Emotions matter: Teachers’ feelings about their interactions with teacher trainers during...

82 CHINESE EDUCATION AND SOCIETY

Hong-biao Yin is an assistant professor in the department of curriculum and in-struction, faculty of education, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong; e-mail: [email protected]. John Chi-Kin Lee is vice president (academic) and chair professor of curriculum and instruction, Hong Kong Institute of Education, Hong Kong; e-mail: [email protected].

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Chinese Education and Society, vol. 44, no. 4, July–August 2011, pp. 82–97.© 2011 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved.ISSN 1061–1932/2011 $9.50 + 0.00.DOI 10.2753/CED1061-1932440405

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Hong-biao Yin and JoHn CHi-Kin Lee

Emotions MatterTeachers’ Feelings About Their Interactions with Teacher Trainers During Curriculum Reform

Abstract: Compared with the rich exploration of teachers’ emotional geographies in the West, there have been only a small number of studies conducted in Chinese societies that have adopted Har-greaves’s emotional geographies to analyze human interactions in education. This study explores the nature of emotions felt by teach-ers during their interactions with teacher trainers during the period of national curriculum reform in mainland China. Three kinds of emotional geographies were evident: professional, political, and moral. The implications for teacher emotion research and teacher development are discussed.

Emotional Geographies of Teaching and Educational Change

In the past decade, a significant theoretical shift has appeared in research about teacher emotions. Rather than using well-established

JUlY–AUgUST 2011 83

psychometric instruments to measure aspects of teachers’ emotions, such as job satisfaction, concerns with educational change, and stress and burnout in the workplace, researchers began to study teachers in the context of social interaction to understand more clearly the processes involved in “being emotional” (Carlyle and Woods 2002: xiv), because “emotions are located not just in the individual mind; they are embedded and expressed in human inter-actions and relationships” (Hargreaves 2000: 824). Findings from empirical studies have repeatedly suggested that teachers’ emotions are rooted in and affect their selves, identities, and relationships with others (Day and Kington 2008; Hargreaves 1998a; Lasky 2005).

It has been asserted that emotion lies “at the heart of teaching” (Hargreaves 1998b: 835). Teaching is a form of emotional practice and emotion labor, making emotional understanding between teachers and the people around them, including students, colleagues, and parents, a necessity for successful learning and teaching. Drawing on sym-bolic interactionism and postmodern geography, Hargreaves (2000, 2001a, 2001b) coined the term “emotional geographies of teaching” to illustrate the proximity and distance of human relationships and their impact on the emotional understanding between teachers and others in teaching and educational change. He defined emotional geographies of teaching as “the spatial and experiential patterns of closeness and/or distance in human interactions and relationships that help create, configure and color the feelings and emotions we experience about ourselves, our world and each other” (Hargreaves 2001b: 1061). Specifically, five forms of emotional geographies were examined by Hargreaves (2001a, 2001b): sociocultural geographies in which differences of culture, race, gender, and class can create distance between people and lead them to be treated as stereotypes; moral geographies in which people pursue common purposes and share a sense of accomplishment or in which they are defensive about their own purposes and unconcerned about the purposes of others; professional geographies in which teacher professionalism either sets professionals apart from their colleagues and clients or opens them up to exploring professional issues together; political geographies in which hierarchical power relationships distort the emotional com-munication between teachers and those around them; and physical


geographies of time and space that can bring and keep people in proximity over long periods so that relationships can develop.

Clearly, the idea of “emotional geographies of teaching” reflects the convergence of research trends emerging in two different fields. One is the “emotional turn” in geography, which acknowledges the presence of emotions in our understandings of the world and at-tempts to understand emotion in terms of its sociospatial mediation and articulation (Bondi et al. 2005). The other is the recognition of “social geographies” of educational change, which emphasizes the importance of social spaces in understanding how people produce and react to educational change, because the process of change and its human landscapes are created by the actors (or agents) operat-ing within a specific social context and structure (Hernández and Goodson 2004).

For analyzing the human interactions in teaching and educa-tional change, the framework of emotional geographies is help-ful for identifying the supports for and threats to the emotional understanding of schooling resulting from forms of distance or closeness in human relationships between teachers and others. Using this framework, Hargreaves and his colleagues conducted a series of studies to analyze the emotional interactions between teachers and students (Hargreaves 2000), leaders (Schmidt 2000), colleagues (Hargreaves 2001a), and parents (Hargreaves 2001b; Hargreaves and Lasky 2004). Recently, Dowling (2008) used this framework to understand gender relations in physical education teacher education. He found that negative emotions about gender issues are hegemonic on account of today’s configurations of hu-man relations in physical education teacher education, because the feeling rules of physical education construct “negative emotions” as being reasonable (247). At a symposium held at the London Insti-tute of Education in 2008, issues related to emotional geographies of education were extensively discussed, including the emotional landscape of class relationships in inner city schools (Reay 2008), the emotional geography of contemporary classrooms (Watkins 2008), and how the physical spaces of different types of schools are implicated in creating recognizable student subjectivities and demarcating belonging and exclusion (Nairn 2008).


Compared with the relatively rich exploration of teachers’ emotional geographies in the West, very few studies adopting Har-greaves’s emotional geographies have been undertaken to analyze human interactions in education in Chinese societies (e.g., Jiang 2004; Yin 2009). Moreover, although the relationships between teachers and others, such as students, colleagues, parents, leaders, and mentors, and their impact on teachers’ emotions have been investigated in teaching or educational change, the emotional inter-action between teachers and teacher trainers in curriculum reform is still an underexplored topic. Therefore, we sought to address this issue in the context of the national senior secondary school (SSS) curriculum reform in mainland China. Specifically, this study ex-plores these two principal questions: What emotions were felt by teachers during their interactions with teacher trainers in the SSS curriculum reform? What kinds of social factors, including profes-sional, political, and moral factors, influenced teachers’ emotional interactions with teacher trainers in the reform?

Context of This Study

Currently, national curriculum reform is high on the Ministry of Edu-cation’s (MOE) central basic education reform agenda in mainland China. In June 2001, the MOE initiated the eighth round of national curriculum reform, releasing the Compendium for Curriculum Re-form of Basic Education (Experimental Draft). In 2003, the new SSS curriculum guideline and national curriculum standards for fifteen subjects were published in succession. Accordingly, experiments in SSS curriculum reform were initiated in four selected locations (Guangdong, Shandong, Hainan, and Ningxia) in 2004 and these have gradually been extended to other provinces, such as Jiangsu, Fujian, Liaoning, and Zhejiang. By September 2009, twenty-four of the thirty-one provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions in mainland China were participating in the reform.

In this round of national curriculum reform, the MOE attempted to bring about a systemic change to the SSS curriculum, especially with regard to the following aspects (MOE 2003): (1) replacing the existing subject-based curriculum structure with a three-level


structure consisting of learning fields, subjects, and modules; (2) adopting an elective course and credit system; (3) granting students the opportunity to choose courses (improving students’ generic skills of independent inquiry, cooperation, communication, and problem-solving); (4) establishing a formative student evaluation system and connecting students’ academic performance to their growth portfolio; and (5) decentralizing the educational system and encouraging school-based curriculum development.

For teachers, not surprisingly, implementing such a large-scale curriculum reform is a very complex and difficult task, making teachers’ existing knowledge and expertise insufficient for the requirements of reform. Recognizing this, in the SSS curriculum reform, various teacher development activities were arranged by the central and local governments as well as schools, including lectures and seminars, short-term workshops, demonstration lessons, cross-district/province school visits, and school-based teaching research. In these activities, teaching research officers ([TROs] jiaoyanyuan) and university specialists in subject content, teacher education or curriculum studies usually assumed the responsibility for teacher training. Although these activities had some positive influence on the implementation of SSS curriculum reform, researchers also found that both the content and forms of teacher training could be improved further (Ma et al. 2009) and that the professional support that teachers obtained was far from adequate (Ma 2009).

Methodology

This study is part of a three-year qualitative research project (2005–2008) focused on teacher emotion in curriculum reform in mainland China. In this project, we sought to explore teachers’ emotional experiences during the implementation of the SSS cur-riculum reform in Guangzhou, the provincial city of Guangdong, one of the four “early bird” locations engaged in the first round of SSS curriculum reform.

Embedded case study was employed in which both schools and teachers were considered as units of analysis. In Guangzhou, all SSSs were classified into five levels according to the students’ academic


achievements in the enrollment examination. To detect teachers’ emo-tional experiences in schools with different backgrounds, we selected two schools, one in the upper and one in the middle level. The one in the upper level (S1) was one of the six key schools in Guangzhou, and the other (S2) was an ordinary school with a lower academic level. In each school, one school administrator with responsibility for teaching matters and several teachers from different genders, sub-jects, and teaching experience were investigated. Table 1 summarizes background information about these schools and teachers.

To gain some understanding of the perceptions of teacher train-ers, two other informants were invited to participate in this study: one university specialist in curriculum studies in Guangzhou and one TRO in the Guangdong provincial teaching research office. As a result, seventeen informants participated in the study.

We employed semistructured interviews to collect information about teacher emotions. Each interview, conducted in a private space within each school, lasted at least one hour and concentrated on eliciting teachers’ feelings or emotional episodes experienced during their interactions with teacher trainers in the SSS curriculum reform and their opinions about the roles of emotion in teaching and curriculum reform. Following Hargreaves’s (2001b) suggestions, teachers were asked to describe particular incidents that highlighted their positive or negative emotions. The main interview questions included the following: Were there any incidents that made you feel joyful (or happy, excited)/sad (or anxious, worried) in your interactions with the teacher trainers? Why did you have these feelings about your interactions with the teacher trainers? What were your perceptions of the effectiveness of teacher development in the SSS curriculum reform?

Findings

Professional Geographies

Professional geographies concern the closeness or distance caused by competing forms of professionalism that help or handicap emotional understanding between teachers and others (Dowling 2008; Hargreaves 2001b). Many studies have shown that teach-


ers’ attitudes toward and behavior in curriculum reform follow the “practicality ethic,” highlighting the importance of instrumentality of the reform initiatives or training programs (Ma et al. 2009). In the training programs of the SSS curriculum reform, different types of teacher trainers, for example, TROs and university specialists, had different professional orientations, which is mirrored in both the teacher interviews and the narrations of the teacher trainers themselves. In general, TROs usually had abundant teaching experience in primary or secondary schools. They could provide teachers with useful, practical guidance for their classroom teach-ing. However, university specialists, by and large, were inclined to provide clear interpretation of some kinds of educational theory or updated knowledge in some disciplines. Generally, TROs followed an experience-based, practice-oriented approach, whereas univer-sity specialists adhered to a knowledge-based, theory-oriented ap-proach, which is reflected in these quotations from our interviews with the TRO and the university specialist:

I came to the teaching research office after over twenty years as a teacher. I am very clear about how tired a frontline teacher is. . . . [What teachers need most] are lesson demonstrations, discussion of lesson cases. For the subject geography, it concerns field study. . . . Teachers are most in-terested to know: How to guide students? How to operate? (TRO-M)

I could only talk from a theoretical perspective—this is our respon-sibility as a theory researcher. . . . I think that it is necessary to have theory before the integration between theory and practice. There is not

Table 1

Background Information About the School Informants

School

School background Informants involved

Key school Level School personnel Subject teachers

S1 Yes 1 One teaching affair director

6

S2 No 3 One grade master teacher in charge of the whole grade teaching affair

7


a lack of practice. . . . What is lacking is theory and so it is essential to develop theories. (US-M)

Because of the proximity between the professional orientations of teachers and TROs, in some degree, teachers had positive feelings about their interactions with TROs and had some positive evaluation about the effect of the training programs initiated by TROs.

We are quite satisfied with our teaching research officers. They come to advise us about our teaching and help build a platform to facilitate communication between schools. . . . Frankly, these activities are use-ful. (S1-TF-5)

However, because the SSS curriculum reform advocated many new educational ideas and practices, such as constructivism, multiple intelligences, and inquiry-based learning, TROs, like the SSS teachers, also lacked a thorough knowledge of the theory and practice of these initiatives. As a result, the practical guidance they could provide for teachers was limited.

Although teaching research activities offer great support, these activi-ties have little impact. It is because teaching research officers in charge of teacher training do not know how to deal with the new curriculum themselves. If they do not know, how can they train us? In every teaching research activity, we come across a variety of experimental lessons. They do not give us an overall evaluation: How to conduct a good lesson? How to realize the essence of the new curriculum? . . . They only say, “This attempt is good”—they also give us this answer. We do not know where our direction is. (S2-TM-2)

For the training programs provided by university specialists, teachers felt the content of these programs was too abstract and too far away from their teaching practice, so these programs were useless. They even suspected what the university specialists told them was empty boasting.

The university offers too strong a theoretical aspect and these theories are very hollow—not too much matching the realities of secondary school teaching. Do they, the so-called expert scholars, really under-stand the new curriculum? (S1-TM-3)

If some university specialists totally ignored the needs of teachers in curriculum reform, the teacher training would be irrelevant to


teachers’ practice, and the interactions between teachers and these trainers would collapse. A teacher described the breakdown of the interaction between teachers and university specialists.

The university professor before he lectured said, “You are assigned by different teaching research offices, and we are forced by our superiors to offer training. Our professional knowledge does not match the needs of the new curriculum, so what I talk about today may not be something you need. Please excuse me. If you have any problems, please find our leaders.” This professor started to lecture on his expertise in history. [Exclamation] Another professor comes next and . . . lectures on a similar topic. . . . A teacher stands up and says, “Professor, we already know what you have taught. Can you talk about something we wish to know such as what findings you have discovered in the research on the implementation of the new curriculum. Are there any examples? What will the college examination assess? He responds with, “I am not sure about these issues, and it is not the business of our training. This is the business of the examination center.” Under this sort of training, we are all frigid. We get nothing out of this and does it fool the frontline teachers? (S1-TF-4)

In this case, the teacher expressed her anger about the irrespon-sible university specialists. The two university specialists did not pay any attention to teachers’ needs in the reform and completely ignored the distance between their professional orientation and that of the teachers, which ignited teachers’ fury and made teachers feel very disappointed.

Political Geographies

Political geographies are concerned with teachers’ position in the hierarchical power structure. This structure can have a strong influence on teachers’ feelings, because emotion is bound up with people’s experiences of power and powerless (Dowling 2008; Hargreaves 2001b). As a teacher said, teachers were situated very low down in the decision-making system for curriculum reform in China. Although teachers might be active agents of change, they had no power to change many elements.

Curriculum reform is grand engineering. However, what are our lever-ages? It is our teachers who are the weakest part of this educational


system, which includes such components as the official agency (the education bureau), people designing teaching materials, parents, society, students, schools, and teachers. What has curriculum reform chosen? Teachers. Although the teacher is the most active factor, it is the weakest because it does not have the capacity to change other things. (S1-TF-4)

In China, teaching research offices (jiaoyanshi) have been estab-lished in government education departments at the district/county and provincial/municipal levels. The functions of these institutions include helping teachers understand the curriculum standards and teaching materials, coordinating the subject tests in local areas, and providing pedagogical support to teachers. For teachers, the TROs are a kind of educational administrator in the local area. Hence, in various training programs about the SSS curriculum reform, although TROs’ guidance on how to implement ideas advocated by the reform might be limited, teachers still attached great importance to the TROs’ advice.

We often meet the teaching research officers. When we meet, we grasp the chance to express our confusion. It is because they stand in a higher position than us. (S1-TF-5)

Teachers hold complex feelings about the university specialists. On the one hand, teachers felt envy toward the higher social status enjoyed by the university specialists; on the other hand, teachers did not trust the training provided by them. Moreover, compared with the university specialists, teachers considered themselves a disadvantaged group, because they were more vulnerable to being blamed for any education failure of the curriculum reform.

Secondary school teachers really admire university teachers. They [uni-versity teachers] work at a higher level but we feel that they are not doing realistic things. They guide us based on their imagination. (S1-TF-1)

Secondary school teachers form weak communities . . . but university teachers form strong communities. . . . So when there are problems, they blame basic education: “You see, it is secondary school teachers who teach students poorly.” (S2-TF-3)

As a teacher said, in the effective training programs, the relations


between teachers and the trainers should be equal rather than hier-archical. If not, the power distance between teachers and trainers will cause emotional misunderstanding between them.

If real development is to take place, [trainers] should talk to teachers on an equal basis instead of his standing on the podium and us sitting on the benches. In this way, you will look down upon us and we will not listen to you. I have tons of things to do and a heap of assignments to mark. We don’t have time to hear your fabrication of tales, right? (S2-TM-2)

Moral Geographies

The term “moral geographies” refers to the distance between teachers’ moral purpose and that of the trainers. When they have a common purpose in curriculum reform, emotional understand-ing between teachers and trainers is more likely to be established (Dowling 2008; Hargreaves 2000). Many teachers in our study were excited about the coming of the SSS curriculum reform because they thought it was the right time to correct the long-standing malpractices of the educational system in China, such as passive learning and the tradition of teaching for examinations.

Having such a reform makes every teacher feel thrilled. . . . When we look at surveys on the defects of the old curriculum and hear about the conception of new curriculum reform, I feel, “Well, this reform is good!” (S2-TF-1)

Before the SSS curriculum reform, the textbooks used in schools were all compiled and published by the People’s Education Press, an official publishing institute under the MOE. However, one sig-nificant transformation in the reform was the decentralization of textbook writing and publishing. Many local publishing institutes obtained the authority to publish textbooks after the drafts of the textbooks were approved by the MOE. As a result, some TROs and university specialists were invited to compile textbooks for these publishing institutes. In teachers’ opinion, the quality of some new textbooks was really poor, but some TROs still voted for the use of these textbooks.


According to our situation, the new teaching material is still crude. Obviously, the arrangement of exercises does not hang well together with the content of teaching materials and sometimes incoherently gets in a muddle. (S1-TM-4)

What democracy means is using voting to say, “We all agree to use the Guangdong version”—we secondary school teachers have no voting rights. The people in the teaching research offices vote together on selecting one of the five versions. Because some people who vote are also involved in designing the textbook, they will vote for themselves, right! [knocking the table] (S2-TM-5)

These aspects relating to the selection of new textbooks led teach-ers to suspect that the motive of the textbook writers, also teacher trainers, was more about commercial profit than education. The distance between teachers’ moral purpose and that of the trainers weakened the emotional relationship between them.

Sometimes I cannot help wondering whether this reform is really a reform or is it an economic plunder of the educated? . . . The teaching materials have made some contribution to the GDP. It makes people feel that there is an economic element in it and it is not purely for reforming education. (S2-TM-1)

Discussion

Emotional Geographies and Teachers’ Feelings About Their Interactions with Trainers

Our study focused on exploring teachers’ feelings about their interactions with teacher trainers in the SSS curriculum reform in mainland China. The results showed that teachers experienced various emotions when they interacted with TROs and university specialists and had different evaluations of the training programs provided by them. Table 2 presents teachers’ perceptions concerning the teacher-trainer interactions in curriculum reform.

As shown in Table 2, the results of the present study suggested that the framework of emotional geographies is helpful for us in investigating the social factors affecting teachers’ emotions. Three kinds of emotional geographies were evident in this study on teach-


ers’ feelings of their emotional interactions with teacher trainers: professional, political, and moral.

Although the interactions with the trainers can provoke joy, envy, confusion, anger, and other disturbing emotions in teachers, our findings indicate that teachers’ feelings about their interactions with the trainers are mixed rather than pure in most cases, because they are the consequences of the interplay between professional, politi-cal, and moral geographies. The proximity of one of them alone is not sufficient to develop strong emotional understanding between teachers and trainers. Only when the three conditions are satisfied at the same time—that is, some desirable professional orientation of the trainer, the equal power relationship between teachers and the trainer, and the consensus on moral purpose between teachers and the trainer—can positive feelings be developed. Compared with other studies about emotional geographies (e.g., Dowling 2008; Hargreaves 2000, 2001a, 2001b; Hargreaves and Lasky 2004) that emphasize the effect of individual emotional geographies on teacher emotion, the present study highlights the interrelations of different emotional geographies and their comprehensive impact on teachers’ feelings.

Implications for Teacher Trainer and Teacher Development in Curriculum Reform

As suggested by Fullan and Hargreaves (1992), when we talk about specific educational changes, “teacher development and implementation go hand in hand” (1). The findings from the pres-ent study bring some implications for teacher trainers and teacher development in the SSS curriculum reform.

On the one hand, policy and research on teacher development and educational change usually ignores or minimizes the emo-tional significance of teachers’ work (Hargreaves 1998a). However, the findings of our study suggest that trainers, administrators, and researchers should reexamine the emotional geographies of teacher-trainer interactions and make emotion a core rather than a peripheral part of teacher development. Teacher trainers who come from teaching research offices, universities, and colleges


Table 2

Teachers’ Perceptions Concerning Teacher-Trainer Interactions

FeelingsProfessional orientation

Power relationship

Moral purpose

Perceived support

Teaching research officers

Mixed Experience-based, practice-oriented

Higher in administrative hierarchy

Possibly eroded by commercial profit

Medium

University specialists

Mixed Knowledge-based, theory-oriented

Higher in social status

Possibly eroded by commercial profit

Low

could act as instructional coaches and positive agents of change. Knight (2009) suggests some tactics that instructional coaches can adopt to enhance change: walking on solid ground, clarifying your message, being ambitious and humble, confronting reality, under-standing school culture, and taking care of yourself. It is important for teacher trainers to “do all you can to ensure that your teachers know what is expected of them and have what they need to imple-ment the teaching practices you share with them” (132) as well as to maintain their innocence, curiosity, and compassion. Through the lens of teacher emotion, we know why teachers like or dislike some specific teacher development programs. In essence, teachers’ emotions articulate teachers’ voices about their professional lives, moral purposes, and career development (Goodson 1991). Failure to understand teachers’ emotions is failure to understand teachers’ teaching and their needs for professional development.

On the other hand, previous studies have repeatedly recognized the importance of the form and content of teacher development programs (Garet et al. 2001; Ma et al. 2009; Penuel et al. 2007). The findings of this study support the claims of these studies that effective teacher development should focus on subject content knowledge, provide guidance for teachers’ classroom practice, offer opportuni-ties for active learning, and be coherent with teachers’ other learning activities. Meanwhile, it is also suggested that teacher trainers pay attention to their understanding of the nature of teacher development


in the context of curriculum reform. Usually, trainers are reputed to be mentors or supervisors of teachers. However, due to the uncertain-ties brought by systematic change, even the teacher trainers do not have sufficient knowledge to answer the question, “What is good teaching?” Considering trainers as learners is also important for effective teacher development programs, which emphasize mutual and interactive learning and professional development of both the trainers and the frontline teachers, which is exactly what Knight (2009) meant by “personal humility” of the coaches (132).

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