Notes

Introduction

1. The terms ‘ethnicity’ and ‘nationality’, especially with regard to research into andon former Yugoslavia, are used as synonyms, although the term ‘ethno-nationality’is also in use. To avoid confusion, due to specific research issues, in this bookwe differentiate between the terms ‘ethnic’, which refers to ‘ethno-national’, and‘national’, referring to the state. The term ‘ethnic’ will be used with regard to par-ticular identifications of Serbs, Bosniaks and Croats, whereas the term ‘national’will be used when referring to state-related, that is, B&H identity.

1 Troubles with Ethnicity: Theoretical Considerationsand Contextual Background

1. An interesting addition to the term ‘nation-state’ is that the contemporary politicalsystem in B&H might be a basis for a new term: ‘tri-nation’ state.

2. According to McGonagle et al. (2003).3. By ‘our’ we mean bibliography in Serbo-Croatian, Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and

other related languages – literature which originates from the SFR (or ‘former’, assome prefer to say) Yugoslavia.

4. Sejdic-Finci vs. B&H state case: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejdic_and_Finci_v._Bosnia_and_Herzegovina, accessed 30 June 2011.

5. What is at stake here is one ‘metaphysically grounded community that absorbs thestate within itself’ (Ðindic, 1988: 134); or the state ‘that had become as a result ofthe penetration of “society” into “state”, that is, as the occupation of space of thepolitics by a social movement’ (Ðindic, 1988: 205).

6. A consociational political framework rests on four main principles of power-sharing – group autonomy, broad coalitions, proportional representation and veto.This was deemed necessary to accommodate cultural claims in multi-cultural andcomplex societies, avoiding potential conflicts (Lijphart, 2008).

7. ‘Ipseity’ is to be distinguished from our ‘identity’, which is always a matter of socialconstruction and ‘symbolic investiture’(Seeburger, 2010).

8. See Walter Benjamin, ‘Theses on the Philosophy of History’ (1940), reprinted inBenjamin (2007).

2 Interdisciplinary Study and Conceptualization of EthnicIdentity: Socio-psychological and Discourse AnalyticalApproaches

1. Other important studies include a study on construction of Austrian nationalidentity (Wodak et al., 1999, 2009), a study on debates on NATO accession andneutrality as symbols of forming identity and conflicts in Austria and Hungary,and a study on the impact of collective memory and memorial speeches basedon which national identity is constructed (Wodak et al., 1999, 2009; Kovacs andWodak, 2003).

224

Notes 225

2. People will classify us in relation to our nation, whether or not we are convincedof the importance of national categories.

3. The issue at hand is that social research perceives identity as a static social categorywhich is a priori ascribed and treated as predictive for certain types of behavior.

3 Measuring Ethnic Identity: Methods and Samples

1. The titles of the dailies clearly address the ethnically (religiously) conscious audi-ence. Dnevni avaz uses the Turkish word avaz (herald), while the title of Glas Sprske,formerly known as Glas Srpski, contains the adjective srpski (Serb) or the nounSrpska (adjective derived from Republika Srpska).

4 Ethnic and National Identity and Ethnic Nationalismin the Public Sphere in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Caseof Major Print Media

1. Independent Social Democrats Union.2. Entertainment and commercial programs do not differentiate between the pro-

grams in this respect.3. Accessed on 25 June 2011 at http://www.transconflict.com/2011/03/u-odbranu-

ricarda-holbruka/.4. However, this does not mean that national identifications had not existed in

SFRY; it was the Constitution from 1974 that institutionalized some forms ofnational identities, giving greater autonomy to the republics.

5. It is interesting that, while comparing the contemporary musical style of MarkoPerkovic Thompson, a Croatian neo-Nazi musician, with Bijelo Dugme from the1970s, the Croatian writer Ante Perkovic says that ‘the paradox increases withthe fact that Thompson plays authentic Yugoslavian rock and roll, what DraženVrdoljak called the “shepherd’s rock” ’.

6. Internet penetration in B&H is still relatively insignificant. The data from 2010state that 31.2% of the population use the Internet, mainly in urban areas: http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats4.htm accessed on 25 June 2011.

7. Re-feudalization, a process that Juergen Habermas identifies also with modernsocial democratic nationals, includes merging the national with society, the pub-lic and the private, which refers to conditions in a feudal national as well asbacking the elements of a representative publicity. Habermas does not, however,believe that modern nationals are going back to the Middle Ages, but that certainfeudal elements are rolling back.

8. Independent Social Democrats Union.9. Union for Better Future of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

10. This opens the eternal question of the relationship between politics and ethicsand the possibility of existence of a public good (or goods), which should be abovethe ethnic imperative, but we will leave that discussion for some other time.

11. There are programs NUDist and Nvivo, but they require creation of a databaseand definitions of the keywords.

12. Term mostly used in RS and by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Croats.13. Term mostly used by Bosniaks.14. Miroslav Lajcak was a High Representative in B&H from June 2007 to January

2009 (more at www.ohr.int) accessed on 25 June 2011.

226 Notes

5 More Than Blood and Soil? Ethnic and NationalDiscourses of Youth in Bosnia and Herzegovina

1. The term Muslim here refers to a national (ethnic), not religious, indicator, inaccordance with the SFRY Constitution of 1974.

2. The research team conducted two focus groups at the University of Banja Luka,coded in the analysis as BL1 and BL, two focus groups at the University ofSarajevo, coded as SA1 and SA2, one group at the University of Tuzla, codedas TZ, one in Pale, at the University of East Sarajevo, coded as PAL, one groupat the University Džemal Bijedic in East Mostar, coded as MO1, and one at theUniversity of Mostar, West Mostar, coded as MO2. Male participants were codedas M1, M2 . . . and female participants as F1, F2 . . . etc., while the moderator wascoded as MOD. It is worth noting that, with few exceptions, the groups mostlyconsisted of the members of homogeneous national groups, since, for instance,Pale is generally inhabited by Serbs, West Mostar by Croats and East Mostar byBosniaks.

3. The term ‘aggression’ is a term in international law, and refers to military attackagainst another state. In relation to the attitudes of the citizens towards theaggression against B&H, regardless of their ethnicity, they would be expected tosay that members of their people could not have committed aggression againsttheir own country. However, in everyday language, aggression implies that some-one ‘started the attack first’, and that is why this term was used in the focus groupsto trigger the discussion on ‘who (according to them) started it first’. The supportfor this claim lies in the fact that, in addition to the Hague Tribunal which hasworked on establishing the truth on war, including the events at the beginningof the B&H war, the issue of ‘who started the war in B&H’ is a common questionin popular culture (Top Lista Nadrealista (Surrealists’s Top Chart), the movie Nicijazemlja (No Man’s Land), etc.). The issue is also related to the course of events lead-ing to war in B&H, war in Croatia and the referendum on B&H independence, aswas mentioned earlier.

4. See more in the third section of the book, which deals with quantitativeindicators.

5. In this context it is worth noting frequent requests for referenda by theRS President Milorad Dodik, who, in January 2010, called for a referen-dum on support of the Dayton Agreement (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/region-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=01&dd=10&nav_id=64365), and in May2011 called for a referendum against non-Dayton operations of the B&HCourt, which was cancelled shortly after the visit by the EU specialenvoy Catherine Ashton (http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2011/05/16/feature-01) accessed on 25 June 2011.In the background of this referendum discourse is a referendum in shadow, thatis, a referendum issue of the breakaway of the RS from B&H, as a very powerfuland mobilizing implication. It should be noted that one month following theSerb boycott against the referendum on the breakaway of the SR B&H from SFRYin March 1992 a war broke out in B&H (author’s note).

6. See endnote 5.7. Presupposition.8. http://personal.inet.fi/cool/blt/P%20%20O%20%20V%20%20E%20%20L%20%

20J%20%20A.pdf accessed on 25 June 2011.9. M. Ridanovic, ‘Holivudska starleta ili lingvistica/ A Hollywood starlet or a

linguist,’ SAN, 25–26 October 2010.

Notes 227

10. During the Austro-Hungarian rule, Benjamin Kalaj introduced the Bosniakhoodpolicy with the aim of confronting Serbian nationalism and promoted theBosnian language in order to establish Bosnian identity.

11. Josip Baotic in an interview with Ljiljana Pirolic, ‘Jezik/ci u B&H/Language/s inB&H,’ Magazin Plus, May 2010. http://www.magazinplus.eu/index.php/kultura/1459-jezikci-u-B&H- accessed on 25 June 2011.

6 Forms and Salience of Ethnic Identities in Bosniaand Herzegovina

1. For instance, the text of the leader of the Islamic Religious Community in B&H,Dr Mustafa Ceric, reads: ‘Religious community became the main institutionalrefuge for Bosniaks . . . ’ (accessed on 14 June, 2011 at http://www.medzlis.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1101:bonjaci-izmeu-vjerskog-i-nacionalnog-reisu-l-ulema-dr-mustafa-ceri&catid=57:kolumne&Itemid=289). Orthe text of the then leader of the Serb Orthodox Church, patriarch Pavle: ‘Being aSerb necessarily entails being Orthodox . . . ’ (accessed on 14 June 2011 at http://pescanik.net/2007/12/koalicija-za-sekularnu-drzavu/). Or the speech by PopeBenedict XVI: ‘since the Croats are the people of profound Catholic faith’ (accessedon 14 June 2011 at http://www.zg-nadbiskupija.hr/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1375:hrvati-narod-duboke-katolike-vjere&catid=5:aktualnosti&Itemid=82).

2. In the second grade grammar school geography textbook: ‘Social as well as cul-tural reality of B&H is characterized by different religions. Serbs are Orthodox,Bosniaks are Muslims, Croats are Catholic and there are some other religions aswell’ (Husremovic et al., 2007: 131).

3. For instance, the definition of the Bosnian language on Wikipedia is as follows:‘Bosnian language is a standard South Slavic language used mainly by Bosniaksas well as by a significant number of Bosnians of different ethnicity’ (accessedon 14 June 2011 at http://bs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bosanski_jezik). Or a definitionof the Croatian language: ‘The Croatian language is the collective name for thestandard language spoken by Croats, and the languages and dialects spoken by oronce spoken by Croats’ (accessed on 14 June 2011 at http://hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hrvatski_jezik). A somewhat different definition, which differentiates between theethnic designation of a language and a language of the people speaking it, canbe found on Wikipedia in relation to the Serbian language: ‘Serbian is a standardofficial language of Serbia, B&H, Montenegro, and other countries inhabited bySerbs, for instance, Croatia among others’ (accessed on 14 June 2011 at http://sr.wikipedia.org/).

4. There are some interesting discussions about whether Željko Komšic is a legitimaterepresentative of the Croats in the B&H Presidency, and whether he actually is aCroat: ‘If we agree that Željko Komšic is not a Croat, how come he got turned into aBosniak, without being asked about it?!’ (accessed on 14 June 2011 at http://www.depo.ba/vijest/41149).

5. Example from the history textbook used in second grade grammar schools bystudents of Croat ethnicity: ‘Migrations of the Croats initiated by the crimescommitted by the Turks and the Vlachs began in Bosnia, which the Turks firstseized. Leaving the homeland causes tragedy among the Croat people and leavesdire consequences in their later historical development. Croat space, invadedby the foreigners, changes its ethnic and religious character’ (Husremovic et al.,2007: 96).

228 Notes

6. There are many different examples from textbooks which are beyond the scopeof this book, most of them taken from the publication Education in Bosnia andHerzegovina: What do we teach our children? Analysis of the content of the ethnicgroup of subjects; for further analysis see the aforementioned edition. One of theexamples is a third grade grammar high school textbook for students of Serbethnicity:

Upon arrival of Kallay as the supreme chief of Bosnia and Herzegovina, theAustro-Hungarian administration tried to create a Bosnian nation and theBosnian language, to restrain the political demands of the Croats and Serbs,who had already formed a national consciousness, and also to prevent raisingconsciousness in Muslims. Therefore, an attempt was made to create a Bosniannation of Muslims, Serbs and Croats. Of course, such an unnatural politicalendeavor was doomed to failure.

(Husremovic et al., 2007: 96)

7. For instance, in his statement the President of the Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodiksays: ‘There is no Bosnia!’ (accessed on 10 August 2012 at http://www.vijesti.ba/vijesti/bih/100167-Milorad-Dodik-Nema-Bosne.html). A similar statement wasmade by the Bosniak member of the B&H presidency, Silajdžic, on 25 March2011: ‘Those who do not like B&H are free to leave, but they can’t take anythingwith them’ (accessed on 14 June 2011 at http://www.vesti-online.com/Vesti/Ex-YU/39732/Silajdzic-tera-Dodika-iz-B&H).

8. One such typical ‘dialogue’ occurred on a B&H news portal. Commentingon the news that the Serbian President Boris Tadic said it was unrealistic toexpect construction of one nation (a Bosnian nation) in B&H, a reader says:‘Boris, Serbs are in Serbia, Macedonians are in Macedonia, Montenegrins are inMontenegro, Croats are in Croatia, Bosnians are in Bosnia, let everyone lovetheir own country and respect others.’ Another reader replies: ‘I was born inMostar and have lived here all my life, but I am not a Bosnian Catholic,I am a Croat, so don’t put me in the same group with Bosnians!’ (accessedon 14 June 2011 at http://www.dnevnik.ba/novosti/svijet/boris-tadi%C4%87-nerealno-o%C4%8Dekivati-da-se-u-B&H-mo%C5%BEe-stvoriti-jedna-nacija-bosanci).

7 Perception of Ethnic Groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina

1. Such rhetoric can be found in statements by the leading Bosniak party(SDA) politician, Bakir Izetbegovic, who, on 2 July 2008, said: ‘It is time toget smart and stop arguing. Discord led to the fall of Srebrenica, discordcan lead to ultimate extinction of Bosniaks in this region’ (accessed on17 April 2011 at http://www.superbosna.com/vijesti/politika/bo%B9njaci_bi_zbog_nesloge_mogli_nestati_u_srebrenici!/).

Furthermore, there are also examples of discord among the Croats in B&H:

Personal interests of Croat politicians in B&H with their extreme egoism arethe most responsible for troubles of Croats in the neighboring country. Thepolitics of division and fight for the party as well as the struggle for personalbenefit has led Croats to the inferior position, which the two other peoplesreadily use to their own advantage – says Dr. Ljubo Juricic, a Croatian politicianand economic expert of Herzegovinian origin, who notes that all peoples of

Notes 229

Bosnia and Herzegovina have their own strategies of protection of their ethnicinterests, except for Croats, who, in his opinion, have found themselves in sucha position due to the inadequate politics led by Croatia, that is, certain Croatianpoliticians who have initiated the divisions within Croat political parties orhave completely given up on Croats in B&H.

(accessed on 17 April 2011 at http://www.dnevno.hr/vijesti/balkan_express/hrvati_su_najvise_krivi_za_jadan_polozaj_hrvata_u_B&H/271963.html)

An extract from the text by Emil Vlajki, the Croat vice-president of the RS, ‘Slom,ili dijaspora je kriva za uništavanje srpstva/Breakdown, or Diaspora destroyedSerbhood’: ‘There is no use wasting words on Serbs, who seem to be enjoying theself-destruction. While the noose is being put around their necks they keep say-ing: “No one can touch us”. When drawing attention to their disunity they arevirtually happy and say: “That’s the way we are”. And when they are being chokedand their life functions start dwindling, they complain and shout: “This is injus-tice”. But they will not do anything or fight against the injustice . . . ’ (accessed on17 April 2011 at linkahttp://www.vidovdan.org/arhiva/article533.html).

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Index

Allport, G. W., 50, 58, 167–8, 187, 190,194–5, 208

Altemeyer, B., 39, 208Altermatt, U., 19, 21, 24, 137Althusser, L., 3, 67Anderson, B., 15, 17–8, 44, 66, 135, 191,

213Arndt, J., 32, 134Augoustinos, M., 167

Bacevic, Lj., 192Bakic, I., 141, 156Banaji, M. R., 164Bar-Tal, D., 41–3, 205Batson, C. D., 194Biro, M., 171, 184Bodenhausen, G. V., 183Bogardus, E., 60, 191, 196Bornstein, R. F., 167Braly, K., 169–70Brehm, J. W., 159Brewer, M. B., 33,193, 207Brubaker, R., 11–13, 20–22, 65, 211, 213

Campbell, D. T., 193Cantor, G. N., 167Chanes, J., 205Chilton, P., 44, 82–83, 99Cohen, A., 17Cohen, L., 52Cohen, S., 187constituent peoples, 11–2, 73, 105,

110–1, 126, 135, 157, 159, 207,212, 218

contact hypothesis, 189, 222critical discourse analysis, 6, 53

Devine, P. G., 183Devos, G., 164discourse and practice, 21, 22, 28discourse, 1–4, 21, 43–52, 211Dollard, J., 37–8, 169Duckitt, J., 203, 207Ðuric, Ð., 14, 184Dušanic, S., 59, 195

Erikson, E. H., 134ethnic attitudes, 8, 14, 89, 163, 190–6,

208–9ethnic boundaries, 144, 157ethnic conflict/s 5, 14, 19–20, 39, 41 ,

222ethnic distance, 5, 8, 60, 136, 191–3,

203–5, 209ethnic group, 5, 13–7, 20, 31–5, 42,

59–60, 65, 68, 133, 135–8, 142–5,147, 149–50, 154–5, 157–8, 160–1,163–4, 193, 203, 205, 208, 214,219–20

ethnic identity, 3–8, 12–7, 23–4, 28–36,49–50, 81, 87–90, 107, 114, 118–24,134–7, 142, 144, 158–64, 177, 187,191, 193, 208, 212–13, 221–3

ethnic relations, 17, 19, 37–41, 188, 194ethnic stereotypes, 7, 59, 169–70, 173,

183–4, 219ethnicity, 7, 12–13ethnocentrism, 14, 19, 21, 50, 59, 137,

208Europe, 1, 11–5, 21–2, 58, 68–9, 93,

97–8, 103–6, 133, 138–40, 161–2,179, 210–11, 216

Fairclough, N., 47–48, 71Feldman, S. S., 193Fishman, J., 15, 17, 124focus group(s), 6, 20, 45, 47, 49, 52,

55–56, 61, 71, 88, 100, 128, 159,162, 188, 214, 216–218, 220–221

frame, 21, 22, 46, 50, 53–54, 57, 65

Ganic, E., 70, 77, 81–83Glick, P., 183Greenberg, J., 32, 134Greenberg, R. D., 125Guetzkow, H., 136, 193

Hamilton, D. L., 168Haslam, S. A., 186, 188, 220Havelka, N., 14, 59, 136, 193Heider, F., 162

243

244 Index

Hewstone, M., 208Hodson, R., 32, 134, 188, 195–6Hogg, M. A., 17, 31–2, 40, 159,

207Husanovic, J., 27, 67, 69

ideology, 3, 17–19, 25, 30, 34, 42,67, 70

ideology/ies, 2–3, 17–9, 25, 30, 34, 42,67, 70, 87, 111, 135, 211–3, 218,222–3

interethnic relations, 12, 31, 33–6, 169,209

intergroup relations, 31–8, 167, 189–90,195, 207, 220

Islam, M., 208Ito, T. A., 170

James, W., 133Jansen, S., 150, 165Jenkins, R., 16, 28, 31, 163,

205, 213

Katz, D., 169–70Kelman, H., 187Kirkpatrick, L. A., 194Kunda, Z., 170Kunovich, R. M., 32,134, 188, 195Kuzmanovic, B., 14, 184

Leak, G. K., 194LeCoteur, A., 167Lichtenstein, M., 183Lippman, W., 166, 169

Mackie, D., 167Majstorovic, D., 48–50, 55, 57, 69,

72, 223Maleševic, S., 16, 28, 30, 44–45, 213Malkki, L., 150Mandic, M., 48, 55, 57Markešic, I., 156Massey, G., 196McGarty, C., 168Mihailovic, S., 184Milosavljevic, B., 35, 135, 184Miloševic-Ðordevic, J., 14, 177Moriarty, B. F., 193Mphuthing, T., 203, 207Mujkic, A., 24–27, 213

nation-state, 14, 17, 20, 136–7, 214national attachment, 7–8, 35, 58–9,

136–7, 144–5, 149–56, 158, 161–5,191, 200

national identity, 2, 5–8, 14, 18–9, 30,34, 43–8, 53, 65, 71, 88–90, 99,120–1, 128, 137, 139, 145, 161, 164,187, 211, 217, 219

nationalism, 2–6, 11–4, 18–30, 50, 59,65–70, 137, 153–6, 162–4, 177–83,186–7, 192, 194, 200–3, 206, 208,210–214

negative other-representation, 76, 82–83

Öhman, A., 170Ong, A. D., 193

Pantic, D., 184, 192, 209, 192, 209patriotism, 20, 42, 137Pettigrew, T., 50, 187, 208Phinney, J. S., 14, 30, 34, 135, 187, 193politicization of ethnicity/ies, 5, 159,

207, 209Popadic, D., 171, 184positive self-representation, 42, 57,

168–169prejudice, 33, 36–9, 41–2. 50, 124, 190,

194–6, 207print media, 65, 67–68, 71–72, 86, 214public sphere, 6, 49, 68–70, 72, 82,

85–86, 129, 214–215

Randall, B. A., 194religion, 2, 16, 22–4, 35, 42, 50, 57–8, 66,

113–4, 120, 138–44, 147–9, 156–8,161–3, 187, 194, 201, 208, 219–221

religiousness, 58–9, 65, 194–5, 200–3,206–9

Rosenthal, D. A., 193Ross, J. M., 58, 194Rot, N., 14, 59, 136, 193

Sartre, J., 164self-esteem, 32–33, 134, 153, 169, 207SFRY, 2, 5, 14, 24, 67, 69, 71, 211Sherif, M., 31, 39, 167, 187, 190Šiber, I., 170Sidanius, J., 207social categorization, 17, 25, 40, 134,

140, 157, 169, 183, 213

Index 245

social construct, 15, 135, 183social constructionism, 7, 17, 183,

191, 211social group/s, 30–3, 133, 136, 157, 167,

169, 183, 189, 190–1, 193, 195social identity theory, 39–40, 134, 169,

184, 207social identity, 7, 17, 20, 30–3, 45, 53,

67, 133–4, 137, 161, 167, 169, 184,188, 190–1, 207–8

social psychology, 6, 36, 70, 133, 135,167–8, 195, 211, 222

Tajfel, H., 17, 32, 39–40, 49, 133–4,167–9, 184, 186, 207

Taylor, D. A., 166, 194Triandis, H. C., 208

Turjacanin, V., 14, 36, 59, 72, 128, 170–2,184, 188–9, 191–3, 195–7, 203, 208,191–3, 195–7, 203, 208, 223

Turner, J. C., 17, 32, 40, 133–4, 158, 167,169, 184, 207

Valk, A., 193Velikonja, M., 2, 18, 24, 141, 207, 212Verkuyten, M., 187, 193

Wilkes, A. L., 186Williams, K. D., 207Wilmer, F., 159, 223Wittenbrink, B., 183Wodak, R., 43–47, 71, 82–83, 88–89, 99Worchel, S., 158, 222Wright, S. C., 166, 209