Expanding Ethnicity in Sixteenth-Century Anahuac: Ideologies of Ethnicity andGender in the Nation-Building Process

Thomas Ward

MLN, Vol. 116, No. 2, Hispanic Issue. (Mar., 2001), pp. 419-452.

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Expanding Ethnicity in Sixteenth- Century Anahuac:

Ideologies of Ethnicity and Gender in the Nation-Building Process

Thomas Ward

I t is conlmon knowledge that ethnicit) has played an important role in defining nations. This was certainly true during the sixteenth century \\.hen Spain and Portugal were expanding their empires and creating subclasses of people who Jvere of non-European origin. Unfortunatel!,, because the terms ethnicit? and nation both evoke multiple meanings, it is difficult to understand the relationship between these two categories. Happily the twentieth century has fostered much research on the nation and the irrlpact of ethnicitv upon it.' Fui-thei-rnore there has been much progress in the task of decolonizing what Adorno has called "historical literan scholarship" (Xdorno. Glrnvtznn P o ~ n n 3) . Others such as Pastor (3) have advanced techniques for "demythifying discourses." Since Gibson, a path has been created which has shown us how to treat native and m~stzzo'

Thrsr ~ n c l u d r .4ndcrso11, Inzng'n~cl (:on~?n~initi?s; Jdocntion o/ (:lilluru:Bhabha, T ~ P Hobsbatv~n,.V(~tions crnd .\ictconnli\rn; and Smith, .\iltionrtl Jdrntitj.

' In keeping with the PI-actice e\tablishcd by Gibson. I tvill i tal ici~r each Kahuatl [el-m when it fir\t iiitroduccd. dropping the italics i l l subsequent usage. In the intcre\t of standartliration. I will extend this p&tice whrn using Spanish terms.

I

THOXIAS WARD

sources with the same dignity and respect as lvas previously afforded to the Spanish chroniclers..' Recent theory on transculturation, heterogeneity, hybridization and multicultural awareness shed light on the process which occurs when men and women of different ethnicities come toge t l~er .~ This research can help us to understand more objectively the cornplex "shock" which occurred ~vhen Spain and Anahuac (the Aztecs) were violently thrown together to build a new society. In the pages that follo~v I will attempt a rereading of a number of sixteenth-century chronicles (plus one from the seven- teenth). I will offer a step by step analysis of how the workings of mestizaje took place and how the roles of men and women differed in this process.

Smith (20) differentiates three perspectives on ethnicity For some "it has a primordial quality." For others it "is situational," and for still others, it is "a type of cultural collectivity." From these three attitudes we can conclude that ethnicity is fluid in time and space, related to the perspective from which it is contemplated. The same is true with our complex understanding of the nation. The meaning of the term "nation" has been hotly debated since the publication of Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities in 1983. Yet again it is Smith (40) who provides a good \voi-king definition of a nation, "a named human population sharing a historic territor?, common myths and historical memories, a mass, popular culture, a common economy and com- mon legal rights and duties for all members." Smith (40) distin- guishes between etnia and nation. With the former "the link with a territory may be only historical and synlbolic," while the latter "possess territories." While the ethnic groups ~ v h o inhabited the Anahuac Valley at the time of the conquest ~vould not completely satisfy Smith's twentieth-century requirements for nationhood, they did in fact share common territon, myths and history. They could also be described as being a "named human population." These groups could be understood as nations or protonations. And in fact

'For general metllodologie\ ser hdorno , rd . , Fram Orrtl to Ili-rtte~z fi;xfjr~.\.\io~z;Ador110, ~ur t rnn , , I1nmn; Chang-Rodriguer, 1.n nfjrofjincidn del \iffno; and Iirnhal-d, Ln ijoz J In hztcllrc. For work specific to h~cxico s re Gibson (fol- his pionerring work on Xlufio~ (:amargo and Kahuatl \ourcr materials); Lockhal-t (for his role in institr~tionali~ing Kahrlatl philological studir\); and Klor d e Aha. "Sahagi'ln and the Birth of Xlodrrn Ethnogl-aphy."

'Se6 Rama. 7i-rt1zsculturnc.id12 nrtrrrttiz~cr en .4rnd1icn 1,ntinn; <:ornqjo Polal-. fi:sc~ihlr en P /

(tip; Gal-cia Canclini, C ~ ~ l t z t m \hi'bn'dns and "Nal-ral- la multiculturalidad." .Igood revie~i of rrccnt debates with superb bibliograpllical refel-cnces can be found in hlorafia, ed.. Ir~tligc.r~t\~nohncicr r l j n del mil(wio.

they .c\ele \le.r\ed as natlons b\ some sluteenth-centlur chroniclers, both Spanish and mestlzo

The teim "nac~Gn' becarne rnore common as the sixteenth centiln matureti i\'hen Be1 nal Diaz del (:astlllo (1492?-1584) comments on h ~ sexperience, Ile re fe~s to Tlaxcalan or Cholulan pol~tlcal/soclal structures as t o ~ 11s (1 126, 11 bd), clt~es ( l32a, 156a), pro! lnces ( 113a) or "cornarcas" ( 1 38a) ' He calls those places b\ the11 propel rlarnes, C'empo,il, Tlaxcala or Cholula The people frorn such entitles could he "10s de Cernpoal" ( I 26a), "10s de Tlaxcala" (1 l9a) , or "los de Cholul'i" ( 1 55a) He e\en rlotlces relig~ous d~ffeiences hetueen d~fferent peoples, cornlnentlng ho.r\ the d~fferent pi oLinces each had thelr on11 delt\ (196a) nereThe different d~s t~ i c t s iuled oler h\ "re\e7uelos," l~ttle klngs (286a) In the e a ~ l l e ~ Guatemala manuscript Dial had n r i t t e ~ ~that 'kings" ~ u l e d ole1 pro\lnces not rlatlons (283b) In general Dial nlo~cts the term "nat~on " A re\leu of Cort6s's letters reieals a lexlcon .r\h~ch parallels Dial's Tr~cladr~a Heh1~tor1(~ cornments on touns, cltles and prollnces, b11t not natlons

In contrast authors tho armed or \ \ere boin after the conquest fiequentlr use the terrn nation Father Durin (1537;-1588) accepts both the Lllrx~ccrand other g ~ o l ~ p s T o r ~ h ~ oas "rlacrones" (2 55) de hlotollnla (1 490-1568;), another churchman, recognizes d~ffeient rlatne g~ oups as natlons (92n) Along these Ilnes the mest170 chronl- cleis proi~dl\ L I S ~the terrn "nac~bn" I\ hen the\ refer to thew heritage Hence Fernando de Al\a Ixtl~lxGchrtl (1579-lti50) ~e fe r s to the "nac16n tolteccr" and to the "naclbn t/trch~ttlrta"(76, rn\ ~ t a l~cs ) In contiast, D~ego \Iufiol Camargo (1.528-1600) denres the label "na-t ~ o n "to man\ rnd~genous g~oups , ,ilthol~gli he does call C'holula a natlon and "111s" Tlaxcaln a I epttbl~c (LIufioz 21 2-13) Uot st11 pr rs- ~ngl \ both Ixtl~lxcichitl (266) anti \Iufiol C'arnargo (250) c o n s ~ d e ~ thernsel\es members of the Span~sh natlon Thrs usage sur\l\es Into the qe~ellteenth centill3 uhen the n u n Sor Juana I n k de la Cruz ( 1 651-1695) ~ e f e ~ s to the Basque Countrk as a natron and to Sparn as a r ep~~b l i c In yxte of d~fferencrs in t c ~ r n ~ n o l o ~ q ,(810-11) all al~thors, lnd~genous,' mestrlo, Span~sh, or C120110 seer11 to be al\are of ethnlc dl\e~srt\

"Dial p;~gr. 1111n1hrr-$ \\hich c~icl i l l .111 "a" 1.rte1- to thr "Rrll~cill" I I ~ ~ I I ~ I S C I - i p t . Due to ~ n ~ ~ r i l , ~ t i o r l\o111c. of tllr folios, \rc \ \111 al\o leter- to rhr. car1it.l. "Guarcr~~aln" of maurr\cript. inclicatrtl \\it11 p,yc ~ ~ u ~ n b e r \ \\lliclr rlrd in "I,." i n \ inlporrarlt \at-ial~ces ot citetl rn,rrc~i,ll \\.ill he intlic;rrcd ~ \ . i t i ~ a foo t~ lo t r . ' I arll thinking i1c.r-r of Do~rlingo Fiarlcisco (.himalpClhin ( : ~ i a r ~ h r l r l ~ r ~ ~ l n i t z i n .

422 THOMAS W'4KD

Gibson ( TIze Aztec5 22) has concluded from his extensive studies that the different ethnic groups in Anahuac made "determined efforts . . . to preserve tribal affiliations" through their behavior. Castro-Klaren (46) reminds us that even an astute organizer such as the Viceroy hlendoza (1535-1550) could not subdue ~vhat she calls the "deseo de separacibn itnica." Lockhart ( TheSahuas 27) finds that ethnic pride was so strong that "even ~vhen local conquered groups and intrusive migrants were no longer discernibly distinct in lan- guage and culture, they retained a tradition of separate origin." Gibson (The Aztecs 22) sees these ethnic boundaries as v e n powerful and indeed suggests that the very idea of a "Triple Alliance" between the hlexica, the Tepaneca and the Acolh7~aqz~e(sing. Acolhua) reveals the potency of the Tepaneca and Acolhuaque identities. In spite of their great military might, Gibson concludes, the Mexica failed "to dominate Valley affairs absolutely or to exterminate the tribal con- cept." Ethnic affiliations were so strong that often they survived after the conquest: for instance, Sahagiln's informants present precise ethnic perspectives in their narrations of the past. Ixtlilxochitl's defense the uniqueness of the Acolhuaque-Chichimeca is another example.

One way that ethnic boundaries could be porous was through interethnic marriages or other types of cross-cultural relationships between men and women. Gender becomes the point of intersection between ethnicities. Gibson seems simultaneously to deny and accept the importance of these interethnic gender contacts. I3e asserts that "miscegenation was a factor of limited importance in precollquest history," implying that the different peoples of Anahuac tended to maintain their distinctiveness (The Aztecs 22) . This ~vould tend to make ethnic pride a significant factor. Yet just as the colonial chronicles reveal a belief in the "nationness" of the different etnia of Anahuac, they also suggest the use of cross-cultural gender relation- ships as integral to Nahua politics. Gibson (The Aztecs 38) himself ackno~vledges this when he theorizes that marriages linking the hlexica rulers or tlrtoque (sing. tlntonni) with other dynastic groups "might eventllally have obliterated the non-R4exica tribal jurisdictions entirely, but they were still far short of this result at the time of the Spanish conquest." I will arglle here that cross-ethnic mating prac- tices were ideologically motivated strategies designed for accumulat- ing both temporal and cultural power in Anahuac. This will prove that i11 spite of distinct ethnic identities, the barriers between them were porous. To demonstrate this I am going to examine the

-

relationship betlveeri Nahua rneri and lvomeri, the role of ethnicity in those relationships, and ho~v Spanish men later incoi-porated soine of those behavioral patterns.;

X lvord of caution is necessary here as we look back in time. byhen studying historical events in Xnahuac, the readei- should be alvai-e that the Nahua did not hold the same ideals of strict accuracy aspired to by il'esterri historians. The Kahua did not differentiate histor); myth and legend to the degree that tlie Spanish attempted. In fact, "the 1,lexicas rvere given to fairly coristarit revision of their own history, and in effect the process of creating myths and legends rvas continuous . . ." (Davies, T//r.4zt~c Etnj~irp 241). Xnothei- difficultv i l l

undei-standing Nahua history is their c!-clical concept of time (Davies, 7'lie A z t t ~ Ernj~ir~ 8 ) . For example the chronicles clairn that the Toltec empire both begins arid ends with a leader named Topiltzin. These difficulties d o not, holveve~; make pre-Hispanic Nahua history any less valuable than "objective" ryestern histor?. Nahua histor) is wry importarit because i t signifies a system of deeply held values. Before examining those beliefs and pi-actices a few more words on history are necessary.

The conquest itself presents an impediment to ~indei-standing Mesoatrlei-ican historv for in Inanv of the narratives "'histor\' Ivas necessarily modified as an adjustment to the new conditions of [colonial] society" (Gillespie, 233). The indigenous arid inestizo authors had to prove both their allegiance to the (:rwcn and their Christian faith. To do so they had to organize their native material in terms of Spaiiisll or (:hristian doctrine. This is true for the eai-ly Nahua informant, for the later Kahua scribe, arid for the mestizo chi-onicler who wrote his ~naterial directly i l l Spanish. Collsider the case of the informant. As Nor de A\-a (46) cautions, "the infortnant is in a subordinate position to the ethnographer." Such a collditioll ~vould require strategies for survival such as hiding material 01.

pleasing the ethnographer. On the other side of the coin the ethnographer controls "the general plan" of documentation, circutn- scribing "the rarige of data to be gathered," limiting "the lexical items emp1oyc.d to those that attest a European/(:hristiari judgement," arid using informants rvho ai-e already partly assimilated into Hispanic and C:atholic culture (see Kloi- de Alva 46). Even the indigenous scribes who tvei-e literate in Kahuatl had to be careful how they expressed

'There has b ren \ome re r rn t rewarch on S p i ~ ~ l i \ h that tirl~e period\VOIII~I I d u r i ~ ~ g ( w e 1'uni;ir hlartinr7 X- \Inula 1 .

THOMAS WARD

Nahua concepts in the legal doc~imentation they drafted. The mestizo lvould have been the most vulnerable since he ~vrote his material in Spanish which would then be distributed in Spain. When we read baroque or neoclassical prose crafted by non-Nahuas, Span- iards, Criollos or mestizos these factors must be considered. Lienhard (52) cautions that this is not pre-Hispanic prose, but the birth of a subjective Indo-Hispanic literature, which requires special caution in attempts to interpret it. Moreover, the limitations of the nature and number of these texts are further complicated by their limited circulation and tendency to be censored. Lienhard (42) recounts that Sahagun had to participate in the kidnaping his own manuscripts to presenTe them!

In spite of the darkness of pre-1520 history and the interpretive difficulties sketched out above, we have come to understand that indigenous notions of state, the people and land persisted among the Nahua well beyond the sixteenth century. This realization has been achieved through recent philological investigation into Nahuatl language source materiaL8 This new research on extraliterary docu- ments such as wills, testaments and meeting minutes proves "that in nearly every dime~lsio~l there was far more continuity from the preconquest era than one thought" (Lockhart, 'Vahuas L+ Spaniards 185; The 'Vahuas 163). What we can glean from both the Nahuatl sources and the Spanish-language chronicles is a fair understanding of the ideas of etnia and gender, and how they worked harmonically in the nation building process. Examination of how gender arid etnia interacted during the period tells us much about that first century after the conquest and not a little about the previous Nahua world.

The Role of Gender in Horizontal Appropriation

In h a h u a c most social organization was organized according to a concept of duality. Davies (The Aztecs 24) finds that the Mexica favored two monarchs, two clerics, two merchants, and so on. Sometimes the duality was duplicated b\ a factor of two creating a political structure in which there were two pairs of monarchs. The idea of duality was so primary that one could argue that all social

'See G~bson, I lnxcnln, Lockhart, L\nh~~ns Spnnintds and I hp L\nhuns, Cllne, Colon~nl C ~ ~ l h u n c n n ,Mood, 'Pedro V~llafranca", Haskett, Indzgtnous K ~ ~ l t r s ,Horn, "The Soc~opolltlcal Organ17nt1on", and Schloeder, Chzmnlpclhzn

organization was organized through dualities, their subordinate microdualities and macrodualities superior to them.

Perhaps the most famous expression of this dualist understanding of the cosmos can be found in the conflict between the legendary leaders Topiltzin and Huemac along w~th their theological incarna- tions Q~ietzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. Although these binary structures were not always informed by gender, many times they were. In fact, Mesoamerican cosmology is based on Ometeotl, an androgynous construct. As Le6n-Portilla (179-88) points out, it is precise11 from Ometeotl that the originr of "humanity" emerge. These, as Caso (18) reminds us, take the form of the divine couple, Omecihuatl (the feminine) and Ometecuhtli (the male). The female term is created b\ coupling "ome," which means "two," with the word for woman, "cihuatl." For the masculine, the "omen is joined with "tecuhtli," which for Caso (19), means lord or nobleman. From there other andropnous beings and pairs are derived: Xoch~quetzal-Macuilxochitl, Xochiquetzal-Xochipilli, and Chalchiuhtlicue-Tlaloc%nd others (see Clendinnen, 168).

This dualistic cosmology also reflects everyday conjugal life. Lockhart ( T ~ PLVahuas76) confirms that Nahua social organization was defined by "symmetries and reciprocal relationships." One primaq reciprocal relationship was the one between a man and a woman. E\en though Sahagun's informants had to operate within a framework defined by the colonial system in which they were forced through "fear and/or the manipulation of the moral conscience" to see and talk about themselves as the other (Klor de Al\a 39), we can glean much about Kahua society from the informants. Even the barbarous Teochi- chimeca-the extreme Chichimeca-espoused monogamy, Sahagun's informants tell us (10: 172). So sacred was this practice that there were few adulterers. When such misbehavior was denounced, the guilty parties were caught, brought before the ruler and then executed by bow and arrow. Lockhart (Thp LVahuas 110, 205) does find, howe\er, e\idence that some groups and social classes did accept multiple unions. Data on such unions is fragmentary and unreliable gi\en the fact that, in spite of Lockhart's findings, the Nahua would logically not want to admit to practices their new rulers considered unchristian.

Regardless of whether monogamy or polygamy was practiced, the

'For Cnso (59) Chalchiuhtlicue was not Tlaloc's wife but his sister.

426 THOMAS WARD

union of a man and a woman formed an important basis for an expanding social structure based on ethnicity, especially when a man deliberately took a mate from another ethnic group. Because inter- cultural gender unions are common to various etnia and nations, they may seem unremarkable. Well known to any student of Euro- pean history are the interethnic alliances forged through marriage by the different monarchies. Yet if in other nations an interethnic union represented a limited gain for the moment (think of Henry VIII), in Anahuac the practice was a standard feature of royal life for most ethnic groups in the \alley (Calnek 58). HernAn C0rti.s (1485-1547), an educated man, would have been familiar with European royal mating practices. He would then feel a certain familiarit). with Nahua custom after arriving in Mexico. History shows that he used that knowledge to his benefit.

In his "Second Letter" to Carlos V he paraphrases different tales of intercultural mating he heard from Moctezuma. In them, the Mexica ruler refers back to legendary times when the Chichimeca and other nomadic ethnic groups emigrated into the Valley of Mexico. Moctezuma recounts the story of "un seiior cuyos Lasallos todos eran," probably a Toltec ruler, perhaps even Topiltzin, who left some followers in the valley. When he returned, he discovered that those he had left behind had married with the local inhabitants. They had forged "generaci611," and therefore, "pueblos" (Cortks 52a, 60a). Due to the double meaning inherent in the noun "pueblo," these Nahua colonists riot only had created a "town," but also a "people," a first step in the nation building process.

X similar idea can be found in the Quiche Popol Vuh. In this sacred text the divinities Tohil, ,\vilix and Hacavitz instruct the Quiche to bring the blood of other peoples to them. One way to do that would be through sacrifice, but another would be for the other etnia to bring their blood lines and embrace the Quiche divinities (Popol Vuh 126). The "tribes" could bring their bloodlines to the Quiche through marriage. This theology becomes concrete when the sons of Balam-Quitzi., Balam-Acab and Mahucutah take mates from the tribes the Quiche conquered (Popol Vuh 141). The QuichC broadened their natural base by bringing in people from the outside. They also strengthened their intraethnic bonds. The three Houses of Quiche are united by the women crossing over from one house to another (Popol Vuh 146). This practice of mating with a partner of another neighboring (contemporarv) ethnic group, due to its concomitant

transcultural characteristics, is a process we call horizontal appropria- tion. Typical of this custom is marrying "across" for political gains. This is especially true for the Popol IJuh (147) where the sisters and daughters seem to hold a monetary value. Horizontal appropriation is ethnic empowerment through temporal maneu~ering, easily achie~edsocially through marriage. M'hile the men were the obvious beneficiaries of this process, the entire etnia, including the women and children, also gained advantages from these arrangements. By marrying "across," one could at the same time be marrying "up," if the second ethnic group held some type of ad~antage. This linking of contemporary etnia for temporal purposes is different from what we understand as ~ertical appropriation: the direct adoption of spiritual, religious, cultural or historical notions from the past.

These stories of interethnic mating are important because they establish a pattern of multiethnic gender relations from which the origins of Mesoamerican royalty would emerge. For the Mexica, this mixing was both general and extensive. Father Duran refers to "la nacion mexicana" (2:55) and comments that the Tenochans found themselves "mezcliindose con las demas neciones en trato y conversaci6n" (255). Davies (The Aztecs 41-48) reminds us that very early on the Tenochans linked themselves to the Culhunque (sing. Culhua) and to the Tepaneca.

Rounds (66) describes three periods in Mexica history: predynastic, early dynastic and late dynastic. It was during the early dynastic phase of royal Mexica history that the Tenochans expanded their temporal and spiritual power. Blood mixing was necessary to achieve the required lineage for a tlatoani, or king. This ideal of mestizaje was the political and spiritual policy for electing the first three tlatoque of Tenochtitlan which make up the early dynastic period. It is re~ealing that the first three tlatoque were not of pure Mexica blood. Such was the case of the first tlatoani, Acamapichtli (1372-1392'). This young fellow was the son of Opochtzin, "senor de 10s mexicanos" and Xtotoztli, "seiiora de Culhuacan" (DurBn 252). The union was significant because Xtotoztli was from Culhuacan. This city held special importance because it was one of the few in which the original Toltec dynasty continued to function (Calnek 48-49; Davies, The Aztec Empire 24). The Toltecs were revered by the Mexica as a mother culture, notwithstanding their different biological origins. By select- ing the biethnic Acamapichtli for the highest honor known, the Mexica infused the ideals of the Toltecs into the person of the

THOMAS WARD

tlatoani. The reverence felt for Toltec civilization could now be transferred to the Mexica. This ideology was a standard feature of Mesoamericari cosmology.

By mixirig their bloodlilles with the Culhuaque, the Mexica horizontally appropriated Toltecness. A linkage of this type gave them the authority to then vertically appropriate Toltec spirituality, such as the deities Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. This heritage, appropri- ated first horizoritally arid then vertically, is reflected in their very name. By the time of the conquest, they were known as the Culhua- Mexica, reflecting the double heritage from Aztlan and Tollan. Such usage is documented in various authors (Diaz 67a, 79a; Ixtlilx6chitl 161). While the jourriey from Aztlan (vertical due to its legendary nature) may have represented success at overcoming great adversity, it was horizontal social contact with the desceridants of Tula that gave the Mexica a f ~ l t(Smith, 29 explains this notion) vertical link to the civilized traditions of Quetzalcoatl arid Tezcatlipoca. Such vertical appropriation of a "superior" ethnic group's past allowed for greater spiritual authority.

As mentioned, by picking a tlatoani with a Culhua mother, the Mexica gained the right to link vertically to Toltec spiritual authority. On other occasions they bonded horizontally with different groups solely to acquire temporal power. Such horizontal mobility implied that the bride left her own group and moved to the man's (Cline, Colonial Cul l~uamn 115). The Mexica pursued such unions with the Tepaneca. By importing mates for their rulers from other power centers, a multiethnic power base was created. While no link was purely temporal or spiritual, many tended to favor one Qpe of power over the other.

The Mexica elected their second tlatoani in the person of Huitzilihuitl (1391-1415?), son of Xcamapichtli. As just stated, Acamapichtli was half Mexica and half Culhua. Yet, since we do not know which of Acamapichtli's wives (there may have been twenty) was Huitzilihuitl's mother, there are difficulties in ascertaining his son's lineage. We can only affirm that Huitzilihuitl was one-quarter Mexica, one-quarter Culhua, and one-half unknown on his mother's side.

For his part, Huitzilihuitl married four times, the first two to Tepaneca princesses. His second marriage was to Miahuehxochtzin, niece of Tezozomoc, the powerful ruler of Azcapotzalco. We know that Miahuehxochtzin was of Tepaneca blood (which in turn was probably a mixture of Tepaneca and something else). Their son Chimalpopoca (1414-1426') would have to be considered one-half

Tepaneca (Miahuehxochtzin), one-quarter unknown (Huitzilihuitl's mother), one-eighth Culhua-Toltec (Opochtzin) , and now only one- eighth Mexica (Atotoztli). Through these horizontal connections, the Mexica began to improve their social fortunes. As their blood lines were diluted, paradoxically their power increased. This was very different from the Incas who preferred to marry not only within their own ethnic group but also frequently with their own sisters, regarding them as spouses or cop , preserving thus the purity of their royal bloodlines. Many sources verify this fact. Cieza de Leon (53) reports that the Inca took his sister as his wife, his coya, "para que la sucesion del reino fuese por esta via confirmada en la casa real." This practice tended to create a hermetic system, closed to the outside world, not prone to official mestizaje before the Conquest. Even though many Inca nobles did in fact mix with the Spaniards after the Conquest- the mestizo Inca Garcilaso de la Vega is the most famous result of those unions-the Incas through Tupac Amaru I (assassinated 1572) continued to marry their own sisters.

Things were done very differently in Tenochtitlan. By choosing to associate with the Tepaneca through the tlatoani's arranged mar-riages, the upstart Mexica set themselves ill a positiori to usurp the most importarit political position in Anahuac. While they continued paying tribute to the great city of Azcapotzalco, now Tepaneca royalty from that urban center came regularly to Tenochtitlan with gifts. The political importance of royal mestizaje cannot be underestimated. They accumulated Culhua spiritual authority through Acamapichtli who was half Mexica and half Culhua. They accumulated Tepaneca temporal power first through Chimalpopoca (he was half Culhua- Mexica and half Tepaneca), and then finished the task with Itzcoatl's military conquest of Azcapotzalco. It is probably no coincidence that the reign of Itzcoatl symbolized the beginnings of the Aztec empire, the start of the late-dynastic phase, and the abandonment of the primary policy of hybrid tlatoque. The sixth through eleventh tlatoque descended from the son of Itzcoatl (4th tlatoani) and the daughter of Moctezuma I (5th tlatoani) .

The late-dynastic phase abandoned filial succession in favor of fraternal succession. Rounds (75) explains this transition as an attempt to expand internal Tenocha "mobilization of political sup- port for the throne." This late-dynastic mating system was similar to the closed conjugal practices of the Incas, yet I have discovered no case of a tlatoani marrying his sister. The late-dynastic Mexica could afford internal power building precisely because they were politically

430 THOMAS WARD

and economically powerful in the Valley (Rounds 66). This was not the case during the early-dynastic phase when they had to reach outside their ethnic group to accumulate power.

The interethnic political maneuvering that characterized the early dynastic phase was not particular to the Mexica. Diego Muiioz Camargo confirms that the Tlaxcalans also use women to forge relations. In Tlaxcala, leaders gave their daughters to lords, powerful men, who accepted the ones they wanted (Muiioz 197). The practice is also recorded in Tetzcoco by Fernando de Alva Ixtlilx6chitl. Tzontecomatl, an Acolhua, mated with Quatetzin, of Toltec stock. Later after Kopaltzin married Azcaxochitzin, "nieta de Topiltzin ultimo rey de 10s tultecas," a process was started in which "comenzaron a emparentar 10s unos con 10s otros." An era theri begari which the Tetzcocan historian describes as perpetual peace and conformity 'A number of subsequent intercultural marriages are named in the pages that follow (Ixtlilx6chitl 60, 63, etc.). While the men in these relationships generally were considered the "source of lineage" (Sahagun 10:1), the women, because they organized marriages (as Clendinnen 207, concludes), became the guardians "of interfamilial alliances." And, in spite of the assertions by Sahagiin's informants, the woman's Toltec or Tepaneca lineage, as we have seen, could in fact be very coveted by the Mexica. This horizontal gender power was shared not in terms of equality, but in terms of reciprocit). The mixing of etnia through gender relations had the effect of large scale nation building. As Calnek (58) has observed, the result of frequent "interdynastic marriages . . . was that pzpzltin everywhere in the Valley of Mexico were closely related to each other by ties of kinship." Such ties among the nobility formed an important system of linkage between the diverse city states, which ever so steadily were becoming a well-oiled empire. Some of these attitudes and practices would continue during and after the conquest.

Ethnicity, Gender and Conquest

The wider European experience (see Lienhard 22-23), such as Spain's successful conquest of the Canary Islands in 1402, provided a model for cultivating what must be understood as an expanding "proto-nationalism," employed vigorously after 1492. The Spanish belief in their divine mission kept them from seeing that the naturals might have their own nations. Columbus was not able to discern the

five kingdoms of Bohio, known to us as Hispaniola.lo Amerigo Vespucci, in a letter drafted just 17 years before Cortis was to reach Anahuac, affirmed that the locals were "de poca habla o ninguna." Furthermore, they did not have laws, faith or private property. And finally, they did not have "limites de reinos, y de provincias: no tienen rey" (Vespucio 30-31). When applied to the Caribbean, Vespucci's understanding of the new lands may have had a grain of truth to it, but later when Cortis arrived at the Valley of Mexico he very quickly recognized kingdoms and divisions based on ethnicity-just like in Europe. Even though Cortes understood these divisions which for him were political, he did not respect them. They would only become a tool in his mission of conquest.

Hobsbawm (46-47) cites two types of "proto-nationalism." The first forges links which go beyond the "actual spaces" in which the people live, such as Christian links to a "wider world." The second, govern- -ment sponsored, imposes norms of "generalization, extension and popularization." In Mexico these two types of "proto-nationalism" can be understood as Christianization and Hispanization. Benedict Ander- son (82-83) erroneously maintains that the conquistadors did not attempt "'Hispanization,"' that they limited their efforts to the "conversion of heathens and savages." Yet those early attempts at conversion, the destruction of idols, for example, were very destabiliz- ing and were, in fact, a first step toward later measures directed toward Hispanization. In spite of varied rates of success, Christian- ization and Hispanization formed two important poles of a triangular ideology of conquest (of course the third was the quest for personal enrichment, not commented on overtly but the basis for many of the actions of the conquest). At the exact moment of the invasion of Mexico, the Spanish began to consider Mesoamerica as part of Spain. Consider the symbolism of the founding of the first Spanish city on the Mexican coast. Without hesitation the Spanish founded Vera Cruz, based on religion (the name means "True Cross") and ethnicity (they leave behind some Spaniards). Through dual efforts to Chris- tianize and to Hispanize, the Crown could forge a two-pronged effort toward building a larger nation, fostering both tendencies that Hobsbawm describes. In the wake of the conquest, economic forces (such as the encomienda, the mines, and tribute collection) rein- forced both Christianization and Hispanization.

"' Las Casas (Brnii~irnn)would later appreciate the five kingdoms of Hispaniola

THOMAS WARD

In the first case, there can be no doubt that the sovereigns were concerned with the need to bring the word of Christ to the newly- -found lands. Yet it would not have been lost on them that Christianization could give a common social denominator to people with very different origins. In the second, the Crown imposed norms of "generalization" in language, colonial government, book regula- tion, and the like. This Hispanization would also work to erase social and ethnic differences between people. Gibson (The Aztecs 192) describes Hispanization as "a secular counterpart" to Christianization. In many institutional efforts, attempts to Christianize and Hispanize were merged. This is the case with endeavors to promote monogamy and with the religious and cultural aspects of the encomienda system.

Economic forces could be understood as a third @pe of proto- nationalism, not mentioned by Hobsbawm. By bringing a money economy to Mexico another cultural shift is directed. Capitalization, then, worked along with Christianization and Hispanization to create a new hybrid culture. This third type of proto-nationalism was not advanced at first by the Crown or the Papacy but by individuals in their private attempts to acquire wealth. The encomienda fit into this category. Although the monarchs tried to limit the encomenderos' power, they allowed them broad economic authority in the first decades after the conquest. Although a private enterprise, the encomienda represented a temporary decentralization of the State, constituting a localized form of temporal power. The primary feature of this economic system was "tribute extraction." Gibson (The Azt~cs 194) explains that during the decades after the conquest, tribute benefitted "a privileged Spanish class." This ephemeral perk gradu- ally reverted to the "Spanish political state" (Gibson, T ~ P Azt~cs 219). The economic pressures exerted by capitalization fragmented indig- enous communities enough so that, in their weakened condition, they could later be subordinated to other economic projects spon- sored by the Crown.

Economic interests were a form of protonationalism because oftentimes they provoked geographic upheaval. Take mining for example. Robert Haskett finds that "the regular movement of labor- ers to and from the mines increased contact among Indians from many different regions and between and a variety of non-Indians" ("Our Suffering" 448). Such social contact would induce trans-culturation among the affected peoples. The tridimensional policy of Christianization, Hispanization and capitalization brought three ten-

dencies together to work toward establishing by force a new national sentiment.

The political, religious and economic blender was not absolute. Twenty years after the overthrow of Mexico, Toribio de Motolinia, interpreting Easter of 1540, could still recognize people from twelve "nations" with twelve "different languages" (92a). From a theological perspective the existence of different languages is not unusual. One of Motolinia's enemies, Father Bartolome de las Casas (1474-1566), understood this to be a consequence of some type of human diaspora, where human lineage-after the second age on the earth (Noah's deluge)-extended all over the globe, forming races and nations. For Las Casas (Historia 1:22), the very act of these "linajes y parentelas," spreading out over very distant lands, "fue causa de grandes y muchas y diversas naciones." Motolinia (1 lob) called these diverse pre-Hispanic nations provinces, which frequently were at war with one another. He, as a proponent of Christianization, saw much good in their coming together under the Christian God, achieving peace and justice.

Yet Motolinia's view of the Hispanic State was not so unitary. He favored the two traditional types of pueblos, one for the Spaniards and another for the indigenous. The creation of separate pueblos ideally was to keep the corrupt Peninsular Spaniards away from the "innocent," tabla rasa of the original inhabitants. The Nahua were to be accepted into the nation of God, but not necessarily into the nation of Spaniards. But theory always differs from practice. It was impossible to keep the two pueblos apart, and given the subordinate condition of Nahua women, the result was a continued pattern of ethnic blending. The Nahua "complained to the king about the abuses they were suffering from their Spanish, mestizo, mulatto, Negro and 'ladinized' Indian neighbors" (Morner & Gibson 561). In spite of different laws for Spaniards, Creoles, mestizos, and later "Negroes," total separation was impossible. When ethnicity and gender come together the result consistently was the ever increasing mosaic of Hispanized mestizos, zarnbos, and Indians.

Awareness of women and etnia as a unified system of political control was important from the time of Columbus's first voyage. From his experience with Portuguese colonial practices in Guinea, Colum- bus understood interethnic mating to have two political purposes. The first was to use indigenous women to keep the Spaniards obedient to the Crown. The second was to use the women as a bridge

434 THOMAS WARD

to the people being colonized (Colon 56). Little by little this idea would become primam. Cartes, like Columbus, knew that the attrac- tion between a man and a woman could be used as an interethnic instrument of conquest, creating a larger political unit. Cortes also recognized the political use of women in Anahuac. He quickly appropriated native practice because it served his interest. As the pobkadores followed the conquistadors, they quickly participated in the practice of taking mates from other ethnicities.

The Spaniard, distinguishing himself somewhat from the English- man, mingled with the autochthonous women, as he would with any other "vassal" of the Spanish Crown (see Fernandez Herrero 97).The honorific ideal of the cnstzanos uzqos melted away into multitudes of crzstzanos nuevos. Any student of Szglo de Oro literature is familiar with the theme of p u r a a de sang?. As Octavio Paz (SorJuana 48) writes, the honor of the Spaniard was a religious notion associated with puritc of lineage. Yet this idea was diluted by the conquest whose stated mission was to create cristianos nuevos. Often the spreading of the faith was achieved through miscegenation. The Nahua upper classes were assimilated first, as the cacicazgo filled the gap between the Spanish authorities and the autochthonous masses (Bacigalupo, 28). Soon besides mestizos, there were also mulattoes and zambos. In time clear divisions between the two "pueblos" began to blur. 'll'hether it be through legal wives, clandestine concubinage, or outright rape, the number of mestizos grew. From the very first moment of contact between Cartes's men and the cultures of Anahuac, pureza de sangre melted away in the face of ethnic blending. Yet, ethnicity must not be understood solely in its biological sense. There was also a mestizo -cultural component, which may have predominated. Ethnic mixing could occur on various levels, religious (Christianization), political (Hispanization), economic (slavery, capitalization) and social (mar- riage, concubinage or rape). Many times these forces worked in tandem to provoke a further coming together of the different etnia. We will focus on the attitudes, norms and practices which favored mestizaje.

Nahua and Spanish Slavery

As suggested, interethnic miscegenation occurred through marriage, concubinage, rape, or the violence of war. Such practices continued after the conquest although, in the case of concubinage or rape, they

are difficult to document. Much easier to document was slavery, another institutional convention that encouraged miscegenation.

The pre-Hispanic Nahua certainly practiced slavery. Their lan- guage, Nahuatl, had a noun tlacanamacac for the slave merchant, and a verb tlacanamaca, to sell people. Slaves themselves were called tlatlacotin (sing. tlacoth) [see Simion 558b, 578, 663al. Clendinnen (99-100) finds in her research that Nahua slavery could be a punishment for an offense, or simply a matter of contract. M'hile we understand some aspects of Nahua slavery there is still much to learn (see Gibson, The Azt~cs 153). We do not know, for example, if pre- Cortesiarl slavery had the sexual overtones it took on during the conquest. Continued study of Nahuatl philological evidence may provide more understanding of this custom.

As with the European social traditions, in Anahuac one ethnic group could enslave members of another. The most famous woman from the conquest, Malinche, was twice given to a different ethnic group as a slave. Bernal Diaz tells her story." Being an heir to the "throne," it became politically expedient for her birth family to get rid of her. Her mother's female slave happened to die, making it possible to substitute her for the bondwoman. Malinche's parents "la dieron a los de Tabasco" as a slave. The Tabascans later gave her to Cortks (Diaz, 69a). As a result of passing from one etnia to another, it was a bilingual Malintzin, fluent in a Maya dialect and in Nahuatl, whom Cortks acquired. The practice of interethnic slavery was not limited to women alone. Lockhart (Thp Nahuas 99-100) confirms the existence of child slaves who had "come from a distance." According to Diaz (129a), the Mexica took Tlaxcalans as slaves for over one- hundred years. These Mexica practices were quite different from those demanded by Greek ideology, exemplified by Aristotle,'? not- withstanding their mutual understanding of slavery as an interethnic convention. The Mexica did not compare the relationship between body and soul with that between master and slave. Slaves in Anahuac could own property and get married (Cline, "The Spiritual Conquest" 463). Nahua slavery differed from European concepts in other ways.

Nahua slaves generally came from another ethnic group (as in Aristotle), but they could also elevate themselves to a much higher

" For more on this see Sonia Rose de Fuggle, "Bernal Diaz del Castillo cuentista . . ." "For a comprehensive study of the relationship between Aristotle and the Americas

see Hanke. For a re\iew of bibliography see Ward.

436 THOMAS WARD

social class. Duran (256) narrates that Acamapichtli, the first hlexica tlatoani, had a woman slave from Azcapotzalco, from a neighborhood called Cualuhacalco. She was so beautiful that the tlatoani fell for her. She then became pregnant, giving birth to a son, Itzcoatl. Although a bastard, and the son of a slave woman, Itzcoatl later became a "king" (1426-1440). How could this be? After Tepaneca assassins murdered Acamapichtli's grandson Chimalpopoca, the "throne" reverted to Chimalpopoca's uncle, none other than the fiercely independent Itzcoatl, the son of Acamapichtli and his Tepaneca slave woman. Such a succession would have been impossible according European con- vention, which was much more rigid due to its Aristotelian underpin- nings. Yet it was acceptable to the Mexica. Furthermore, it is ironic that Itzcoatl, the son of a slave woman, would later make his name as the first independent-minded Mexica tlatoani, free from both Tepaneca and Acolhuaque control. This historical fact demonstrates the fluidity of Mexica notions of ethnicity.

Of course the Spanish also engaged in slavery. Their conquest of Mexico began as a series of slaving missions. Since Spaniards did not enslave Spaniards or Christians (see Phillips & Phillips 20), they favored other ethnic groups for that purpose. I have dealt with the Spanish/European philosophy of slavery in another place (Ward, "Toward a Concept"). Here the focus is on the practices. Hernandez de C6rdoba led the first Spanish voyage to Mexico. Its mission was explicitly to capture slaves for return to Cuba. Juan de Grijalva led the second Spanish voyage. Bernal Diaz del Castillo participated in those early missions before his third expedition with Hernan Cortis (Ramirez Cabanas xi).

Slavery as practiced by the Spanish was mainly an economic tool. As Adorno has so convincingly shown, Diaz del Castillo's primary interests in the conquest were economic (Adorno "Discourses"). These concerns were not hidden. Diaz openly admits practicing slavery. His comments on slavery provide insight into the Spanish mind-set of that time. He reveals that Velazquez promised slaves as remuneration for work: "nos mostr6 mucho amor y prometi6 que nos daria indios" (Diaz 5a).I3In economic terms, bondage was justified "para pagar con ellos [los indios] el b a r ~ o . " ' ~ He remembers that

13V'ariance in the "Guatemala" manuscript: "me prometi6" (Diaz, 4b); and "nos prometio que nos daria illdios . . ." (Diar, 5b).

I4Varlance in the "Guatemala" manuscript: "para pagar con indios el barco, para servirse de ellos por esclavos" (Diaz, .ib).

Hernandez de C6rdoba "tenia pueblos de indios en aquella isla" (Diaz, 5a).l5 The key verb here is "tener," which for the P~quprio Larousse dictionary (990b) means "poseer y gozar una cosa." With "to have," there are connotations of property ownership. As with the "pueblo de indios," a theoretical separation surfaces between the slavers and the slaves. The Renaissance ideology of slavery was not so much biological, but social (see Ward). This suggests a cultural not biological determinant for etnia.

As for Cortks himself, Diaz (38a) reports that in Cuba he had "buenos indios y encomienda." He remembers Cortks proclaiming in Santiago de Cuba that he needed hands for his great enterprise. For compensation, the participants would receive gold, silver, riches, and "encomiendas de indios." And for all this, the governor Diego Velazquez had license from His Majesty, the King (Diaz 39a).

The Spanish practice of remunerating with slaves was so important, one could argue, that Velizquez lost his famous dispute with Cortks because he failed to pay for his follower's services with "buenos indios" (Diaz 42a, 42b). As they felt deceived, Velazquez lost their loyalty, a reality not lost upon Cortks. Velizquez did not seem to understand the importance of winning friends with slaves. In the end, he could not even count on the aid of his own relative, Juan Velazquez, precisely, "porque no le habia dado buenos indios" (Diaz 46a).

The notion of bondage was totally rooted in the forming Spanish colony, in spite of the Leyes de Burgos (1512) and the unfulfilled Leyes Nuevas (1542). The notion of slavery was so ingrained that the Spanish could conceive the reverse idea of Spanish slaves under the Maya. Oviedo mentions how Velizquez orders Cortks to liberate certain Spaniards (Aguilar and Guerrero) captured in the Yucatan (see Diaz, 49a). Diaz narrates the story of these Spaniards held captive by certain caciqups. Aguilar did not marry, he left with Cortks. Guerrero took a woman, he stayed.

The Spanish Appropriation of Nahua Slavery

In a very general sense the Mexica and the Spanish held much in common. They were both deeply religious and imperial societies. Both had social organizations that were rigidly hierarchical. These

I5 l'ariance in the "Guatemala" manuscript: "tenia pueblo de indios en aquella isla" (Dfaz, 5b).

THOMAS WARD

similarities, however, were not apparent to the Spanish who saw the Mexica as heathens and barbarians. From his research on Aztec- Spanish relations in New Spain, Gibson (The Aztecs 8) concludes that the Spanish held indigenous civilization to be exotic and not desir- able. The Spanish resisted adopting Nahua clothing or architecture styles. They filled in Tenochtitlan's canals to introduce "vehicular traffic and mule trains," leaving the "Indians to paddle the canoes." The Spanish even "ignored chinampa agricultural methods until the eighteenth century." Lockhart ( The LVahuas 20) notes that the Spanish did not even understand the Nahua svstem of social organization -known as altppetl. They saw instead a cabecera-sujeto relationship between cities and outlying areas. The mestizo authors adapted this Spanish terminol~~gy, obscuring the political reality of the Nahua.

The Crown sought to keep the conquerors legally separate from the conquered. The segregation of Spaniards and Indians into distinct "pueblos" has been mentioned. Robert Jackson (4) explains that "Spain imposed sumptuary laws (laws prohibiting designated groups in society from consuming certain goods, such as luxury textiles) and created separate fiscal statuses and obligations and legal systems for the indigenous and nonindigenous populations." While all groups appeared on the surface to be legally separate, there was one aspect of Nahua civilization which coincided somewhat with the Spanish way of life.16 I am referring again to the practice of slavery. Due to quasi parallel hierarchical social structures Spanish norms could be superimposed over Nahua patterns. During the early decades after the conquest slaves generally held the same status as in the pre-Hispanic era. However just "how much their subordinate status changes in the colonial period is unclear" (Cline, "The Spiritual Conquest" 463-64). The existence of preconquest slavery suited the Spanish ethos, for to create slavery where none existed could have appeared less Christian and would have been less accept- able to the Crown. As Gibson (The Aztecs 221) points out, Spanish colonial slavery could operate "under a guise of legitimacy whenever Indians could be shown to be occupying a 'slave' status already in Indian society-for this could be understood as a change of masters rather than as an initial enslavement." Even nonslavery forms of forced labor drew on Nahua custom. The dreaded repartimiento often "continued to follow the procedures of the indigenous coatequitl"

l 6 Another interesting area of study is the Spanish appropriation of Nahua food in hlexico and why that happened there and not in Peru, for example.

(Gibson, The Aztecs 227). Slavery, during the conquest and immedi- ately after, contributed to the first postconquest wave of interethnic gender relations.

Before the Spanish had arrived in Mexico they had practiced interethnic slavery in the Caribbean. Such practices had been insti- tuted by Columbus. To set up the institution of slavery in the New World Columbus and his shipmates drew on the Spanish experience in the Canaries and the Portuguese experience in Guinea (Morison 291). When Cortis and his men arrived in Mesoamerica, they quickly recognized the indigenous practice of slavery based on ethnicity, and based on their historical experiences, they horizontally appropriated it. They heard the Fat &ng of Cempoal complain that the Mexica took his people's sons and daughters for sacrifices or slavery (Diaz 88a). They immediately understood the implications when those slaves were women. Las Casas (Brevisima 37, 40) reports that they already had abused some women in the Caribbean. This selfishness would continue. On the Mexican coast, the Spaniards swiftly began to participate in local practice, accepting eight beautiful Totonac women from the Fat King. They were received explicitly to forge generation (Diaz 97a). By doing so they established links on a political level, a mantle that also hid and satisfied more personal needs. After Cempoal the Spanish marched on Tlaxcala. After three savage battles the Tlaxcalans opted for peace with the invaders. How did they plan to achieve it? Mlithout hesitation women are offered "para que de su generaci6n tengamos parientes" (Diaz 129a). The women came from Tzompantzingo at first. Then Xicotencatl the Younger, sent four others-old and low standing to Bernal Diaz' mind (Diaz 135a). Yet many others were to follow. How could Tlaxcalans arrive at the decision to give up their women so decisively? The answer is simple. W e n Quetzalcoatl-Cortks arrived on the scene in Tlaxcala, Xicotencatl the Elder affirmed that Cortis and his men had come from where the sun rises (Topiltzin had disappeared to the east), and that therefore "han de emparentar con nosotros, y que hemos de ser todos unos" (Muiioz 192).

This giving and receiving was extensive. Diaz (146a) recalls that the Spaniards accepted many women. The Tlaxcalan historian Muiioz Camargo (195, 196) corroborates Diaz' version of events, relating that more than 300 beautiful women slaves were given to serve Malintzin alone, a fate better than the sacrificial death, for they had committed crimes against the Tlaxcalan state. The act of giving women to cement relations, furthermore, cut across class lines, from

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the lowest to the highest. When the ruling council of Tlaxcala saw that the women slaves got along well with the Spaniards, they saw fit to allow their daughters to mate and get pregnant; therefore g~neracio'n would follow with the very valiant men (Muiioz 196-97). Outside sources also corroborate intercultural relationships associated with Tlaxcala's submission. The Tetzcocan Ixtlilx6chitl (245) confirms that the Tlaxcalans provided the Spaniards with "muchas doncellas."

A cursory look at Cortis's second letter reveals that he openly accepts this custom. In his march from Cholula to Tenochtitlan, he mentions receiving female slaves, "esclavas," three times. The first time occurs in Guasucingo, where he was given a few women slaves and clothes (Cortis 48a). Later the lords of Amecameca/Chalco offered him up to forty female slaves, clearly written as "esclavas," not "esclavos" (Cortis 49a). Finally he arrives at Iztapalapa where again he received "algunas esclavas y ropas" (Cortks 50a). Nowhere up to this point does Cortis make any attempt to explain the acquisition of these women slaves. True to his writing style he omits most local color and details, preferring explanations of his military strategies. During those passages he is quite explicit in who said what to whom, the meaning of what was said, while also providing a detailed justification for the war, long before the polemic between Las Casas and Sep6lveda. There is no rationale given for obtaining "esclavas." Cortis merely appropriates a horizontal nation-building practice, common in Anahuac since times immemorial.

Cortis would normally receive these women with a happy face, but always with a condition: "mas para tomarlas, como dice que seamos hermanos, que hay necesidad que no tengan aquellos idolos en que creen y adoran" (Diaz 97a). At this juncture the confluence of Christianization and temporal power comes into play. The Spaniards accepted the women as a political tool but, modifying Nahua custom, they demanded that they first be Christianized. A first step toward achieving Hobsbawm's proto-nationalism is thus established.

After passing through Cempoal, Tlaxcala, and Cholula, the Span- iards finally arrived in the Mexican capital. The male-female struc- tural dynamic is very apparent. Diaz (184a) affirms that Moctezuma had two legitimate women and various "amigas." He comments on Moctezuma's practice of marrying off his female friends to his captains. Upon the arrival of the Spanish, Moctezuma extended this practice to them. Diaz himself held the autochthonous women in high regard. Early on in his narrative, he proclaims Doiia Marina to be a very excellent woman and a good translator to boot (Diaz 70a).

He remembers, being a snapping young man at that time, that he asked Moctezuma for a woman. The tlatoani granted his request, and with the wink of an eye, she became Doiia Francisca (Diaz 209a).

Did the Spaniards acquire their women through traditional or "legalistic" means? Initially perhaps, but after the fall of Tenochtitlan they simply selected the ones they wanted, the white or pretty ones, or the ones with the yellow bodies (Sahagun 12:122). In the earlier Guatemala manuscript Diaz (66913) had admitted that they actually branded some women with a "G" for guerra. As one can imagine, this supreme moment of "generaci6nn was not a happy bacchanal for all. This episode was so distasteful that Diaz may have suppressed it for subsequent versions of the Historia verdadera to make the notion of "just war" more palatable (see Adorno, "Discourses" 257). Sahagun's informants report that as Tenochtitlan fell, the Tenochan women covered themselves with mud, dressing themselves in rags to appear ugly (Sahagun 12:122). Diaz does not refer to these episodes. He inverts them, claiming that the Mexica women truly wanted to be with the Spaniards, not with their fathers and husbands (Diaz 416a). Such manipulation of fact and fiction obscures the "true story" of women during the fall of Tenochtitlan.

Postconquest Society

When vertical lineage and horizontal gender linking come together, we get to the crux of the matter, the point where the national idea becomes extremely clear. Motolinia (99a) mentions that when a man marries a woman he had to do so with someone from his own "gentilidad." That would imply that one should marry within his or her own ethnic group. When Muiioz Camargo (197) describes the marriage of Doiia Maria Luisa Tecuelhuatzin, the tlatoani Xicotencatl's daughter, he explains that she had to respect the norms of her "gentilidad." What that means was that horizontal behavior (to whom she would be married) was defined by vertical norms (lineage).

As with other aspects of postconquest society, the impact of Spanish norms on Nahua marital and mating practices remains unclear. It goes without saying that our knowledge of pre-Hispanic society is limited. We can, however, generalize that there were two types of human relationships, consanguineous and affinal. The former repre- sent blood relatives who were ancestors (parents, grandparents and beyond) or descendants (children, grandchildren and so forth). Consanguineous relationships are vertical because they imply moving

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backward (parents, grandparents) and fonvard (children) in time. In mythological or legendary terms consanguineous relationships also have connotations of ethnic pride.

Motolinia (99a) notes the presence of certain wise men-called licenciados in Spanish-who were knowledgeable in marriage, and in "consanguinidad y afinidad." Gruzinski (109) verifies that native matchmakers continued to ply their trade after the conquest. This idea of gentility, a vertical cultural notion, would be an ethnocentric posture. Yet such vertical importance may have only been relevant for the noble class. Lockhart (The Nahuas 59) does not find much evidence of a concern for lineage in postconquest Nahuatl legal documentation. There is however a set of terms that denote "house- hold." This concept is more of living together than of "family" (see Lockhart, The 1Vahuas 72). In Nahuatl the term for sibling could also refer to cousins, the one for grandparents to great aunts and uncles, and the one for grandchildren to great nieces and nephews. Termi- nology which refers to people who in the Spanish or European sense would be on the family's periphery brings them to the center.

Affinal bonds are those that result from marriage. Spouses are immediately brought into the household. These relationships are horizontal as they imply moving not back or forward in time (as in vertical relationships) but spatially outward into the community, into other communities or by bringing someone from the community into a particular household. From his study of Nahuatl source material Lockhart (The 1Vahuas 75) finds several terms that "embrace both lineal and collateral relatives." He also documents affinal kin (in-laws, for example) being described with consanguineous language (The Nahuas 78). The social connections broaden as kin terminology was applied to nonrelatives (of the same age) such as "neighbors and acquaintances" (89). Such practices denote a relatively open and communal system linked to horizontal social interaction, not to vertical bloodlines.

Lockhart (The Nahuas 82) concludes that linage solidarity might not have been as important as the capulli (groups of households) and the altepetl (groups of capulli). We have seen that it was precisely the diluting of lineage that allowed the tlatoque to accumulate power. This could be understood as a way of strengthening the tlatoani's individual capulli and his altepetl over which he ruled. Since lineage was not as important as "household," there was an opening in social practice which could allow for interethnic mating practices.

Both monogamy and polygamy were also factors which defined

Nahua mating practices, which were formal. Cline ("The Spiritual Conquest" 472-73) concludes that the Nahua entered into conjugal relationships which were permanent. Yet "divorce" was possible under Nahua traditions and "so was marriage to more than one wife simultaneously." Such customs allowed for horizontal cultural appro- priation if the partners were of different ethnicities. Motolinia observes that native practices allowed for one man forging generation with many women. Moctezuma's polygamy has been mentioned. After the conquest, Motolinia comments that the lords continued to have many women, some enjoying as many as two hundred. Having multiple wives, Cline ("The Spiritual Conquest" 475) theorizes, "was an index of status for men." When the friars tried to explain to the Nahua that polygamy was against Christ's teachings, they responded that "tambikn 10s espaiioles tenian muchas mujeres" (Motolinia, 98a). In spite of some limited Spanish monogamy (Motolinia 95a), both the Nahua nobility and the Peninsular colonists had so many women among themselves that the common man found it difficult to find himself a partner (Motolinia 97b). This "problem" persisted in spite of large scale baptisms and secular legislation prohibiting polygamy (see Cline, "The Spiritual Conquest" 479-80).

While it has been clearly documented that the Spanish conquista- dors and Nahua nobility reached across ethnic lines for their mates, such practices among the lower social strata are more difficult to ascertain. It does appear, however, that with the social upheaval resulting from the carnage of war and from the severity of colonial life, this increasingly was the case. Chang-Rodriguez ( lo) ,writing on Peru, comments on the large number of mestizos who were disori- ented, lacking roots, cut off from the Andean world yet not pertain- ing to the European side of things. The same type of mobile society had already occurred in New Spain. Such disorientation could only facilitate unions between the mestizos, creating mestizos of mestizos, breaking down still further the ancient ethnic groups. Lockhart (The Nahuas, 52) has described this period as one of "great demographic storms that swept through the indigenous population."" This ethnic upheaval resulted in part from the brutality of the conquest. It was also directed institutionally by the new colonial government. The Spanish legislated ethnic reshuffling among the lower classes through resettlement, the congregacio'n. Gibson (The Aztecs 28) determines that

"For a discussion of endogamy and exogamy latter in the colonial period see Jackson (43-45).

444 THOMAS WARD

these programs "resulted in new associations of peoples derivative from separate 'tribes."' Haskett ("Our Suffering" 451, 453) arrives at the same conclusion from analyzing economic data. He determines that men and women from different areas were brought together as slaves, a common practice until the late 1 5 4 0 ~ . ' ~ In his thorough analysis of labor and social forces in a 1548 Taxco slave inventory he finds that out of 37 couples, only 13 were from the same place of origin. In contrast, the partners in 25 marriages had "come from different towns and regions, indicating marriage after they had been brought together in the slave cuadrilla" (Haskett, "Our Suffering" 452). Before its demise, indigenous slaver): then, had a palpable impact on notions of ethnicity.

The Church also had its role in breaking down ethnic barriers. Intercultural mating may have been encouraged as a Christian guard against kinship relations. The most severe form of blood proximity was incest, which was of course banned under Christian doctrine. The Church was so concerned about marriage within clan groups that-as Lavri11 ("Sexuality" 56) I-eports-it "had a carefully designed system to judge the degrees of proximity and rule on dispensation requests." This was a serious concern for the Church because ethnic groups before the conquest often were restricted to one locality, a town or city, allowing for centuries of inbreeding. This was especially true for the lower social classes, where political exchange of women across ethnic lines may not have been as prevalent, except perhaps in cases of slavery. One way to correct this problem was to tolerate contact between the Nahua and the Peninsulares. Gibson (The Aztecs 368, 376) concludes that "city life promoted miscegenation." He observes that Spaniards moved out of Tenochtitlan's Spanish center while Nahuas migrated toward it. In general "Indian and Spanish dwellings became steadily more interspersed." Lockhart (The 1Vahuas 3) con- curs with Gibson commenting on "the Spanish civil population that almost immediately began to spill out of the cities," clouding the limits between ethnic boundaries still further. There were also economic reasons for blurring the lines between the "pueblo de

'"Mter the dust settled down and a new society began to form, the number of indigenous slaves hegan to decrease. Lockhart determines that the slave classes began to blend into the other lower social categories. First, with the end of the wars of the flowers, "one source of supply was gone." Second, the Spanish finally abolished indigenous slavery "among sedentary peoples, relegating it to the nonsedentary fringes" (Lockhart, The Nahuns 111).Indigenous servitude continued after the 1540s onlv as a detriment to rebellion.

indios" and the "pueblo de espafioles." Lockhart (The Nahuas 4; see also 1Vahuas &Spaniards 201-42) writes that "communities of humble Hispanic people, including small agriculturalists and stockmen, petty traders, and muleteers, soon grew up inside many Indian towns." The social movement also went in the opposite direction, as Nahuas increasingly looked to Spaniards for employment and for protection (Lockhart, The ,Vahuas 113). Contact between the Spanish and the Nahua was comprehensive in the central areas of Mexico.

If Nahua women were sexual objects for Spanish men during the conquest, later they could become a source of wealth. Nahua women especially from the upper social classes were targets for greedy Spanish men. Like Nahua noblemen, noblewomen also held rank, owned property and took part in family decision making (Lockhart, The Nahuas 139). Two well-known examples of this tactic were the two Diego Mufioz figures, father and son, the chronicler and the gover- nor of Tlaxcala (see Gibson, "The Identity"). Both married Tlaxcalan noblewomen. From such relationships the two men accumulated immense estates and wealth, so much so that the Crown actually expelled them from Tlaxcala (Morner & Gibson).

Labor law, in spite of legislation to promote separate guilds for Spaniards and Nahuas, eventually admitted the Nahua into the Spanish guilds. Such inclusiveness paved the way for continued miscegenation. This was so much the case that the guilds of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reacted against Nahua-Spanish mating practices (see Gibson, The Aztecs 401). Yet racial blending did not only occur through marriage or concubinage. Lavrin ("Sexuality" 61-77) documents many cases of premarital sex, adultery and rape that oftentimes crossed ethnic lines. The indigenous elders of Mexico City sent a petition to the king in 1574 in which they begged for separation of "pueblos," for otherwise "nacen muchos hijos adulter- inos" (Miirner & Gibson, 562). In a word, sexual encounters took place in the forming New Spain at moments and under conditions that would have been unthinkable in Spain. Lavrin ("Sexuality," 79) recognizes that "the Church had to bend and accommodate its theoretical norms to the social reality." Horizontal mating was en- couraged, while the multiplicity of indigenous nations-as Octavio Paz reminds us-was negated by New Spain (Paz, Sor Juana 26). For Gibson (The Aztecs 30) ethnic memories lasted for some fifty years after the conquest. After then, "new colonial modes of organization displaced the tribal concepts." The indigenous were not the only groups who were culturally shifted. During the late baroque era the

446 THOMAS WARD

Criollos commandeered Mexica concepts such as Quetzalcoatl. Of course appropriated Mexica notions became Westernized. Further- more, the indianization of Criolla culture presented a unified view of the Mexica world which never existed. This process of homogeniza- tion is a characteristic that would continue defining Mexican society during the National period. It was not an acculturation mode based on equality and mutual respect, because-again referring to Paz-as the nation became more mestizo it necessarily became more M'estern- ized (Par, Sor Juana 25). Horizontal mating between the Spanish and the Nahua was defined by an overpowering vertical element originat- ing in Europe. Such vertical elements were a pride (exaggerated, according to Benassy Berling 22-24) in Spanish lettered culture and of course in fifteen centuries of Catholic religion. A culture-originally Oriental and diverse-began moving by force toward a Western religious, social and economic model.

To further understand the twin notions of ethnicity and nationality, a look at the most famous Mexican author of the seventeenth century is instructive. Sor Juana Inks de la Cruz (1651-1695), a Criolla both in ethnicity and outlook, embraced the Spanish view of ethnicity. In the 1692 "Dedication" to the second edition of her works she boasts being of the "rama de Vizcacaya" (81 l a ) . In clear terms her vertical lineage hails from "nuestra naci6n vascongada" (81 la ) . Of course she is also capable of horizontally expanding her regional concept to include the nationalistic "nuestros espaiioles" (810a). In her Repuesta a sor Fzlotea, Sor Juana comments on "nuestra republican (841 b) , showing that she also saw New Spain as politically one with the mother country. On the other hand, it is hard to determine her exact perception of the Nahua.

She lived in a seventeenth-century world where Nahua women were denied the possibility of being nuns. Until the eighteenth century, their only access to convents was as servants (Lavrin, "Indian Brides" 225-54). To put it bluntly, during the time of Sor Juana, the Catholic Church practiced a form of absolute "racial exclusivism" (Lavrin, "Indian Brides" 237). While Sor Juana aspired to love all, she may have been capable of mocking Moctezuma's adulation of the Quetzal (see Bemberg's cinematographic interpretation). N'hen referring to her sister nuns, none of whom were Nahua, she proclaims love as a uniQing force: "el mucho amor que hay entre mi y mis amadas hermanas, que como el amor es union, no hay para 61 extremos distantes" (83313). This attitude is notable as it was written over a hundred years after the conquest, and in another context, could

provide a basis for nation building. It is also tragic, because, being a woman, Sor Juana was not allowed to help define the nation, neither the "nation" of New Spain, nor the "nation" of God, a conflict that reached critical intensity under Archbishop Aguilar y Seijas. Yet to understand completely the possibility of an intellectually curious Criolla rloman studying in a tranquil convent, we need to return to the violence of the conquest and the social norms that defined it.

M'hile ethnic slavery tended to separate cultures, the miscegena- tion that resulted from it, paradoxically, brought them together. The legendary story of Itzcoatl, fiercely independent yet bicultural, dem- onstrates the total acceptance of mestizaje before the conquest. The historically documented mestizo authors Mufioz Camargo (Spanish- Tlaxcalteca) and Alva Ixtlilx6chitl (Spanish-Tetzcocan) are two of many cases that demonstrate the expansion of Nahua norms of mestizaje into the expanding Spanish world. The idea of the nation, the greater nation-impossible without ethnic and gender blend- ing-expands and universalizes the local.

The Occidental-Oriental synthesis inherent in the abstraction Cortis-Malinche. An incomplete sentence, an unfinished concept. Because of the confusion that resulted from her translating and giving voice to Cortis, both the Tlaxcalans, who were also Nahua, and the Tenochans called Cortis Malinche (Diaz 143a). The irony of this is that another duality is formed, reflecting Ometecuhtli-Omecihuatl, the divine couple that represents the formation of the nation. With Cortis and Malinche the new nation known as New Spain was part Castilian, part Nahua. From this fountain sprang Martin CortCs, the first representative of what Vasconcelos would later dub La raza cdsmica, the first of those whom Octavio Paz (ElLabennto) would later call "10s hijos de la chingada."

To look at the Mexica under a contemporary microscope, they could be a nation in the modern sense, yet not necessarily in the N'estern spirit. Smith (9-11) enumerates five conditions to form a nation in an Eastern or "ethnic" sense. They are historical territory shared idea of patria, legal equality among members of the commu- nity and common values. With a few restrictions, Smith's characteris- tics are all present under the Mexica model. Obviously legal equality is impossible in any hierarchical culture. Furthermore, not all groups were included in the Mexica nation. The Tlaxcalans, who were also Nahua, were not because of their different values, territory and patria. The Totonaca were not considered part of the nation, though they suffered under the Mexica tribute system. They also did not

448 THOMAS WARD

share a common notion of patria, had different territory etc. Yet the question remains, would the Totonaca and the Tlaxcalans eventually have become "nationalized" by the Mexica if the Spanish had not overrun Mexico when they did?

The Nahua concept of the nation differed distinctly from Smith's Western model because an individual could not belong to whatever nation he or she desired (Smith 11). [The present author is not convinced of Smith's assertion that this has been possible, even in "modern" Europe.] According to Smith's theory, the Mexica model would be non-Western because it was organized according to ethnicity. Yet due to an expanding notion of ethnicity, Mexica practices encouraged fusing with other autochthonous groups and, ultimately, with the Spaniards. Their nation therefore approached Smith's M7estern model. Of course there were also economic factors which favored transethnisizing (please forgive the neologism). Haskett ("Our Suffering" 467) has found cases such as one in 1607 where a Nahua individual suddenly proclaimed himself as a mestizo to petition exemption fr-om repartimiento service. Haskett's mestizo rvas not an isolated case. Jackson (5) argues that the colonial racial categories "did not reflect social or cultural realities" and that individuals could consciously change "their behavior to be able to move to another and usually higher racial status within the caste system." Changing behavior implied changing culture: "Indios could change their mode of dress, learn to speak Spanish, move to a city or away from their place of birth, take up a profession generally not associated with the indigenous population, and be reclassified as mestizos" (Jackson 6). Such transethnisizing-the direct and inde- pendent adoption of another etnia's culture-could be the most immediate form of horizontal appropriation.

I am not arguing here that the individual could be some type of free cultural agent, at liberty to transethnisize at will. There were cultural, political, religious and economic factors which determined possibilities. Jackson (12) begs us to remember the caste system itself played a powerful role. The Nahua continued to practice interethnic marriage after the conquest to preserve or improve their social status in a new social order. Without a time machine they had no way to foresee that the future would bring the near annihilation of their proud culture. The Spanish, like the Nahua, continued to blend interethnicly, but generally for different reasons. Sometimes the Spanish took an indigenous woman to satisfy their primal needs. Oftentimes, as with their conquest experiences in Tlaxcala, they did

so to forge alliances which would work to their advantage. Occasion- ally a Spaniard would marry an indigenous woman at the urging of the Church. Some unscrupulous Spaniards tried to marry into Nahua nobility to enhance their own economic station. It appears that love had little to do with such political, religious and economic use of gender.

Loyola College

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Expanding Ethnicity in Sixteenth-Century Anahuac: Ideologies of Ethnicity and Gender inthe Nation-Building ProcessThomas WardMLN, Vol. 116, No. 2, Hispanic Issue. (Mar., 2001), pp. 419-452.Stable URL:

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The Spiritual Conquest Reexamined: Baptism and Christian Marriage in EarlySixteenth-Century MexicoSarah ClineThe Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 3. (Aug., 1993), pp. 453-480.Stable URL:

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