"Egypto-Asiatic Relations during the Iron Age to early Persian Periods (Egyptian Dynasties late...

Egypto-Levantine relations during the Iron Age to early Persian periods (Dynasties late 20 to 26)

G. Mumford

It is a pleasure to offer this article in honour of Professor Alan Lloyd, whose publications have guided many of my academic endeavours concerning this time period, and with whom I have recently had the distinction of teaching as a colleague at the University of Wales Swansea. The following study also owes much to Professor John S. Holladay, Jr., who supervised its scope and struc-ture throughout my graduate coursework and dissertation at the University of Toronto.�

Introduction:To date, there has been a greater focus on Egypto-Asiatic relations in the Late Bronze Age (ca. �550–��50 BC) than during much of the succeeding Iron Age to early Persian periods (ca. ��50–525 BC). In regards to the Iron Age, the first few centuries of which have sometimes been labeled a “Dark Age”, most studies have relied more upon textual-pictorial evidence and have yet to explore the full potential offered by the extant archaeological record, especially regarding the quantification and analysis of diverse data. Although this defi-ciency is related to less pertinent archaeological and textual evidence having survived from the Iron Age,2 sufficient data remain to clarify diverse aspects of Egypt’s relations with the Levant. The following paper addresses these issues, summarizing and augmenting the Iron Age portion of this writer’s Ph.D. dis-sertation (�998) and related research.�

� Further acknowledgements go to my wife (Dr. S. Parcak), friends, and family, to my thesis committee members (Professors E. D. Banning; J. S. Holladay, Jr.; N. B. Millet; D. B. Redford; C. Redmount; T. C. Young), to D. Gorzo, for proofreading major portions of the dissertation in its final stages, and to a variety of funding and employment agencies that supported this research during my graduate studies: the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, an IODE War Memorial Scholarship for Doctoral Study, an Ontario Graduate Schol-arship, a University of Toronto Open Fellowship, and the Akhenaten Temple Project (directed by D. B. Redford and S. Redford).2 In general, at least 985 Late Bronze Age texts survive attesting to Egypto-Asiatic relations. This quantity contrasts greatly with 27 such texts spanning �200 to 7�2 BC, at least 8� texts from 7�2 to 600 BC, and a minimum of 49 texts from 600 to 525 BC (see Mumford �998: �49–497).� Further thanks to T. C. Young for supervising my research on cultural interactions between Egypt and Neo-Assyria ca. 9��–605 BC.

G. Mumford�42

This study quantified Egypt’s material relations with Sinai and Syria-Pal-estine in mortuary, cultic, and occupation contexts at selected Iron Age sites,4 applying regression analysis5 and standard error6 in assessing the distributions of Egyptian and Egyptianizing7 materials outside Egypt. In order to provide an independent check for the sample set, this study quantified and assessed the dispersal of well-published Egyptian royal name artefacts (including monu-ments) throughout the Near East: Sinai, Syria-Palestine, Cyprus, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and Persia. In addition, the research incorporated and discussed well-published inscriptional evidence for Egypto-Asiatic relations in compar-ison with the archaeological data.

In essence, the current paper presents a broad overview of the nature and dispersal of Egyptian and Egyptianizing items throughout the Near East in general, and across time (ca. ��50–525 BC), revealing patterns, trends, and discrepancies between the peaks and lows in Egyptian influence found in di-verse textual and archaeological contexts. However, before discussing the vari-ous data and overall findings, it is necessary to summarize the most pertinent aspects of the methodological approach.

Methodological approach:In considering both the epigraphic and archaeological records to assess Egyp-4 The Iron Age site sample consisted of Tell Abu Salima (Sheikh Zuweid), Tell er-Ruqeish, Tell el-Kheleifeh (“Ezion-Geber”), Kadesh Barnea, Tawilan, Horvat Qitmit, Beer Sheba, Tell Farah South, Tell Beit Mirsim, Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir), Gezer, Tell el-‘Ajjul, Ashdod, Tell Qasile, Tell Michal, Tell Mevorakh, Megiddo, Beth Shan, Tell Keisan, Hazor, Sarepta, Tyre, and Carchemish (including the adjacent Yunus cemetery).5 For this particular study, regression analysis has been used to plot the overall linear trend in Egyptian(izing) artefact percentages in occupation, mortuary, and cultic assemblages, from south to north along the Levantine coast, and for a series of west-east overland routes from each coastal site. This has been examined for the twelve sub-periods documented between ��50 and 525 BC. Regression lines display the overall linear average, expressed normally as a descending line for a linear sequence of percentages, but sometimes yield reverse regressions with an ascending line, indicating an abnormal increase in items further away from the conjectured source.6 Standard error is the means by which one can provide confidence intervals (expressed as +/- a given percentage) for the proportion of Egyptian artefacts within a given Levantine artefact assemblage. Standard error is calculated by multiplying the proportion of Egyptian artefacts (p) by the proportion of non-Egyptian artefacts (q), dividing the resulting figure by the sample size (n), and then taking the square root of the final figure (see further Shennan �988: �02–4, ��, ��6–2�, �27, ��0). For example, the standard error for 9.8% Egyptian(izing) items (�� of ��5 small finds) would be calculated by multiplying 0.098 (p) by 0.902 (q), and obtaining 0.088�96. This result is divided by the overall sample size of ��5 artefacts (n), resulting in 0.000280622, from which the square root provides a proportion of 0.0�675�7. This equals a standard error of +/- �.67% for the �� Egyptian(izing) items.7 “Egyptian(izing)” artefacts range from items of Egyptian materials, forms, and surface treat-ment (e.g., an Aswan granite royal statue with an identifying cartouche) to a non-Egyptian material and form with Egyptian motifs (e.g., a lapis lazuli cylinder seal with Egyptian hiero-glyphs). Hence, the material, form, and surface treatment may range from Egyptian, to a generic or non-Egyptian aspect. A generic component may be something found across Egypt and the Levant, such as a material lacking source trace analysis (e.g., faience; limestone; basalt) and a non-diagnostic motif (e.g., a circle/disk).

Egypto-Levantine relations during the Iron Age to early Persian periods �4�

to-Asiatic relations and to analyze the broad trends and patterns emerging from both data sets, it is essential to consider their inherent complex biases, which vary through time and with each spatial and socio-cultural context. For instance, textual-pictorial sources yield the cultural perspectives and biases of their authors, artists, and patrons. The nature and extent of the recorded infor-mation varies widely depending upon the objectives and genre of each source: e.g., monumental and religious texts, administrative, economic, and diplomatic documents, correspondence, literature, and many other categories. Monumen-tal propagandistic texts often exaggerate the nature and extent of Egyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and other military conquests, victories, and the quantities of booty, captives, and tribute. There is also differential preservation, recovery, and publication of epigraphic materials, which are affected by the varying media upon which records occur, macro- and micro-climatic condi-tions, and numerous other factors.

Although the archaeological record offers broader geographical and tempo-ral coverage for individual sites and contexts, it too contains deficiencies. For example, each region, site, and context yields varying preservation for artefacts and materials. In turn, individual contexts and time periods have received dif-ferent strategies behind their selection and excavation. Past and present inves-tigators have also applied widely varying techniques of excavation, recording, and publication within and between separate regions, sites, and portions of sites. This diversity in approaching and publishing archaeological data impacts particularly upon quantifying and analyzing Egyptian(izing) artefacts within foreign contexts. Further complications arise concerning the interpretation of discrete material culture assemblages, such as the presence of earlier materials in later strata, whether through debris, heirlooms, a contemporaneous trade in antiquities, or other agents.

In order to realize the proposed research objectives, this writer examined a broad range of readily available and known inscriptional sources dealing with Egypto-Asiatic relations and a geographical sample of 24 well-published archaeological sites covering the study area and time span. The inclusion of Egyptian royal name items throughout the Near East provided a partly inde-pendent assessment of the historical and archaeological data regarding peaks and lows in Egyptian influence. In order to generate more meaningful infor-mation and to gauge different levels of Egyptian and Egyptianizing influ-ences within Syria-Palestine, the data base was subdivided into occupation, mortuary, and cultic assemblages. In-turn, the study materials for each site were tallied and evaluated according to the smallest published contexts, by each deposit/locus, chamber/grave, structure/tomb, and area/cemetery. For most published assemblages, the overall poor representation of the actual ex-cavated numbers of diagnostic potsherds and pottery encouraged the artificial subdivision of the data base into “pottery” and “non-pottery” (i.e., small finds, or “artefacts”) for broad-scale comparisons. In certain situations, medium to

G. Mumford�44

large deposits of beads, amulets, and pendants also required re-configuration into a minimum number of “necklaces” in order to allow more meaningful as-sessments of the quantities of Egyptian necklaces in contrast to indigenous or other necklaces (versus bracelets and anklets). For instance, depending upon individual bead lengths (2–40 mm), a simple necklace might contain �� to 250 beads for an adult. In other cases, a single deposit of a few playing pieces from a game board would be counted as reflecting “one” game set. Hence, by minimizing the component parts from otherwise originally single artefacts, such large deposits could be reconstructed into more comprehensible totals for analyzing the proportions of Egyptian(izing) items within the surviving Syro-Palestinian material culture assemblage.

Egypto-Asiatic relations in the historical record:An overview of the historical background to the Iron Age is essential for under-standing the mechanisms and reasons behind the dispersal of Egyptian(izing) artefacts throughout the Near East. The specific date(s) and circumstances re-garding the loss of Egypt’s New Kingdom Levantine empire remain obscure, but it appears that Egyptian control declined continuously during the reigns of Ramesses III–VI (Iron Age �A).8 The succeeding Iron �B through early Persian periods (Dynasties late 20–26) experienced fluctuating intensities in Egyptian military, diplomatic, and commercial contact with Syria-Palestine and neighbouring states. However, the patchwork of pertinent contemporane-ous and later documentation provides good evidence for continuous Egyptian interest and involvement in the Levant during this timeframe (tables 2–�),9 with invaluable complementary and supplementary data from the archaeo-logical record (see further below).

A review of known and postulated Egyptian military campaigns in Syria-Palestine:Regarding military campaigns, inscriptions have yielded minimal evidence for Egyptian involvement in the Levant during the reigns of Ramesses VII–XI (ca.��6–�070 BC) in late Dynasty 20 (early Iron Age �B). Ramesses IX ap-pears to have dispatched troops against the Shasu Bedouin near the Red Sea,�0 but the exact location of this conflict remains elusive. This otherwise peaceful situation continues for much of Dynasty 2� (ca. �069–945 BC; Iron Age �B–8 This is in contrast to the Egyptian control of Nubia, which appears to have continued until the end of Dynasty 20.9 The sequence of �2 rulers listed in these and other tables consist of the Tanite kings of Dynasties 2�–22 and the Kushite and Saite kings of Dynasties 25–6. Although the focus on Dynasties 2�–22 Tanite rulers does ignore the existence of contemporary Egyptian rulers (The-ban theocracy, Dynasties 2�–24, and chiefdoms), it allows some brevity within the tables and recognizes the proximity of the Tanite kingdom to Egypt’s eastern frontier.�0 A locality designated Qehqeh may represent a quarry in the Eastern Desert (see Peden �994: 7�–6).

Egypto-Levantine relations during the Iron Age to early Persian periods �45

2A), with the possible exceptions of Psusennes I (ca.�0�9–99� BC) and Siamun (ca. 978–959 BC). An epithet of Psusennes I, namely “seizer of cities”, alludes to military activity that might have occurred in Palestine.�� A later relief block from Tanis depicts an unusual detail in a scene of King Siamun smiting an enemy who holds a double axe.�2 In this case, there is slightly stronger support for an Egyptian raid against a Levantine polity, such as Philistia, which is well-attested using such axes during the early Iron Age (e.g., Gezer).�� In addition, a later biblical account (I Kings 9: �5–�8) notes the Egyptian capture and destruc-tion of the Philistine city of Gezer, which was reportedly given to King Solomon as a dowry for Pharaoh’s daughter.�4 This biblical account also reveals diverse military and other relations between Egypt and Israel around this time.

The first well-attested evidence for renewed Egyptian imperialism in the Levant occurs circa 925 BC, near the end of Sheshonq I’s reign (ca. 945–924 BC) in early Dynasty 22.�5 This momentous campaign concentrated upon South Palestine, including the Negev, Philistia, Judah, and Israel,�6 and marks the overall dividing point between Iron Age 2A and 2B. The main objectives of Sheshonq I’s campaign may have included reducing, if not ending, Judah’s domination of and tariffs imposed upon the lucrative trade routes through the Negev (i.e., Red Sea spice trade), Philistia, and elsewhere.�7

Throughout Iron Age �B (ca. 924–7�5 BC), minimal military activity charac-terizes Egypt’s relations with the Levant. Later biblical references allude to activ-ity by “Zerar the Ethiopian (Kushite)”,�8 who is interpreted generally as a military �� See Redford �992: ��. Kitchen (�986: 267) found no evidence for military activity by Psusennes I.�2 See Kitchen �986: 280–�, note 22�; see also Redford �97�: 4.�� See Lance �976: 252–9�; Sandars �985: 40–�, fig. �8.�4 This biblical account has been linked with Siamun (ca. 978–959 BC), who overlaps briefly with the time period generally ascribed to King Solomon (ca. 965–925 BC). See Kitchen �986: 280–�, note 22�.�5 Sheshonq I’s campaign is recorded in the Great Karnak Relief at Karnak Temple (Breasted �906 vol. 4: �48, �55–7 sections 7�8–22), an associated text in Karnak Temple (Breasted �906 vol. 4: �58 section 724), a coffin fragment from the Ramesseum (Breasted �906 vol.4: �48 section 709, note b), and a fragmentary stela from Karnak Temple (Breasted �906 vol. 4: �58 section 724A). A further allusion appears in an epithet for Amun (“Conqueror-of-Foreign-Lands”) on a statue of Djedkhonsefankh, the Fourth Prophet of Amun-Re (Cairo Museum 559), who served during the reigns of Sheshonq I, Osorkon I, Sheshonq II and Takeloth I (Li-chtheim �980: �4, notes �–4). Later biblical texts (I Kings �4: 25–28; II Chronicles �2: �–�2) also hearken back to a campaign by “Shishak king of Egypt”, while the discovery at Megiddo of an unstratified commemorative stela fragment of Sheshonq I confirms his campaign into southern Palestine (Porter and Moss �952: �8�).�6 A later and somewhat exaggerated account, in II Chronicles �2: 25–27, claims that Shes-honq I’s army consisted of �,200 chariots, 60,000 horsemen, and innumerable troops composed of Egyptians, Libyans, Suk’k-im, and “Ethiopians” (Kushites).�7 Wilson (2005) argues that Sheshonq I’s campaign focused upon Judah with the intent to bolster Jeroboam’s efforts to rule Israel as a separate state.�8 See Hebrew 8–�4 and II Chronicles �4: 9–�5; Kitchen �986: �09. The later biblical ac-counts relate that King Asa of Judah defeated an Egyptian army at Mareshah, 5 km northeast of Lachish, and pursued and slaughtered the fleeing army as far as the Philistine city of Gerar.

G. Mumford�46

commander serving Osorkon I (ca. 924–889 BC). Of note, the next best attested Egyptian military involvement in Syria-Palestine occurs during the ca. 85� BC participation of �,000 Egyptian troops in a much larger Levantine coalition against Assyria and Shalmaneser III at the Battle of Qarqar (contemporary with Osorkon II).�9 For the period following this battle, II Kings 7: 6 provides a less specific reference to an Egyptian military alliance with Israel against Damascus, which is assigned at some point during the reign of Takeloth II (ca. 850–825 BC) (see Kitchen �986: �26). At the end of Iron Age �B, around 720 BC during the reign of Osorkon IV, Egypt is also attested allying itself militarily with Hanno of Gaza, but fails in an attempt to thwart Assyria’s expansion into Philistia.20

The advent of the Kushite period (Dynasty 25: ca. 7�6–656 BC) coincides with early Iron Age 2C and witnesses a brief period of Kushite diplomatic relations with Assyria.2� This is followed by a resumption of Egyptian military alliances with Judah, Philistia, and neighbouring Levantine states, and their attempts to repel the expanding Assyrian empire (Mumford �998: 4�6–4�). Shebitku, who ruled from ca. 702 to 690 BC, apparently corresponded with, if not promised military support to, a coalition of Levantine states that rebelled against Assyria in 702/� BC (Kitchen �986: �8�–85). He dispatched Egyptian and Kushite troops and chariots to southern Palestine in order to relieve the Assyrian siege of Jerusalem.22 Despite an initial Assyrian victory against this Egyptian force in the Plain of Eltekeh in Philistia, biblical accounts allude to a second Egyptian attack. 2� This represents either a regrouping of the initial Egyptian force, or the appearance of another Egyptian army led by (prince / “king”) Taharqa, who may have played a role in Sennacherib’s failure to secure Judah.

Egypt’s fortune soon declined and Kings Taharqa (690–664 BC) and Tan-This battle is generally ascribed to year �4 of King Asa (ca. 897 BC), at some point during the reign of Osorkon I (Kitchen �986: �09).�9 An Assyrian stela, the Monolith Inscription from Kurkh, records a campaign by Shalma-neser III in year six, in which he faces “�,000 soldiers from Musri (Egypt)” amongst a much larger coalition force at Karkara (Qarqar) (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 278–79; see also Luckenbill �926: 2��, 222–� sections 6�0–��).20 The Annals of Sargon II from Khorsabad mention an agreement between Hanno of Gaza and the king of Egypt, the latter of whom sent Sib’e his turtan (commander?) to assist Hanno in year two of Sargon II (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 284 no.7 [a]�, 284–5, lines 2�–57; see Kitchen �986: �72–7). Sargon II defeated this joint force and destroyed Rapihu (Raphia), while Sib’e es-caped. Further details appear on Nimrud Prism D of Sargon II (Gadd �954: �80–2, pls. 45–6).2� Later entries from the Annals of Sargon II and Prism A relate the usurpation of rule in Ashdod by a person called Imani, who rebelled against Assyria. He subsequently fled to Musur (Egypt), which is described as now belonging to ‘Meluhha’ (Napata/Kush versus “Ethiopia”). He was re-turned to Assyria by the Napatan ruler, probably Shabako (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 285–7; Kitchen �986: �80). Isaiah 20: �–6 contains some references to Sargon II’s capture of Ashdod.22 The Oriental Institute Prism of Sennacherib describes the battle between Egypt and As-syria (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 287–8 no.8). Several biblical accounts follow the basic sequence of events recorded by the Assyrians (see II Kings �8: ��–�5; II Chronicles �2: 9–�5; Isaiah �6: 4–�0).2� Biblical accounts provide alternate explanations for Sennacherib’s failure to take Jerusalem and Judah (see II Kings �9: �–�� and �5–�6; Isaiah �7: �–�� and �6–�7; II Chronicles �2: 2�; see also Kitchen �986: �85–6).


wetamani (664–656 BC) faced border skirmishes, invasions, and brief military occupations by Assyria in 674, 67�, 667, and 664 BC. In 674 BC, Esarhaddon’s initial direct attack against Egypt failed and Taharqa managed to expel the As-syrian army from Egypt.24 Esarhaddon’s 67� BC invasion of Egypt succeeded, however, and the Assyrian army reached Memphis, seizing many captives and booty for removal to Assyria.25 Taharqa managed to remove the Assyrian gar-rison from Memphis by 669 BC, stirring Esarhaddon to muster another ex-pedition to recapture Egypt.26 Esarhaddon’s death en-route to Egypt delayed this reprisal until 667 BC, when Ashurbanipal recaptured Memphis, occupied Egypt as far south as Thebes, and reduced Taharqa’s kingdom to Nubia and southernmost Egypt.27 Within a year, the Assyrians had uncovered plans for another Egyptian rebellion within Assyrian-held Egypt, executed virtually all of its leaders, and appointed Necho (I) as the ruler of Sais, confirming Psam-metichus I as his heir.28 The next Kushite ruler, Tanwetamani, retook Thebes, and besieged and recaptured Memphis around 664 BC,29 provoking an im-mediate Assyrian response. This action culminated in Ashurbanipal’s invasion, reoccupation, and looting of Memphis and Thebes, and presumably their hin-terland, by 664/� BC.�0

At the advent of his reign, from 66� to 656 BC, Psammetichus I expanded his control over Lower and Upper Egypt, being recognized throughout Egypt as the legitimate ruler by 654 BC. ��

24 The Assyrian attack on Egypt is noted in the Chronicle of Esarhaddon (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �0�; Kitchen �986: �9� note 870), while its defeat is specified in the Babylonian Chronicle (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �02).25 Various details concerning this campaign are recorded in the Babylonian and Esarhaddon Chronicles (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �02–�), fragments of Assyrian texts in the British Museum (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �92–� K.�082, K.�086, S.2027), the Senjirli Stela (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 29� no.9), the Dog River Stela (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 29� no.9 [B]), and later texts (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 296 no. �0a lines �4–�9; Biggs in Pritchard �969: 605–6; Pfeiffer in Pritchard �969: 450).26 Both the Esarhaddon and Babylonian Chronicles mention this aborted campaign (Op-penheim in Pritchard �969: �0�).27 Details of this campaign are found in various texts, such as the Esarhaddon Chronicle (Op-penheim in Pritchard �969: �0�), an Oracle of Ninlil (Pfeiffer in Pritchard �969: 450–5�, lines 8–�9), the Rassam Cylinder from Nineveh (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 294; Kitchen �986: �92, section �5�), and several texts in the British Museum (K.228 and K.2675; see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 296; Luckenbill �927: �48–9, lines �5–�9).28 The aforementioned texts yield further information on these events (Luckenbill �927: �49–50, lines �6–4�, 47–5�, and 54–6�; Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295–7; Redford �980a: �69).29 See the Rassam Cylinder (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295) and Tanwetamani’s Dream Stela (Kitchen �986: �9�, note 88�; Breasted �906 vol.4: 468–7�).�0 Ashurbanipal’s second campaign is described in the Rassam Cylinder (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295), texts K.228 and K.2675 in the British Museum (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295, 297), and in a biblical account (Nahum �: 8–�0).�� King Tanwetamani is recognized in Thebes until at least ca. 657 BC, after which Psammeti-chus I is soon acknowledged as the ruler of Upper and Lower Egypt (Revillout �892: 2�7–�8 no. 4�; Legrain �906: 226; Kitchen �986: �99–404).

G. Mumford�48

It is around this time that Psammetichus I apparently removed Egypt from vassalage to Assyria and allied himself with Gyges of Lydia.�2 However, Assyr-ia apparently maintained control of southern Palestine (e.g., Gezer, Lachish, and Samaria) until at least 646 BC,�� after which Syria-Palestine and Assyria are ascribed with having suffered incursions by Cimmerians�4 and Scythians.�5 The latter peoples may have caused a 28 year period of turbulence through-out this region until the fall of Nineveh in 6�2 BC.�6 Towards the end of this period, in 6�6 BC, Psammetichus I dispatched a military force to Assyria and the River Euphrates, assisting the Assyrians in pursuing the army of King Nabopolasser, who had removed Babylonia from the Assyrian empire in 626 BC.�7 Psammetichus I is also later described as besieging and capturing the city of Ashdod in Philistia, possibly in 6�2 BC, after the reported Scythian incursions into Palestine.�8

Egypt continued sending military assistance to Assyria during the reign of Necho II (ca. 6�0–595 BC), whose troops helped the Assyrians defend Harran from a Babylonian attack in 6�0 BC.�9 In the following year (609 BC), Necho II dispatched further military assistance to Assyria, defeating a Judean army and mortally wounding King Josiah at Megiddo en-route to the Euphrates.40 The Egyptian and Assyrian forces managed to defeat the Babylonian garrison at Har-ran and retook the city.4� After this successful campaign, Necho II returned south-wards to Jerusalem, removed the new king Jehoahaz, who was subsequently taken as a prisoner to Egypt. 42 He installed Eliakim (renamed Jehoiakin), a different son of Josiah, and exacted tribute payments from Judah. Additional Egyptian military �2 The Rassam Cylinder of Ashurbanipal relates that King Gyges of Lydia stopped sending his messenger to Assyria, but instead sent military forces to assist King Tushamilki of Egypt (otherwise identified as Psammetichus I), who had also ceased to acknowledge Ashurbanipal as his sovereign (Kitchen �986: 406, note 959; Luckenbill �927: 298, section 785).�� Two Assyrian deeds of sale from Gezer date to 65� BC and 649 BC (Malamat �97�: 270, note �2; see also Redford �992: 4�8, note 27). An Assyrian governor, the Šaknu Nabû-šar-ahhešu, is known at Samaria (Samerina) in 646 BC (see Henshaw �968: 478). King Josiah of Judah annexed the Assyrian province of Samerina (Sameria) by 62� BC (II Kings 2�: ��–20).�4 See Spalinger (�977a: 400–9), who re-dates the death of Gyges from 652 BC to 644 BC.�5 See Herodotus Book I: �0�–8.�6 Although archaeological evidence is lacking for a Scythian invasion (personal communica-tion from J. S. Holladay, jr.), the plausibility of such an incursion is finding increasing acceptance (see Lloyd in Trigger et. al., �98�: ��8; Miller and Hayes �986: �90; Redford �992: 4�8–4�). Herodotus (Book I: �0�–8) notes that the Medes supplanted the Scythians and took Nineveh.�7 See Grayson �975: 9� chronicle �; Wiseman �956: 44, 55 BM 2�90� lines �0–��)�8 See Herodotus Book II: �55–60; James �99�: 7�4; Redford �992: 44�–2 note 44.�9 The Babylonian Chronicle records that King Nabopolasser defeated the Assyrian and Egyptian forces at Harran (Wiseman �956: 45, 6� BM 2�90� lines 59–64; Grayson �975: 95 chronicle no. �; James �99�: 7�5).40 This account is variously reported in II Kings 2�: 29–�0, where Josiah dies on the battlefield, and by II Chronicles �5: 20–24, in which Josiah dies of his wounds after reaching Jerusalem.4� See Grayson �975: 96 Babylonian Chronicle no. �; Wiseman �956: 45, 6� BM 2�90� lines 66–75.42 II Kings 2�: ��–�5; see also II Chronicles �6: �–4 for a similar account. Other allusions appear in Ezekiel �9: �–4 and Jeremiah 22: �0–�2.


aid is provided to Assyria in 606 BC, during which an Egyptian army besieged and captured the Babylonian garrison at Kimuhu (south of Carchemish).4� After a few Babylonian victories against three Syrian towns during this year, an Egyp-tian force managed to defeat a Babylonian army at Quarmatu, which was also captured.44 In the following year, 605 BC, the Babylonian crown prince, Nebucha-dnezzar II, gained a decisive victory against the vestiges of the Assyrian empire. He defeated both the Assyrian and Egyptian armies at Carchemish, pursuing and destroying the remaining Egyptian forces at Hamath (Syria).45

Necho II appears to have abandoned much of Syria-Palestine to Nebuchad-nezzar II, who is attested campaigning and receiving tribute in Syria (Hattu) in 604, 60�, and 602 BC.46 Although Nebuchadnezzar II may have captured and destroyed Ashkelon in Philistia as early as 604 BC, Babylonia did not extend its control over Palestine until 60� BC. Around this time, King Adon of Philis-tia requested Egyptian military assistance against Babylonia, and the Egyptian and Babylonian armies fought a lengthy battle at Egypt’s eastern frontier.47 he Babylonians apparently breached the Saite fort at Tell el-Maskhuta,48but their invasion resulted in a stalemate with heavy casualties on both sides. After refit-ting its army and dealing with Syria, Babylonia sent an expedition to Jerusalem in 597 BC, to replace King Jehoiakin with Zedekiah.49 However, both Baby-lonia and Egypt avoided further conflict at this time, despite later attempts by Zedekiah’s emissaries to obtain Necho II’s assistance against Babylonia.50

During the remainder of the Saite period, Egypt and Babylonia struggled for control of Palestine. In 59�/90 BC, Psammetichus II organized a some-what enigmatic non-military expedition to Palestine,5� which encouraged Ju-dah to rebel from Babylonia and precipitated a Babylonian siege of Jerusalem from 589–586 BC (see James �99�: 7�8). During this period, in 589 BC, King 4� See Wiseman �956: 46, 67 BM 22047 lines �6–2�; Grayson �975: 98 chronicle no. 4; James �99�: 7�6.44 Wiseman �956: 46, 67 lines 24–26; Grayson �975: 98, Babylonian Chronicle no. 4.45 Wiseman �956: 46, 67–9 BM 2�946 lines �–8; Grayson �975: 99 chronicle 5; James �99�: 7�6. Jeremiah 46: �–28 yields further details on this encounter.46 The Babylonian Chronicle summarizes his campaigns: see Wiseman �956: 47, 69 BM 2�946 lines �5–20; Grayson �975: �00, chronicle no. 5 lines �2–�4, �8 and commentary.47 See Spalinger (�977b: 2�0), Porten (�98�: �6), and Miller and Hayes (�986: �86) for a translation and discussion of the King Adon letter. The 60� BC encounter between Egypt and Babylonia is recorded variously in the Babylonian Chronicle (Wiseman �956: 47, 7� BM 2�946 lines 5–8; Grayson �975: �0� chronicle no. 5; Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 564) and biblical texts (II Kings 24: �–7; II Chronicles �6: 6–7).48 For a destruction level at Tell el-Maskhuta, see Holladay �982: 22.49 For biblical accounts, see II Kings 24: �–7 and II Chronicles �6: 6–8. The Babylonian Chronicle contains briefer and other details (Wiseman �956: 48, 7� BM 2�946 lines ��–��; Grayson �975: �02 chronicle no. 5).50 See Ezekiel �7: ��–�7. Other biblical texts mention Judean refugees dwelling in Egypt (see Jeremiah 24: 8 and �9). Years 8–�� (596–59� BC) of Nebuchadnezzar II’s reign focus on campaigns in Syria and Elam (Grayson �975: �02, chronicle no. 5 lines �4–26).5� An account of Psammetichus II’s expedition survives in Papyrus Rylands IX (Freedy and Redford �970: 479; James �99�: 7�8).

G. Mumford�50

Apries dispatched an army to relieve the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem. He encountered a Babylonian army en-route to Jerusalem and retreated, failing to stop Nebuchadnezzar II from capturing the city eventually in 586 BC.52 Aside from Egypt’s failure to save Jerusalem, Apries is later reported to have attacked the Babylonian-held towns of Sidon and Tyre in Phoenicia.5� Neb-uchadnezzar II led another campaign against Egypt in 568 BC, attacking the east delta frontier, where well-dated destruction debris occurs within the Saite outposts at Tell el-Maskhuta and possibly at Tel Qedwa.54 Although Egypt’s policy towards Babylonia is primarily defensive during this period, some later accounts ascribe King Amasis with defeating and imposing tribute payments upon Cyprus.55If true, this action likely occurred between Nebuchadnez-zar II’s death (ca. 562 BC) and Persia’s supplanting Babylonia and expand-ing into Syria-Palestine (ca. 5�9–5�8 BC).56 Otherwise, the last Babylonian king, Nabonidus (ca. 555–5�9 BC), appears to have maintained relatively firm control throughout the Levant.57 The Persian inheritance of the Babylonian empire in 5�9–5�8 BC preceded the end of the Saite period, culminating in Cambyses’ invasion and occupation of Egypt in 525 BC.58

Hence, to summarize Egyptian imperialism between ��50 and 525 BC, Ramesses IX dispatched troops against hostile Bedouins along the Red Sea coast, while Sheshonq I, Osorkon II, Osorkon IV, Shebitku, Psammetichus I, Necho II, and Apries conducted more significant military activities within the Levant. It is uncertain whether Psusennes I, Siamun, Osorkon I, and Psam-metichus II directed similar actions, whilst Taharqa, Tanwetamani, Necho II, Amasis, and Psammetichus III faced Asiatic invasions, sometimes repelling foreign troops occupying Egypt. The remaining pharaohs appear to have had less active military roles in the Levant, but often maintained diplomatic and commercial relations with Egypt’s neighbours (see table �).52 For texts relating to Egyptian military assistance to Judah, see the Lachish ostraca (Thomas �958: 2�4, pl.�2; Albright in Pritchard �969: �2�–2; Miller and Hayes �986: 4�6–�8) and bibli-cal texts ( Jeremiah �7: 5–��, �9: �–�0, and 40: 7). For a discussion on the events surrounding this siege, see Kitchen (�986: 407) and James (�99�: 7�8–�9).5� This campaign is recounted by Herodotus (Book II: �60–66) and discussed by James (�99�: 7�9, 724–5).54 This invasion is recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (Wiseman �956: 94 BM 78–�0–�5, 22, �7 and �8; Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �08) and is alluded to in Jeremiah 42: �5–�7 and 4�: 8–��. For destruction levels at Tell el-Maskhuta and Tel Qedwa, see Holladay (�982: 2�–4) and Mumford (�998: 48�–4, note ��7). A reference to prisoners in Egypt during the reign of Amasis may reflect the 568 BC battle with Babylonia (see Lichtheim �980: ��–5, Louvre A9� statue of Peftuaneith).55 This tale survives over a century later in Herodotus (Book II: �78–82) and much later in Diodorus (Book I: 68).56 See James (�99�: 720, 725) and Stern (�982: vii).57 Several Babylonian stelae allude to stable and diplomatic relations between Egypt and Bab-ylonia (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 56�–�; see also Miller and Hayes �986: 428–9).58 Various accounts appear in the statue of Udjahorresne (Lichtheim �980: �7 lines ��–�2), Herodotus (Book III: �–��), and papyrus documents from Elephantine (Ginsberg in Pritchard �969: 492). For further discussion, see Miller and Hayes (�986: vii, 440–�).


Egyptian royal name items and monuments in the Near East:In general, there is a slightly greater correspondence between the occurrence and frequency of royal name items and monuments in the Near East and specific pharaohs who are historically well-equated with military activity in Syria-Palestine (see table �).59 Regarding such dispersal patterns outside Egypt, smaller and quite portable royal name items (primarily scarabs) tend to appear more frequently, while relatively cumbersome royal monuments are less common and often reflect pharaohs sufficiently powerful enough to dispatch armies into the Levant. It cannot be discounted, however, that some royal name items signify their later removal from Egypt as foreign booty (e.g., by the Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, or other agents).

During Iron Age �B, Ramesses VIII is represented by a scarab from Gezer (Porter and Moss �952: �75) and an ivory button from Tel Miqne-Ekron (Leclant and Clerc �998: 4�6 no. �h). Ramesses IX’s name occurs on an inlay fragment from Gezer (Porter and Moss �952: �74), while Ramesses X ap-parently dispatched a royal name scarab to Khirbet el-Mashash (Tell Masos) (Leclant and Clerc �987: �79–80 no.�n), Beth Shemesh (Brandl �982: �8�–4), and Tell Farah South (Porter and Moss �952: �70; Brandl �982: �8�). Of note, the name of a Theban ruler, Menkheperre, is attested on a scarab from Khirbet el-Tubeiqa (Beth Zur) (Porter and Moss �952: �72) and on a clay sealing from Nineveh (Kuyunjik) (Porter and Moss �952: �97).

Iron Age 2A has yielded the name of Siamun on a scarab from Tell Farah South (Porter and Moss �952: �70), while Sheshonq I’s cartouche is attested in Syria-Palestine on a seated statue60 from Byblos (Porter and Moss �952: �88) and on a stela fragment from Megiddo (Porter and Moss �952: �8�). In Iron Age 2B, a scarab from Salamine in Cyprus bears the cartouche of Os-orkon I (Porter and Moss �952: �88), while a statue fragment6� of this ruler has been found at Byblos (Leclant �967: 2�8 no.6b). Osorkon II is represented by a broken vase62 at Samaria (Porter and Moss �952: �88) and the lower part of a seated statue from Byblos (Porter and Moss �952: �88).

An increase in royal name items takes place in Iron Age 2C (table �). King Shabako’s cartouche appears on a jar sealing from Megiddo (Porter and Moss �952: �8�), a clay sealing impression from Nineveh (Kuyunjik) (Porter and Moss �952: �97; Layard �85�: �56, fig. �52, BM 8�-2-4), and an ex-situ statue of Shabako and Amenirdis I from Palestine (Porter and Moss �952: �82). Of

59 See G. D. Mumford’s forthcoming article: “Egypt’s New Kingdom Levantine empire and Serabit el-Khadim, including a newly attested votive offering of Horemheb”, in E. Cruz-Uribe (ed.), Studies in Honour of Nicholas Millet.60 This statue also bore a Phoenician text and the name of the local ruler, King Abiba‘al (Porter and Moss �952: �88).6� As in the case of Sheshonq I (above), Osorkon I’s statue fragment also bears a Phoenician text by King Abiba‘al (Porter and Moss �952: �88).62 This vase bears a hieroglyphic text with a capacity measure of 8� hin (Porter and Moss �952: �76), probably representing an Egyptian gift of oil sent to the capital of the kingdom of Israel.

G. Mumford�52

note, Menkare, an Egyptian vassal ruler contemporary with Shabako, is at-tested on a scarab from Tell Farah South and Beth Shan (Porter and Moss �952: �70 and �79). Taharqa’s cartouche is present on a sealing from Tadmor (Palmyra) (Mallowan �966: 599, pl.58�; Porter and Moss �952: �96), a granite vase fragment from the palace of Esarhaddon at Ashur (Qal’at Sherghat) (Oates �959: 96; Porter and Moss �952: �97), an ivory scarab from Nimrud (Leclant �96�: �94 no. 7a; Oates �959: �22, �25), and three bronze statuettes of Taharqa (“beloved of Onouris”) found in Esarhaddon’s palace at Nineveh (Nebi Yunis) (Simpson �954: �9�–4, �94 note �; Vikentiev �955: ��–�4; Leclant �958: 96 no. 6b; idem. �96�: �95 no. 7b). The cartouches of Psammetichus I occur on a scarab at Gezer (Porter and Moss �952: �75), scarabs at Athlit (Porter and Moss �952: �8�), a ring from House D at Carchemish (Porter and Moss �952: �98), a scarab from Salamine in Cyprus (Leclant �969: 296 no. �c), a black granite statue fragment from Taanach (Porter and Moss �952: �80), and a statue frag-ment from the island of Ruad (Aradus/Arvad) (Porter and Moss �952: �9�). Necho II’s name is found on four clay sealings from House D at Carchemish (Porter and Moss �952: �98), on an inscribed basalt fragment from Sidon (Sa-ida) (Porter and Moss �952: �84), and a statue base with the titulary of Necho II from Persepolis (Leclant �96�: �95 no. 8). The site of Ephesus has yielded a bronze statuette of Ihat, a priest of Amun, with the cartouches of Necho II and Psammetichus II (Leclant �970: �62 no. 5; idem. �97�: 4�7 no. 5; Winter �97�: �46–55). An apparent decrease in Egyptian influence occurs in the Babylonian to early Persian periods (table �). The name of Amasis appears on a bronze vase and a bronze sistrum handle from Sidon (Porter and Moss �952: �84), while Psammetichus III’s name is associated with a scarab from Beth Shemesh (‘Ain Shems) (Porter and Moss �952: �7�).

Inscriptional evidence for Egypto-Asiatic relations:The preceding discussion has outlined known Egyptian campaigns and probable royal “gifts” sent into Syria-Palestine, and various Asiatic incursions into Egypt (table �). Both Egyptian and Asiatic offensive actions across the Egyptian border resulted in the dispersal of Egyptian items/booty, personnel/captives, and influ-ence throughout the Near East. However, the variously preserved textual sources yield additional evidence for more continuous and diverse contact between Egypt and the Near East through time, including the movement of Egyptian provi-sions, livestock, exotic animals, faunal and floral items, metals, minerals, statu-ary, furniture, containers, toiletries, textiles, garments, jewellery, weaponry, ships, people, and unknown or unspecified things to Syria-Palestine and neighbouring regions (tables 2–�). The following information is subdivided into the Iron Age �B, 2A, 2B, 2C, and Babylonian to early Persian periods for better comparison with the more broadly dated strata and deposits from archaeological contexts.Iron Age 1B: Egypto-Asiatic relations.


During Iron Age �B (ca. ��50–�000 BC), various temple inscriptions imply Egypt’s suzerainty over foreign lands, often reflecting traditional symbolism rather than representing actual Egyptian campaigns.6� Although Egyptian military domination appears unlikely during this period (see above), there are a few references to the dispatch of emissaries to the Levant (e.g., Wenamon, “the senior of the forecourt of the House of Amon”).64 Further allusions are made to Egyptian shipping and crews in commerce with Byblos,65 Egypt’s use of foreign shipping for maritime commerce with Syria-Palestine,66 and long-standing Egyptian relations with Byblos.67 During such maritime voy-ages, Egyptian stopovers are attested at Dor, Tyre, and Byblos, and to a lesser extent implied for Cyprus.68 Different Egyptian products are dispatched to Byblos as payment for lumber: e.g., one gold vessel valued at 5 deben and four jars of silver worth 20 deben; a sack of �� deben of silver; six ships loaded with unspecified Egyptian goods; �,000 deben of silver and all kinds of things; and royal gifts.69 Other Egyptian exports to Byblos include clothing in royal linen,70 pieces of good Upper Egyptian linen,7� rolls of finished papyrus,72 cow-hides,7� ropes,74 sacks of lentils,75 baskets of fish,76 and possibly lotus blossoms.77 Another text notes the royal gift of a crocodile and a monkey to an Assyrian king.78 The main source for much of the preceding information is the Journey 6� For the reign of Ramesses IX, see Peden (�994: �75, �79 Karnak Temple stela).64 Wilson in Pritchard �969: 25, 25 note �.65 Wenamon claims an Egyptian ship and Egyptian crews served Smendes (Wilson in Pritch-ard �969: 27).66 See the Journey of Wenamon (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26, 26 note 4).67 The Tale of Wenamon noted that Egypt had dealt with Zakar-Baal, and the father and grandfather of this ruler, to obtain cedar to refurbish the barque of Amun-Re (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 27).68 See Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26.69 For Wenamon’s payment and earlier Egyptian payments, see Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26–7. Smendes and his queen, Tanetamon, dispatched four gold jars, five silver jars, twenty pieces of linen, 500 rolls papyrus, 500 cowhides, 500 ropes, twenty sacks of lentils, and thirty baskets of fish to Byblos to obtain cedar (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28). See Leprohon (2004: �67–77) for a dis-cussion of the value of Wenamon’s stolen goods, destined to pay for the cedar for Amun’s barque.70 The Tanite rulers send ten pieces of clothing to Zakar-Baal (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).7� Smendes and Tanetamon provided ten kherd of good Upper Egyptian linen to Zakar-Baal, and gave five pieces of clothing and five kherd of good Upper Egyptian linen to Wenamon (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).72 The finished papyrus consisted of 500 rolls (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).7� The cowhides numbered 500, and presumably would be used for producing leather items (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).74 Egypt is well-known for rope production, and sent 500 coils of rope to Byblos (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).75 The rulers of Tanis supplied twenty sacks of lentils to Zakar-Baal and one sack for Wena-mon’s use (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).76 Smendes and Tanetamon supplied Zakar-Baal with thirty baskets of fish, while Tanetamon gave Wenamon five baskets (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).77 Zakar-Baal, the ruler of Byblos, wears a lotus blossom (see Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28). 78 In ca. �070 BC, Ramesses XI or Smendes apparently sent a crocodile and a monkey (“ape”)

G. Mumford�54

of Wenamon, which notes the regular issuing of travel permits and dispatches for emissaries,79 the use of Egyptian ropes to drag and secure rafts of cedar logs,80 and the occasional theft and implied secondary redispersal of Egyptian items within Syria-Palestine.8� In the case of special cultic emissaries, such as Wenamon, a portable cultic image (e.g., “Amon-of-the-Road”)82 and associ-ated furnishings accompany such special missions. Regarding Byblos, further information is provided on the importance of the cult of Amun-Re.8� There is also some evidence for Egyptians living abroad throughout this period: a but-ler (Pen-amon)84 and a singer (Tanetnot)85 reside in Byblos, several Egyptian messengers were reportedly buried at Byblos,86 and an Egyptian servant ap-pears in southern Palestine.87 The significance of and commercial implications for foreigners knowing the Egyptian language is highlighted in Dor, Byblos, and Cyprus, where Wenamon finds people who can speak Egyptian.88 In addi-tion, Wenamon alludes to the practice of erecting commemorative stelae with Egyptian hieroglyphs at Byblos,89 underscoring the relatively high degree of Egyptian influence within a Levantine context.

Less textual evidence survives for Asiatic influences in Egypt during this period. For instance, a few texts mention foreign shipping coming to Egyptian ports, such as Tanis (e.g., 20 ships from Byblos).90 The ruler of Byblos, Zakar-

as a royal gift to King Assur-bel-kala of Assyria (see Kitchen �986: 252 note 46, 267; Millard �970: �68–9).79 Wilson in Pritchard �969: 27.80 Wilson in Pritchard �969: 27.8� For the theft of Wenamon’s gold and silver, see Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26.82 This cultic figure accompanied Wenamon to Byblos (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26, 26 note �2).8� Wenamon notes that Zakar-Baal and his ancestors also worshipped Amun-Re amongst their indigenous deities (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 27). Wenamon also says Zakar-Baal might obtain fifty years of additional life for providing cedar for Amun-Re (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).84 Zakar-Baal’s butler, Pen-Amon, bears an Egyptian name and is conversant with Egyptian customs (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).85 This singer appears in the employ of Zakar-Baal (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).86 Zakar-Baal tells Wenamon that the messengers of Khaemwaset had dwelt at Byblos for �7 years, under similar circumstances to Wenamon, before eventually dying and being buried in Byblos (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).87 During the reign of Saul, David is described as pursuing Amalekite raiders across the Brook of Besor into the Negev (and North Sinai). He encounters a young Egyptian man, who had been part of the Amalekite raiding party, but had been subsequently abandoned in the desert by his master when he had become sick (see I Samuel �0: ��–�5).88 The Journey of Wenamon alludes to him finding a Cypriot who understands Egyptian when he is shipwrecked on Cyprus (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 29).89 Wenamon suggests Zakar-Baal might erect a commemorative stela to record his deeds for future Egyptian messengers to see and offer a libation of water for his spirit in the West. He also compares such offerings with similar rituals for deities at Byblos (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).90 During his stopover in Byblos, Wenamon found several foreign ships bound for Egypt (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 26, 27).


Baal, is described as dispatching a letter by ship to the rulers of Tanis.9� Egyp-tian temples continue to import or recycle(?) cedar,92 genuine lapis lazuli,9� and malachite94 for temple construction, the renewal of Amun-Re’s river barque (User-het-Amon), and cultic offerings. A lapis lazuli bead from the burial of Psuennes I bears a cuneiform inscription for the eldest daughter of an Assyr-ian vizier, Ibashshi-ilu, 95 and may reflect earlier or contemporary contact with Assyria.

Iron Age 2A: Egypto-Asiatic relations.Concerning Iron Age 2A (ca. �000–925 BC), later biblical texts mention in passing the borders of Egypt in relation to Israel.96 Of greater significance, these texts also note the presence of an Egyptian princess married to Solo-mon, who is provided her own house in Jerusalem,97 employment of a Kushite servant, who serves as a runner carrying messages,98 and an Egyptian retainer (mercenary?), who is armed with a spear.99 Egypt is described as selling horses and chariots to Israel, which in turn exported them to Syria.�00

In contrast, later biblical accounts indicate Egypt formed a haven for po-litical refugees from Palestine, including an Edomite prince, Hadad, and his servants, and an Israelite prince, Jerobo’am.�0� Hadad of Edom was said to

9� Zakar-Baal sends Wenamon’s request in a letter addressed to the rulers of Tanis (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 28).92 On a wall between Pylons VII and VIII at Karnak Temple, Amenhotep, the High Priest of Amun-Re during Ramesses IX’s reign, mentions installing doors of cedar in restoration work (Breasted �906 vol. 4: 2�9 section 489). The Journey of Wenamon contains a reference to an earlier mission to Byblos to obtain cedar during the time of Khaemwaset, who may represent Ramesses X or an official (Lichtheim �976: 228, 2�0 note �8). During the reign of Ramesses XI and his southern and northern representatives, Herihor and Smendes, Wenamon is sent to obtain Cedar from Byblos (Wilson in Pritchard �969: 25).9� The same high priest, Amenhotep, notes lapis lazuli and malachite amongst other provisions listed in a building inscription for a chapel of the High Priests of Amun-Re in Karnak Temple (Breasted �906 vol. 4: 240 section 49�, note a).94 See the preceding note for this material, which originates from the Eastern Desert and Sinai.95 See Kitchen (�986: 267 section 22�, note �40).96 I Kings 4: 2� and II Chronicles 9: 26 mention the “border of Egypt”, which is elsewhere called the “Brook of Egypt” (I Kings 8: 65; II Chronicles 7: 8). I Chronicles ��:� mentions “the Shihor (‘Waters of Horus’) of Egypt.97 I Kings �: �–2, I Kings 7: 8, I Kings ��: �, and II Kings 9: �5–�8, 24 discuss the marriage of an Egyptian princess to King Solomon.98 I Samuel �8: 2�–2�, ��–�� and II Samuel �9 note the presence of a Kushite messenger during King David’s reign.99 This tale also hearkens back to King David’s reign (II Samuel 2�: 2�; I Chronicles ��: 2�).�00 Both Egypt and Que (Ku’e) are known for exporting horses to King Solomon’s kingdom (see I Kings �0: 28–29; II Chronicles 9: 27). I Kings �0: 28–29 and II Chronicles �: �6–�7 relate that King Solomon’s traders obtained Egyptian chariots for 600 shekels of silver and a horse for �50 shekels of silver.�0� See I Kings ��: �7–22 for details about Hadad of Edom. Jerobo’am’s flight from Solomon to the court of King Sheshonq I (Shishak) is detailed in I Kings ��: 26–40, I Kings �2: 2, and

G. Mumford�56

have been provided a house, land, and food, he was raised and educated in the Egyptian court, and he married the Egyptian queen’s sister.�02 Likewise, Jerobo’am received a similar welcome in Egypt, until he too returned home to claim his throne. In regards to lower ranking Syro-Palestinians dwelling in Egypt, a stela from Abydos mentions the presence of two Syrians in the serv-ice of a delta chieftain.�0� Immediately following Solomon’s reign, ca. 925 BC, Sheshonq I dispatched a large army to Palestine, bringing much booty back to Egypt, including treasures from Solomon’s temple and palace in Jerusalem, shields of gold, and tribute.�04

Iron Age 2B: Egypto-Asiatic relations.In Iron Age 2B (ca. 925–7�5 BC), inscriptional evidence for Egypto-Asiatic relations grows towards the end of this period. The presence of Egyptian ex-ports in Syria is implied in diverse Assyrian booty lists, which mention mon-keys,�05 linen,�06 and ebony�07 amongst many other items seized from towns captured during Assyria’s initial westward expansion. Aside from �,000 Egyp-

II Chronicles �0: 2.�02 I Kings ��: �7–22. Hadad later returned to Edom to reclaim his kingdom.�0� The Abydos stela of the Great Chief of the Meshwesh, Sheshonq B, who lived during the reign of Psusennes II, mentions two foreigners of Syria, namely the page Akhamenkanekht and Akhptahkanekht, both of whom have Egyptian names (Blackman �94�: 84; Kitchen �986: 285–6, section 2�9). Their names suggest they either adopted Egyptian names after moving to Egypt, or were descended from foreign (Syrian) parents.�04 An inscription in Karnak Temple mentions Sheshonq I’s presentation of tribute to Amun-Re (Breasted �906 vol. 4: �58 section 724). The tribute seized from Jerusalem is listed in I Kings �4: 25–27 and II Chronicles �2: 25–27.�05 In the eponym of Ninuaya (ca. 899 BC), Adadnirari obtained two female monkeys (“apes”) from the town of Huzirina in Hanigalbat within the Euphrates region of Syria (Grayson �976: 87–88). Ashurnasirpal (ca. 88�–859 BC) noted a large and small female monkey (“ape”) amongst western tribute in general, a large female monkey (“ape”) from Kunulua in Syria, and the presence of both male and female monkeys (“apes”) in his palace menagerie at Nimrud (Grayson �976: �42, �4�, �49, �50, �54, and �66–7).�06 Linen, a well-attested Egyptian export to the Levant, appears amongst many items men-tioned in Levantine booty and tribute sent to Assyria during the reigns of Tikulti-ninurta, ca. 885 BC (Grayson �976: �02, linen garments from Ilu-ibni of Anat), Ashurnasirpal II, ca. 88� BC, 878 BC, and unspecified times (Grayson �976: �24, �25, and ��7, �4�, �42, �4�, �49, �50, �54, and �66–67, linen garments from Suru of Bit Halupe, Laqu, the Bit Halupe district, Ahumu of Bit Adini, Sangara of Carchemish, Hazazu, Kunulua [�,000 garments], Gusu the Yahanean, western tribute in general, and linen garments with multi-coloured trim in the palace storerooms at Nimrud), Shalmaneser III, ca. 857 BC, 856 BC, and 847 BC (Luckenbill �926: 2�7, 2�8, 2�9–40, Halanu at Mount Amanus [�00 linen garments], tribute of the kings of the sea coast, and Kalparundi of Hattina), Adad-nirari III, ca. 8�0–78� BC (Luckenbill �926: 26�, coloured linen garments from Mari in Aram-Damascus), Tiglath-pileser III, year three, ca. 744–742 BC, and an unknown year date (Luckenbill �926: 27�, 287–8, 292–9�, and 29�, Tut-ammu of Kinalia [Unki], western tribute, Hanno of Gaza, and Manahem of Israel), and Sargon II (Luckenbill �926: �8–9, 44, general tribute from the Assyrian empire).�07 Ebony, another popular Egyptian export originating in Africa and Punt, is mentioned amongst western tribute sent to Ashurnasirpal (ca. 88�–859 BC) in Assyria (Grayson �976: �4�).


tian troops attested participating in the Battle of Qarqar (85� BC) in Syria,�08 Shalmaneser III records the receipt of tribute from Musri (Egypt), which included Bactrian camels, a river ox (hippopotamus), a sakea-animal (rhi-noceros), a susu-antelope, elephants, and bazitu- and uqupu-monkeys.�09 The presence of Egyptians and Kushites dwelling in Nimrud (Assyria), at some point between 8�0–78� BC, is attested in treasury lists recording the provi-sion of wine to people from Egypt and Kush.��0 Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 BC) groups together tribute from many nations, including Egypt (Musr[i]), the latter of which likely sent linen garments with multi-coloured trimmings amongst other listed items.�� Sargon II (72�–705 BC) captured many Egyp-tians and other persons at Rapihu (Raphia) and elsewhere in southern Pales-tine, deporting them to Assyria along with their possessions.��2 In two separate lists of collective tribute provided by the Egyptians, Arabians, and Sabaeans, dating to 720 and 7�6 BC, Egypt’s contribution probably consisted of gold in dust-form and ivory.�� At some point in Sargon II’s reign, he also records that Shilkanni, who may represent Osorkon IV, sent �2 large horses from Musri (Egypt) as a tamartu-present.��4 In addition, a fragmentary and vari-ously translated prism of Sargon II reveals that he reopened and encouraged commerce between Egypt, Arabia, and Assyria around 7�6 BC.��5

In regards to Asiatic materials and influence entering Egypt during Iron Age 2B, some Egyptian temples have texts noting the presentation of real or genuine lapis lazuli,��6 suggesting a continuance of trade with the Levant and Mesopotamia during the reign of Osorkon I (924–889 BC). Almost two �08 The Monolith Inscription of Shalmaneser III (Luckenbill �926: 2��, 222–� sections 6�0–��; Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 278–9).�09 For translations and discussions of the pertinent section of the Black Obelisk of Shalma-neser III, see Luckenbill (�926: 2�� section 59�), Tadmor (�96�: �47), Oppenheim in Pritchard (�969: 28�), and Kitchen (�986: �27).��0 These lists date to Adadnirari III (8�0–78� BC), and likely reflect the provisioning of Egyptian and Kushite prisoners taken in the Battle of Qarqar (ca. 85� BC), their descendants, or prisoners from a subsequent conflict with Assyria. For further details, see Oded (�979: 4 no. �, 5 note �2 NWL: 89–94).�� See Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 282 no. 6 lines 56–6�, 28� lines 205–40. The collective tribute in question also contained gold, silver, tin, iron, antimony, purple woollen garments, and other items.��2 See the Annals of Sargon II (Oppenheim in Pitchard �969: 284 no. 7 and 285 lines 2�–57). See also Kitchen (�986: �76).�� See Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 284–5, notes 4–5, lines 2�–6, and 285–6.��4 his text survives on a fragmentary prism, Assur �6587; VA 84�2 (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 286 notes �–�[c]�). Shilkanni, or Shilheni, is equated with Osorkon IV, placing this event prior to the 7�5 BC reunification of Egypt by Shabako (see Kitchen �986: �76, note 756; see also Grayson �99�: 89).��5 The Nimrud Prism (“D”) of Sargon II, in particular column iv, is reconstructed and trans-lated variously (see Gadd �954: �80–2, pls. 45–6; Na‘aman �979: 84–5 lines 46–9 column iv; Grayson �99�: 89).��6 In year 4, Osorkon I recorded at Bubastis a series of gifts that he had presented to temples in Egypt, including genuine lapis lazuli for the temples of Re-Harakhte, Re-Harakhte-Atum, and Re (Breasted �906 vol. 4: �6� section 7�2, �65 section 7�5).

G. Mumford�58

centuries later, ca. 728 BC, the Piye (Piankhy) Stela mentions the collection of lapis lazuli, turquoise, and “every product of Syria”, amongst other items, in several kingdoms in northern Egypt: e.g., King Nimlot of Hermopolis and Prince Pediese of Athribis.��7 As in previous times, Egypt also continued to form a place of refuge for political fugitives, such as Hanno of Gaza, who fled to Egypt from Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 BC). Other Assyrian texts from this time mention the installation of an Assyrian official at the frontier of Egypt (Musur) and the erection of a royal stela in the city of Nahalmusur (“River of Egypt”).��8 Various biblical texts record King Hoshea of Israel sending messengers and (olive) oil��9 to So, king of Egypt, around 726/25 BC, with the aim of obtaining military assistance against Assyria.�20 Near the end of this period, Sargon II (72�–705 BC) countered an Egyptian attack across the frontier. He captured Hanno of Gaza, who had accompanied the Egyptian force, destroyed the frontier town at Rapihu (Raphia), and took booty and prisoners back to Assyria.

Iron Age 2C: Egypto-Asiatic relations.During Iron Age 2C (ca. 7�5–589 BC), Sargon II mentions that he was the first Assyrian ruler with whom the Kushites made diplomatic contact: he notes that the king of Meluhha (“Ethiopia” = Kush), equated with Shabako, dis-patched messengers to Assyria to deliver Iamani, a foreigner who had seized the throne of Ashdod and had later sought refuge in Egypt.�2� Evidence for such diplomatic missions and correspondence survives through the discovery at Nineveh of a clay bulla fragment bearing the joint seal impressions of Shabako and an official Assyrian stamp.�22 Isaiah 20: �–6 notes Sargon II’s capture of Ashdod and predicts Assyria’s invasion of Egypt and deportation of Egyptian and Kushite captives of all ages. Some biblical texts portray pending economic devastation for Egypt, emphasizing the loss of specific industries well-attested in exports to Syria-Palestine: fish, flax (linen), and textiles.�2� Isaiah 2�: �–5 ��7 A translation of the Piye (Piankhy) Stela is readily available in Lichtheim. For the perti-nent sections, see Lichtheim �980: 70, 78, 80, 82 note 5� and 84 note �05.��8 These details are provided in an undated text of Tiglath-Pileser III (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 28�–84 lines �–�4) and a tablet (ND.400) from the Governor’s Palace at Nim-rud (see Wiseman �95�: 2� lines �4–�9).��9 See Hosea �2: �.�20 II Kings �7: �–6 records these events, which culminate in Shalmaneser V besieging Sa-maria, capturing it, and deporting Hoshea and others to Assyria. Other biblical texts mention King Hoshea’s actions (see Hosea 7: ��, 7: �6, 8: �0, and �2: �). Redford (�992: �46, note ��0) identifies Tefnakht of Sais with King So, while Kitchen (�986: �72–6) equates So with Osorkon IV at Tanis. Of note, Goedicke (�96�: 64) equated So with Sais.�2� The Annals of Sargon II elaborate upon this matter (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 285 no.7[b] lines ��–�5, 286 no. 7[b] lines 90–��2).�22 Layard �85�: �56, note *, lower illustration; see also Kitchen �986: �80 note 779.�2� See Isaiah �9: 5–�0 (May and Metzger �977: 844) for its commentary regarding a pending drought for Egypt (ca. 7�5 BC), which is predicted to devastate the produce from the fishing and textile industries, namely fish and linen –two well-attested Egyptian exports to Syria-Pal-


mentions the cessation of maritime commerce between Egypt and the ports of Tyre and Sidon, particularly in regards to their shipment of Egyptian grain to many nations throughout the Mediterranean and Levant.

During the reign of Sennacherib (704–68� BC), King(s) Shebitku and Ta-harqa dispatched troops against Assyria, resulting in the defeat and the depor-tation of Egyptian and Kushite prisoners, booty, chariots, and horses to As-syria.�24 Esarhaddon attacked Egypt several times, obtaining further booty,�25 seizing Memphis in 67� BC, and capturing—for removal to Nineveh—Taha-rqa’s queen, his brother, his heir, other royal children, his sons-in-law, palace women, court officials, the city’s populace and their possessions, physicians, divination experts, goldsmiths, cabinet-makers, veterinarians, scribes, singers, bread bakers, brewers, fishermen, cartwrights, shipwrights, blacksmiths, all “Ethiopians” (Kushites), charioteers, drivers, bowmen, shield bearers, horses, large and small cattle, �6 tiaras, �0 crowns for queens, various items of gold and silver, copper, tin, abaru-metal, divine statuettes of deities from Taharqa’s palace and their cultic furnishings, items with stone, ivory, and wooden com-ponents, stone slabs, chests and baskets filled with tribute, byssuss linen, an-timony, precious stones beyond counting, and items lost from the text.�26 The recorded quantity of tribute destined for Assyria and as offerings to Assyrian deities include 9 talents and �9 minas of gold, �,585 garments, ebony wood, �99 leather items, �[…]40 horses, �0,4�8 rams, and �9,�2� donkeys.�27

In his first campaign to retake Memphis and Thebes, Ashurbanipal also ob-tained many prisoners and booty, including Taharqa’s warships from Mem-phis.�28 The Assyrian garrisons in Egypt discovered a subsequent plot to over-throw the Assyrian occupation force, and arrested and deported to Nineveh several vassal kings for execution. Ashurbanipal’s second invasion of Egypt obtained a large amount of booty and prisoners from Thebes: silver, gold, pre-cious stones, all personal possessions of Tanwetamani, linen garments with multi-coloured trim, male and female inhabitants of the city, horses, bazû-, pagû-, and uqupu-monkeys (from the mountains), and two obelisks sheathed with 2,500 talents of zahalû-bronze (“electrum”).�29 There is independent evi-dence for Egyptian deportees, the descendants of deportees, and other Egyp-tians dwelling in Assyria, Babylonia, and Elam at this time. These deportees estine and elsewhere.�24 See the Oriental Prism of Sennacherib (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 287–8 no. 8[a]). See also II Kings �8: �9–�7 and �9: �–��; Isaiah �6: 4–22 and �7: �–��; and II Chronicles �2: 9–�5.�25 See Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 290 no. 9[b] lines 2–��.�26 See the Babylonian and Esarhaddon chronicles, British Museum fragments K.�082, S.2027, and K.�086, the Senjirli Stela, and the Dog River stela (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 292–9�, 29� no. 9[b], 29�–4 no. 9B, cols. A-B, �02–�, and �0�).�27 Prism Bu 9�-2-9, 2�8 (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 29�–4 no. 9, B, cols. A-B).�28 The Rassam Cylinder and British Museum texts K.228 and K.2675 (Oppenheim in Pritch-ard �969: 294, 296).�29 The Rassam Cylinder (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295; Kitchen �986: �94).

G. Mumford�60

include physicians (including one of Esarhaddon), an interpreter of dreams (hartibi), diviners (barute), scribes, an administrative official, house-owners, Kushites (including a land-owner), and slaves(?), many of whom bear Egyp-tian names.��0

Regarding Asiatic products, persons, and influences entering Egypt, Isaiah �0: �–5 and ��: �–� rebuke and warn Judah and Judeans against sending envoys to Tanis (Zo’an) and Ha’nes (near Memphis), relying upon Egypt, or fleeing to Egypt. Sargon II notes that Imani of Ashdod had initially sent bribes to Egypt, and later fled to Egypt, attempting unsuccessfully to gain an alliance and later refuge with Shabako.�� Another account notes that King Ba’lu of Tyre allied himself with Taharqa against the Assyrians by 67� BC.��2 After conquering Memphis, Esarhaddon established a new administration with Egyptian and Assyrian officials, installed altars for Assyrian deities, erected a commemora-tive stela, applied new names to Egyptian cities (e.g., Athribis was re-named Limmir-ishak-Ashur), and imposed annual tribute payments.�� Another text describes Esarhaddon as having his deeds commemorated upon 55 Egyp-tian royal statues.��4 In the following reign, King Ashurbanipal recorded his campaign to Egypt, his defeat of Memphis and Thebes, his reinstatement of Egyptian and Assyrian officials, and his reinforcement of Assyrian garrisons in Egypt.��5 A subsequent attempted rebellion resulted in the Assyrian execution of the inhabitants of Sais, Pindidi, Tanis, and other towns involved in the plot. Ashurbanipal re-appointed Necho I, providing him with a garment bearing multi-coloured trim, a gold chain symbolizing his office, gold finger rings, a dagger bearing Ashurbanipal’s name, a golden girdle, chariots, horses, mules, and Assyrian officers as governors. ��6

Psammetichus I finally managed to break Egypt free from its vassalage to Assyria and apparently received some military assistance from King Gyges of Lydia.��7 With a resurgence of Egyptian imperialism in the Levant, Necho II imposed a tribute of �00 talents of silver and one talent of gold upon Judah, replaced King Jehoahaz of Judah, and brought him to Egypt as a prisoner.��8 ��0 For twenty-two Assyrian texts citing Egyptians in Assyria, see Parker (�954: 4�, 5�), Wise-man (�966: �57, note �9), Zadok (�977: 64), and Oded (�979: �2–�5, 25, 28, 29, ��, 6�, 65, 72–�, 76–9, 89, 92, 9�, �00–�, �04, and �06–7, and notes 40, 5�, 64, 68–9, 76, 88, ��4–�5, �5�, �67, �72, �8�, �84–5, 2��, 2��, 246, and �04).�� This is recorded in Prism A (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 287 no. 8 section c-2).��2 See Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: �92–9�; see also Kitchen �986: �9�–2.�� The Senjirli Stela and Cylinder E (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 29� no. 9 [b], lines �7–5� and 296 no. �0a lines �4–�9). See also British Museum texts K.228 and K.2675 (Op-penheim in Pritchard �969: 297).��4 British Museum K.�08� (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 296).��5 See the Rassam Cylinder (Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 294; see also Kitchen �986: �92 section �5�).��6 The Rassam Cylinder yields further details (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 295).��7 See Luckenbill �927: 298 section 785.��8 Jehoi’akim paid this tribute to Egypt, obtaining it by taxing the population of Judah (see II Kings 2�: ��–�5; II Chronicles �6: �–4; Ezekiel �9: �–4; Jeremiah 22: �0–�2).


Although Egypt had often represented a haven for political refugees, Judean officials were permitted to enter Egypt to retrieve a fugitive, Uriah, and return him to King Jehoi’akin for execution.��9 During the subsequent Babylonian domination of Syria-Palestine, Nebuchadnezzar II installed Zedekiah on the throne of Judah, but he later rebelled and sent ambassadors to Egypt to obtain military aid.�40 Biblical texts also refer to Judean refugees dwelling in Egypt at this time,�4� while during the reign of Psammetichus II the Egyptian army contained Semitic troops.�42

Several Asiatic products are also attested in Egypt during Iron Age 2C. Texts from the reign of Taharqa mention the application of new cedar to refurbish a divine barque for Amun and a barque for Osiris. New cedar and Asiatic cop-per are applied to the doors in the temple of Mut.�4� Asiatic lumber (cedar; juniper), true cedar of Lebanon, bronze door bolts, turquoise, lapis lazuli, and Asiatic gardeners are provided for the temple of Amun at Kawa in Nubia.�44 Tanwetamani obtained cedar, incensed with myrrh of Punt, for the building of a new hall for Amun in Nubia.�45 During the reign of Psammetichus I, Nitocris refurbished a shrine for Amun, using cedar for its doors.�46 Cedar is also used in the restoration of a decaying Apis bull burial at Saqqara,�47 and fine new cedar is obtained for the doors of the temple of Harsaphes in Heracleopolis.�48

Babylonian-Early Persian period: Egypto-Asiatic relations.During the Babylonian to early Persian periods (ca. 589–525 BC), aside from transitory Egyptian armies assisting Judah against Babylonia (see Jeremiah �7: 5–��), a variety of evidence indicates Egyptians and Kushites residing in the Levant and neighbouring regions. For instance, Jeremiah �8: 7–�� refers to an “Ethiopian” (Kushite) eunuch, E’bedmel’ech, who is employed in the palace of King Zedekiah of Judah. One later biblical account notes the presence of an Egyptian slave called Jahra, who married the daughter of his owner.�49 A

��9 Jeremiah 26: 20–2�.�40 Ezekiel �7: ��–�7.�4� Jeremiah 24: 8 and 25: �9.�42 Semitic names are present amongst the graffiti left at Abu Simbel by Psammetichus II’s army (see James �99�: 7�8).�4� The Fourth Prophet of Amun, Montuemhet, inscribed a wall face in Mut Temple at Kar-nak detailing the restoration of the temple after the Assyrian invasion (Breasted �906 vol. 4: 460 section 904, 462 section 9�0, and 465 section 9�6; Lichtheim �980: 29–��).�44 See Spalinger (�978c: 2�–7) and Redford (�99�: �90*).�45 See Breasted �906 vol. 4: 47� section 929 note c.�46 A statue of the Chief Steward, Ibi, records Nitocris’ restoration of a shrine (see Breasted �906 vol. 4: 488–9� sections 958 a-m).�47 For the Second Serapeum Stela, Louvre 2�9, from year 52 of Psammetichus I, see Breasted �906 vol. 4: 49�–4, sections 96�, note a, and 965–6.�48 A statue of Hor, an army commander and chief of Heracleopolis, contains more details (see Breasted �906 vol. 4: 495 section 970).�49 I Chronicles 2: �4–�5. Although the compilation of this text dates as late as the 4th to �rd

G. Mumford�62

series of oracles in Ezekiel chapters 29–�2 date between 587 and 57� BC and portray the Babylonian deportation of much booty and numerous people from Egypt to many lands throughout the Near East. Such mass deportations are verified by Babylonian texts referring to many foreigners, including Egyp-tians,�50 residing throughout Babylonia during Nebuchadnezzar II’s reign and under later kings.�5� Egyptians and people of Egyptian derivation apparently formed a large proportion of the foreign community in Mesopotamia,�52 and often display theophoric names citing Egyptian deities: e.g., Amun, Isis, Ho-rus, and Hapi.�5� These Egyptians consist of prisoners of war,�54 deportees, or residents employed in many occupations: jewelers, smiths, brewers, skilled la-bourers in administrative offices, scribes (of cuneiform tablets), bakers, farriers, shipwrights, diviners, interpreters of dreams, healers, and other occupations.�55 Some Egyptians are listed as receiving barley rations�56 and garments.�57 Other residents in Babylonia record their descent from an “Egyptian” (Misiraia) an-cestor, honouring the founder of their family in Babylonia.�58 In regards to other forms of Egypto-Asiatic relations, during the reign of King Nabonidus, a Babylonian text mentions messages of reconciliation and friendship sent by the king of Egypt (Amasis) and other nations.�59 By the early Persian period, Phanes, a Greek deserter from the army of Amasis, is reported to have re-vealed military and strategic secrets to Cambyses about crossing North Sinai and defeating Egypt’s frontier forces.�60

Other documents record the dispersal of Egyptian materials and products to the Levant. For instance, Ezekiel 27: 2–9 mentions that fine embroidered linen from Egypt provided the sailcloth for ships from Tyre. Ivory tusks and

centuries BC (May and Metzeger �977: 497), it reflects the Neo-Babylonian evidence for the dispersal of Egyptian deportees throughout the Near East.�50 This writer is aware of at least �2 Neo-Babylonian texts mentioning the presence of Egyp-tians and Egyptian-derived persons in Mesopotamia (see Mumford �998: 49�–6).�5� See Dandamaev �99�: 256.�52 Egyptian deportees, emigrants, and residents are mentioned in administrative, economic, and legal texts found in Mesopotamian cities, such as Babylon, Ur, Erech, Uruk, Sippar, and Borsippa (see Dandamaev �99�: 256; Wiseman �966: �55–6).�5� Dandamaev �99�: 256; Mumford �998: 49�–6.�54 Of note, some ration lists dating from 595–570 BC, found in the royal quarters in Babylon, include 46 Egyptian prisoners of war (Dandamaev �99�: 269).�55 See Wiseman (�966: �55), Oded (�979: 57, 59, �00–�, and �04, notes �24 and �84–5), and Dandamaev (�99�: 256).�56 Wiseman �966: �55–7, notes 22–2�, pl. 44.�57 A clay docket (BM 56�48) from Sippar notes the provision of a garment to Aba (Ibi), “the Egyptian (mi-sir-a-a)”, during the winter (Wiseman �966: �57, pl. 44).�58 Various documents from Babylonia, spanning year six of Nebuchadnezzar (ca. 598 BC) to Darius II (42�–405 BC), record the names of over 75 persons who retained the appellation “Egyptian” in their name to honour the founder of their family (See Wiseman �966: �57–8, fig. �).�59 The Harran Stelae, which date after year �0 of Nabonidus, mention diplomatic relations with Egypt (see Oppenheim in Pritchard �969: 562).�60 See Herodotus Book III: �–��.


ebony wood (see Ezekiel 27: �5), which are well-attested earlier and elsewhere as Egyptian exports, may reflect African trade products transmitted through Egypt. Various Babylonian documents record the import of Egyptian alum (Babylonian gabû),�6� natron,�62 and high quality linen to Mesopotamia.�6� Shipments of Egyptian linen, natron, and alum were either transported via Phoenicia to Babylonia, or came across Arabia passing through Tema.�64

A wide range of sources describe Asiatic persons, items, and products enter-ing Egypt during the Babylonian to Early Persian periods. A Judean general, Konyahu, is attested departing for Egypt, probably to acquire Egyptian mili-tary assistance prior to Nebuchadnezzar II’s invasion and siege of Lachish and Jerusalem in 589–586 BC.�65 After the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem and occupation of Judah, Judeans continued to flee to Egypt seeking refuge from Babylonia.�66 Various biblical texts refer to the settlement of Judeans in Egypt, in particular at Migdol (Tel Qedwa[?] in Northwest Sinai), Tah’panhes (Tell Defenneh in the east Delta), Memphis, and southern Egypt.�67 Jeremi-ah 44: 8 and �5–29 describe and condemn many Judeans offering incense to Mesopotamian, Canaanite, and other deities in Egypt, and in general discuss their succumbing to the influences of non-Judean religions and cultures. Re-garding Asiatics dwelling in Egypt at this time, a statue of Nesuhor, the gover-

�6� At least six texts dating to years 5–6 of Nabonidus, ca. 550–549 BC, mention alum from Egypt, while other documents refer to sources, or middlemen, in Hatti (Syria) (Wiseman �966: �55, notes �6–�7; Dandamaev �99�: 27�–4). Individual shipments of Egyptian alum ranged from � ½ minas to � talents and 5� minas (Wiseman �966: �55, note �8; Dandamaev �99�: 274, ��0 kg). Two texts record the delivery of 2�� minas of alum from Egypt (Barber �99�: 2�8; Oppenheim �967: 2�8, 24�). Dandamaev (�99�: 274) reports that one person paid � mina and �7.� shekels for 2�7.5 kg of Egyptian alum. Egyptian alum was valued for its ability to bleach wool and cloth, and could also be used in the production of glass, glazes, and various medicines (Wiseman �966: �55; Barber �99�: 2�8; Dandamaev �99�: 274; see also Pliny IV, 4, xxv 52).�62 A few references exist for the import of Egyptian natron (nitiru), which amounted to �0 talents in letter ABL �47, and appears in a ritual using two shekels of natron in KAR �98 (Op-penheim �967: 24�, note 26, 248 note 6�). �6� Two Neo-Babylonian texts, the Dog River Stela and CT 2 2, mention the import of high quality “linen from Egypt” (kitû ša URU Misir) into Babylonia, where it served mainly as a high prestige item (see Oppenheim �967: 245, 250, 25�; Weisberg �982: 2�8–26; Dandamaev �99�: 27�). Of note, text CT 2 2 cites the purchase in Babylonia of a linen garment from a person designated as “the Egyptian” (Oppenheim �967: 245, 250, 25�).�64 See Oppenheim (�967: 25�) and Wiseman (�966: �55; idem. �99�: 247).�65 This information appears in Lachish Ostracon III (see Albright in Pritchard �969: �22). For translations and discussion of other ostraca from this deposit, see Thomas (�958: 2�4, pl. �2), Miller and Hayes (�986: 4�7), and James (�99�: 7�8–�9). Jeremiah �7: 5–8 discusses the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem and Egyptian attempts to assist Judah.�66 Jeremiah 4�: 5–7 describes a large exodus of Judeans to Tah’panhes (Tell Defenneh in the East Delta) several months after the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem (ca. 586 BC). The Judean refugees included a military commander, Joha’nan, other Judean military commanders and their troops, Judean exiles who had later returned to Judah, men, women, children, Jer-emiah the prophet, and other notable Judeans. Jeremiah 42: �7 and 4�: 8–�� prophesizes dire consequences for other people intending to flee to Egypt, predicting a widespread Babylonian destruction throughout Egypt.�67 See Jeremiah 4�: 8–��, 44: �–�, 44: 8, 44: �5–�9, and 46: ��–27.

G. Mumford�64

nor of Elephantine under Apries, has an inscription mentioning the presence of foreigners, including Greeks and Asiatics, in the garrison at Elephantine.�68 Excavations and papyri at Elephantine reveal the presence of a small Jewish community, temple, and garrison in this town.�69 Jeremiah 46: ��–24 notes the use of hired soldiers in the Egyptian army, while Deuteronomy 28: 68 men-tions maritime travel to Egypt and warns Judean men and women against offering their services to Egypt. A statue of Peftuaneith, who served under Amasis, has an inscription noting the presence at Abydos of gardeners who had been brought in as captives.�70 Although the nationalities and origin of these foreign prisoners remain unspecified, they may reflect the 568 BC con-flict between Egypt and Babylonia. Despite fluctuating periods of hostility between Egypt and Babylonia, cedar and other lumber were still exported to Egypt from Lebanon. For instance, Peftuaneith remarks that he renewed the barque of Osiris using ‘š (“cedar” or “pine wood”). �7� A papyrus letter from year �7 of Darius II (ca. 407 BC) notes that the roof of the Jewish temple at Elephantine had been built of cedar wood prior to Cambyses’ invasion (ca. 525 BC).�72

Egyptian artefacts from selected sites in Syria-Palestine:During the Iron Age, the material culture assemblage from the Levantine site sample produced a broad and fairly representative range of Egyptian(izing) items (tables 5–��; graphs 2–�0). Jewellery forms the most popular category (n = 627+),�7� with luxury containers (n = 72+), monuments (n = 40+), seal im-pressions (n = 40+), figurines (n = �6+), and pottery (n = 24+) representing the next most popular things. The least popular Egyptian artefacts include weights (n = 9), game boards (n = 5), faunal items (n = �), inlay pieces from furnish-ings (n = �), linen pieces (n = 2), a sistrum, a button, a tablet, a bronze mirror, a mace head, and a face mask. In addition, the faunal record reveals freshwater Nile fish remains at East Mediterranean sites throughout the pharaonic and later periods.�74

�68 See Breasted �906 vol. 4: 508 section 994, notes a-b.�69 See Ginsberg (in Pritchard �969: 492 line �0) and Modrzejewski (�995: 22, 25–6, 40–2).�70 For the inscription from this statue, Louvre A9�, see Lichtheim �980: ��–5.�7� The word ‘š is translated as “cedar” (Breasted �906 vol. 4: 5�7 section �02�), “(so-called) cedar” (Faulkner �962: 49 ‘š), and “pine wood” (Lichtheim �980: �5 line 7). Lucas and Harris (�962: 4�8–9) note both cedar and pine wood are Asiatic imports to Egypt.�72 See Ginsberg in Pritchard �969: 492.�7� “n” indicates the “population”, or overall total of each item under discussion.�74 See this writer’s contribution on the fish trade during the Iron Age in Van Neer et. al., 2004: �0�–48. During the Iron Age, Nilotic fish appear at 2� Levantine sites: Tel Ashkelon, Tell el-Hesi, Lachish, Beer Sheba, Kuntillet ‘Arjud, Tel Miqne, Tel Hamid, Tel Harassim, Jerusalem (City of David), Yavneh Yam, Tell Qasile, Tel Gerisa, Tel Dor, Ein Hagit, Megiddo, Tell Rehov, Tel Akko, Horvat Rosh Zayit, Tel el-Wawayat, Tell el-Oreme, Ophel, Tel Kabri, and Sarepta (Mumford in Van Neer et. al., 2004: �20–�). The presence of Nilotic fish increases from eight to �9 sites from Iron I to Iron II. The types of Nilotic fish include perch and catfish (Van Neer


Of the aforementioned categories, the most common types of Egyptian-style jewellery include numerous beads of various materials, amulets (mostly wadjet-eyes and figures of Bes and Bastet), and seals (scarabs and Egyptian-izing scaraboids) (table ��). The non-pottery luxury containers include kohl pots for eye cosmetics, unguent jars, cosmetic dishes, and (New Year’s) pilgrim flasks of various materials (table ��). Of especial note, pottery containers�75 include a variety of Egyptian store jars, “beer” bottles, and bowls, reflecting the possible export of Egyptian grain, dried meat cuts, and other products (liq-uids?) in these containers.�76 Other items include cultic figurines from Egypt (e.g., Taharqa; Egyptian deities; a shawabti), or statuettes displaying Egyp-tian and Phoenician influence, such as monkeys, winged sphinxes, and fig-ures with lotus blossom motifs (table ��). Seal impressions on non-Egyptian pottery and other items often contain Egyptian motifs (e.g., an ankh-sign). Some weights found in Palestine have Egyptian forms (e.g., dome-shaped disks) and weight ranges (e.g., � ¾ debens), indicating regular commerce with Egypt (table ��). The discovery of Egyptian Senet game boards and playing pieces implies the relative popularity of such Egyptian pastimes amongst the indigenous elite and possible Egyptian residents identified in Syria-Palestine. Most of the Egyptian monumental and architectural pieces reflect the re-use of Ramesside items in later contexts (tables 5–��). However, the presence of some Third intermediate Period statuary at Byblos suggests royal gifts, while a stela fragment of Sheshonq I at Megiddo most likely commemorates his well-attested campaign in Palestine. The remaining Dynasties 25–26 statuary found in Phoenicia and Persia appears to reflect royal gifts and booty extracted from Egypt. A handful of other Egyptian-type products occur sporadically in Syria-Palestine, including such luxury items as wine sets, mirrors, sistra, and inlay pieces from furniture. The presence of two amulet moulds�77 in Iron Age Palestine is significant regarding the potential local manufacture of Egyptian-type amulets, but still contrasts sharply with the tens of thousands of moulds

et. al., 2004: table �).�75 Of interest, the occurrence of Philistine bird-headed bowls and spinning bowls (see table ��), whilst yielding many parallels in Egypt during the preceding New Kingdom, at most reflect an Egyptianizing influence. The Philistine predilection for bird motifs suggests this represents an indigenous pottery form, whilst spinning bowls are found commonly throughout the East Mediterranean and elsewhere (see Barber �99�).�76 This writer found grain placed in a similar squat store jar in a deposit of late New Kingdom to early Third Intermediate Period at Mendes (East Delta); see Mumford �997: �–4, figures �–�.�77 Strata VII–V (Iron Age IIB-C) at Gezer produced a Phoenician-style mould for a Bes head (Herrmann �994: �89 kat. no. 465; Macalister �9�2: �� volume 2, pl.2�0:�7). Tell el-‘Ajjul yielded a mould for a Bes figure from the upper surface, but it has parallels from Iron Age �A-B (Herrmann �994: �48–9 kat. no. �85; Petrie �9��: 8 chapter v, section �0, no. 42, pl.�6:42). Of note, a Bes amulet mould was found at Tell Rehob (Sarem) (Herrmann �994: �6–7, fig. 22; Vitto �99�: �272–4), while the Late Bronze Age has produced a mould for a rosette bead from level VIII, locus �068, at Beth Shan ( James and McGovern �99�: �48, fig. 7�:�0; Herrmann �994: �6).

G. Mumford�66

found throughout major cultic centres in Egypt.�78 What is particularly inter-esting is how such Egyptian exports fluctuate in popularity and distribution through time.

Iron Age 1B: Egyptain(izing) artefacts in Syria-Palestine.Coinciding with the “collapse” of Egypt’s New Kingdom Levantine empire, there is a definite decrease in Egyptian items and influence in occupation, cultic, and mortuary contexts throughout Syria-Palestine and the Near East (table �2; graphs 2–9).�79 �7% of the tombs examined from the Iron �B sam-ple (at Megiddo) yielded Egyptian(izing) objects. These formed an average of �9% for the entire mortuary assemblage (graphs 4–5). Of interest, within the 29 burials found in �9 tombs at Megiddo, 24% of them have Egyptian items amongst their burial furnishings. In occupation contexts, �0% of the structures and open areas contained Egyptian(izing) objects, which amounted to only ��% of the collective assemblage (graphs 2–�). In general, a slight decrease in Egyptian artefacts is detected through the three 50-year sub-phases compos-ing Iron �B occupation contexts: �0.8%, �0.7%, and �0.5% (table �2). In cultic contexts, all four shrines produced Egyptian-type artefacts, which averaged about ��% (4� of �6� items) of the assemblage. Similarly to occupation con-texts, a general, albeit fluctuating, decline is observable for Egyptian materials in cultic settings: �6.7%, 7.9%, and ��.9% (graphs 6–7).

However, in collapsing mortuary, occupation, and cultic contexts into one grouping for the three sub-phases of Iron �B, an overall slight increase emerges for Egyptian influence within individual contexts (�0.5%, �2.7%, and �6.�%), indicating a growing dispersal of Egyptian items amongst the wealthier levels of society (graph 9). In contrast, the percentages of Egyptian items exhib-it a minimal decline (�2.�%, ��.8%, and �2.�%), suggesting relatively lower amounts of Egyptian items amongst the elite, coinciding with the broader

�78 See Herrmann (�985; idem �990: �8-7�) and Müller-Winkler (�987) for treatments on Egyptian amulet moulds and production centres in the New Kingdom. Egypt’s well-estab-lished and intensive production of amulets in the New Kingdom (and later) is illustrated by the discovery of over �0,000 moulds at Qantir (Hamza �9�0: 5�) and of over 5,000 moulds at Tell el-Amarna (Petrie �894: �0). Post New Kingdom amulet factories appear at Memphis and Naukratis, vatering to Phoenicians, who in-turn dispersed such things throughout their inter-national markets (Acquaro �988: �94). Acquaro (�988: �94) summarizes: “Not only were these objects imported from Egyptian production centres, such as Naukratis and Memphis; their high value as auspicious funerary accompaniments was also reflected by local imitation.” The Phoenicians also produced many glass paste and faience items, including Egyptianizing amulets and scarabs (Markoe 2000: �58).�79 Egyptian(izing) artefacts occur in Iron �B contexts at Tell Abu Salima (Mumford �998: �49�–8), Farah South (Mumford �998: �965–6), Beer Sheba (Mumford �998: �969–78), Ash-dod (Mumford �998: 20�9–58), Tell Beit Mirsim (Mumford �998: 24��–�4), Gezer (Mumford �998: 2440), Tell Qasile (Mumford �998: 2478–98), Megiddo (Mumford �998: �297–��7), Beth Shan (Mumford �998: �45�–78), Tell Keisan (Mumford �998: �508–��), Tyre (Mum-ford �998: �552–5), Hazor (Mumford �998: �626–8), Sarepta (Mumford �998: �69�–�), and Carchemish (Mumford �998: �8�6).


dispersal of Egyptian(izing) items amongst the populace (chiefly the wealthier stratum of society). There is also an appreciable range of Egyptian-type items consisting of jewellery, luxury containers, some pottery, monuments (left over from the early Ramesside period), figurines, seal impressed items, weights, a game board, and miscellaneous artefacts (table 5). Hence, although Egyptian exports to and influence in the Levant suffered dramatically at the end of Egypt’s empire, various Egyptian(izing) luxury items remained popular and gradually became widespread amongst the overall Levantine Iron �B popula-tion. However, despite such relative increases within this period, the overall trend is one of a decrease in the actual proportions of Egyptian(izing) items in all contexts from Iron IB to 2A (graphs 8–9).

The presence of peaks in Egyptian(izing) influence at sites in north Pal-estine is also significant,�80 with regression analysis confirming a somewhat unexpected south-north increase along the coast.�8� This reverse regression may suggest either an increase in northern, probably Phoenician, influence in transmitting Egyptian(izing) products, or possibly a higher frequency of shipping stopping at northern sites. For instance, in the Journey of Wena-mon, the envoy of Amun sails on non-Egyptian ships, stops for a few days at Dor, halts briefly at Tyre, and focuses his attention upon his main destination: Byblos. Depending upon individual cargoes and objectives, this tale attests to merchants maintaining fleets and commerce between ports at Tanis, Dor, Tyre, Sidon, and Byblos. For the purposes of assessing the archaeological record, however, a larger sample of sites and artefacts would be preferable, before plac-ing too much emphasis upon regional dispersal patterns for Egyptian products and influence in north Palestine.

Iron Age 2A: Egyptain(izing) artefacts in Syria-Palestine.The Iron 2A period reveals a distinct drop in Egyptian artefacts and influence, and in the diversity and range of Egyptian-type items (table �2; graphs 2–9).�82 �9% of the tombs assessed for this time period yielded Egyptian(izing) items, which amounted to �6.7% of the entire mortuary assemblage (graphs 4–5).�8� �80 During Iron �B, the shrine at Tell Qasile contained �7%–�9% Egyptian items, the Meg-iddo tombs yielded �9% Egyptian artefacts, and occupation contexts at Beth Shan and Tyre produced 22% and �7%–�8% Egyptian objects, respectively.�8� See figures 29.8–�0 and graphs 29.�2–�4 in Mumford (�998: �95�–6).�82 Egyptian(izing) artefacts occur in Iron 2A contexts at Tell el-Kheleifeh (��97–�402), Tell Abu Salima (Mumford �998: �499–�50�), Tell el-‘Ajjul (Mumford �998: �9��–49), Tell Farah South (Mumford �998: �965–6), Beer Sheba (Mumford �998: �978–8�), Tell Ashdod (Mumford �998: 2058–64), Lachish (Mumford �998: 2265–72), Tell Beit Mirsim (Mumford �998: 24�5–�8), Gezer (Mumford �998: 2440), Tell Michal (Mumford �998: 2456–60), Tell Qasile (Mumford �998: 2499–50�), Tell es-Sa‘idiyeh (Mumford �998: 2779–80), Tell Mevo-rakh (Mumford �998: 29�4–42), Megiddo (Mumford �998: ��27–4�), Beth Shan (Mumford �998: �479–84), Tell Keisan (Mumford �998: �5�4–�5), Tyre (Mumford �998: �556–7), Hazor (Mumford �998: �628–�2), Sarepta (Mumford �998: �694–97), and Carchemish (Mumford �998: �8�7).�8� �5 Iron 2A graves and tombs occur at Megiddo, of which three burials yielded a calcite jug

G. Mumford�68

The sample of Iron 2A tombs and graves yielded at least 90 individuals, of whom only four persons (4.4%) had Egyptian artefacts amongst their burial goods. In occupation settings, ��% of the structures and open areas produced Egyptian(izing) objects, which formed 9.4% of the selected occupation assem-blage (graphs 2–�). In the small sample of cultic contexts, only ��% of three shrines contained Egyptian(izing) artefacts, with 20% of the cultic furnishings consisting of Egyptian-type articles (graphs 6–7). The apparent increase in Egyptian(izing) materials in one shrine may reflect the small sample of items from its material culture assemblage. The overall artefact assemblage for all contexts reveals a dramatic drop in Iron 2A Egyptian items and influence within individual contexts (�6% to �2%) and in the percentages of Egyptian items (�2.�% to �0.�%) (graph 8). There is a corresponding distinct decline in specific Egyptian artefact types (graph 9), but the broad categories of items continue to include jewellery and some luxury containers, pottery, monuments (mostly remaining from earlier periods), weights, a game board, and faunal items (table 6). Hence, Egyptian influence continues to decline prior to Shes-honq I’s campaign into Palestine (ca. 925 BC).

In contrast to Iron �B, regression analysis for Egyptian influence in Iron 2A shows an overall south-north decline along the coast,�84 despite a peak in oc-cupation contexts at Tell Keisan (�7%). High levels of Egyptian items occur at inland sites, however, in the occupation assemblage at Beth Shan (��%) and in funerary goods at Megiddo (25%). These relatively high northern peaks may reflect a Phoenician dispersal of Egyptian(izing) items, more frequent Egyp-tian contact with the Jezreel Valley, the biased preservation, excavation, and publication of artefacts, or an insufficient site and artefact sample for compara-tive analysis. Of note, the calculation of standard error ranges for the propor-tions of Egyptian(izing) items indicates sufficient, namely “reliable”, artefact quantities for most material culture assemblages within the site sample (see Mumford �998: �9��–87).

Iron Age 2B: Egyptain(izing) artefacts in Syria-Palestine.In general, there is a revival of Egyptian(izing) products and influence during Iron Age 2B (ca. 925–700 BC)�85 after Sheshonq I’s intense campaign through-

(Grave �784: only item, �00%), a faience game piece (Grave �768: one of three items, ��%), and a scarab (Tomb �7E, single object, �00%, alongside five pottery vessels). Only one (2%) of the cemetery’s pottery vessels represented a foreign (Phoenician) form.�84 See figure 29.�� and graph 29.�5 in Mumford (�998: �957–8).�85 Egyptian(izing) artefacts occur in Iron 2B contexts at Ruqeish (Mumford �998: 7�0–742), Tell el-Kheleifeh (Mumford �998: �402–4, �4�5–�9), Tell Abu Salima (Mumford �998: �50�–49), Tell el-‘Ajjul (Mumford �998: �9��–49), Tell Farah South (Mumford �998: �965–6), Beer Sheba (Mumford �998: �984–20�0), Tell Ashdod (Mumford �998: 2065–79), Lachish (Mum-ford �998: 227�–�69), Tell Beit Mirsim (Mumford �998: 24�8), Gezer (Mumford �998: 2440), Tell Michal (Mumford �998: 2460–9), Tell Qasile (Mumford �998: 250�–9), Tell es-Sa‘idiyeh (Mumford �998: 278�–94), Megiddo (Mumford �998: ��27–4�), Beth Shan (Mumford �998: �485–9�), Tell Keisan (Mumford �998: �5�6–�7), Tyre (Mumford �998: �558–69), Hazor


out Palestine (table �2; graphs 2–9). Mortuary contexts yield a peak (�9%) in the proportion of graves and tombs yielding Egyptian-type items in early Iron 2B (925–900 BC), with subsequent isolated “peaks”, ��% and �6%, in mid-Iron 2B (850–800 BC) and late Iron 2B (750–700 BC), respectively (graphs 4–5). In con-trast, the percentages of Egyptian-type artefacts rise in mid-Iron 2B mortuary contexts (850–750 BC), suggesting fluctuations in both the popularity of Egyp-tian-type items amongst the burial goods of the elite and the broader mortuary population. Of at least �,024 burials identified with the Iron 2B mortuary popu-lation sample, 99 (9.7%) of these interments had Egyptian-type items amongst their funerary possessions, representing a significant increase from Iron 2A. Oc-cupation contexts reveal peaks in the distribution of Egyptian-type items during early Iron 2B (925–900 BC) and late Iron 2B (800–700 BC), amounting to �7% and 22%, respectively, with a continuous decline in the percentages of Egyptian-type items throughout Iron 2B: 8.9%, 8.2%, 8.0%, 7.9%, and 6.0% (graphs 2–�). This suggests that the aforementioned mid- to late Iron 2B “peaks” represent a much greater dispersal of Egyptian(izing) items amongst the funerary furnish-ings of the upper class, while decreasing amounts of Egyptian items occur dur-ing the period of Assyrian expansion into Syria-Palestine. Of note, Egyptian influence becomes less continuously represented in cultic contexts in the sam-pled Iron 2B sites. During early Iron 2B (925–900 BC), two shrines yielded only pottery, and otherwise lack Egyptian items (graphs 6–7). After a gap in cultic contexts in the site sample, there is an apparent increase in both the number of shrines yielding Egyptian(izing) items and in the percentages of Egyptian items in late Iron 2B cultic assemblages (800–700 BC). The three shrines examined from this time span produced �4.4% and �7.9% Egyptian(izing) artefacts in ca. 800–750 BC and 750–700 BC, respectively (graphs 6–7).

In the overall Levantine material culture assemblage, three “peaks” occur in the number of individual contexts yielding Egyptian-type artefacts. These amounted to 2�.2%, 20.6%, and �8.4% in early Iron 2B (925–900 BC), mid-Iron 2B (850–800 BC), and late Iron 2B (750–700 BC), respectively (graph 8). In contrast, the percentages of Egyptian(izing) items yield “peaks” in the intervening sub-periods, namely 900–850 BC (��.9%) and 800–750 BC (��.4%), suggesting fluctuations in the proportion of the general population and wealthier classes receiving Egyptian items (graph 9). Despite such socio-economic variations, Iron Age 2B represents a return to a greater diversity of Egyptian artefact types and quantities in comparison with the preceding Iron Age 2A (tables 7–8), and yields an overall decline in Egyptian influence since the Late Bronze Age and Iron �B periods.

Regression analysis of Egyptian artefact distributions in Iron 2B displays a more typical overall south-north decrease at coastal sites.�86 In occupation con-

(Mumford �998: �6�2–55), Sarepta (Mumford �998: �694–7), and Carchemish (Mumford �998: �8�8–9�).�86 See figures 29.�2–�6 and graphs 29.�6–20 in Mumford (�998: �957–6�).

G. Mumford�70

texts, a few peaks occur at Tell Abu Salima (4�%), Tell el-Kheleifeh (20%) and Tell Keisan (�7%). In mortuary and cultic assemblages, the cemetery at Tell el-Ajjul yields 40%, while the shrine at Sarepta contains �4% Egyptian items. Phoenician influence is particularly evident amongst the items at Sarepta in southern Lebanon, while the sites of Tell Abu Salima and Tell el-Kheleifeh are closer to Egypt, being located in northeast Sinai and the southern Negev, respectively.�87

Iron Age 2C: Egyptain(izing) artefacts in Syria-Palestine.The early Iron 2C period of Assyria’s domination of Syria-Palestine and Egypt yields dramatic deceases in Egyptian influence throughout the Levant (table �2; graphs 2–9).�88 In regards to mortuary contexts, there is a sharp decline to 7% in the proportion of Levantine graves and tombs yielding Egyptian-type items in early Iron 2C (700–650 BC) (graph 4). This is followed by a minor increase to 9% in late Iron 2C (650–600 BC), during a brief period of renewed Egyptian imperialism in Syria-Palestine (graph 4). In contrast, the percentage of Egyptian items drop from �5% to �2.5% in Iron 2C burials. Of the 2,45� interments in the Iron 2C sample, only five to no more than twenty-seven individuals (0.�%–�.�%) were associated with Egyptian artefacts, a dramatic decrease from Iron 2B. Occupation contexts reveal a significant decline in both the distribution and proportions of Egyptian(izing) items in households and other areas in early Iron 2C (700–650 BC): Egyptian items appear in �2% of buildings and open areas and amount to 2.�% of the overall occupation as-semblage (graph 2). In late Iron 2C, �6% of buildings and open areas produce Egyptian items, which average 4.�% of the occupation assemblage. Likewise, an initial decrease in Egyptian artefacts takes place in both the number of shrines (67% to 50%) and the proportion of items in their assemblages (�7.9% to �2.9%) in early Iron 2C (700–650 BC) (graphs 6–7). During the brief pe-riod of renewed Egyptian imperialism (650–600 BC), there is a small increase in the number of shrines containing Egyptian items (50% to 75%), but an immense decrease in the percentages of Egyptian(izing) items within these shrines (�2.9% to 2.9%) (graphs 6–7). In combining all three contexts, the overall pattern reveals a drop in both the dispersal and proportions of Egyp-tian-type items throughout individual contexts in early Iron 2C (graphs 8–9). �87 The proportion of Egyptian artefacts would be much lower at Tell el-Kheleifeh if the entire artefact assemblage had been published.�88 Egyptian(izing) artefacts occur in Iron 2C contexts at Ruqeish (Mumford �998: 742–49), Tawilan (Mumford �998: �429–��), Horvat Qitmit (Mumford �998: �4�4–�7), Tell Abu Salima (Mumford �998: �549–77), Tell Farah South (Mumford �998: �965–66), Tell Ash-dod (Mumford �998: 2079–89), Lachish (Mumford �998: 2�69–90), Tell Beit Mirsim (Mum-ford �998: 24�9–�4), Gezer (Mumford �998: 2440), Tell Michal (Mumford �998: 2469–7�), Tell Qasile (Mumford �998: 2509–�0), Tell es-Sa‘idiyeh (Mumford �998: 2795–96), Meg-iddo (Mumford �998: ��4�–44), Tell Keisan (Mumford �998: �5�9–22), Tyre (Mumford �998: �568–70), Hazor (Mumford �998: �655–58), Sarepta (Mumford �998: �697–�7�6), and Carchemish (Mumford �998: �89�–908).


In late Iron 2C, a divergence arises in the dispersal of Egyptian items and influence throughout the populace, increasing from �2% to �6%, while the percentage of Egyptian items falls from 5% to 4%. In general, the diversity and numbers of Egyptian-type items continue from Iron Age 2B (table 9).

In Iron 2C, regression analysis produces an expected south-north decrease in Egyptian influence in occupation, mortuary, and cultic contexts along the coast.�89 However, the northern Assyrian and Egyptian headquarters at Carchemish did yield a relatively high proportion of Egyptian influence in its occupation assemblage (8%) and funerary goods (�7%). Otherwise, the Le-vantine site sample contains fairly linear decreases in Egyptian influence from south to north and from coastal sites inland (west-east).

Babylonian to Early Persian Periods: Egyptain(izing) artefacts in Syria-Palestine.The current analysis of Egypto-Asiatic material relations during the Babylo-nian to early Persian period is somewhat tentative since it relies upon a much smaller data base (table �2; graphs 2–9).�90 In this period, the limited mortuary assemblage lacked Egyptian items (graphs 4–5). A similarly small occupation context produced only a small increase in housing and other areas containing Egyptian-type products (�6% to 2�%), while the quantities of Egyptian(izing) objects display a more reliable continuous decline (4.�% to �.�%) (graphs 2–�). Shrines form the least well-represented context, yielding one small cultic deposit that produced two Egyptian items within a published assemblage of three non-pottery artefacts (graphs 6–7). The overall picture is slightly better: individual contexts containing Egyptian artefacts increase from �6% to �8% in contrast to an overall decline from 4.0% to �.4% in the quantities of Egyp-tian items founds in the Levant (graphs 8–9). Despite the minimal number of Egyptian objects from the site sample, the most popular and main categories of Egyptian-type artefacts continue to be represented during this period (table �0). In future, supplementary data may verify or modify these emerging pat-terns.

Further Egypto-Asiatic influences in the Levant and Assyria.Egyptian(izing) motifs and hieroglyphs appear in the Iron Age ivories pro-duced outside Egypt, primarily in Phoenicia, “South Syria” (Damascus? re-gion), and to a minimal degree in North Syria.�9� These separate ivory carving �89 See figures 29.2�–22 and graphs 29.�7–�8 in Mumford (�998: �966–68).�90 Egyptian(izing) artefacts occur in Babylonian to early Persian period contexts at Tell el-Kheleifeh (Mumford �998: �420–2), Tawilan (Mumford �998: �429–��), Tell Abu Salima (Mumford �998: �577–97), Lachish (Mumford �998: 2�90–�), Gezer (Mumford �998: 2440), Tell Keisan (Mumford �998: �52�), and Sarepta (Mumford �998: �700–�6). Only occupation contexts yielded sufficient data for regression analysis, producing an expected south-north de-crease along the coast (Mumford �998: �968–9, figure 29.�8 and graph 29.2�).�9� See Barnett �975; idem �982; Herrmann �986; Winter �98�: �2�–9.

G. Mumford�72

regions and traditions yield different and somewhat contested time spans: the North Syrian ivories date from the late tenth to eighth centuries BC;�92 the South Syrian ivories dominate the eighth century BC;�9� Phoenician ivories begin possibly as early as the mid-tenth century BC, but mainly occur in the ninth to eighth centuries BC.�94 The carved ivories include furniture panels, containers (e.g., a bowl joined to a human hand, lion’s mouth, or swimming girl; vessels resembling a bird’s nest; pyxides bearing inlaid decoration; tall “horns” or “oliphants”), fly whisk handles, and horse harness ornamentation (e.g., blinkers).�95 North Syrian ivories minimize and often lack Egyptianizing traits.�96 South Syrian ivories reveal more Egyptianizing motifs, including the goddess Maat on papyrus stalks, a winged uraeus cobra, fecundity figures binding papyrus plants (symbolizing the union of Upper and Lower Egypt), the Egyptian double crown, and ram-headed scepters.�97 Phoenician ivories produced the greatest range of Egyptian motifs, such as pseudo-Egyptian hi-eroglyphs and inscriptions, deities (e.g., royal Ba-birds; Bastet; Bes; Hathor; Heh; Horus; Horus-the-child; Isis; Kheper [beetle]; Khnum; Maat; Nephthys; Sekhmet; Taweret; Thoth), winged sphinxes, falcon- and ram-headed sphinxes (or “griffins”), winged sun-disks, a solar barque with sun-disc, a sacred tree, youths binding papyri, a lioness killing a Nubian, and a cow suckling a calf.�98 The Phoenician ivories also contain many Egyptian iconographic elements, including royal and divine crowns, clothing, and jewellery.�99 During its west-ward expansion, Assyria deported many of the ivory carvers and their products to Assyria, possibly introducing indirect Egyptianizing influences alongside Egyptian exports, tribute, booty, and deportees. For instance, the throne room of Esarhaddon at Nimrud contained a border decorated with alternating lotus buds and blossoms, a well-attested Egyptian motif, albeit usually with a con-necting vine in Egyptian art.200 Mortuary, cultic, palace, and private domestic contexts at Nimrud and other Assyrian cities have yielded further evidence for

�92 Barnett �982: 45–6.�9� Winter (�98�: �29–�0) dates the postulated “South Syrian” style of ivory carving primarily to the eighth century BC based upon comparisons to similar well-dated ivories and motifs at Hazor, Megiddo, Samaria, and elsewhere.�94 Barnett (�982: 46–8) suggests that the Phoenician ivory carving tradition began as early as the commercial partnership between Hiram of Tyre and Solomon in the mid-tenth century BC, with most evidence indicating a ninth to eight centuries BC floruit before Assyria’s western expansion and domination ultimately decimated Phoenicia and this industry. A rapid decline is evident in the seventh century BC Phoenician ivory industry.�95 Barnett �982: 4�–55.�96 Barnett �982: 4�–4.�97 Winter �98�: �0�–4, �05, �07, �08, ��0, ��–�2, and ��5.�98 Barnett �975: 7�–4, 87, 92, ��8–9, �40, �4�, �4�, �5�, and �5�; Herrmann �986; Mallowan �966: 48�, 482, and 54�. �99 Barnett �975: pls. 46–5�; see also Herrmann (�976) for numerous examples illustrated throughout his catalogue of ivories from Nimrud.200 Mallowan �966: �80, pls. �07–8.


Egyptian contact and influence in the late eighth to seventh centuries BC.20� These contexts have produced Egyptian-style scarabs, scaraboids, and seal-impressions, 202 Levantine seals with Egyptian motifs,20� cylinder seals with Egyptian hieroglyphs,204 amulets (e.g., wadjet-eyes; 205 Bes-figures),206 beads,207 stone vessels,208 statuettes,209 and weights,2�0 many of which represent royal gifts, palace tribute, and booty retrieved from Egypt. Furthermore, the pres-ence of Egyptian(izing) items in Assyrian private settings suggests commer-cial and other contact between Egypt and Assyria, including the presence of Egyptians and persons of Egyptian descent dwelling in Assyria.20� Oates �959: �25.202 The seals with Egyptian symbols include various Egyptian hieroglyphs and motifs, such as uraei, ankh-signs, ma‘at-feathers, deities, pharaohs, lotus blossoms, Horus on a blossom, and winged sun-disks (also an Assyrian motif ). The Palace of Sennacherib yielded a seal impres-sion of a winged figure with the head of Horus (mentioned in Parker �955: �06). The house of Rab-ekalli in Nimrud produced a docket bearing an Egyptianizing seal impression with a cobra(?) and sun-disk (Parker �962: �8, pl. 20.2). A house (TW.5�) from the town wall at Nimrud yielded an Assyrian clay tablet, dating after 648 BC, with duplicate impressions of an Egyptian seal (ND �425) that bore an Egyptian king wearing a Blue Crown (with a uraeus) and a kilt (with a bull’s tail), holding a crook, accompanied by traces of an Egyptian hieroglyphic text (Parker �955: ��9, pl. 26:�, fig. ��). Room 9 of the Ninurta temple at Nimrud contained an ovate seal (ND 70�0), dating around 624 BC, with an Egyptian-type motif of a nude child on a lotus blossom (i.e., birth of Horus motif ) (Parker �962: �9). A bulla from Nineveh yielded hybrid Egyptian and Assyrian motifs in a seal impression bearing a Horus-child design (Parker �962: �9).20� A domestic quarter in C.5-7 South Sector at Nimrud yielded a conical seal displaying a flying bird accompanied by a lotus (Oates �959: ��5–�7).204 A seventh century BC cylinder seal from Nimrud has an ankh-sign, uraeus, and Ma‘at-feather beside an Assyrian moon crescent and standard of Sin (Parker �955: �05–6, pl.�7:�).205 A faience wadjet-eye amulet was found in House no. � (TW.5�) from the eastern wall of Nimrud’s acropolis (Mallowan �954: ��0, �4�–4). The house belonged to Shamash-shar-usur, a wealthy Assyrian merchant whose adjacent archive dates from 6�0–6�2 BC. Of note, a Saluki-type dog, commonly found in Egypt, was buried within his property. Two other wadjet-eyes (ND 60��; 60�6) appeared in the post-6�2 BC destruction layer at Nimrud, but may reflect Achaemenian or early Hellenistic examples (D. Oates and J. Oates �958: ��9).206 The destruction debris in room S-�0 of Fort Shalmaneser at Nimrud yielded a bronze figure of the Egyptian dwarf deity Bes (Oates �959: �20–�, no. �5). This figure had a squat phy-sique, cow ears, an extended tongue, an ostrich plume headdress, but its kilt and hands placed on the stomach are unusual in Egypt (Oates �959: �20–�). 207 In the late seventh century BC, House no. 5, which is located in a block of private houses against the eastern acropolis wall at Nimrud, contained a bugle bead (ND ��09) bearing Egyp-tian hieroglyphs and signs (e.g., ankh-sign) (Mallowan �954: �45).208 Room 25 in the Northwest Palace at Nineveh contained seversl Egyptian calcite (“alabas-ter”) vessels. One example had a pseudo-hieroglyphic inscription and cartouche (Mallowan �954: �25), probably reflecting a Phoenician manufacture of an Egyptianizing item. Similar vessels found at Assur are dated to the reigns of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon through associ-ated epigraphic evidence (Mallowan �954: �25; idem �966: �69–7�, pls.�0�–4). See the preced-ing section on royal name items for a stone vase of Taharqa found at Assur (Oates �959: 96).209 See the preceding outline of Egyptian royal name items for Taharqa, which includes statu-ettes from Nineveh (Oates �959: 96).2�0 An Egyptian weight, from Esarhaddon’s palace at Nineveh, bears a cuneiform text added to it indicating its origin as booty from Egypt: “The abode of Esarhaddon, king of the universe, king of Assyria: booty of Egypt (and) Kush.”

G. Mumford�74

Conclusion:The preceding narrative and following tables/graphs outline a number of ob-servations regarding Egypto-Levantine relations during the Iron Age to early Persian period. Table � summarizes a series of Egyptian and Asiatic cam-paigns across the Egyptian frontier alongside the distribution of Egyptian royal name items found in the Levant. The presence of late Ramesside royal name artefacts in southern Palestine, alongside other Egyptian products, sug-gests fairly continuous Egyptian diplomatic and commercial contact with this region during a period immediately following the disintegration of Egypt’s Levantine empire. In the succeeding Third Intermediate Period, the sporadic dispersal of royal name items parallels several pharaohs equated with dispatch-ing armies or military assistance into Syria-Palestine. This implies fluctuations in and connections between Egypt’s economic stability, imperialism, and di-plomacy during a time when Egypt was subdivided initially into a northern Tanite kingdom (Dynasty 2�) and a southern Theban theocracy, followed by a phase of multiple kingdoms (Dynasties 22–24), chiefdoms, and vassal rulers. The Kushite to Saite period covers a reunited Egypt (Dynasties 25–26) and becomes more complex in some aspects, with Egyptian and Asiatic envoys, merchants, armies, refugees, deportees, and others crossing the Egyptian fron-tier and dispersing Egyptian royal name items, merchandise, booty, and other things into the Near East.

Tables 2–4 and graph � draw upon epigraphic sources to outline and em-phasize the diverse nature, relative frequency, and overall continuity of Egyp-to-Levantine activity, contact, and influence on either side of the Egyptian border, while tables 5–�� detail the categories and specific types of Egyptian and Egyptian(izing) items found at selected sites in Syria-Palestine (includ-ing Egyptian royal name items located throughout the Near East). Regard-ing inscriptional sources, in a sequence of thirty-two Egyptian rulers covering ��50–525 BC, only five reigns2�� lack specific and indirect references to Egyp-to-Asiatic relations during a total of 29 years, or 5%, of this 625 year time span. In comparison, the archaeological record displays a continuous, albeit fluctu-ating, Egyptian presence and influence in virtually all aspects of Levantine society, but has a concentration of material influence in the wealthier strata of society. Regarding archaeological sources, table �2 and graphs 2–9 review the temporal sequence and changes in preserved numbers and proportions of individual contexts yielding Egyptian artefacts alongside the totals and per-centages of Egyptian artefacts within occupation, mortuary, and cultic assem-blages. These contexts and artefact percentages display changes in popularity, with overall continuity in the broad categories of Egyptian(izing) exports and influences, and significant differences in both the intensity and diversity of 2�� These rulers consist of Ramesses VII (��6–��29 BC), Ramesses VIII (��29–��26 BC), Amenemnisu (�04�–�0�9 BC), Amenemope (99�–984 BC), and Pimay (77�–767 BC), who reigned for about 29 years (4.6%) of the 625 year time span (see tables �–4).


Egypto-Asiatic material relations in specific time periods. It is only by using the combined textual and archaeological evidence, however, that one obtains an approximation of the Egyptian materials, products, animals, and persons distributed across Syria-Palestine and the Near East.

Graph �0 and table �� illustrate the proportions of Egyptian(izing) items within the overall material culture assemblages of selected Levantine sites in comparison with the annual averages per reign of Egypto-Asiatic campaigns across the Egyptian frontier and royal name items found in the Near East. These data have revealed some emerging patterns. A moderate “peak” occurs in all three contextual components at the advent of Iron Age �B (��50–��00 BC), followed by a slight decline in Egyptian artefacts and the absence of Egyptian royal name items and campaigns in mid-Iron �B Syria-Palestine. The re-ap-pearance of military activity, in late Iron �B (�050–�000 BC), corresponds to a slight peak in Egyptian-type items in the broad range of Levantine archaeo-logical contexts.2�2 The decrease in Egyptian(izing) artefacts in Iron 2A may match a reduction in Egyptian campaigns, if one discounts a possible military raid by Siamun, while the number of royal name items maintains the preceding Iron 2A level of contact. The Iron 2B fluctuations in Egypto-Asiatic activity yield peaks in Egyptian artefact percentages in 900–850 BC and 800–750 BC. Although these peaks do not seem to correspond to either Egyptian military or diplomatic activity, which otherwise display a higher intensity around 750–700 BC, they likely reflect intensifications in commercial relations between Egypt and the Levant, including intermediaries (e.g., Phoenicia) in transmit-ting Egyptian merchandise abroad. Hence, as Egypt becomes progressively fractured politically during the Third Intermediate Period, there appears to be a stronger emphasis upon non-royal trade and shipping in the distribution of Egyptian(izing) materials, products, animals, and persons to the Near East.2�� This does not discount, however, the income gained from royal and official tariffs imposed on shipping and caravan traffic passing through the ports and way-stations of separate kingdoms and other polities.

The increase in Egypto-Asiatic campaigns and Egyptian royal name items during Iron 2C and the Babylonian to early Persian periods does not parallel the otherwise continuous decrease in Egyptian(izing) items throughout Syria-Palestine. During this time span, despite a brief period of renewed Egyptian imperialism (early Dynasty 26), Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia dominated the 2�2 This “peak” is in reality part of a decrease following the end of the Late Bronze Age to Iron �A periods (see forthcoming article by G. Mumford on Egypto-Levantine relations in the Late Bronze Age).2�� This is already emphasized in the journey of Wenamon around �069 BC. One can posit a continuous decline in Egyptian royal expeditions and control over long-distance trade, with a rise in multiple, albeit lesser and greater, polities, officials, and private merchants. One would ex-pect a complex series of commercial interactions, tariffs, and transactions involving merchandise being shipped across separate polities from Egypt to the Levant. The advantages of Phoenician long-distance maritime shipping becomes obvious, allowing merchants and their patrons to bypass more way-stations and taxation points.

G. Mumford�76

Levant, reducing Egypt’s former political, commercial, and related influence in this region. A large portion of the Egyptian materials, artefacts, royal name items, and persons finding their way into the Near East may reflect tribute, booty, and mass deportations, alongside a continued, albeit significantly re-duced Egypto-Asiatic commerce. However, the majority of the tribute, war spoils, and deportees extracted from Egypt by Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia appear to have been destined mainly for the heartland of these empires, and not their western Levantine provinces. Of note, the apparent decrease in Egyp-tian artefacts and influence in Syria-Palestine does not detract from Judah’s continued prosperity in exacting tarrifs upon South Arabian and other caravan traffic through the southern Levant.2�4 For instance, many Egyptian items, such as linen, are not well-preserved in the Levantine archaeological assem-blage, but appear mostly in the Assyrian lists of palace tribute and booty from Judah and other Levantine polities (see Holladay forthcoming: �09–28).

By examining both the surviving archaeological and textual records, it has been possible to illuminate and clarify various aspects of Egypto-Asiatic re-lations. Epigraphic materials have revealed and suggested multiple layers of complexity behind the diverse mechanisms that dispersed Egyptian materials and products to their “final” context in the archaeological record, whether in a mortuary, cultic, or occupation assemblage.2�5 Historical records indicate that Egyptian merchants, state messengers, cultic envoys, mercenaries, emigrants, soldiers, armies, deportees, and others traveled to the Levant, accompanied by possessions, equipment, merchandise, animals, gifts, tribute, prisoners, and other things destined to remain in the Near East. In Syria-Palestine, the defeat of Egyptian armies, the employment and settlement of Egyptians and Kush-ites abroad, and other circumstances, resulted in the adoption of further Egyp-tian materials, products, and influence. In the Iron 2C and Babylonian-Persian period, it is the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian invasions, booty, tribute, and brief occupations of Egypt that transmitted many Egyptian materials, items, animals, and persons into the Near East. Although Egyptian influence is less obvious in Palestine during the Babylonian period, it becomes more evident in the later Persian period, including Egyptian sculptural and architectural influ-ence in the Near East (especially at Persepolis in Persia).2�6

The existing archaeological record contains better spatial and temporal cov-erage for Egyptian(izing) artefacts in the Levant, confirming and augmenting many broad and specific categories of Egyptian exports otherwise not attested in textual-pictorial sources. It would appear that Egyptian products and influ-2�4 See Holladay’s forthcoming article: Hezekiah’s Tribute, Long-Distance Trade, and the Wealth of Nations ca. �000–600 BC.2�5 For a more in-depth discussion on long-distance trade, tribute, booty, and other mecha-nisms for re-distributing Egyptian(izing) and other materials, goods, and wealth throughout the Near East, see the forthcoming article by J. S. Holladay, Jr., (cited in bibliography below), and further pertinent sources cited in his bibliography.2�6 See Stern (�982) and Tulpin (�99�).


ences reached the upper levels of society, being reflected primarily as exotic luxury goods within housing, temples, and tombs. More mundane exports also occur, including Nile fish (a luxury food), while in certain periods a greater proportion of Levantine households, shrines, and tombs contain Egyptian exotica. That Egyptian materials were attractive to non-Egyptians is demon-strated by the presence of Egyptian items in private Assyrian households (e.g., Nimrud) and in Phoenician cremation burials (e.g., Tell er-Ruqeish; Tell el-Ajjul; Carchemish). However, when taking into consideration both the actual numbers of burials per tomb or grave, and biased preservation in all contexts, the true impact of Egyptian influence is in reality much lower within Syr-ia-Palestine,2�7 often falling below �% of the overall occupation assemblage, whilst retaining higher proportions within the more restricted elite burial and cultic assemblages. The inevitable discovery and publication of further perti-nent documents and materials will serve to augment and clarify this and other studies, representing a welcome illumination to much of a period in antiquity that has often, and somewhat inaccurately, been labeled a “Dark Age.”2�8

2�7 For instance, 22 to 4� Iron 2C graves and tombs from the sampled mortuary population of 2,48� burials have yielded a minimum of five to a maximum of twenty-seven persons (0.�% to �.�%) with Egyptian(izing) items.2�8 See P. D. James et. al., �99�: 26.

G. Mumford�78

RULERS: DATES: CAMPAIGNS: ROYAL ITEMS: MONUMENTS:

Late Dyn.20 :Ramesses VIIRamesses VIII

Ramesses IXRamesses X

Ramesses XIDyn.21:Smendes IAmenemnisuPsusennes I (Menkheperre)

Iron Age 1B:��6 – ��29 BC��29 – ��26 BC

��26 – ��08 BC��08 – �099 BC

�099 – �069 BC

�069 – �04� BC�04� – �0�9 BC�0�9 – 99� BC (above)

--

� campaign (Red Sea)-

-

--� campaign? (Palestine)-

-� scarab (Gezer) � button (Tel Miqne-Ekron)� inlay plaque (Gezer)� scarab (Tell Masos)� scarab (Beth Shemesh)� scarab (Tell Farah South)-

---� scarab (Beth Zur)� sealing (Nineveh [Assyria])

--

--

-

----

Dyn.21 (cont.) :AmenemopeOsorkon (Elder)SiamunPsusennes IIDyn.22 :Shoshenq I

Iron Age 2A :99� – 984 BC984 – 978 BC978 – 959 BC959 – 945 BC

945 – 924 BC

--� campaign? (Palestine)-

� campaign (Palestine)

--� scarab (Tell Farah South)-

-

----

� statue (Byblos)� stela (Megiddo)

Dyn.22 (cont.):Osorkon IShoshenq IITakeloth IOsorkon IITakeloth IIShoshenq IIIPimayShoshenq VOsorkon IV

Iron Age 2B:924 – 889 BC c.890 BC889 – 874 BC874 – 850 BC850 – 825 BC825 – 77� BC77� – 767 BC767 – 7�0 BC7�0 – 7�5 BC

Zerar’s campaign? (Pal.)--� campaign (Qarqar)Alliance? with Israel---Sibea’s campaign (Pal.)

� scarab (Salamine [Cyprus])--� vase (Samaria [Israel])-----

� statue (Byblos)--� statue (Byblos)-----

Dyn.25:Shabako (vassal Menkare)

ShebitkuTaharqa

TanwetamaniDyn.26:Psammetichus I

Necho II

Psammetichus II

Iron Age 2C:7�6 – 702 BC (above)

702 – 690 BC690 – 664 BC

664 – 656+ BC

664 – 6�0 BC

6�0 – 595 BC

595 – 589 BC

*Sent Iamani to Assyria-

� campaign (Philistia)� Assyrian campaigns (against Egypt)

� Assyrian campaign (against Egypt)2 campaigns (Near East) (allied with Assyria)

4 campaigns (Near East)� Babylonian campaign� expedition (Palestine)

� sealing (Megiddo)� sealing (Nineveh [Assyria])� scarab (Tell Farah South)� scarab (Beth Shan)-� sealing (Tadmor [Palmyra])� vase (Ashur [Assyria])� scarab (Nimrud [Assyria])� statuettes (Nineveh [Assyria])-

� scarab (Salamine [Cyprus])� scarab (Gezer)�+ scarabs (Athlit)� ring (Carchemish [Assyria])4 sealings (Carchemish[Assyria])� statuette (Ephesus [W.Turkey])

� statue (Palestine)-

--

-

� statue (Tanaach)� statue (Aradus)

� fragment (Sidon)� statue (Persepolis)-

Dyn.26 (cont.):ApriesAmasis

Psammetichus III

Babyl.-Persian:589 – 570 BC570 – 526 BC

526 – 525 BC

�–2(?) campaigns� Babylonian campaign (against Egypt)� Persian campaign

-� vase (Sidon [Phoenicia])� sistrum (Sidon [Phoenicia])� scarab (Beth Shemesh)

--

-

Table �: Egyptian campaigns and royal name items and monuments in the Near East.


Periods/Pharaohs:Egyptian materials, items, people * = E. Desert to SinaiS = Syria;P = PalestineC = CyprusT = TurkeyA = AssyriaB = BabyloniaM = MesopotamiaX = general Near East

IRON AGE 1B IRON 2A IRON AGE 2B IRON AGE 2C Babyl.

RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

Provisions:GrainFish (baskets)Lentils (sacks)

---

---

---

---

-SS

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

SP-

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

Livestock:Horses (trade/gift)Horses (transitory)Horses (as booty)RamsDonkeysLarge-small cattle

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

P-----

P-----

PP----

--?---

------

------

------

------

------

------

?-----

A-?---

------

-PA---

-PAAAA

--A---

-X----

-X----

------

------

------

------

Exotic animals:Monkeys (“apes”)Bazitu-monkeysBazu-monkeysUqupu-monkeysPagu-monkeysCrocodileBactrian camelsHippopotamusRhinoceros (sakea)Susu-antelopeElephants

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

?----?-----

A----A-----

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

?----------

-----------

-----------

?A-A--AAAAA

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

--AAA------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

-----------

Animal byproducts:Ivory itemsCow hides (leather)Leather items

---

---

---

---

-S-

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

A--

---

---

---

A-A

---

---

M--

X--

M--

---

Monuments:Stelae (allusion)Obelisks (as booty)Stone slabs (booty)

---

---

---

---

S--

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

--A

-A-

---

---

---

---

---

---

Metals:Gold (unspecified)Silver (unspecified)“Electrum”TinAbaru-metalCopper

------

------

------

------

-S----

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

?-----

A-----

------

------

AA-AAA

AAA---

------

------

------

------

------

------

Minerals:Precious stonesAntimony: eye paintAlumNatron

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

-?--

?---

----

----

AA--

A---

----

----

---

M

---

M

--

MM

----

Organic items: Lotus blossomsPapyrus rollsRopes

---

---

---

---

SSS

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

Lumber:Ebony pieces - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ? - - - - ? - - A - - - B X B -

Table 2: Egyptian materials, items, animals, and people dispersed throughout the Near East.

G. Mumford�80

Periods/Pharaohs:Egyptian materials, items, people * = E. Desert to SinaiS = Syria; P = PalestineC = CyprusT = TurkeyA = AssyriaB = BabyloniaM = MesopotamiaX = general Near East


RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

Textiles:Linen (unspecified)Byssos fabric (linen)Royal linenFine linenUpper Egy. LinenLinen (for sails)Linen (clothes)

-------

-------

-------

-------

S-S-S--

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

?------

?------

?------

?------

-------

?-----?

?------

P------

-------

-A----A

------A

-------

-------

---B---

---B-S-

---B---

-------

Furniture:Chests (with items) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - A - - - - - - -

Containers:Gold jarsSilver jarsBaskets (with items)

---

---

---

---

SS-

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

--A

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

Jewellery:JewelleryCrowns (for queens)Tiaras (for queens)

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

-AA

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

Cultic items:Divine statuettesCultic furnishings

--

--

--

--

SS

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

A-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

Other items:Unknown itemsPossessions (unspec)Royal possessionsRoyal giftsTribute / Booty

-----

-----

-----

-----

S--S-

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-A--A

-----

-----

AAA-A

--A-A

----?

----?

B----

----B

-----

-----

Diplomacy abroad:Dowry for IsraelAlliance –IsraelAlliance –JudahAlliance –PhilistiaAlliance –TyreAlliance –LydiaAlliance –Assyria

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

PP-----

-------

P------

-------

-------

-------

-PPPP--

-P-----

-------

-------

-------

---P---

------A

--PP---

----S--

-------

-----TA

--PP--A

--P----

--P----

-------

-------

Military action:Repelling invadersFrontier battleCampaign abroad

---

---

?-*-

---

---

---

---

--P

---

---

--P

---

--P

--P

---

---

--S

--?

---

---

---

--P

---

--P

AAP

A--

A-X

BPX

--P

--X

---

-X-

Shipping/chartered:Military loss (booty)Transitory (naval)Transitory (trade)Travel permits

----

----

----

----

--SS

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

--X-

----

----

A---

?---

-?S-

-?--

----

-S--

-C--

----

Weaponry:Looted from troops - - - - - - - - - - - - -

P - - - - - - - P - A A - X X - ? - -

Chariotry:Military loss (booty)Transitory activityChariots (trade)

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

--P

--P

-PP

P?-

---

---

---

-?-

---

---

---

?--

---

AP-

?P-

A--

?X-

XX-

---

---

---

---

Table 2 (cont.): Egyptian materials, items, animals, and people dispersed throughout the Near East.


Table 2 (cont.): Egyptian materials, items, animals, and people dispersed throughout the Near East.



RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

Egyptian deporteesPrisoners of warVassal kingsChief queenKing’s brotherCrown princeOther royal childrenKing’s sons-in-lawFemale courtiersCourt officialsGeneral populacePhysicians / HealersDivination expertsDream interpretersGoldsmithsJewellersMetal/BlacksmithsCabinet-makersVeterinariansAdmin. officialScribesSingersBakersBrewersFishermenCart wrightsShipwrightsCharioteersDriversArchersShield-bearers

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

A-----------------------------

------------------------------

A-------------------------?-??

PAAAAAAAAAAA-A-AAA-AAAAAAAAAAA

A--------A--------------------

?-----------------------------

B--------BBBB-BB--BB-BB--B----

B--------BBBB-BB--BB-BB--B----

------------------------------

------------------------------

------------------------------

Egyptians abroad:Egy.-army deserterEgyptian butlerEgy. female singerEgy. envoy of AmunEgy. messengersEgy. servant / slave?Egy. mercenary(?)Egyptians in general

--------

--------

--------

----S---

-SSS----

--------

--------

-----P--

--------

------P-

--------

--------

--------

--------

--------

--------

--------

--------

-------A

--------

--------

-------P

----?---

--------

-------A

-------A

-------X

-------X

--------

-----P--

----BP--

X-------

Kushites abroad:Kushite runnerKushite eunuchKushite envoysKushites in general

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

P---

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

---A

----

----

----

--A-

---A

---A

---A

---?

---?

-P--

----

----

----

G. Mumford�82

Table �: Asiatic materials, items, animals and people dispersed throughout Egypt and Nubia, including other aspects of Asiatic influences within Egypt mentioned in various texts.



RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

Livestock:Horses (Asyr. gift)Mules (Assyr. gift)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

AA

--

--

--

--

--

Monuments:Assyrian texts on 55 Egyptian statuesAssyrian shrinesAssyrian stelae

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

A

AA

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

-

--

Metals:Gold (tribute-Egypt)Silver (tribute-Egy.)Asiatic bronze/CuTin (tyhty)

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

--X-

---X

----

PP--

----

----

----

----

Minerals:Lapis lazuli(Afghan)Turquoise (Sinai)Malachite (E.Desert)

---

---

X-*

---

---

---

---

X-*

---

---

---

---

---

X--

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

X*-

---

---

X*-

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

Organic items:(Olive) oilMyrrh of Punt

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

X-

--

--

--

--

-*

--

--

--

--

--

Lumber:Cedar (Lebanon)Pinewood (Lebanon)Juniper (Lebanon)

---

---

S--

S--

S--

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

S-S

S--

S--

---

---

---

---

---

Textiles:Garments (gift) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - A - - - - -

Jewellery:Gold chain (gift)Gold finger ringsGold girdle (gift)

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

AAA

---

---

---

---

---

Asiatic cultic items:Temple treasuresJudean cultsCanaanite cultsMesopotamian cultsJewish temple Aswan

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

P----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-----

-PPM-

----P

----P

Var. Asiatic items:All Syrian productsPalace treasuresTribute

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

-PP

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

S--

---

--P

---

---

---

---

---

---

---




RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

Diplomacy in Egypt:CorrespondenceJudean envoysJudean generalIsraelite messengersLydian assistanceHanno of GazaImani of Ashdod

-------

-------

-------

-------

S------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-------

-P-P-P-

-P----P

-------

-------

-------

----X--

-P-----

-P-----

--P----

-------

-------

Foreign shipping:Ships from ByblosShips from LevantAssyrian shipsGreek triremesPersian shipsPhoenician ships

------

------

------

------

SX----

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

------

--A---

------

------

---X-X

------

-X----

------

----X-

Weaponry:Golden shieldsAssyrian gift-daggerDouble axe (Gezer)

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

--P

---

---

---

P--

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

---

-A-

---

---

---

---

---

Chariotry:Chariots (gift) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - A - - - - -

Asiatics in Egypt:Syrians (servants)Asiatic gardenersSemitic mercenariesHired soldiersAsiatics -fort Aswan(= Jewish garrison)

Political refugees:Pr. Hadad (Edom)Pr. Jeroboam (Israel)Hanno (Gaza)Imani (Ashdod)Judean refugeesJeremiah ( Judah)Uriah ( Judah)

Prisoners in Egypt:Kg. Jehoahaz JudahPOWs as gardeners

Assyrians in Egypt:Assyrian armyAssyrian garrisonAssyrian officials

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

PP-----

--

---

S-----

PP-----

--

---

------

-P-----

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

-------

--

---

------

--P----

--

---

------

--P----

--

---

------

---PP--

--

---

------

-------

--

---

-X----

-------

--

AAA

------

-------

--

AAA

------

-------

--

-AA

--P---

----P-P

P-

---

--P---

----P--

--

---

---XX-

----PP-

--

---

-----P

-------

-X

---

-----P

-------

--

---

E.Greeks in EgyptIonian mercenariesCarian mercenaries

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

XX

XX

XX

XX

XX

XX

Table � (cont.): Asiatic materials, items, animals, and people dispersed throughout Egypt and Nubia, including other aspects of Asiatic influences within Egypt mentioned in various texts.

G. Mumford�84

Periods/Pharaohs:Note: Totals are placed in columns be-low each Tanite and Dyns.25-26 king.


RAMESSES

7

RAMESSES

8

RAMESSES

9

RAMESSES

10

RAMESSES

11

SMENDES

AMENEMNISU

PSUSENNES

1

AMENEMOPE

OSORKON

E

SIAMUN

PSUSENNES

2

SHOSHENQ

1

OSORKON

1

SHOSHENQ

2

TAKELOTH

1

OSORKON

2

TAKELOTH

2

SHOSHENQ

3

PI

MAY

SHOSHENQ

5

OSORKON

4

SHABAKO

SHEBITKU

TAHARQA

TANWETAMANI

PSAMTEK

1

NECHO

2

PSAMTEK

2

APRIES

AMASIS

PSAMTEK

3

TOTALS:Individual categories - - 5 3 28 2 - 4 - 4 8 5 10 7 1 1 15 4 3 - 6 24 10 13 75 26 27 37 25 22 13 7

Egypto-Asiatic cam-paigns and (*) major expeditions bringing Egyptian items and influence into the Near East.

- - * - - - - 1 - - 1 - 1 1 - - 1 ? - - - 1 * 1 3 1 2 5 * 2 1 1

Graph �: Temporal sequence of totals for individual aspects and components of Egypto-Asiatic exchange attested in textual sources (extracted from Tables 2–4: Dyns. 20–26 kings).

Table 4: Totals for individual aspects and components of Egypto-Asiatic exchange noted in textual sources (tallied from tables 2–�; displayed in Graph �).

Ram

esse

s 7

Ram

esse

s 8

Ram

esse

s 9

Ram

esse

s 10

Ram

esse

s 11

Smen

des

Amen

emni

suPs

usen

nes

IAm

enem

ope

Osor

kon

Elde

rSi

amun

Psus

enne

s 2

Shos

henq

1Os

orko

n 1

Shos

henq

2Ta

kelo

th 1

Osor

kon

2Ta

kelo

th 2

Shos

henq

3Pi

may

Shos

henq

5Os

orko

n 4

Shab

ako

Sheb

itku

Taha

rqa

Tanw

etam

ani

Psam

tek

1Ne

cho

2Ps

amte

k 2

Aprie

sAm

asis

Psam

tek

3

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

Totals of individual categories of Egypto-Asiatic activities and exchanges of materials, items, animals, and personnel in textual sources: ca. 1550-525 BC.


Sites Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

Non

-pot

tery

Potte

ry*E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

Impr

essio

ns

Wei

ghts

Gam

eBoa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

Abu Salima 2 - - - - - - - - -Farah South 1 - - - - - - - - -Beer Sheba 3+ - - - - - - - - -Tell Masos 1 - - - - - - - - -T. Beit Mirsim 1+ - - - - - - - - -Beth Shemesh 1 - - - - - - - - -Gezer 2+ - - - - - - - - -Ashdod 6+ 3 (7?) 1 2 3 1 - 3 Ramesside -Miqne-Ekron - - - - - - - - - 1 buttonBeth Zur 1 - - - - - - - - -Tell Qasille 2+ 4 (17?)

*41 - - - - - -

Beth Shan 27+ - *1 4 - - - - 22 Ramesside 1 tabletTell Keisan 5+ 1 *1 - 3 - - - - 1 inlayTyre 5+ 1 *1 - - - - - - 1 inlaySarepta 1 - - 1 - - - - - -Hazor 1 - - - - - - - - -Nineveh - - - - 1 - - - - -Total:121 items(24?)

59 9 *7(24?)

7 6 3 1 - 25 4

Table 5: Iron �B: Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items.

Sites Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

Non

-pot

tery

Potte

ry*E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

Impr

es-

sions

Wei

ghts

Gam

e Boa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

T. Abu Salima 2 - - - - - - - - -Tell Farah South 1 - - - - - - - - -Beer Sheba 1 - - - - - - 1 - -Tell Beit Mirsim 3+ - - - - - - - - -Lachish 4 - - - - - - - 1 -Ashdod 2+ - (4?) - - 2 - - 1 -Mevorakh - - (1?) - - - - - - -Megiddo 1 1 - - - - 1 - 1 stela -Beth Shan 13+ - (2?)*1 - - - - - - -T. Keisan 1 - - - - - - - - -Byblos - - - - - - - - 1 statue -Total:38 items (7?) 28 1 *1(7?) - - 2 1 1 4 -

Table 6: Iron 2A: Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items

G. Mumford�86

Sites

Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

non-

potte

ry

Potte

ry *E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

im

pres

sions

Wei

ghts

Gam

e Boa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

Tell Abu Salima 46 2 - 1 1 1 - - - 1 inlay

Tell el-Ajjul 14 2 *1 - 2 - - - - -Lachish 122 - - - - - - - - -Ashdod 1 - (1?) - - 1 - - - -Tell Qasille 2 - - - - - - - - -Tell Michal 2+ - - - - - 1 - - -Megiddo 4+ 2 - 1 - - - - - -Beth Shan 4 - - - - - - - - -Tyre 2 - - - - - - - - -Hazor 2 1 5 - 3 - 1 - - -Samaria - 1 - - - - - - - -Carchemish 12 3 - - - - - - - 1 maceheadSalamine, Cyprus 1 - - - - - - - - -

Byblos - - - - - - - - 2 -Total:244 items (1?)

212 11 *5(1?)

2 6 2 2 - 2 2

Table 7: Early Iron 2B (925–800 BC): Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items.

Sites

Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

Non

-pot

tery

Potte

ry*E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

Impr

essio

ns

Wei

ghts

Gam

e Boa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

Tell Abu Salima 16 - *2 - 2 - - - - -Tell el-Ajjul 14 2 *1 - - - - - - -Beer Sheba 8+ 2 *1 4 - - - 2 - -Tell Beit Mirsim 5+ - *5 1 - - - - - -Lachish 91 - - - 1 - 1 - - -Ashdod 10+ 1 (1?) - - 2 - - - -Megiddo 5+ 2 - 1 - - - - - -Tyre 1 1 - - - - - - 1 -Sarepta 51 2 - 4 - - - - - -Hazor 6 3 *1 - 9 - - - - 1 AE mirrorCarchemish 10 5 - 1 - - - - - 2 linen piecesTotal: 277 items (1?)

217 18 *10(1?)

11 12 2 1 2 1 3

Table 8: Late Iron 2B (800–700 BC): Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items.


Sites

Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

Non

-pot

tery

Potte

ry *E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

Impr

essio

ns

Wei

ghts

Gam

e Boa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

Tell el-Kheliefeh 3+ 9 - - 3 - - - - -

Tawilan 3+ - - - - - - - - -

Horvat Qitmit - - - 2 - - - - - -

Kadesh Barnea 1+ - - - - - - - - -

Tell Abu Salima 10 1 *1 - - - - - - -

Farah South 1 - - - - - - - - -

Gezer 1 - - - - - - - - -

Lachish 26+ 1 - - - - - - - -

Ashdod 1 5 (1?) - 1 - - - - -

Megiddo - - - - 1 - - - - -

Tanaach - - - - - - - - 1 statue -

T. Keisan 2 - - 3 - - - - - -

Sarepta 51 2 - 4 - - - - - -

Beth Shan 1 - - - - - - - - -

Hazor - - - - 3 - - - - -

Athlit 1+ - - - - - - - - -

Sidon - - - - - - - - 1 frag. -

Aradus - - - - - - - - 1 statue -

Tadmor (Palmyra) - - - - 1 - - - - -

Carchemish Yunus cemetery 6 12 - 2 6 - - - 5 1 face

Mask

Nineveh - - - 3 1 - - - - -

Ashur - 1 - - - - - - - -

Persepolis - - - - - - - - 1 statue -

Salamine (Cyprus) 1 - - - - - - - - -

Ephesus (W. Turkey) - - - 1 - - - - - -

Palestine - - - - - - - - 1 statue -

Total:183 items(1?)

108 31 *1(1?)

15 16 - - - 10 1

Table 9: Iron 2C: Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items.

G. Mumford�88

Table �0: Babylonian-Persian: Totals for Egyptian(izing) items from site sample and royal name items.

Sites

Jewe

llery

Con

tain

ers

Non

-pot

tery

Potte

ry*E

gypt

Figu

rines

Seal

Impr

essio

ns

Wei

ghts

Gam

e Boa

rds

Faun

a

Mon

umen

ts

Oth

er

Tell Abu Salima 2 - - - - - - - 1 -

Beth Shemesh 1 - - - - - - - - -

Lachish - 1 - - - - - - - -

Tell Keisan - - - 1 - - - - - -

Sidon - 1 vase - - - - - - - 1 sistrum

Total: 8 items 3 2 - 1 - - - - 1 1


Periods/Artefact types:

Materials: Iron 1B1150–1000 BC

Iron 2A1000–925 BC

Iron 2B925–700 BC

Iron 2C700–600 BC

Babylonian-Persian period600–525 BC

Jewellery:Beads:

Amethyst; calcite; glass; carnelian; faience; paste; and serpentine.

Many necklacesMany beads and necklaces.

- Many necklaces:Many beads; � ring-bead; � wadjet-eye bead, and � Phoeni-cian Eye-bead.

Many necklaces:Many beads; �4 wadjet-eye beads; and some scaraboid-beads.

-

Amulets: Faience; car-nelian; and bone.

12 amulets:� Bes; � Bastet; � Isis-Horus; � pendant; � baboon; � wadjet-eye; � Ptah-Sokar; � lotus-pendant; � torso frag.; and� amulet frag.

7 amulets:2 Bes; � Isis-Horus; � cobra;� Ptah-Sokar; 2 Wadjet-eyes.

130 amulets:45 wadjet-eyes; �9 Bes; �7 Bastet; 7 Sekhmet; 4 Isis-Horus; � Ptah-sokar; � Horus-falcons; � sows; � baboons/ape; 2 cats; 2 Isis; 2 Nefertum; � Mut; � Horus-child; � Hathor; � seated animal; � lotus pendant; � Menyt; � lion; � sphinx; � ram; � snake; � piper amulet; � dyad of deities; � torso frag.; � pendant; and 6 amulets.

52 amulets:�9 wadjet-eyes; 8 Bes; � seated monkeys/apes; 2 Bastet; 2 Sekhmet; 2 sows; � cat; � lotus bud; � Mut; � Isis-Horus; � Horus; � hedge-hog; � Atef-crown; � Ptah-Sokar; � Ptah; � bee; � lion-ess; � Nefertum; � phallic pendant; � cat-and-kitten; and 2 amulet frag-ments.

4 amulets:� Ptah� wadjet-eyes.

Seals: Bone; am-ethyst; Clay; faience; ivory; steatite; stone; glass; jasper; paste; haematite ; lapis lazuli; imestone; and feldspar.

38 seals:�� scarabs;5 scaraboids;� cylinder seal; � cowroid.

22 seals:�7 scarabs;2 scaraboids;� plaque;� seal;� ovoid seal

173 seals:9� scarabs; 66 scaraboids; 6 plaques; 2 round seals; � cylinder seal; � cowroid seal; � ovoid seal; and 5 seals.

35 seals:�6 scaraboids; �� scarabs; � signet ring; � ovoid seal; � circular plaque; � plaque; � cowroid seal; and � seal.

2 seals: scaraboid.;� scarab.

Containers: Calcite; glass; faience; frit; special-ce-ramic; ivory; limestone; granite; syenite;and bronze.

11 vessels:2 palm-column (kohl-pots?);2 flasks; � juglet; � chalice; � tube; � vase; � kohl-pot; � duck-headed cosmetic dish; and � jar with duck-handles.

1 vessel:� jug;

26 vessels: 4 bowls; 4 vessels; � pilgrim flasks; � kohl-pots; 2 cups; � Bes-vase; � vase; � chalice; � monkey-and- kohl-tube; � juglet; � Egy/Phn-handle; � pyxis; � alabastron; � jar; and � jar (urn-shaped vessel).

25 vessels:4 New Year flasks; 4 vessels; � cups; � plates; � bowls; � jars; 2 situlae; � drop-shaped ves-sel; � alabastron; and � dish.

3 vessels:� kohl pot;� stand;� vase.

Pottery: Egyptian-types:

ceramic

6 vessels:4 store jars; � “beer”-bottle; and � bowl.

3 vessels:2 “beer”-bot-tles;� store jar.

16 vessels: 9 store jars (medium size); 2 jars; � store jar; � “beer”-bottle; � small jar; � drop-shaped jar; and � ovoid jar.

2 vessels:� vessel;� vase.

-

Philistine types: (similar forms in Egypt) ceramic

Philistine: 30.�7 duck-head bowls;�� spinning bowls

Philistine: 2.� spinning bowl and � Egyptian-type Phoenician jug (with lotus decoration).

Philistine: 3.2 duck-head bowls and � spinning bowl.

- -

Table ��: Egyptian(izing) artefacts from Levantine site sample and royal names (c. ��50–525 BC).

G. Mumford�90

Periods/Artefact types:

Materials: Iron 1B1150–1000 BC

Iron 2A1000–925 BC

Iron 2B925–700 BC

Iron 2C700–600 BC

Babylonian-Persian period600–525 BC

Figurines: Materials:Ceramic; bronze; calcite; and terracotta.

5 figurines:� chair-figurine;� goddess;� figurine with a was-sceptre;2 bull’s heads.

- 7 figurines:� double crown fig.; � Neith-god-dess; � Apis bull; � plaque-triad; � statuette (pharaoh standing on Nu-bian and Asiatic); � hollow monkey/ape head; and � human figure.

16 figurines:4 statuettes; � human-headed sphinx; � sphinx-fragment; 2 Osiris figures; 2 Horus-child figures; � male figure; 2 baboons; 2 sphinx fragment; and � shawabti.

1 figure:� baboon figurine.

Seal impressions:

Material:Clay

3 impressions:� bulla;� impression; � sealing.

3 impressions:� bullae;

17 impressions:� cartouche and �6 seal impres-sions (e.g., ankh; Hyksos-style motifs).

15 impressions:� cartouches;�2 seal impres-sions.

-

Weights: Materials:Stone; flint; bronze; and calcite.

7 weights:� ¾ deben; 6 weights; and � dome-weight.

- 2 weights:� fish-weight;� weight.

- -

Game boards: Materials:Faience and ivory.

2 game sets:� Senet-board;� set of game pieces

1 set:� set of game pieces.

3 sets of games:� Senet-board;2 sets of playing pieces;

- -

Fauna: Materials: 0 items: 1 item: 2 items: 0 items: 1 item:Shell - - - - � shell with

decorationMolusc - � mollusc - - -

Ostrich egg - - 2 ostrich eggs - -Monuments: Materials:

Sandstone; diorite; ser-pentine; red porphyry; basalt; and limestone.

25 monuments:� door jambs; 2 lintels; � frag.; 5 stelae; 8 pieces; � libation tank; � statues; and 2 cornices.

3 monuments:2 statuefragments;� fragment

2 monuments:2 statues.

10 monuments:5 false door stelae;4 statues;� fragment.

-

Other: Materials: 4 items: 0 item: 7 items: 6 items: 4 itemsCalcite � disk; � button - - � “buttons” (disks) -Bronze - - � mirror � signet ring -(?) - - - � face mask -(?) - - - - � Egyptian itemsClay � tablet - -Ceramic - - Bes amulet mould

Iron 2b-cBes amulet mould Iron 2b-c

Stone - - � mace head;Linen - - 2 pieces of linenBronze - - - � duck-headed

ladle� sistrum

Faience - - � fiture(?) inlay strip.

Ivory - - � hand on plaque (Egyz./Phn.)

Ceramic � clay naos-plaaque (cavetto cornice)

- - - -

Table �� (cont.): Egyptian(izing) artefacts from Levantine site sample and royal names (c. ��50–525 BC). Note: The above Egyptian(izing) artefacts include a range of materials, forms, and motifs that may have one or more Egyptian, generic, or non-Egyptian components: e.g. a lapis lazuli cylinder seal with Egyptian hieroglyphs.


PERIODS:Key:T =TempleM =MortuaryO =Occupation

SITES:

CONTEXTS

Iron1B

1150 -

1100 BC

Iron1B

1100 -

1050 BC

Iron1B

1050 -

1000 BC

Iron2A

1000 -

925 BC

Iron2B

925 -

900 BC

Iron2B

900 -

850 BC

Iron2B

850 -

800 BC

Iron2B

800 -

750BC

Iron2B

750 -

700BC

Iron 2C

700 -

650BC

Iron 2C

650 -

600BC

Babyl.Period

600 -

525BC

Tell KheleifehO

*

- - - Per-1 0%

0/18+*0/28

- Per-2 0%

0/30+*0/28

- Per-3 20%15/76*15/38

Per-3 20%

15/76*15/38

Per-415%3/20*3/50

Per-415%3/20*3/50

-

Tell Abu SalimaO

*

L-3 5%2/39*2/9

L-3 5%2/39*2/9

L-3 5%2/39*2/9

K-140% 2/5*1/8

K-2 33%10/30*4/8

K-3 41%13/33*3/6

J-1 29%27/92*7/9

J-2 37%17/46*6/9

H-123%6/26*3/9

H-2 8%3/37*3/14

G-118%2/11*2/9

G-230%3/10*3/8

Tell er-Ruqeish

M

*

- - - - - - - 100% 3/3*1/6

100% 3/3*1/6

100% 3/3

*1/25

0%NA*0/6

0%NA*0/6

Tell el-Ajjul

M

*

- - - - - 40%16/40*10/35

40%16/40*10/35

40%16/40*10/35

40%16/40*10/35

- - -

Horvat Qitmit T

*

- - - - - - - - - - 0.2%2/815*1/2

-

Beer ShebaO

*

T

*

VIII0%

0/10*1/10

-

VIII0%

0/10*1/10

-

VII 7%3/46*2/11

-

VI-V11%2/19*2/10

-

IV0%NA

*0/10

-

GAP

GAP

III0%NA

*0/15?

-

III0%NA

*0/15?

-

II 4%

4/112*3/41

65%

11/17*1/1

Pit-

67% 2/3*1/1

Pit-

67% 2/3*1/1

Pit-

67% 2/3*1/1

Tawilan O

*

- - - - - - - - - 0.4%2/496*1/10?

0.4%2/496*1/10?

0.4%2/496*1/10?

AshdodO

*T

*M

*

XII 11%

13/120*5/10?

-

-

XII 11%

13/120*5/10?

-

-

XI15%6/41

*5/10?-

-

X11%5/44*4/10

-

-

IX6%

3/53*2/7?

-

-

IX6%

3/53*2/7?

-

-

IX6%

3/53*2/7?

-

-

IX6%

3/53*2/7?

-

-

VIII19%

10/48*6/12 0%0/6*0/14%

1/31*1/376

VII 5%2/41*2/10

0%0/6*0/10%0/1*0/2

VI14%4/29*2/14

V0%

0/19*0/2

LachishM

*

*O

*T

*

GAP

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

-

GAP

GAP

V9%

1/11*1/3

-

10%1/10*1/120%1/5*1/1

IV 13%

25/189*7/12

-

3%1/35*2/10

-

IV 16%

37/225*3/12

-

3%1/35*2/10

-

III21%8/39*4/7

-20%

25/124*1/2 3%

9/339*9/40

-

III21%8/39*4/7

-20%

25/124*1/2 3%

9/339*9/40

-

III21%8/39*4/7

-

3%

9/339*9/40

-

II12%

11/89*1/12

3%

3/115*3/28

-

II12%

11/89*1/12

3%

3/115*3/28

-

I0%0/6*0/2

(?)

-

Tell Beit Mirsim O

*

B-210%1/10*1/3

B-210%1/10*1/3

B-210%1/10*1/3

B-320%1/5*1/6

A-10%0/2*0/1

A-10%0/2*0/1

A-10%0/2*0/1

A-10%0/2*0/1

A-10%0/2*0/1

A/A2 3%

7/247*7/28

A/A2 3%

7/247*7/28

GAP

Table �2: Iron �B – Early Persian Periods: Percentage and totals of Egyptian(izing) non-pottery artefacts in occupation, mortuary and cultic assemblages in Sinai and Syria-Palestine.

G. Mumford�92


SITES:

CONTEXTS

Iron1B

1150 -

1100 BC

Iron1B

1100 -

1050 BC

Iron1B

1050 -

1000 BC

Iron2A

1000 -

925 BC

Iron2B

925 -

900 BC

Iron2B

900 -

850 BC

Iron2B

850 -

800 BC

Iron2B

800 -

750BC

Iron2B

750 -

700BC

Iron 2C

700 -

650BC

Iron 2C

650 -

600BC

Babyl.Period

600 -

525BC

Tell QasileO

*T

*M

*

XII0%

0/46*0/617%1/6*1/1

-

XI0%

0/42*0/619%4/21*1/1

-

X3%

1/29*1/717%2/12*1/1

-

IX0%0/8*0/70%NA*0/10%NA*0/2

VIII7%

2/28*1/80%NA*0/1

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

VII0%NA*0/10%NA*0/1

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

Tell MichalO

T

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

(?)

XIV0%0/6*0/50%NA*0/1

XIII17%2/12*1/80%NA*0/1

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

XII0%NA*0/4

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

Tell es-SaidiyehM

O

T

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

XIA-

-

Shrine

X+-

House

(?)

IXBA-

House

(?)

VIIIGAP+

GAP+

GAP+

VII-

17%4/23*3/12

(?)

VI-

4%1/26*1/9

-

V-

1%1/71*1/28

IV-

0%0/12*0/3+

IV-

0%0/12*0/3+

GAP

GAP

GAP

Tell Meyorakh

O

*M

*

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

VIII-VII 0%

0/30*0/40%0/1*0/1

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

Tell KeisanO

*

110%0/2*0/1

10-9c 5%1/19*1/5+

9b10%1/10*1/5

9a-817%7/42*4/10

9a-817%7/42*4/10

7 0%0/15*0/10

60%0/7

*0/10

GAP 5 3%1/30*1/10

4b-a 5%4/70*1/10

4b-a 5%4/70*1/10

3b17% 1/6*1/1

Megiddo M

*

19%17/91*7/19

19%17/91*7/19

19%17/91*7/19

25%3/12*3/15

13%6/46*4/14

13%6/46*4/14

13%6/46*4/14

13%6/46*4/14

13%6/46*4/14

0%0/1*0/1

0%0/1*0/1

GAP

Beth ShanO

*

O

*T

*

VI-u22%4/22*3/7

VI/V47%

14/30*7/10

-

VI-u22%4/22*3/7

VI/V47%

14/30*7/10

-

V-l 9%6/70*4/10VI/V47%

14/30*7/1013%

32/240*2/2

V-u13%

11/75*2/32

-

IV5%

4/86*2/32

-

IV5%

4/86*2/32

-

IV5%

4/86*2/32

-

IV5%

4/86*2/32

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

TyreO

*

XIV17%4/23*2/11

XIII.118%2/11*1/6

XIII.2 6%1/17*1/6

XII 0%0/13*0/5

XI 0%0/14*0/5

XI 0%0/14*0/5

X-VIII 8%2/26*2/14

VII-V17%1/6*1/7

IV-I16%3/27*2/4

(?) (?) (?)

Table �2 (cont.): Iron �B – Early Persian Periods: Percentage and totals of Egyptian(izing) non-pottery artefacts in occupation, mortuary and cultic assemblages in Sinai and Syria-Palestine.


Table �2 (cont.): Iron �B – Early Persian Periods: Percentage and totals of Egyptian(izing) non-pottery artefacts in occupation, mortuary and cultic assemblages in Sinai and Syria-Palestine.


SITES:

CONTEXTS

Iron1B

1150 -

1100 BC

Iron1B

1100 -

1050 BC

Iron1B

1050 -

1000 BC

Iron2A

1000 -

925 BC

Iron2B

925 -

900 BC

Iron2B

900 -

850 BC

Iron2B

850 -

800 BC

Iron2B

800 -

750BC

Iron2B

750 -

700BC

Iron 2C

700 -

650BC

Iron 2C

650 -

600BC

Babyl.Period

600 -

525BC

HazorO

*T

*

XII5%

1/21*1/10

-

XI0%0/3*0/3 2%1/42*1/1

XI0%0/3*0/3 2%1/42*1/1

X0%

0/28*0/10

-

IXb-a 2%1/48*1/10

-

IXb-a 2%1/48*1/10

-

VII 4%1/26*1/23

-

VI 5%4/79*4/35

-

V-IV 3%

7/258*7/35

-

III0%0/3*0/3

-

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

SareptaO

*T

E 4%2/58*2/8

-

E 4%2/58*2/8

-

E 4%2/58*2/8

-

D20.08%

0/4*0/4

-

D1 0%0/15*0/5

D1 0%0/15*0/5

D1 0%0/15*0/5

C2 0%0/16*0/4 34%22/64*1/1

C2 0%0/16*0/4 34%22/64*1/1

C1 0%0/21*0/4 34%22/64*1/1

C1 0%0/21*0/4 34%22/64*1/1

B 0%0/15*0/3(?)

Carchemish

Yunes Cemetery

O

*M

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

GAP

Pr-1(?)

(?)

Pr2-312%9/73*5/12

0%0/18*0/2

Pr2-312%9/73*5/12

0%0/18*0/2

Pr2-312%9/73*5/12

0%0/18*0/2

Pr2-312%9/73*5/12 6%

18/306*5/128

Pr2-312%9/73*5/12 6%

18/306*5/128

(?)

17%1/6*1/3

8%33/397*7/1117%1/6*1/3

GAP

GAP

OCCUPATION% of areas and structures with Egyptian items

O 24/85

28%

23/77

30%

26/79

33%

15/140

11%

22/126

17%

16/136

12%

31/180

17%

45/209

22%

52/238

22%

20/161

12%

26/167

16%

26/167

16%

OCCUPATION% of Egyptian items

O 41 of381

10.8%

39 of 364

10.7%

37 of 353

10.5%

37 of 353

10.5%

39 of 438

8.9%

31 of 376

8.2%

31 of 376

8.2%

63 of 802

7.9%

65 of 10786.0%

24 of 10622.3%

58 of 14184.1%

6 of 546

1.1%

MORTUARY% of grave and tombs with Egyptian items

M 7/19

37%

7/19

37%

7/19

37%

4/21

19%

11/28

39%

17/63

27%

18/58

31%

53/346

15%

54/347

16%

3/43

7%

2/22

9%

0/8

0%

MORTUARY% of Egyptian items

M 17 of 91

18.7%

17 of 91

18.7%

17 of 91

18.7%

4 of 24

16.7%

31 of 253

12.3%

53 of 329

16.1%

30 of 143

21.0%

30 of 143

21.0%

77 of 589

13.1%

77 of 589

13.1%

12 of 96

12.5%

12 of 96

12.5%

TEMPLES% of shrines and temples with Egyptian items

T 1/1

100%

2/2

100%

4/4

100%

1/3

33%

0/2

0%

None None 1/1

100%

2/3

67%

2/3

67%

3/4

75%

1/1

100%

TEMPLES% of Egyptian items

T 1 of 6

16.7%

5 of 63

7.9%

35 of 294

11.9%

1 of 5

20.0%

1 of 5

20.0%

None None 22 of 64

34.4%

22 of 64

34.4%

24 of 73

32.9%

26 of 882

2.9%

2 of 3

66.7%

OVERALLCONTEXTS% areas

% Egy. items

32 of 105

30.5%59 of 478

12.3%

32 of 98

32.7%61 of 518

11.8%

37 of 102

36.3%89 of 738

12.1%

20 of 164

12.2%34 of 336

10.1%

33 of 156

21.2%70 of 691

10.1%

33 of 199

16.6%84 of 705

11.9%

49 of 238

20.6%89 of 885

10.1%

99 of 556

17.8%115 of 1009

11.4%

108 of 588

18.4%175 of 1754

10.0%

25 of 208

12.0%63 of 12355.1%

31 of 193

16.1%96 of 23964.0%

6 of 33

18.2%8 of 555

1.4%

G. Mumford�94

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Occupation contexts: % of Egyptian(izing) items in Levantine site sample:Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Occupation contexts: % of Egyptian(izing) items in Levantine site sample:Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

Graph 2: The distribution of Egyptian(izing) items in occupation contexts.

Graph �: The percentages of Egyptian(izing) items in occupation contexts.


Graph 5: The percentages of Egyptian(izing) items amongst mortuary assemblages.

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

5

10

15

20

25

Mortuary contexts: % of Egyptian(izing) items in Levantine site sample:Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Mortuary contexts: % of tombs, graves, and burials with Egyptian itemsin Levantine site sample: Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

Graph 4: The distribution of Egyptian(izing) items in mortuary contexts.

G. Mumford�96

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Cultic contexts: % of structures and areas with Egyptian itemsin Levantine site sample: Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Cultic contexts: % of Egyptian(izing) items in Levantine site sample:Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

Graph 6: The distribution of Egyptian(izing) items in cultic contexts.

Graph 7: The percentages of Egyptian(izing) amongst in cultic assemblages.


Graph 8: The distribution of Egyptian(izing) items in all types of contexts.

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

All contexts: % of structures/areas/graves with Egyptian itemsin Levantine site sample: Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

All contexts: % of Egyptian(izing) itemsin Levantine site sample: Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

Graph 9: The percentages of Egyptian(izing) amongst all artefact assemblages.

G. Mumford�98

1150-1100 BC

1100-1050 BC

1050-1000 BC

1000-925 BC

925-900 BC

900-850 BC

850-800 BC

800-750 BC

750-700 BC

700-650 BC

650-600 BC

600-525 BC

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

All contexts: annual average of royal name items, Egyptian campaigns,and percentage (%) of Egyptian(izing) items in Levantine site sample:

Late Dyn.20-26 (ca. 1550 - 525 BC).

Graph �0: Egyptian campaigns, royal name items and artefacts (%) in the Levant c. ��50–525 BC.

Periods:Key to Graph columns:A = Assyrian campaigns* = Egyptian, Persian, and Babylonian campaigns.% = Unless stated otherwise it represents Egyptian campaigns, artefacts, etc.

IRON

1B

IRON

1B

IRON

1B

IRON

2A

IRON

2B

IRON

2B

IRON

2B

IRON

2B

IRON

2B

IRON

2C

IRON

2C

BABYL-P

Black bar (back):% Egyptian artefactsin all contexts (Levant)

12%59 of 478

items

12%61 of 518

items

12%89 of 738

items

10%34 of 336

items

10%70 of 691

items

12%84 of 705

items

10%89 of 885

items

11%115 of 1009 items

10%175 of 1754 items

5%63 of 1235 items

4%96 of 2396 items

1%8 of 555

itemsBlack bar (back):% Egyptian artefactsin all contexts (Levant)

12%6 in 50

years

-0 in 50

years

4%2 in 50

years

4%3 in 75

years

8%2 in 25

years

4%2 in 50

years

-0 in 50

years

-0 in 50

years

10%5 in 50

years

12%6 in 50

years

26%13 in

50 years

4%3 in 75

yearsGrey bar (front):Annual average ofEgy./other campaigns

2%1 in 50

years

-0 in 50

years

2%1? in

50 years

2.7%1-2? in 75 years

4%1? in

25 years

2%1? in

50 years

-0 in 50

years

-0 in 50

years

4%1-2? in 50 years

A=8%4 in 50

years

12%6 in 50

years

*=8%6 in 75

years

Table ��: Data appearing in Graph �0 (above): Egyptian artefacts, royal name items and Egyptian/Asiatic campaigns transmitting Egyptian materials to the Near East.


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"Egypto-Asiatic Relations during the Iron Age to early Persian Periods (Egyptian Dynasties late...

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Transcript of "Egypto-Asiatic Relations during the Iron Age to early Persian Periods (Egyptian Dynasties late...