70 The shape was probably already embraced by local potters in the eastern part of the island in the initial stages of colonization during the 8th century BC.71 It also became immensely popular on Monte Polizzo where it was received, side by side with imported trefoil jugs, among the drinking equipment in the local households.72 The Monte Polizzo examples are often small in size with two or three encircling lines along the body. The rim is trefoil with an attached strap handle which ends halfway down the body.

In terms of popularity, the shallow bowl (Fig. 10) was also comparative-ly numerous in the domestic contexts at Monte Polizzo.73 It has a shallow hemispherical shape with undecorated walls and incised lines encircling the flat top of the rim. The bowl is adorned with two horizontal handles with distinctive spurs at each end. Similar to the trefoil jugs, these bowl vessels are often found relatively complete in the domestic context; a pat-

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tern also observed at the Monte Polizzo Acropolis.74 In most cases, we find these bowls in the uppermost find layers dated to the final phase of the settlement occupation between 575−550 BC. The shape of the vessel, as well as the characteristic handle spurs, closely allude to a shallow bowl that was particularly popular in Attica during the late 8th century. In Greece, however, the vessels were richly decorated with geometric design,75 while in the vessels from Monte Polizzo the sparse decoration is limited to the rim.

A more unusual local copy of a foreign prototype is the local Grey ware versions of the colonially produced Ionic B1 and B2 cups (Fig. 11). The Ionic cups are hemispherical drinking vessels with out-turned narrow rims and two horizontal handles and they were probably first produced in the cities along the Ionic coast. Eventually the shape became hugely popular and during the 7th and 6th centuries BC they became the most wide-spread artefacts in the Mediterranean. Now Ionic cups are found in most sites influenced by the Greek and Phoenician expansion westwards.76 Their Sicilian chronology was initially organized by Vallet and Villard77 and later extended.78 At Monte Polizzo most Ionic cups found in the Archaic layers were probably produced in colonial workshops in Sicily,79 but there are three important exceptions produced with the typical indigenous incised/impressed Grey ware. As in the previous examples, the shape is relatively true to the original cup but there are also important differences. While the colonial cups generally can be difficult to distinguish from the pro-totypes produced in the pottery centres along the Ionic coast in terms of fabric, colour, paint and size, the Grey ware cups are often a little bit larger and they are undecorated except for a few thin lines along the rim. What the local potters tried to achieve was obviously not a direct copy of an Ionic cup, rather they took inspiration from the immensely popular form imported from the Greek colonies and subsequently attempted to create their own version. Hence, the production of Grey ware copies was possibly a serious attempt to compete with imported vessels, but judging from the relatively limited distribution of Grey ware Ionic cups in comparison to the more than eighty imported Ionic cups in the domestic contexts, the effort was not very successful.80

The next example is an even more unusual shape which does not match any prototype in the domestic material (Fig. 12). The undecorated trumpet shaped vessel from Monte Polizzo consists of a horizontal, flat rim with a deep bowl which is concave in profile. Two horizontal, rounded handles

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are attached to the rim with a plastic spur on each side of handles. The tall hollow stem ends in a flaring, flat base. Similar vessels, to my knowledge, have not been discovered in Sicily – except for the Boeotian vessels, which clearly were the source of inspiration and share a similar shape with a stem and the typical handles. The published Boeotian examples are sometimes adorned with bird motives and consequently designated to the bird cup group commonly dated between 570−500 BC.81 Since the domestic sphere at Monte Polizzo was abandoned around 550 BC, the copy was probably produced by local potters no earlier than twenty-five years before Monte Polizzo was abandoned.

A similar 6th century date can be attributed to the small grey incised/impressed handless cup (Fig. 13), which is a copy of a shape that was popu-lar in the Greek settlements. The Grey ware cup is decorated with hori-zontal lines along the body and has a stemmed foot. Similar cups were produced in colonial Selinous82 and they also appear in the Monte Polizzo material as imports.83

The dominant inspiration for Grey ware copies were clearly shapes that were particularly popular in the Aegean. However, there are examples in the pottery from the domestic assemblage of non-Greek forms. One Grey ware cup is modelled with a very distinct type of carnation, seldom found among local vessels in Sicily, which might be inspired by Etruscan shapes (Fig. 14).84 Also, one incised/impressed plate (Fig. 15) is clearly a copy of a Phoenician style plate.85 The bowl is shallow with a wide flaring rim that is adorned with four incised bands. Interesting enough, there is a similar but matt-painted copy of the same shape in Zone E (the dump).86 Parallel plates are common in the domestic assemblage at Motya, here they are typically dated to the 6th century BC.87

Grey ware pottery – between tradition and changeProducing Grey ware ceramics had deep traditional roots in western Sicily. The fabric itself was the very frame for both identification and attribu-tion of this distinct pottery type. Generations of pottery craftsmen, prob-ably through a system of apprentices and masters, were introduced to the techniques necessary to produce these vessels, which required the mastery of hand building, possibly coiling and the skill to use the potter’s wheel. Furthermore, an expert potter was expected to be able to produce shapes and patterns in accordance with a standard which had been prevailing in

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Fig. 8 A typical, locally produced Grey ware carinated bowl with dente di lupo decoration. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layer in Area A.

Fig. 9 A locally produced Grey ware jug with a trefoil rim. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layer in Area A.

Fig. 7 The anthropomorphic vessel was discovered in House 1, Area A and was probably produced during the 6th century BC by local crafts-men.

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Fig. 10 A locally produced Grey ware shallow bowl with incised band decoration on the rim discovered the Archaic mid-6th century layer in Area A.

Fig. 11 A locally produced Grey ware copy of a Ionic B1 cup decorated with incised bands. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layer in area A.

Fig. 12 A locally produced Grey ware cup with a stemmed foot decorated with incised bands. The shape mimics the style typically used by the painters of the Boeotian Bird cup group. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layers in Area A.

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Fig. 13 A locally produced handless cup decorated with incised bands. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layer in Area A.

Fig. 14 A Grey ware cup, modelled with a very distinct type of carnation, seldom found among local vessels in Sicily, which might be inspired from Etruscan shapes. Discovered in the Archaic mid-6th century layers in Area A.

Fig. 15 A locally produced Grey ware shallow dish with incised bands along the rim. Inspired by a Phoenician shape. Discovered in the Archaic 6th century layer in Area D.

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the area for several hundred years. However, a recent study from Bronze Age Hungary shows that the most difficult task for a potter to master was the firing of the pots.88

At Monte Polizzo, the local craftsmen certainly mastered the techniques of the pottery kilns and repeatedly managed to produce a consistent tem-perature for the Grey ware pottery of between 550−600 degrees Celsius. The low temperature required a controlled firing environment; the reduc-tion of oxygen in turn generated coal to be deposited on the vessel, creating the grey surface. The low temperatures are the minimum heat require-ment necessary to produce a durable pot. The imported pots were generally produced at far higher temperatures between 900−1000 degrees Celsius.89 Hence, the learning of the indigenous pottery craft required embodied non-discursive knowledge to be passed down over several generations. In the local pottery craft, we can also detect important changes in the pottery style and possibly in the gradual abandonment of more elaborative decora-tive patterns, perhaps with the exception of the production of vessels of a more ritual character.

The examples above show that the adoption of primarily Aegean shapes by the local potters in Sicily occurred gradually. The jug with the trefoil rim, and possibly the shallow bowl, probably inspired local potters already during the 8th century BC. Other shapes, such as the imitations of the Ionic cups, the handleless cup and the copy of the Boeotian Bird cup were added at a much later stage, possibly precisely before Monte Polizzo was abandoned around 550 BC. The variety of inspirational sources also demonstrates that the local potters were not bound to a limited range of pottery. Rather, the local potters were free and capable of finding bound-less inspiration from numerous sources both among local groups, Greek colonists and their Phoenician neighbours. This certainly required a strong sense of freedom to experiment.

The guardians (the master potters) were driven by society to expand the production of goods desired by the inhabitants. It was also in their hands to legitimize and adjust the production to be adapted to the historical framework of their trade – more precisely to traditional shapes, traditional techniques, and most importantly the traditional Grey ware fabric. As long as the basic craftsmanship was preserved, new shapes could be added to the already existing framework. The production of the Grey ware ceramics was guarded against intrusion and maintained for some additional time;

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this is possibly why matt-painted pottery was abolished from the site – it was perhaps deemed untraditional and “foreign”. The motives for copying foreign prototypes, judging from the relatively high number of imports at the domestic contexts,90 was probably also related to a desire for survival and economic gain.

In the strife to renew themselves, the local potters were evidently able to exploit the local desire for drinking vessels, pouring vessels and wine. Most of the imported pottery related to wine; we find numerous drinking cups, an abundance of jugs and locally produced craters. Furthermore, forty-two Etruscan, Greek and Phoenician amphorae show that wine was imported to Monte Polizzo on a regular basis.91 In earlier works, I have attributed this desire for wine drinking to a common trend among the inhabitants of Monte Polizzo which was not only restricted to a narrow elite;92 rather, the wide distribution of wine paraphernalia demonstrates that most inhabit-ants were eager to adopt and be part of the already widespread practice of wine drinking and feasting.

Traditions and the extension of trustAccording to Anthony Giddens, all societies in all times can follow four main avenues when clashes of values between individuals or collectives should be resolved. The tentative conflicts can be resolved either through the embedding of tradition, disengagement from the hostile “other”, dis-course or dialogue, or, alternatively, violence.93 In Iron Age Sicily we know that the societies sometimes engaged in war; they surely, at times, disen-gaged from the hostile “other”. But there were certainly times, demonstrat-ed by the exchange of similar objects and practices, when communication and dialogue with others was desired and in those instances the embed-ding of traditions naturally became a desirable option.

There is no archaeo-botanic evidence which supports an introduction of wine drinking into local societies in Sicily prior to 700 BC. Most schol-ars, however, assume that wine was introduced in Sicily before the final phases of the Bronze Age prior to 1000 BC.94 During the Final Bronze Age, local communities imported vessels from the Aegean, albeit in small quantities.95 A majority of Mycenian imports to Sicily were open forms,96 tentatively related to wine drinking. In this relation, it is therefore pos-sible that wine drinking, as a ritualized occasion, was introduced initially as a limited occurrence; possibly for a small elite who may have restricted

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production as well as consumption of wine. We do not exactly know how and when wine became popular on a wider scale but the introduction of pottery related to wine drinking by the 8th century BC might indicate that a change was on its way.

During the course of the 7th and 6th century BC, we find wine drink-ing paraphernalia in considerable quantities in most well published indig-enous sites from western Sicily.97 At this stage, through the adoption of Greek drinking equipment among the local societies, wine drinking had expanded to be more readily available for a wider group of people. It is possible that wine was consumed regularly, but there were certainly times when wine drinking was performed on a large scale. In House 1 in Area A, for instance, one room was large enough to host at least fifteen to twenty guests. Furthermore, drinking cups, jugs, amphorae and craters found inside that room could easily match that number of guests.98 In addition, inside House 1 there were vessels which were designated for libation cer-emonies. Taken together, this suggests that at Monte Polizzo wine drink-ing was also sometimes a highly ritualized occasion with guests beyond the immediate family.99

The reason for the popularity of wine drinking was partially related to its intoxicating qualities and its good taste but also because of the exist-ence of a desire for expanded communication and dialogue between indi-viduals. Wine drinking and feasting provided a platform for interaction and exchange not only for people inside Monte Polizzo but also between people from different societies and settlements in western Sicily. Since it was a practice (tradition) which transcended borders, the ritual of drink-ing ultimately became an expansion of trust.100 The ritualistic, performa-tive and repetitive character of the drinking party provided opportunities for mutual cross-cultural agreements concerning marriages, and econom-ic and political transactions and alliances. Tamar Hodos has noted that wine drinking was practiced differently in different regions in Italy.101 This observation can probably be explained by variations in the local choice, which, I suspect, was guided partially by differences in local traditions. Local traditions, in turn, were dependent on when and how wine drinking was introduced into the local societies. The local guardians of the ritual version of the wine drinking feast could certainly refer to distant Early Iron Age practices if it suited their interests. Through this historical know-how, they confidently made sure that the proper respect to the traditional

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practices was maintained. But the equipment and rituals were nevertheless similar enough between the indigenous, the Greek and the Phoenician feast to offer familiarity and comfort for all parties involved; a way to pre-serve a sense of the “world we know”.

The trend of adopting drinking paraphernalia was by no means limited to Sicilian Iron Age contexts. Michael Dietler has acknowledged similar processes in southern France.102 As in Sicily, he believes that feasting and consumption were fundamental in the processes for society change.103

The production of Grey ware ceramics and the desire for wine drinking equipment was certainly related. The practice of wine drinking was most probably the driving force behind the expansion of the production of pot-tery at Monte Polizzo. Subsequently, wine drinking was also a strong force in changing the local societies in western Sicily. A hundred years after Monte Polizzo was abandoned, the neighbouring site of Segesta decided to build an impressive temple in the Doric style, once referred to as “the ultimate Hellenization of a barbaric city”.104

ConclusionsTradition is a conservative force which ensures the preservation of prac-tices in accordance with the historical dimensions in the society. In terms of architecture, cult practices and in its pottery production, the Archaic society on Monte Polizzo was a traditional society. However, I have tried here to demonstrate that traditions were important not only to preserve and maintain old practices but that they were also vital in expanding the society and rendering it subject to change. At Monte Polizzo, wine drink-ing has been identified as the key practice which was altered over time in order to adapt to the new political and social circumstances on the island during the Iron Age. Wine drinking played a vital role in creating a plat-form for communication and exchange between separate groups. In this way, the desire for equipment for wine drinking not only affected the local pottery production and the patterns of imports, but the practice of wine drinking itself also had wider implications and became a vital part of social and political relations in the region.

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notes 1 I am grateful to Mette Moltesen, Birte

Poulsen and Annette Rathje, to the colleagues attending the excellent Tradition and Trans-formation in the Ancient World seminar at the University of Copenhagen, and the anon-ymous reviewer whose simulating questions and suggestions have greatly contributed to my arguments.

2 Hodos 2009; Malkin 2011; Morris 2003. 3 See, for example, Bhaba 1994 and White

1991. 4 Giddens 1994, 64. 5 Giddens 1994, 68; Shils 1981, 5. 6 Shils 1981, 5. 7 Shils 1981, 21. 8 Morris 1994, 20–23. 9 Dietler 2010, 60. 10 Osborne 1998. 11 Dietler 2010, 60. 12 Giddens 1994. 13 Giddens 1994, 64. 14 Giddens 1994, 104. 15 Giddens 1994, 64. 16 Giddens 1994, 65. 17 Hall 2002, 175. 18 Hall 2002, 121; Malkin 2011, 97–118. 19 Giddens 1994, 80. 20 Mühlenbock 2008, 151. 21 Prescott & Mühlenbock 2003. 22 Vassallo 2000, 994. 23 Malkin 2011, 99. 24 Mühlenbock 2013, 403. 25 French 2010; Stika et al. 2008. 26 Morris 2003, 47–48. 27 Stika et. al. 2008. 28 Vretemark 2010, 174. 29 Mühlenbock 2008, 168. 30 Mühlenbock 2008, 172–176. 31 Mühlenbock 2008, 137–139. 32 Mühlenbock 2008, 186. 33 Mühlenbock 2008, 119–121. 34 Morris & Tusa 2004, 77. 35 Morris & Tusa 2004, 74. 36 Morris & Tusa 2004, 75. 37 Morris & Tusa 2004, 77. 38 Montana et. al. 2012, 128. 39 Mühlenbock 2008, 74. 40 These figures are based on Mühlenbock 2008

which presents preliminary numbers. The final publication is not yet in press but the numbers are expected to be slightly adjusted and possibly increased.

41 Brorson & Skiöld forthcoming. 42 Frasca 1995, 143.

43 See particularly Di Noto 1995, 85; Kolb & Speakerman 2005, 796; Tusa 2004, 21.

44 Tusa 2004, 21. 45 Nenci 1993, 111–161. 46 Nenci 1993, 111–161. 47 Cooper 2007, 173–175. 48 Cooper 2007. 49 Leighton 1999, 216. 50 Spatafora 1996a, 91. 51 Fatta 1983, 24. 52 De Vido 1997, 373–374; Di Noto 1992, 253. 53 Dixon 2004, 59. 54 Cooper 2007, 77. 55 Brorson 2007; Brorson & Skiöld forthcoming. 56 Spatafora 1996b, 98. 57 Spatafora 2003, 115. 58 Leighton 1999, 204–205. 59 Guzzone 2008, 228. 60 Biagini 2008, 150–151; Di Noto 1995, 77;

Spatafora 2003, 113–118; Trombi 1999, 281. 61 Cooper 2007, 80. 62 Fiorentini 1985–1986, 49. 63 Mühlenbock 2013, 406. 64 A third capeduncola was discovered during

the excavation of a domestic context in 2013 which is not yet published.

65 Mühlenbock 2013, 406. 66 Mühlenbock 2008, table 23. 67 Spatafora 2003, 159. 68 Frasca 1995, 143. 69 Brorson 2007, 10. 70 Hodos 2000, 50; Hodos 2006, 135; Leighton

1999, 244. 71 Leighton 1999, 255. 72 Mühlenbock 2008, 101–102. 73 Mühlenbock 2008, table 23. 74 Morris & Tusa 2004, 70. 75 See Holmberg et al. 1985, 52, figs. 178–179. 76 Cook & Dupont 1998, 131. 77 Valet & Villard 1955, 13–34. 78 Boldrini 1994, 137–234; Cook and Dupont

1998, 129–131. 79 Martin Perron, personal comment, 19 June

2008. 80 Mühlenbock 2008, 208, table 18. 81 Cook 1997, 96–97, plate 28A. 82 Meola 1997, 181181.Tav. 66. T263.1. 83 Mühlenbock 2008, 94, fig. 39. 84 e.g. Rizzo 1990, 146, Fig. 313. 85 Vecchio 2002, 246, tav. 34. 86 Cooper 2007, 65. 87 Vecchio 2002, 246. 88 Budden and Sofaer 2009, 210. 89 Brorson 2007, 10.

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90 Around 30 per cent of the pottery was import-ed. Mühlenbock 2008, 74.

91 Mühlenbock 2008, 207, table 17. 92 Mühlenbock 2008, 172–176. 93 Giddens 1994, 105. 94 Antonaccio 2004, 73; Hodos 2000, 48; Mor-

ris & Tusa 2004, 72. 95 Blake 2008, 26. 96 Tanasi 2005, 564.

97 Morris & Tusa 2004; Mühlenbock 2008; Spa-tafora 2003; Vassallo 1999.

98 Mühlenbock 2008, 172–173. 99 Mühlenbock 2008, 172–173. 100 Giddens 1994, 81. 101 Hodos 2000, 51. 102 Dietler 1990; 1998; 2010. 103 Dietler 1996. 104 Koldewey & Puchstein 1899, 132–133.

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EXPANDING THE CIRCLE OF TRUST: Tradition and change in iron Age Communities in Western sicily

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