DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION IN THE SASANIAN EMPIRE: SOME IRANIAN MOTIFS IN THE CAVE OF TREASURES

SERGEY MINOV

This article deals with the Cave of Treasures, a Syriac Christian composition composed in the Sasanian Empire dttring the sixth or earfy seventh century. This work is examined as a salient witness to the pro­cess of Christian-Iranian acCtJlturation in Late Sasanian Iran. This article joCtJses on two partiCtJlar themes: the tripartite ouranological scheme that includes the mythological notion of 'Rapithwin :· and the portrqyal of the three Magj who visited Jesus soon after his birth. The manner, in which these two subjects are handled 0' the author of the Cave, demonstrates that he was deepfy rooted in the world of Iranian CtJlture and did not hesitate to introduce into his version of biblical his­tory those of its elements that he found useful. Using the critical appa­ratus of postcolonial CtJltural studies reveals in the Cave subversive liter­ary strategies that reflect the values and aspirations of a Christian mi­nority group seeking to engage the dominant culture of the Sasanian Empire.

The long and rich history of a Christian presence in the territories controlled by Iranians can be traced back as early as the second century.1 Characterized by dramatic changes of fortune, it has at­tracted considerable attention by scholars. Yet, much of the previ-

t For a general introduction into the history of Christianity in Iran during antiquity, see Asmussen, "Christians in Iran"; Labourt, Le christian­isme.

149

150 SERGEY MINOV

ous scholarship on Christianity in the Sasanian empire has revolved around one of the two main axes: theological developments among the Syriac-speaking Christians of Iran, i.e. the process of formation of the distinctive 'Nestorian' doctrine; or their fortunes in history. In what concerns the latter, the main focus has usually been on the doleful history of persecutions waged by Sasanian rulers against their Christian subjects. While this interest is quite understandable and legitimate, one of its detrimental side-effects is that it can make one fall all too easily into the trap of forming a rather distorted pic­ture of the Christian minority's place within Iranian society of Late Antiquity, where the dominant motifs would be those of isolation­ism and staunch antagonism. The focus on the audacious experi­ence of the 'Persian martyrs' has made scholars overlook other, positive aspects of Christian interaction with Iranian society and culture. As a result, the problem of Christian-Iranian acculturation has received remarkably scant attention in previous scholarship.2

It has only been during the last decade that this situation has begun to change and we see a substantial increase of scholarly in­terest in the integrative dimension of Christian-Iranian interaction in the context of the Sasanian empire. Several recent works explore this avenue of inquiry. Thus, Joel Walker, in his study of the early seventh-century Lift of Mar Qardagh, has demonstrated how Sasa­nian epic tradition influenced the work of a Syriac Christian hagiog­rapher. 3 The fundamental research on linguistic borrowing from Middle Persian into Syriac by Claudia Ciancaglini provides rich evi­dence of the familiarity of Syriac Christians with different aspects of Iranian culture.4 Richard Payne, in his doctoral dissertation, shows how during the sixth and seventh centuries the East-Syrian elites of the Sasanian empire attempted to articulate their Christian identity in terms of Iranian society and strived to participate in Ira­nian social practices.5 These are but a few examples of the many recent scholarly contributions that touch upon diverse aspects of

2 .Among the rare exceptions, one should note Taqizadeh, "Iranian Festivals," and Widengren, Iranisch-semitische l.<Jtlt11rbegegn11ng.

3 Walker, Legend of Mar Qardagh, esp. 121-163. 4 Ciancaglini, Iranian Loanwords. s Payne, Christianity and Iranian Society.

Dx'NAMICS OF CHRJSTL-\.N ACCULTURATION 151

the profound influence exercised by Iranian culture upon the Syri­ac-speaking Christians.6

One of the preliminary observations to be made on the basis of these studies is that acculturation was an important part of the strategic reaction of the Syriac-speaking Christian minority to their continuous exposure to the dominant Iranian culture within the confines of the Sasanian empire. Accordingly, the cumulative effect of the recent research underscores the need for a more balanced view of the relations between the Christian minority of the Sasa­nian empire and the large Iranian society and its culture, one that places greater emphasis on the positive aspects of Christian-Iranian interaction.

Looking for analogies, what comes to my mind is the major methodological paradigm shift that has been taking place in the field of Jewish-Christian studies during recent decades. The tradi­tional view of Jewish history under Christian rule during Late An­tiquity and Middle Ages as historia lacrimosa with the dominant leit­motifs of oppression and survival has given way to more complex models that take into account the processes of cultural integration of Jews into Christian societies and mutual influences between the minority and majority cultures.7 The time has come for a similar adjustment to be systematically carried out in the focus of research on Christian communities in the Sasanian empire. Further analytical efforts are necessary in order to conceptualize this minority group not only as powerless victims of the hostile regime, but as active agents of history, who participated in a wide range of social, politi­cal and cultural processes that took place in Iranian society and whose stand vis-a-vis the dominant culture was far from being lim­ited to that of antagonj.sm and denunciation.

In this study I would like to contribute to this goal by address­ing the issue of Syriac Christian acculturation to Iranian culture as

6 See Hutter, "iVIar .Aha and the Impact of Zoroastrianism"; McDonough, Power 1!J Negotiation; Suermann, "Bedeutung und Selbstverstandnis"; Schilling, Die .AJ1bet1mg der Magier, J ullien, "Christianiser le pouvoir"; Becker, "Martyrdom, Religious Difference, and 'Fear'."

7 Cf. Boyarin, Border Lines; Yuval, Two Nations; Elukin, Living Together, Chazan, Reassessing]ewish Lift.

152 SERGEY MINOV

reflected in the work known as the Cave ef Treasures (hereafter re­ferred to as C1). This composition was written in Syriac in the Sas­anian-controlled part of northern Mesopotamia at sometime be­tween the middle of the sixth century and the beginning of the sev­enth. It belongs to the loosely defined category of 'rewritten Bible' and offers a particular version of Christian Heilsgeschichte, where the accounts of both the Old and the New Testaments are creatively merged into a new cohesive narrative that starts with the creation of the world and ends with the Pentecost. This new version of sa­cred history features a number of remarkable innovations that are not found in the canonical narratives and that serve the peculiar agenda of the CT's author. It is not easy to situate this text within the variegated world of Syriac-speaking Christianity of Late Antiqui­ty. However, some internal and external considerations, such as the affinity of the exegetical traditions used by the author and the history of the work's reception, suggest that its author belonged to a West­Syrian, i.e. miaphysite, milieu.a

Through careful reworking of the canonical version of the biblical past, the author of CT strives to forge and promote a dis­tinctive version of Christian identity, tailored specifically to the needs of his Syriac-speaking community. There are several major lines along which he rewrites the biblical narrative to achieve that purpose. One of them is the strong anti-Jewish bias that character­izes the composition as a whole. Another line finds its expression in the great emphasis placed by the author on specifically Syriac themes and images. The third important aspect of the reshaping of biblical material by the author of CT is his close engagement with Iranian culture. The two main avenues of its expression are polem­ic against Zoroastrianism and creative appropriation of several Ira­nian themes and images.

8 For a critical edition of the text, accompanied by a French transla­tion, see Ri, La Caverne des Tresors. For general information, see Ri, Com­mentaire de la Caverne des Tresors; Leonhard, "Observations on the Date." In my doctoral dissertation I offer an in-depth re-examination of the issues related to the CT's dating and milieu; see Niinov, Syriac Christian Identiry, eh. 2.

DYNA.1.\HCS OF CHRJSTL-\N ACCULTURATION 153

Due to the limitations of space, I cannot discuss here all the Iranian traditions that appear in CT.9 In what follows, I shall focus on two representative cases that demonstrate the high degree of the author's acculturation to Iranian culture, namely the ouranological system found in CT I.8-9, and the portrayal of the Magi from the Gospel of Matthew in CT XLV-XLVJ.10

OURANOLOGY

In the first chapter of CT, the author offers a paraphrase of the biblical account of the six days of creation. When it reaches the second day of creation, the text is as follows (CT I.8-9):

And on the second day God made the lower heaven, and called it 'firmament,' - in order to make it known that its na­ture is not like the nature of these heavens which are above (it), and that in its appearance it is different from these (heav­ens) that are above it. They are (likewise) - the highest heaven is of fire, and the second is of light, and this lowest one is of Rapithwin. Because it has the dehse nature of water, it has been called 'firmament'.11

In this passage the author of CT presents an ouranological scheme that presupposes three heavens - the highest heaven, of 'fire' (l;QJ), the middle one, of 'light' (l;o.QJ), and the lowest one, of 'Rapithwin' C, ~;). This cosmological account differs noticeably from the biblical story of creation, as it appears in the first three chapters of Genesis, and has no parallels elsewhere in the Bible. At the same time, several aspects of this scheme suggest that it reflects the au-

9 For a full discussion of this material, see :Minov, Syriac Christian Identity, eh. 4.

10 In most cases the Syriac text of CT is quoted according to the work's best textual witness OrA, i.e. ms British Museum Add. 25875, as reflected in the apparatus of Ri's edition. The English translation is based on Budge, Book of the Cave of Treasures.

11 OrA: ~! \).,!Q.I! .4,....o; O.;..oo l~~l ~ lo& ~ ~;l! J.»~o ~I .o.uo ~! ~°' ~ o.l~ .. oi J,....;..gio .u ~~! 1...-. ~°'! ~ ~ .,~;! l~~l l!oio .l;oia.i ~l9l! .. oio .l;a.i O..~I! I~ I..-. ~ .4,....o; ~;..oll t:»! I~ ~ u ~I!; ed. Ri, La Caverne des Tresors, 4--6.

154 SERGEY MINov

thor's familiarity with some indigenous Iranian cosmological and mythological ideas.

The first remarkable feature of this passage is the tripartite ouranological system, which is not found in the biblical cosmologi­cal accounts. It should be noted that the threefold division of the celestial world was not a particularly widespread cosmological idea among the Jewish and Christian authors of antiquity. Among Jew­ish sources, this system seems to be implied in several pseudepi­graphical works, such as 1 Enoch (14:8-25), the Testament of Levi (2:6-10), the Apocafypse of Sedrach (2:3-5), and 3 Baruch.12 However, in none of these works is this system presented in an explicit and unambiguous way. Even more important for our present discus­sion is that, apparently, none of these works was known to the Syr­iac-speaking Christians of Late Antiquity.13 In such relatively late rabbinic compositions as Midrash on Psalms (114.2) the tripartite division of heaven is mentioned as a possibility alongside bipartite and sevenfold ones.14 However, generally speaking, it seems that throughout the corpus of intertestamentary Jewish writings, as well as in the rabbinic literature, the sevenfold system was the most prevalent ouranological framework in use.15

As to the Christian cosmological tradition, the tripartite sys­tem of the heavenly world might be implied in the New Testament,

12 See Kulik, 3 Baruch, 319-329. On 1 Enoch, see Morray-Jones, ''Par­adise Revisited," 203-205.

13 The situation with 1 Enoch is somehow different from the rest of these texts, as there are several parallels to this apocryphon found in Syri­ac sources (see Brock, "Fragment of Enoch"; Bhayro, "Karshuni (Chris­tian Arabic) Account"; Reeves, "Enochic Motif in Manichaean"). Yet, these parallels can hardly amount to the proof for 1 Enoch having been known to Syriac Christians first-handedly, not to speak of the existence of a Syriac translation of this work.

14 Ed. Buber, Midrasch Tehillim, v. 3, 471. 15 Cf. 2 Enoch 3-31; Apoc. Mos. 35:2; Quest. Ezra A 19-21; the apoc­

ryphal 'book of Baruch' apud Ori.gen, De Prine. Il.3.6; b. Jf.agigah 12b; Pirke de-Rabbi Eliezer 19; Pesikta Rabbati 5:7; Avot de-Rabbi Nathan A 37. For more references and discussion, see Collins, "Seven Heavens"; Schiffer, "In Heaven as It Is in Hell," 238-252; Kulik, 3 Baruch, 313-315.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 155

when in 2 Cor 12:2,4 Paul refers to his heavenly ascent and says that he was taken up to "the third heaven" (TpfTOl.I OUpctVOU), which is identified with Paradise. However, due to the concise nature of this reference, it is by no means certain that the heaven reached by the apostle was the highest and last one. Moreover, this passage should not be taken as an immediate predecessor of the ouranolog­ical scheme of CT I.8-9 because of the apparent identification of the third heaven with Paradise in 2 Corinthians, which contradicts the cosmological system of CT, where these two locations are not identical.

Furthermore, while a number of early Christian authors make use of the sevenfold ouranology, the tripartite system seems to be virtually absent from the Christian writings that predate CT.16 When it comes to the Syriac Christian tradition prior to the date of composition of CT, no explicit mention of the tripartite celestial system is found there either.17 It is not attested in the Commentary on Genesis and J-!ymns on Paradise by Ephrem the Syrian, nor does it appear in the Homilies on Creation by Na.rsai, a fifth-century East­Syrian poet. It seems that in the Antiochene exegetical school, and in the East-Syrian tradition that is dependent upon it, it was the bipartite division of the heavenly world that was mostly in use.18

16 Cf. Ascension of Isaiah 6:13, 7:13; Apoc. Paul 29; Gos. Barth. 1:17; Clem . .Alex., Strom. IV.25.159; Apocafypse of the Seven Heavens (on which see Bauckham, "Apocalypse of the Seven Heavens").

17 See Ten Napel, "'Third Heaven' and 'Paradise"'. A description of Mary's ascent to the 'heavenly Jerusalem,' found in the sixth century Syri­ac version of Transitus Mariae (ed. Wright, "Departure of my Lady Mary," ~-~ [Syr.]; 156-157 [tr.]), might be interpreted as implying a tripartite division of the heavenly world. However, it might alternatively be inter­preted as reflecting a bipartite ouranology, with the heavenly Jerusalem constituting the highest part of the second heaven. Furthermore, the de­scription of the heavenly world in Transitus has nothing in common with the passage from CT, so that there is no reason to suspect a literary con­nection between the two sources.

1s Cf. Theodoret, Quaest. in Gen. 11; Cosmas Indicopleustes, Top. Christ. 11.20-23, III.55, VII.8-9. See on this Ten Napel, "'Third Heaven' and 'Paradise'," 57, 60-61.

156 SERGEY MINov

In light of all this evidence it seems unlikely that in his use of the tripartite ouranology the author of CT was dependent on one of the late ancient Jewish or Christian cosmological speculations, as they are known to us. In order to determine possible sources for the tripartite division of heaven in CT, we shall tum to the ancient Near Eastern sources. It is there, among ancient Mesopotamian and Iranian cosmological speculations, that we find imagery of the celestial world being divided into the three heavens that provides us with the background relevant to the passage from CT.19

One of the earliest explicit mentions of the sky being divided into three levels is attested in Akkadian sources. For example, in KAR 307, a religious explanatory text in Neo-Assyrian script from Assur, dated to the first millennium BCE, the following ouranologi­cal description is offered On. 30-33):

The Upper Heavens (famti eltilt) are lu!ttddnitu-stone. They be­long to Anu. He settled the 300 Igigi inside.

The .Middle Heavens (famti qabltilt) are sagg,ifmud-stone. They belong to the lgigi. Bel sat on the high dais inside, in the lapis lazuli sanctuary. He made a lamp of electrum shine inside.

The Lower Heavens (famti fapltitu) are jasper (afpu11). They be­long to the stars. He drew the constellations of the gods on them.20

An identical tripartite division of the heaven associated with the same stones and deities is found in AO 8196, a late-Babylonian compendium of astrological, astronomical, and religious infor­mation.21

The tripartite division of the heavenly realm is attested also in ancient Iranian and Indian sources, where it might not have been original but rather have developed through contact with Mesopo­tamian culture. The earliest examples of this kind come from the Avesta. There the basic structure of the heavenly world is present-

19 For an overview and analysis of these traditions, see Panaino, "Uranographia lranica I"; Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, 8-15.

20 Text and tr. from Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, 3-4. 21 See Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, 3-4.

DYNAtvIICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 157

ed as divided into three levels: the heaven of stars; the heaven of the moon; and the heaven of the sun, upon which the spheres of the 'Endless Light' (A vest. anayra raoca; Pahl. asar rofnih) or Paradise (Avest. garii.nmdna-; Pahl. gariidmdn) are superimposed.22 These cos­mological traditions have been gathered and examined by Antonio Panaino, who demonstrated that although one finds more devel­oped divisions of the sky into five, six or even seven spheres in some later Avestan (Rafn Yaft, Hddoxt Nask) and Pahlavi (Bun­dahifn) works, the basic ouranological scheme that underlies these accounts is still the tripartite one.23 In the Zoroastrian world-view, the tripartite division of the heavenly world was closely related to the eschatological belief that the soul of a righteous man during its post-mortem heavenly ascent has to pass through the three levels in order to arrive at the highest divine realm of Paradise.24

As has been convincingly argued by Panaino, the threefold ouranological scheme of Iranian sources developed under the im­pact of ancient Mesopotamian cosmological speculations.2s This accords well with what we know about the deep influence exercised by Mesopotamian civilization, beginning with the pre-Achaemenian period, upon such areas of material and intellectual culture of the Iranian world as science, religion, the arts, writing, law, administra­tive and political organization.26

There is another aspect of the ouranological scheme of CT I.8-9 that makes its Iranian background even more obvious, namely the mention of 'Rapithwin' in connection with the lowest heaven. The rarely attested Syriac term rapi,twin (,~;),used by the author of CT to characterize the biblical firmament, is an Iranian loan-

22 Cf. Yasna I.16; II.11; III.18; Gdthds III.6; VendidddVII.52; XI.1-2, 10.

23 See Panaino, "Uranographia Iranica I," esp. 205-209. 24 See Bousset, "Die Himmelsreise der Seele"; Gignoux, "L'enfer et

le paradis," 224-227; Panaino, "Uranographia Iranica I," 208. 25 See Panaino, "Uranographia Iranica I," 218-221. 26 See on this Gnoli, "Babylonia, II"; Panaino, "Mesopotamian Her­

itage"; Widengren, Mesopotamian Elements.

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word.27 It is based on the l\fiddle Persian noun rapi8wan (from Avest. rapi8wina-, adj. 'of midday'),28 which refers to the period of day that starts at midday, as well as to the mythological figure that personifies it.

The figure of personified Rapithwin features prominently in the Zoroastrian mythological system and ritual.29 According to Zo­roastrian cosmological and calendrical beliefs, as expressed in Bun­dahifn and some other works, during the seven months of summer, when the spirit of Rapithwin is above the earth, a day is divided into five parts. On the other hand, during the months of winter a day has only four parts, because Rapithwin descends under the earth, keeping it warm and moist in order to sustain the roots of trees and sources of water.30

The notion of Rapithwin in Zoroastrian tradition was not lim­ited only to such literary texts as Bundahifn and, thus, known exclu­sively to the educated elite of priests. There is ample evidence that Rapithwin was a part of Zoroastrian ritual practice. It was a reli­gious duty of every Zoroastrian, priest and layman alike, to cele­brate Rapithwin twice each year - to mark its symbolic return from the underground realm back to heaven at the beginning of spring and its departure at the beginning of winter. 31 The festival in honor of Rapithwin was one of the seven high days of the Zoroas­trian year. It followed directly Frawarc!Igan and, thus, constituted a part of the Nowrii.z (i.e. New Year) celebrations, the greatest festi­val of the Zoroastrian calendar.32 This festival appears to have been instituted in the pre-Sasanian period, since it is attested in such an-

27 The first scholar who recognized the Iranian origins of this word was Gotze, Die Schatz/lo'hle, 46-47. See also Ciancaglini, Iranian Loanwords, 256-257, who gives ,~;, rpntywn, as the main Syriac form for this loanword, although the correct form \ ~; does exist and is attested in the ms. OrA of CT.

28 See Bartholomae,Altiranisches Wo'rterbuch, 1509. 29 See Boyce, "Rapithwin"; K.rasnowolska, Some Kry Figures, 101-113. 30 Cf. Iranian Bundahifn III.21-23; XXV.9, 12, 15-17. 31 Cf. Nerangestcin II.31; ed. Kotwal and K.reyenbroek, Herbedestdn and

Nerangestdn, Vol. 3, 136-141. 32 See Boyce, "Rapithwin," 204-205.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 159

dent sources as the Avestan Nerangistdn and the lost Huspdram Nask.33 As a part of the Nowruz celebration theyasna of Rapithwin was recited, where Rapithwin is evoked.

Rapithwin was, in fact, summoned in a liturgical framework even more frequently. Thus, during the spring and summer seasons Rapithwin was evoked on a daily basis. According to Zoroastrian tradition, the twenty-four hour day was divided into the five watch­es (Mid.-Pers. gdh) that corresponded to the five Gathas (Avest. gdfJd-), i.e. the five modes of song from Avesta that form the core of the great Zoroastrian liturgy. Among these watches, the one last­ing from the mid-morning to mid-afternoon was dedicated to Ardwahist, one of the Amesa Spentas, i.e. the six great benevolent deities of the Zoroastrian pantheon, and was associated with Rap­ithwin. Several Zoroastrian sources relate that at this period of the day the special 'Gatha of Rapithwin' dedicated to this deity, should be recited.34

All this demonstrates that Rapithwin played an important role in the Zoroastrian religious system. At the same time, awareness of this mythological figure among the non-Iranians was by no means widespread. It does not appear in the majority of surviving works by Western and Eastern Christian authors that deal with Persia and its religion. To the best of my knowledge, there is only one compo­sition besides CT where Rapithwin is mentioned, the Syriac cosmo­logical tractate ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite. This text was first published by Marc-Antoine Kugener, and soon after, by Giuseppe Furlani.35 It does not belong to the original Greek corpus of Pseudo-Dionysian writings, but was originally composed in Syri­ac, most likely, during the sixth century.36 There are several features

33 See Boyce, "Rapithwin," 215. 34 Cf. Vae8d Nask: "At the time of Rapi8win [one shall worship]

Best Holiness, i.e. one [shall] recite the Gah of Asavahist" (ed. Humbach and Jamaspasa, Vae8d Nask, §102, 51); Iranian B1111dahif11 III.22. On the figure of Ardwahist, see Boyce, "Ardwahist".

35 Kugener, "Un traite astronomique et meteorologique"; Furlani, "Cosmological Tract by Pseudo-Dionysius".

36 See Kugener, ''Un traite astronomique et meteorologique," 140-141.

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shared by this text and CT, which indicate that the author of the Pseudo-Dionysian treatise was acquainted with CT or came from the same cultural milieu. One of these features is the author's refer­ence to Rapithwin. In his description of the 'mountains of the north' he relates that "on the crystal stones of these mountains de­scends that amazing rapi,twitl'.37 Furthermore, one can infer that the notion of Rapithwin was not widely known among the Syriac­speaking Christians from the fact that the loan-word rapi,twin posed a considerable difficulty for the later copyists of CT, who, as it seems, were not aware of its Persian origins.38

In CT I.8-9 Rapithwin is associated with the lowest among the three heavens, the one called 'firmament' (4....c;). This 'firma­ment,' in its tum, is said to have the 'nature of water'. By asserting that, the author of CT follows a tradition, which was already well­established among the Syriac Christian writers, of interpreting the 'firmament' (ll'i?l) of Gen 1:6-8 as being made of water.39 We find this idea expressed by the author of Pseudo-Clementines when he offers an exposition of the biblical cosmogony and comments on the material from which the firmament was made. According to Pseudo-Clementines, it was 'stretched out' (distenditur) from the water in the middle of the first heaven and earth, which was "con­gealed as if with frost and solid as crystal" (quasi gelu concreta et crys­tallo solidata) and because of that, it received the name of 'firma-

37 l~l 00t ,~; ~ t;ci.6 ~°'' .m~o>-c' jj;;~ ~°' ~o; Furlani, "Cosmological Tract by Pseudo-Dionysius," 250 [Syr.], 261 [tr.].

38 In its correct form this noun is attested in only one manuscript of CT - OrA, while in all the rest it is corrupted to a greater or lesser degree. Cf. OrM \~91, OrELOPSU \~ol, OrV \~ol;, OrH ,~;I, Oc•hcd \ ~o;. Two early translations of CT into .Arabic present us with corrupt forms of this word as well - w _,A::.; JJ~ (ed. GIBSON 1901, t) and w _,,b.J JJ (ms. l\!Iingana Syr. #32 apudfil, Commentaire de la Caverne des Tresors, 118). It is noteworthy, that in order to make the word comprehensible to the readers, the scribe of OrM resorted to inner-textual glossing, explaining it as 'a kind of glass' (l~~f ,~.

39 This notion also has parallels in Rabbinic sources; cf. Gen. R.ab. 4:2,7 (Theodor-Albeck ed. 26, 30).

DYNA.lvIICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 161

ment'.40 A similar explanation for the ongms of the 'firmament' (4...o;O of Gen 1 :6-8 is offered by Ephrem, who, in the Commentary on Genesis, relates that it was "pressed together from the waters" (~ Jo0t ~;ll ~).41 Later on, this interpretation of the firmament's creation is used by Narsai in his Homilies on Genesis.42

The idea of heaven consisting of or containing a body of wa­ter is biblical (cf. Gen 1:6-7; Ps 104:3, 148:4) and goes back, ulti­mately, to the cosmological tradition of the ancient Near East. The idea of heaven made of water appears already in the Akkadian sources, where Marduk builds the heavens out of the watery corpse of the slain monster Tiamat, or where the Akkadian word for 'heaven' (famt) is etymologized as fa me 'of water'.43 Even closer parallels to the association of the lowest of the three heavens with water in CT are found in the Iranian cosmological tradition, where it was specifically the lowest heaven that was regarded as having the watery nature. Thus, such a Young Avestan text as Rafn Yaft, while describing the journey of the yazata Rafou through different parts of the world, mentions his heavenly ascent that starts with the low­er heaven of stars, which is described as having the 'nature (or: seed) of the waters' (Avest. qff.ci()ra-).44 This notion is also attested in several later Pahlavi texts. For example, in the Iranian Bundahifn (VII.2-3) all fixed stars are divided into the three groups and the lowest group is said to be comprised of the stars of a 'watery na­ture' (Mid.-Pers. db-Cihra~.45

This association of the lowest part of heaven with water, ex­plicit in Iranian sources, might also be rooted in the ancient Meso­potamian cosmological speculations. According to the above men­tioned Akkadian text KAR 307, the lowest heaven was thought to

40 Ree. I.27.3; ed. Rehtn, Die Pse11doklementine11. II, 24. 41 Comm. in Gen. 1.17; ed. Tonneau, Sancti Ephraem Syri in Genesim, 17;

tr. Mathews and Amar, St. Ephrem the Syrian, 87. 42 Hom. in Gen. I.49-52; II.297-319; III.143-144); ed. Gignoux, Ho-

milies de Narsai; 528-529, 574-575, 592-593. 43 See Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geograpl?J, 262-263. 44 YaftXII.29. On this phrase, see Panaino, Tiftrya, v. 1, 92-93. 45 Ed . .Anklesaria, Zand-Akasib, 86-87. See on this Panaino, "Ura­

nographia Iranica I," 208-209.

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be made from jasper (afpil). Through the ancient near-eastern and the classical sources one finds references to several varieties of jas­per, which could be grayish-green, sky-blue, rose-colored, yellow or purple.46 Relevant for our case is that in the Akkadian text Abnu­fikinfu there is a description of the two varieties of jasper. One is likened to 'the clear sky' (fame zakutz), having the appearance of the bright blue sky whereas another is likened to 'a rain cloud' (urpat ripft), having the appearance of an overcast grayish sky.47

The connection between the lowest heaven and water shared by CT and Zoroastrian sources strengthens even further the hy­pothesis of Iranian origins for the tripartite ouranological scheme in CT I.8-9. However, the exact reason for Rapithwin being asso­ciated by the author of CT with the lowest heaven is still obscure, as none of the surviving Zoroastrian sources provides us with in­formation concerning the exact location of Rapithwin during the summer period, when he stays above the earth.

A possible explanation for this connection may be found in the fact that both these cosmological elements are associated, in one way or another, with water. While the watery nature of the lowest heaven in Iranian cosmology has already been discussed, Rapithwin is also related to this element as he keeps "the water of the springs" warm during the five months of winter, when he stays under the earth.48 Yet, a more likely rationale for the association of Rapithwin with the lowest part of heaven can be deduced from the function performed by this mythological figure within the overall system of Zoroastrian cosmology. As has been mentioned above, the main function of Rapithwin during the summer season is to provide warmth to the world and "ripen the fruit of trees" (bar ,­draxtdn pazdmed).49 Throughout this season Rapithwin is said to be present "above the ground" (bar balqy-i zam{n bdfad).so Since the

46 See Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geograplry, 13-14. 47 See Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geograplry, 14. 48 Iranian Bundahifn XXV.15; ed . .Anklesaria, Zand-Akdslh, 208-209. 49 Iranian Bundahifn XXV.16; ed . .Anklesaria, Zand-Akdsih, 208-209. so Persian FJvqyat, ed. Unvala, Ddrdb Hormazydr's FJvqyat, v. 1, 122, In.

5; 123, ln. 7-8; 124, ln. 4-5; 138, ln. 2-3.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL1URATION 163

lowest heaven is located most closely to the earth, such a spatial arrangement for Rapithwin makes perfect sense.

Given the unique character of the association of Rapithwin with the lowest heaven CT I.8-9, a question arises whether this element was an integral part of the Iranian ouranological tradition upon which the author of CT relied, or if it was introduced into that scheme by him? The former scenario seems more likely. As noted above, Rapithwin was closely associated with the. divinity Ardwahist, who in its turn has a strong connection to the physical element of fire, which belongs to him and in which he is imma­nent.51 This brings into the foreground the igneous aspect of Rap­ithwin's nature, which is understandable, given his main function as the provider of heat for the underground realm during the winter season. This characteristic of Rapithwin makes apparent internal logic that underlies the cosmological scheme presented in CT I.8-9, where each of the three heavens is associated with a particular kind of fire.s2 This inner consistency of CT's ouranology suggests that our author relied on some local version of Iranian cosmologi­cal tradition that was current during the Sasanian period in the re­gion where he lived, but was not preserved in the later Zoroastrian sources. That would not be impossible given the fact, acknowl­edged by scholars, that Pahlavi sources reflect only one of several streams that existed within Zoroastrianism in pre-Islamic Iran, namely the 'orthodox' version of that religion, which survived the Arab conquest as it was preserved and promoted by Zoroastrian clergy.53

There is additional evidence that seems to be congruent with this hypothesis. It is provided by several rabbinic writings, the ear­liest of which is Genesis Rabbah, an amoraic midrashic collection,

5t Cf. Yasna XXXI.3; XXXIV.4; XLIIl.4. See on this Boyce, ".Ardwahist," 389.

52 The identification of the upper heaven with 'fire' (l;Q.f) may go back to the ancient Mesopotamian cosmological lore, since /11!t1dti111111-stone, from which the upper heaven was made according to the Akkadian sources, quoted above, was described as reddish in color. See Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, 10.

53 See Shaked, D11alism in Tran.iformation, 95-98.

164 SERGEY MINOV

redacted in Palestine somewhere around the tum of the fifth centu­ry. In the part that deals with the first chapters of Genesis, an opin­ion attributed to Rav is cited whereby the Hebrew word for 'heav­en' (fdmqyim) of Gen 1:8 is understood as composed of two differ­ent Hebrew nouns, 'fire' ('is} and 'water' (mqyim). This etymology is followed by another tradition in the name of Rav, transmitted by R. Abba b. Kahana, according to which God created the 'firmament' of Gen 1:6-8 by bringing these two antagonistic elements together and mixing them forcefully.s4 These two traditions appear together, although anonymously, in the Babylonian Talmud as well.SS Ac­cording to these sayings, the element of fire is an essential compo­nent of the 'firmament' of Gen 1:8. Such an understanding of the nature of heaven constitutes a close parallel to the connection of the 'firmament' with Rapithwin in CT I.8-9. These two ouranolog­ical traditions, Jewish and Syriac-Christian, can be understood in the context of Iranian cosmological lore, where the heat-providing spirit of Rapithwin was considered to be a permanent part of the heavenly realm in the primeval world, before it was corrupted by Ahriman.s6 Important for this argument is the Babylonian prove­nance of the rabbinic tradition, as it is ascribed to Rav, a first­generation amora, who was active in Babylonia during the first dec­ades of the third century.s7 There is no reason to doubt the Baby­lonian origins of these sayings on the grounds of their appearance

54 Gen. Rob. 4:7: i:::i N::J.N 'i ,O'Ol 'IVN ioN :ii .O'O'IV v•pi':i O'il'N Nij?'l

0'01V 11Z1Vl Ji101 ilt::J. i1t pn!:!i O'Ol 'IVN n":::ipn '7-ol :ii 'wo Nlil:::J; ed. Theodor and .Albeck, Midrash Bereschit Rabba, v. 1, 31.

s5 Cf. b. Fjagigah 12a. In distinction from the midrash, the Bavli transmits this tradition as a baraitha, i.e. an anonymous Tannaitic state­ment. This might reflect the tendency on the side of the early Babylonian amoraim and stammaim to ascribe to Rav Tannaitic authority (cf. b. Fju/lin 122b; b. Eruvin 50b; b. K£tubot Sa; see on this Kalmin Sages, 44-45, n. 1).

S6 Cf. Iranian Bundahifn III.22: "for He (i.e. Ohrmazd) knew that when the Adversary would arrive the day would be divided into these five periods, whilst before the advent of the Adversary, there was eternal mid­day, that is, the Rapithwin"; ed. Anklesaria, Zand-Akcisih, 45.

57 On Rav see Neusner, History of the Jews in Baf?ylonia, v. 2, 126-134, 180-187.

DYNAJ.\HCS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULT!JRA.TION 165

for the first time in the Palestinian source. \Ve know of a number of Babylonian Rabbis, including Rav's immediate disciples or their disciples, such as R. Abba b. Kahana, who moved from Babylonia to Palestine and through whom the traditions of early Babylonian masters entered Palestinian Rabbinic sources.ss All this raises the possibility of regarding the words of Rav not only as an example of skillful word-play of which Rabbis were masters, but as a reflection of his acquaintance with Iranian cosmological ideas. If accepted, this interpretation would strengthen the image of Rav as closely acquainted with Iranian culture, drawn by some scholars,s9 as well as deepen our general knowledge of the impact of Iranian culture on Babylonian Rabbis.60

PORTRAYAL OF THE MAGI

In two chapters of CT (XL V-XL VI) we are presented with an ex­tended narrative on the New Testament Magi ().....~). They are introduced as one of the groups among the inhabitants of Persia, who become disturbed as they have witnessed the appearance in the sky of a new bright star within which the image of "a maiden carrying a child" with "a crown set upon his head" is depicted. The Magi, portrayed as experts in astronomy, consult their books, in­cluding one entitled "The Revelation of Nimrod," from which God's providential plan of Christ coming to be born in Judea be­comes apparent to them. Carrying out their part of this plan, the Magi, who are said to be three in number, travel to the "mountains of Nod." There they take three gifts from the "cave of treasures," - gold, frankincense and myrrh, which were brought out of Para­dise by Adam and deposited there. With these gifts the Magi travel to Bethlehem in Judea, where they find the infant Jesus, worship him and offer him the gifts. The Magi's story concludes with their

ss On the migration of Babylonian Jews to Palestine during Late An­tiquity see Schwartz, ".Aliya from Babylonia"; Idem., "Babylonian Com­moners". On Babylonian traditions in the Palestinian Rabbinic sources, see Sussman, "J'j?'tl •o'?um•'? :mvi," 71-72, n. 72; 131-132, n. 179.

59 See Elman, "?\'fiddle Persian Culture," 193-194. 60 See Herman, "Ahasuerus," esp. 283-288; Elman "Middle Persian

Culture"; Secunda, "Reading the Bavli in Iran."

166 SERGEY MINov

acknowledgment of Jesus as God and their departure to their homeland. This narrative is based ultimately on Mt 2:1-12, but contains a considerable amount of non-biblical material. In what follows I shall discuss those extra-canonical features in the Magi's portrayal that place a particular emphasis on their Iranian back­ground.

The origins and number of the Magi

The Gospel of Matthew (2:1-12) is the only document within the New Testament corpus that narrates a story about certain "wise men from the East" (Gr. µayot a'7t'o avaTol..wv), who came to Judea following the star in order to worship the new-born king of the Jews, and to offer him the gifts of gold, frankincense and myrrh. Through the centuries, these mysterious Eastern visitors have cap­tured the imagination of many Christians and were brought to life through a rich tradition of the Magi's representation in literature and art.61

The word µayot, employed by the Gospel's author to describe these men, had a wide range of meanings in Greek. This noun could indicate 'members of the Persian priestly caste,' or 'any pos­sessor or user of supernatural power.' Alternatively it could, properly-speaking, refer to 'magicians and sorcerers,' or, figurative­ly, 'a deceiver or seducer'. 62 The question of which of these mean­ings was intended by the author of the Gospel has occupied more than one generation of scholars. 63 However interesting this ques­tion may be, it is less relevant for our study than the problem of the translation and reception of Mt 2:1-12 in the Syriac tradition. In all Syriac versions of the New Testament, from the Old Syriac Gos­pels up to that by Thomas of Harkel, the Greek µayo1 of Mt 2:1-12 is translated as mgufi (J.,..~), the Syriac word that refers only to

6! For a general overview of traditions about the Magi, see Kehrer, Die Heiligen Drei Konige; Elissagaray, La legende des Rois Mages; Trexler, Jour­ney of the Magi.

62 See Delling, "µayo~, µayela, µayeuw," 356-358. 63 See Luz, Matthew 1-7, 101-116; Delling, "µ&yo~, µayela, µayeuw,"

358; Powell, "Magi as Kings"; Idem., "Magi as Wise Men."

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 167

members of the Persian priestly caste.64 That the Greek word µciyo~ was not by default translated with the Syriac mgufd can be seen from the Peshitta version of Acts 13:6 and 13:8, where it is ren­dered as bardfd ()......_), 'magician, sorcerer'. It is possible that the translators of Mt 2:1-12 into Syriac wanted to remove any ambigui­ty present in the Greek µciyo~ and to identify the Eastern visitors as Zoroastrian priests in an unequivocal manner. Later on, this identi­fication became standard in the Syriac Christian tradition, where the figure of the Magi became exceedingly popular. 65

As to the origins of the Magi, it is related in CT XLV.12 that they come from the "East'' (J,....~) and, more specifically, in CT XLV.5 - from "the land of Persia" (.m>-99 4..;~. 66 The New Tes­tament account of the Magi provides no exact information on their homeland, save the brief mention that they came "from the East" (anb avct-rol..wv). By the sixth century a number of solutions for the problem of the "East" of Mt 2:1 had been developed within the Christian exegetical tradition. The most popular among them was understanding this geographic term as referring to 'Persia,' devel­oped apparently under the influence of Iranian connotations of the noun 'Magi'.67 Occasionally, however, the Magi were thought to come from 'Arabia,' 'Babylon' or even 'Ethiopia'. 68 By connecting the Magi to 'Persia,' the author of CT followed a tradition of inter-

64 Ed. Kiraz, Comparative Edition of the Syriac Gospels, v. 1, 15. On the word's meaning, see Sokoloff, Syriac Lexicon, 707.

65 On the Magi in Syriac tradition, see Monneret de Villard, Le leg­gmde orientali; Witakowski, "The Magi in Syriac Tradition"; Debie, "Suivre l'etoile a Oxford."

66 Ed. Ri, La Caverne des Tresors, 362, 366. 67 Cf. Clement of .Alexandria, Protr. V.65.1, Strom. 1.15; Ori.gen, Ce/s.

1.24; Basil of Caesarea, Hom. in Chr. gen. 5; John Chrysostom, De beato Phi­logo11io. VI.4; Cyril of .Alexandria, Ad. Isa. LIX.12.

68 For '.Arabia,' cf. Justin, Dial. cum Tryph. 77.4, 78.2, 88.1, 106.4; Epiphanius, De ftde 8.1; see on this tradition Maalouf, "Were the Magi from Persia". For 'Babylon,' cf. Balai, Madrasha 011 the Dedication of the New­/y-Bttilt Chttrch in Qenneshrin 49, 51, 54, 59; ed. Overbeck, S. Ephraemi Syri, Rabtf/ae, 256-257. For 'Ethiopia,' cf. Caesarius of .Atles, Serm. 194.1.

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pretation of Mt 2:1 that was already centuries old, and which was especially popular among the Syriac-speaking Christians.69

In CT XL V.19 the author lists the Magi while mentioning their names and regions under their authority. It is apparent from this list that the Magi were three in number. This stands in contrast with the view, much more common among the Syriac-speaking Christians, whereby there were twelve Magi. One of the earliest Syriac sources to express such a view is the so-called Revelation ef the Magi, an extended apocryphal narrative embedded into the West­Syrian Chronicle ef Zuqnin (VIII CE) that might go back to the fifth or even fourth century.7° The antiquity of this tradition is con­firmed by its appearance in the Opus Impetfectum in Matthaeum, an anonymous fifth-century Latin commentary on the Gospel of Mat­thew. The author of this work recounts the story of the twelve Ma­gi and their gifts, relying upon an apocryphal book, ascribed to Seth, as his source.71 There is no other Syriac Christian source that predates or is contemporary to CT that has three Magi, and it is not clear whence the author of CT got this number. In light of our hy­pothesis of the West-Syrian origins of CT, it might be reasonable to regard this motif as one of the 'Western' exegetical traditions that reached the author of CT's via the miaphysite network.72 Another possibility would be that our author was influenced by the icono­graphy of Nativity and Adoration scenes that usually include a de­piction of the three Magi. There are several artistic representations

69 Cf. Jacob of Serugh, Memra on the Nativity (ed. Bedjan, S. Marryrii, qui est Sahdona, 786), Memra on the Star that appeared to the Magi (ed. Bedjan, Homiliae se/ectae MarJacobi, v. 1, 86, ln. 3; 87, ln. 11; 97, ln. 16; 114, ln. 1); Simeon the Potter, Ifymns on the Nativity V.2 (ed. Euringer, "Die neun 'Topferlieder'," 228); Pseudo-Ephrernian Soghitha on Mary and the Magi IV.4-8, 49, 52 (ed. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Ifymnen de Nativitate, 210, 216 [Syr.]).

70 See Landau, "The 'Revelation of the Magi in the Chronicle." For later Syriac traditions on the twelve Magi, see Witakowski, "The Magi in Syriac Tradition."

11 PG 56, col. 637-638. 72 See l\tiinov, Syriac Christian Identity, eh. 2, where I discuss the possi­

bility of a West-Syrian provenance of CT.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 169

of the three Magi that come from Syria or Mesopotamia. One such example is the scene of the adoration of the Magi on a sixth­century slab from Rasm al-Qanafez.73 This scenario is supported further by the later Syriac author Jacob of Edessa, who while de­fending the opinion that the number of the Magi was twelve, men­tions iconographic representations featuring the three Magi as the source of an alternative view.74

The royal status of the Magi

Another remarkable feature of the Magi narrative in CT is that they are represented as "kings, the sons of kings" (~ ~ ~).75 No royal features are attributed to the Magi in the canonical story and it is only in the later tradition of Christian exegesis that we find them invested with such dignity. 76 The depiction of the Magi as 'kings,' although attested in Christian tradition beginning with the second century, was not particularly widespread during Late Antiq­uity. One of the earliest expressions of the notion of the Magi's royal status is found in the writings of Tertullian, who on several occasions offers a messianic interpretation to the verses of Psalms that feature "the kings of Arabia and Saba" and their offerings (Ps 72:10-11, 15) as referring to the visit by the Magi, and he even ob-

73 See Nasrallah, "Bas-reliefs chretiens inconnus," 45-48. Cf. also the scene of the Magi's .Adoration on the two incense burners from Qamishli (VI-VII CE), described by De Jerphanion, ''Un nouvel encen­soir syrien," 308, fig. 3-4, and from Takrit (VIII-IX CE), described by Harrak, "Incense Burner ofTakrit". For numerous examples of represen­tations of the three Magi in the Western Christian, i.e. Greek and Latin, art of Late .Antiquity, see Leclercq, "Mages." In the .Armenian tradition, the three Magi feature in the scene of the .Adoration from the EJmiacin Gospels, which date from the late sixth or early seventh century, on which see Mathews, ''Early .Armenian Iconographic Program," 205-206.

74 Letter(# 14) to John of Litarba. The relevant fragment was pub­lished by Nestle, Brevis /inguae [Jriacae grammatica, o;!b-~.

75 CT XL V.18; ed. Ri, La Caverne des Trisors, 368-369. 76 On the development of this tradition, see Powell, "Magi as

Kings."

170 SERGEY MINOV

serves that "the East regards the Magi almost as kings."77 Yet, such an early attestation notwithstanding, this view of the Magi's identity did not become particularly influential in the Latin Christi.an tradi­tion until the Middle Ages. As to the literary sources, it is only in the first half of the sixth century that we come across an en passant mention of the royal status of the Magi in a homily on the Epipha­ny by Caesarius of Arles (ea. 470-543 CE).78 It should be noted, however, that even for Caesarius the royal association is not an essential element of the Magi's image. This can be seen from the laconic and impersonal way in which it is introduced by the author, as one among other opinions that exist, as well as from the fact that no royal imagery is evoked in other writings of Caesarius where the Magi are mentioned. 79

The marginal character of the Magi's royal aspect in the Chris­ti.an tradition of Late Antiquity is further confirmed by the data provided by Christi.an art, where the scene of the adoration of the Magi was one of the most popular subjects.so The first images of the Magi's visit, attested already in the second century, are found in the catacombs of Rome. By the fourth century, this scene had be­come very popular. The earliest artistic representations of the Magi in frescoes, mosaics and sculptures would usually render them fea­turing general orientalizing traits such as the Phrygian cap, an ori­ental style chlamys or chiton, and anaxyrides.s1 Their iconography often is modeled on that of the triumphal monuments of imperial Rome, where representatives of the defeated barbarian nations

77 Adv. Marc. III.13.8 - Nam et magos reges habuit Jere oriens; ed. Kroy­mann, "Q. S. Fl. Tertvlliani Adversvs Marcionem," 525. This sentence as well as an identical interpretation of Ps 72:10,15 also appear in Adv. Iud. IX.12.

78 Senno 139.2 - I/Ii Magi tres reges esse dicintur, PL 39, col. 2018. 79 Cf. Senn. 113.2; 194.1; tr. Mueller, Saint Caesarius of Aries, v. 2, 159;

v. 3, 35-36. so Most of the artistic representations of the Magi from antiquity are

conveniently collected by Leclercq, "Mages." For analysis of the early iconography of the Magi, see Vezin, L 'adoration et le rycle; Deckers, "Die Huldigung der Magier''; Trexler,Journry of the Magi, 21-38.

St See Vezin, L'adoration et le rycle, 65-70.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL1URATION 171

were depicted presenting gifts, especially golden crowns. One of the best known representations of the Magi that illustrates this ten­dency is that of the sixth-century mosaic from the basilica church of Sant' Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna.82 Nevertheless, representa­tion of the Magi as kings, so popular in the European art of the Middle Ages, was unknown to the late antique and early Byzantine traditions of Christian art.83 It was only in the tenth century that Christian artists of the Latin West began to use royal features, such as crowns, to represent the Magi. 84

Notwithstanding Tertullian's statement about the East regard­ing the Magi as kings, no such imagery seems to be found in the surviving Greek Christian writings from Late Antiquity. While a messianic interpretation of Ps 72:10-11 [LXX 71:10-11], where the bringing of gifts by "the kings of Arabia and Saba" (~aO'tAEt~

'.Apa~wv xal ~a~a) was regarded as a prefiguration of the Magi's visit, becomes quite popular among the Greek-speaking Christian exegetes beginning with the fourth century, 85 it had no recognizable impact on how the Magi were perceived in the Eastern Christian imagination.

In the Syriac Christian tradition prior the time of CT, the situ­ation is almost the same. It is remarkable that the majority of an­cient Syriac writers who mention the Magi or address Mt 2:1-12 do not employ royal imagery at all. Ephrem, in those of his Ffymns on the Nativiry, where the story of Mt 2:1-12 is repeatedly evoked, characterizes the Eastern visitors only as mgufi.86 In the Syriac

82 See Von Simson, Sacred Fortress, 89-95. 83 See Trexler,Journry of the Magi, 35-36, 46. 84 See Vezin, L'adoration et le rycle, 71-72. 85 See on this below. 86 Cf. Hymns nos. 22-24; ed. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers

Hymnen de Nativitate, 109-127 [Syr.]. The phrase ~°'; ~'that appears in Hymn 26.2 (ed. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Ifymnen de Nativitate, 133 [Syr.]) and could be taken as related to the Magi, should be under­stood in light of the poetic parallelism employed by Ephrem in this stanza as referring to the malevolent local rulers of Judaea, such as Herod. To avoid ambiguity, it would be better to translate it not as "kings are has­tening" (tr. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian, 206), but as "kings are disquiet-

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Commentary on Diatessaron, ascribed to Ephrem, there is an extended discussion of the Magi's visit, where they are consistently referred to as mgufi and, at some point, are likened to the prophets, but they are never represented as 'kings'.S7 No royal characteristics are at­tributed to the Magi in the many poems on the Nativity composed by Jacob of Serug, one of the most prolific Syriac poets of Late Antiquity.SS In one of these poems Jacob numbers the Magi among the "wise men of the Assyrians" (.L.";oU! ,o~).S9 In another of Jacob's work, the Homi/y on the Star that appeared to the Magi, besides the regular mgufi the most common way to refer to them is "the chiefs of Persia" (.m;..9 ..... ;;)90 or "messengers" (l~,_0,91 who represent the kingdom of Persia,92 but are not kings themselves. Likewise, Jacob's older contemporary Narsai never refers to the Magi as 'kings' in his Homify on the Nativity, where considerable space is devoted to their story.93 No mention of the Magi's royal status is found in various other Syriac works from Late Antiquity that feature the Magi, such as the Madrasha on the Dedication ef the Newfy-Built Church in Qenneshrin by Balai ry CE),94 the Hymns on the

ed/alanned". Cf. also the Soghitha on Mary and the Magi, attributed to Ephrem, where the envious ''local kings" (4.;I, ~) are mentioned in the context of the Magi's visit (ed. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Ifymnen de Nativitate, 214, In. 32 [Syr.]), as well as Jacob of Serug's Homify on the Star of the Magi (ed. Bedjan, Homiliae selectae Mar-Jacobi, v. 1, 99, 144) and the Syriac version of Pseudo-Eusebian On the Star (ed. Wright, "Euse­bius of Caesarea on the Star," ,. [Syr.], 163 [tr.]).

87 Cf. Commentary 011 Diatessaron II.18-25; tr. McCarthy, Saint Ephrem's Commentary, 68-73. For a discussion of this tradition, see De Halleux, "L'adoration des Mages".

8S Ed. Bedjan, S. Marryrii, q11i est Sahdona, 720-808; ed. Rilliet, Jacq11es de Saro11g, 538-549.

89 Ed. Bedjan, S. Marryrii, q11i est Sahdona, 786. 90 Ed. Bedjan, Homiliae selectae Mar-Jacobi, v. 1, 86, In. 3; 87, In. 11; 97,

In. 16; 114, In. 1. 91 Idem, 120, In. 7; 133, ln. 11; 134, In. 5; 139, In. 13; 142, In. 5. 92 Cf. Bedjan, Homiliae selectae Mar-Jacobi, v. 1, 114, ln. 7-14. 93 Ed. McLeod, Narsai's Metrical Homilies, 52-59. 94 Esp. In. 49-66; ed. Overbeck, S. Ephraemi Syri, Rab11/ae, 256-257.

DYN.Ai\UCS OF CHRISTL\N ACCU.LTIJRATION 173

Nativity by Simeon the Potter (VI CE),95 Pseudo-Ephremian Soghitha on Mary and the Magi. 96 In the Syriac version of Pseudo-Eusebian On the Star the Magi are introduced as "the worshippers of fire" (l;a.i:::.. ... ~),sent by the "king of Persia" (-='-9~ ~) to deliver the gifts to Jesus.97

One of the rare cases where the Magi's royal status is men­tioned in Syriac sources from Late Antiquity is found in the Testa­ment ef Adam. In the 'Prophecy' section of this apocryphal composi­tion, where Adam foretells to Seth the future coming of Christ, he mentions the Magi, while characterizing them as "the sons of kings"(~ ~).98 Stephen Robinson, the editor of the Testament, dates its 'Prophecy' part to the third century.99 However, there are some reasons to suspect that this particular tradition is a later addi­tion. These considerations are based on the evidence provided by the Syriac versions of another apocryphal work, the Transitus Mari­ae, where the part of the Testament that mentions the Magi is quot­ed. We have at our disposal two early manuscripts of the Transitus, from the fifth and sixth century. It is remarkable that while in the sixth-century Syriac version of this work the Magi are called "the sons of kings" (~ ~), the fifth-century version contains no such description.100

Another early mention of the Magi's royal status is found in the writings of Isaac of Antioch, a fifth-century Syriac poet. In his still unpublished Homify on the Magi who Came from the East, pre­served in the sixth-century manuscript Vatican Syriac 120, we come across a scene of the Magi's interrogation by Herod, during which

95 Esp. V, VII-VIII; ed. Euringer, "Die neun 'Topferlieder'," 228--233.

96 Cf. ln. 8, where they are called "the chiefs of Persia" (-~ ...... ;;); ed. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Ifymnen de Nativitate, 210 [Syr.].

97 Ed. Wright, "Eusebius ofCaesarea on the Star," a. [Syr.], 162 [tr.]. 98 Testament of Adam 3:7 (Recension #1 and 3); ed. Robinson, Testa­

ment of Adam, 64-65, 100-101. 99 Robinson, Testament of Adam, 151. 100 For the sixth-century Syr. Tramit11s, see Wright, "Departure of my

Lady Mary," ,.a [Syr.]; 145 [tr.]; for the fifth-century - Lewis, Apocrypha Syriaca, -m [Syr.], 41 [tr.].

174 SERGEY MINOV

they entreat the king not to be mistaken for Persian spies and re­veal their true identity, claiming that "we are from the chiefs of Persia, and even kings and sons of kings".101 Although there is still much work to be done on Isaac's corpus and on the place of this homily within it, in the meantime it would not be unreasonable to suggest the second half of the fifth century as the earliest likely date of the Magi's description in royal terms in the Syriac Christian tra­dition.

The names of the Magi

The royal identity of the Magi is strengthened even further, as all three of them are represented as bearers of characteristically Irani­an royal names. In CT XLV.18-19 the author describes the Magi in the following way:

These are the kings, the sons of kings, who bore the offerings to the King: Honnizd of l\!Iakhozdi, the king of Persia, who was named 'king of kings' and who used to dwell in the lower Azerbaijan, and Yazdgird, the king of Saba, and Per6z, the king of Sheba, which is in the East.102

A certain difficulty for establishing the Magi's names is presented by the existence of many textual variants for each of them. In my translation I follow the reconstruction of these names that has been offered by Carl Bezold, in his German translation of CT.103

The name of the first Magus is, perhaps, the most problematic of all. Its two main variants in the manuscripts of CT are "Hor­mizd" or "Hormizdad".104 Both of these theophoric names, de-

101 ~ ~o ~ ~I ~~I .m;..2; J,....' ""°;ms. Vatican Syriac 120, f. 199r. It is homily #106 in the list of Mathews 2003. I thank Dr. Kristian Heal for drawing my attention to this text.

102 OrA: ??~;oo. .~ ~ ~ .~ )=·;= ooo. ~? ,QJI ""° ~;o?.b loo. -=o~o loo. ~~ ~ ~? o"o. . .m;..2? ~ ~?I~? .).....~? ~·o. !.:-.? ~ ?ro;..20 .bm? ~ ~?rlo .~~; ed. Ri, La Caverne des Tresors, 368.

103 See ed. Bezold, Die Schatz/lohle, v. 1, 57. 104 Textual variants: OrABDMO ??~;oo., OrEHLPSU w»;oo., OrCQcd

?~;oo., Or" ~~;oo., Occ ;?l.»;oo..

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL1URATION 175

rived from Ohrmazd, the highest deity of Zoroastrianism, are at­tested in the original Iranian sources.10s Accordingly, it is difficult to decide which of these two forms should be preferred. The form 'Hormizd' seems to be a more likely option. This choice is based on the fact that the two other Magi bear distinctively royal names. While we know of several Sasanian kings named Hormizd106 there are no examples of the personal name 'Hormizdad' borne by an Iranian monarch. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that in the historiographical work of Agathias of Myrina the names of kings Hormizd I and II are spelled as 'Opµ10-0ct'n')~.101

The name of the second Magus does not present particular difficulties and should be without doubt established as "Yazdgird".108 Its meaning is also theophoric - 'made by god'. We know of three Sasanian kings that bore this name - Yazdgird I (r. 399-421), Yazdgird II (r. 438-457), and Yazdgird III (r. 632-651), the last ruler from the Sasanian dynasty.

1os See Justi, Ira11isches Namenbuch, 7-9; Gignoux, Noms propres sas­sa11ides, 98, 137-139. An attempt to reconstruct the original name of the first Magus as Hormizdfarr by Joseph Marquart, who interpreted the Ma­gi's names in the light of the Iranian names of the three envoys sent by Nimrod to Balaam according CT XXXV.18-21 (Marquart, "Unter­suchungen zur Geschichte," 7), is seriously flawed by his reliance on the limited textual base of Bezold's edition of CT and, thus, can hardly be accepted as satisfactory.

106 There were five Sasanian kings that bore this name: Hormizd I (r. 272-273), Hormizd II (r. 303-309), Hormizd III (r. 457-459), Hormizd IV (r. 579-590), Hormizd V (r. 630-632).

101 See Hist. IV.24.5; IV.25.1; ed. Keydell, Agathiae Myrinaei histori­arum, 154.

10s Textual variants: OrABCDOPSV ~,,I, OrEHLMU ~;,I, Oc•hc ~,,I,

Ocd !~!I-· Cf. this name spelled as ~!'" and !~i1-I in other Syriac sources. For the references see Gignoux et alii, Noms propres !)riaques, 143-144, nos. 453a-j. For examples of this name in Iranian sources, see Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 148-149; Gignoux, Noms propres sassanides, 189-190.

176 SERGEY MINov

The form of the third Magus' name also varies considerably in different manuscripts of CT,109 Given the fact that with the excep­tion of 1o~ none of these variants has parallels in the corpus of indigenous Iranian onomastics, the form "Peroz" ('victorious') seems to be most likely the original form of this name.110 There were two Sasanian monarchs who bore this name - Peroz I (r. 459-484) and Peroz II (d. after 661). It seems reasonable to accept a suggestion made by Witold Witakowski that the rule of Peroz I, the first Sasanian king bearing this name, might serve as a terminus post quem for the story of the Magi in cr.111

This tradition of the Magi's names has no parallels in other sources from Late Antiquity and is unique to CT. It is completely independent of the contemporary Western tradition, where the Magi were named Gaspar, Melchior and Balthasar.112 A legitimate question arises about the reason behind the attribution of these particular Sasanian royal names to the Magi in CT. One might at­tempt to find a common denominator that would bring together three Sasanian kings bearing these names and, thus, throw light upon the author's choice. One answer to this question could be that the author of CT named the Magi after those Sasanian kings who ruled recently and therefore would be easily recognized by his intended audience. One possible configuration of three Sasanian kings, whose names correspond to those of the three Magi, has been offered by A. Wirth. He suggested that the prototypes of the Magi in CT were the three following Sasanian monarchs, who ruled consecutively from the middle to the second half of the fifth centu-

109 Textual variants: OrAELOPsuv !lo;.!!>, OrBCD 1o~, OrH !!lo;.!!>, Or'l !!o;.l!>, Oc• ,,,;~, Ocd \!10;.l!>.

110 For examples of the name Peroz and its derivates in Iranian sources see Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 247-251; Gignoux, Noms propres sassanides, 147-148; Gignoux, Noms propres sassanides ... Supplement, 55. Mar­quart's attempt to derive the name of the third Magus from the Persian name Farr-vinddd (i\farquart, "Untersuchungen zur Geschichte," 4) is too arbitrary to be useful.

111 Witakowski, "The Magi in Syriac Tradition,'' 815-816. 112 For the references and discussion, see Metzger, "Names for the

Nameless,'' 80-81.

DYN.At'vIICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL1URATION 177

ry, Yazdgird II (r. 438-457), Hormizd III (r. 457-459) and Per6z I (r. 459-484).113

There is, however, another possible common denominator that seems to provide a better solution to the problem of the Ma­gi's names. The author's choice of these particular names might be determined by the positive attitude towards Christianity of those Sasanian kings who bore them. This explanation certainly fits the first Magus, whose name might be understood as alluding to Hor­mizd N (r. 579-590). This Sasanian king, during whose reign the author of CT might well have lived, pursued a policy of religious tolerance towards Christians and hindered attempts of the Zoroas­trian clergy to launch anti-Christian persecution.114

The second Magus, whose name might be derived from Yazdgird I (r. 399-420 CE), conforms to this pattern as well. Re­viled by the non-Christian Persian and Arabic sources as 'a sinner,' for the greatest part of his rule this king treated his Christian sub­jects favorably, legalizing public Christian worship in Persia and sponsoring the first synod of the Church of the East.115 Although the last year of Yazdgird's reign saw a renewal of anti-Christian persecution, this fact did not blacken the king's image in the later Christian tradition, where the negative aspect of his rule was often deemphasized, whether through disregard, explanation or justifica­tion.116

The case of the third Magus is most problematic. The only Sasanian king who could serve as the prototype for him was Per6z I. In distinction from Hormizd N and Yazdgird I, loyalty of this king to the official Zoroastrian religion was staunch and unques­tionable. He is said to have initiated persecution against the Chris-

113 Wirth, Aus orientaJischen Chro11ike11, 203, n. 2. 114 See Shahbazi, "Hormozd IV." On the policy of Hormizd towards

Christians of his empire, see Labourt, Le christia11isme, 200-203; Christen­sen, L'Iran sous Jes Sassanides, 442-443.

115 See Labourt, Le christianisme, 87-103; Christensen, L 'Iran sous Jes Sassa11ides, 269-273.

116 See on this McDonough, "Second Constantine"; cf. Geoffrey Herman's paper in this volume.

178 SERGEY M!NOV

tians of his empire.111 Yet, the existing evidence on the policy of Peroz towards Christians is contradictory. Thus, in a number of East-Syrian sources the king is presented in a positive light, mainly on account of his role as the patron of Bar~auma of Nisibis.11s In the Chronicle of Arbela it is even stated about Peroz that "although he was a pagan, he greatly helped the Christians during his life­time".119 This positive picture of the reign of Peroz seems also to be supported by the Marryrdom of Gregory Pirdn-Gufnasp, a late sixth­century hagiographic work, where it is reported that the Christians of Iran enjoyed a period of peace "from the reign of king Peroz until the tenth year of king Khusrau".120 While Stephen Gero might be right in his refusal to accept the reliability of these two sources as witnesses to the real policy of Peroz towards Christians,121 im­portant for our argument is that at least some Iranian Christians during the sixth century saw nothing wrong in the image of Peroz as a king, who was favorably disposed to the Christian minority.

Another aspect of the Magi's portrayal in CT that deserves at­tention is their association with particular geographical regions. The first Magus, Hormizd, is characterized as "the king of Persia" (.mt.£1! ~) and, in order to reinforce this claim, he is given the distinctively Iranian royal title 'king of kings', ~ ~ in Syriac, which is a calque of the Persian fdhdn fdh. The origins of Hormizd are related to .. ,,~, the toponym (or, possibly, patronym) that seems to be difficult to identify with any degree of certainty.122 An­other toponym connected with Hormizd is easily recognizable,

m See Gero, Barfat1ma ofNisibis, 17-20. 118 See Labourt, Le christianisme, 149-150; Gero, Barfat1ma of Nisibis,

36-37. 119 ~oiei...-:. ~~ looi ;~ ~ looi ~o~I ~ ~I; ed. l\ifingana,

Sources .[Jriaques, 67, ln. 36-37. 120 ~ o;..ma:::i? ~ ~ 4.~ 1o;.J? oil~ ~; ed. Bedjan, His­

toire de Mar-]aba/aha, 348, ln. 13-15. 121 See Gero, Barfat1ma of Nisibis, 20. 122 Textual variants: OrABCDELMSUVQcd ~,,~, OrOP ~,,~, OrH

~,~. I see no compelling reason to accept Marquart's emendation of this hapax into the relative clause ~?I» ooi,, "who is Mazdai" (Marquart, "Untersuchungen zur Geschichte," 7).

DYNAi\HCS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 179

since it derives as a calque from "Adurbadagan," the Middle Per­sian name for the province of Azerbaijan.123 There could be several reasons to mention Azerbaijan in connection with the Sasanian king. As was demonstrated above, Azerbaijan served as the reli­gious center of the Sasanian empire, since the principal royal sanc­tuary of Adur Gufoasp was located there, to which every newly crowned Sasanian monarch had to pay homage. Moreover, the city of Ganzak, the capital of the province, functioned as an important center of Sasanian administration.124 In fact, the puzzling phrase that Hormizd "used to dwell (loQI ~I!-..) in lower Azerbaijan," which stands in contradiction with the preeminent status of Seleu­cia-Ctesiphon as the official capital of Sasanian empire, might be explained as a reflection of Ganzak being used at times as the place of winter residence by Iranian rulers.12s

While the association of Hormizd with Persia does not pre­sent particular problems, the mention of "Saba" and "Sheba" as the kingdoms of the two other Magi is in need of explanation. It would be counterproductive to look for a connection between those historical Sasanian kings, who bore the names Y azdgird and Peroz, and these geographic regions, located in Arabia. Rather, as has been suggested by Witakowski,126 this association should be understood as a result of a purely literary development, serving as an example of the embedded exegesis of the following messianic prophecy from Psalm 72:10-11:

123 The correct form is found in OrP ~;o,I and Ocd ~;o,I. 124 Mani is said to visit Ganzak during one of his missionary jour­

neys (see Cologne Mani Codex 121,4--15). It was to this city that the Catholi­cos Mar Aha I was sent to be kept under house arrest by Khusro I. On this affair, see Labourt, Le christianisme, 181-185; Payne, Christia11ity and Iranian Society, 169-179.

125 Thus, Strabo in Geogr. XI.13.3 relates about the Parthians that "their royal summer palace is situated in a plain at Gazaca" (~acrG\eLOV o' CtUTWV 0epLVOV µEv EV 7reo(cp iopuµevov ra~axa); ed. Jones, Geograpl!J of Strabo, v. 5, 304--305.

126 Witakowski, "The Magi in Syriac Tradition," 815. The first schol­ar who noticed this scriptural allusion seems to have been j\farquart. See Marquart, "U ntersuchungen zur Geschichte," 2.

180 SERGEY MINOV

The kings of Tarshish and of the isles will bring him offerings. The kings of Sheba and Saba will offer gifts. And all kings will bow down before him, and all nations will worship him.121

The author of CT was not the first Christi.an writer to read Mt 2:1-12 in the light of Ps 72:10-15. Here he follows a well-established tradition of christological interpretation of this Psalm. As noted above, Tertullian was among the earliest exegetes, who interpreted Ps 72:10-15 as referring to the visit and the gifts of the Magi. By the fourth century this understanding of Ps 72:10-15 became wide­spread throughout the Greek-speaking part of Christendom. Atha­nasius of Alexandria in the Expositions on the Psalms interprets "the gold of Arabia" in Ps 72:15 as referring to the Magi's offerings.128 This exegetical tradition appears in the works of such later Alexan­drian exegetes as Didymus the Blind (Comm. in Zech. III.305) and Cyril of Alexandria (Commentary on Isaiah N.4), as well as in the Dia­logue of Timothy and Aquila (10.3), an anti-Jewish composition located by scholars within an Alexandrian milieu.129 Such an approach to Ps 72:15 was not the exclusive feature of the Alexandrian exegetical school. It is also found in the works of such writers from Palestine and Asia Minor as Eusebius of Caesarea (Comm. in Psalms; PG 23, col. 813), Pseudo-Epiphanius' Book of Testimonies (§16),130 and Am­philochius of lconium (Oratio N.7). Such a wide distribution of this exegetical tradition makes it difficult to establish with certainty how it reached the Syriac-speaking milieu of CT.131 Putting aside

127 Peshitta: b...! ~ .~ ,ofN.J )..:.'ja.o .ll!~!o ........ ;l! ~ ... -..~ ~ ,o~o .~ ,o~ ~ \o~o .,=;_Qi J,..:.'ja.o .bm!o

128 Kai oo&ef1Terat aiJrr;J XPV1Tlo11 J4paj31xo11, OYJAOi cracpw~a 11-poCT>jveyxav olµayot owpa; PG 27, col. 325.

129 Ed. Varner, Ancient Jewish-Christian Dialogues, 158-159. 130 Ed. Hotchkiss, Pseudo-Epiphanius Testimo1!J, 34-35. 131 It should be noted, however, that no such interpretation of Ps

72:10-15 is attested in the commentaries on Psahns from the Antiochene tradition - those by Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret of Cyrrhus and such later East-Syrian works as the Commentary on Psalms by Ishodad of Merv. This might serve as an additional example of the dissimilarity between CT and East-Syrian exegetical tradition, on which see Minov, Syriac Christian Identity, 54-80.

DYNA1'vlICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 181

the possibility of its oral circulation or of direct acquaintance by the author of CT with these Greek works, one might point to the Syri­ac translation of Athanasius' Expositions that was in existence al­ready by the sixth century as a plausible source of inspiration for our writer.132

The dress of the Magi

As the story of the Magi advances, we come across the following description and explanation of the peculiar manner in which the Magi were dressed during their visit to Bethlehem (CT XLVI.3-4):

Now the Magi are called 'Magi' because of the garb of Magian­ism, which the pagan kings used to wear whensoever they of­fered up a sacrifice and brought offerings to their gods. They used two different kinds of apparel: that of royalty - inside, and that of Magianism - outside. Likewise also those who went up to Christ prepared to offer their gifts were arrayed in the two kinds of apparel.133

As in the case of the Magi's names, no similar tradition about this peculiar manner of their dress is attested in any other ancient Christian source. Neither do ancient Greco-Roman and oriental sources provide explicit descriptions of Iranian kings being clothed in two distinct kinds of attire, royal and priestly, during their partic­ipation in Zoroastrian rites. The unique character of this tradition calls for close attention and obliges us to try to grasp the message conveyed by means of this imagery.

One solution has been offered by Witakowski. He suggests that the Magi's description in CT XL VI.3-4 should be understood as a purely literary development. By combining these two kinds of garment the author of CT "makes an effort to reconcile the tradi-

132 See ed. Thomson, Athanasia11a Syriaca. Patt IV, 143 [Syr.], 116 [tr.].

133 OrA: oooi ~! .IL~~! ~I~ .a.;...cll ~! )....~ ~I ~~ 'OOOIJ .,ooi.~O k9a.c e~o I~, ~t=-! ~~I, .).iii....~ .£>/ kioi .~ ~ ll~~! o'oo .~ ~ ll~! o'oo .~I ~;~ \a::>;..a>! OOO! ~ )....~ \ooi.;~ ,J.......- !"",..) OOO! ~! \Q.10!

.,ooi.=9a.c; ed. Ri, La Caverne des Tresors, 372-374.

182 SERGEY MINOV

tion of their being kings with Matthew's term magot".134 This expla­nation provides an obvious, but only partial solution to the prob­lem because it does not analyze this unique tradition in the context of the general literary strategy of CT. It explains how the double image of the Magi's dress came into existence, but not wl!J the au­thor of CT decided to make this effort. There are compelling rea­sons to regard this aspect of the Magi's depiction as something more than merely an ingenious invention of an exegetically orient­ed mind, whose sole purpose was to resolve an apparent contradic­tion. Although in his work our author relies upon the existing tradi­tion of scriptural exegesis, he is far from being an antiquarian who collects different opinions about biblical figures. We do find in CT examples of different exegetical traditions being 'reconciled,' as for example in the case of the threefold characteristic of Adam as king, prophet and priest.135 However, such examples demonstrate that the author of CT felt it necessary to 'reconcile' only those traditions that would advance his agenda. Thus, in the case of Adam his threefold status is conditioned by the author's supercessionist anti­J ewish theology, according to which after the coming of Jesus the Jewish people were deprived of the gifts of kingship, prophecy and priesthood.136 Furthermore, instead of 'reconciling' those exegetical traditions that could not be integrated into his version of biblical history, the author of CT was perfectly able to ignore or explicitly reject them. m In light of all that, the reason for the author's choice to preserve both aspects of the Magi's identity, priestly and royal, is still in need of explanation.

134 Witakowski, "The Magi in Syriac Tradition," 815-816. 135 Cf. CT 11.18; XLVIII.29. Each of the three traditions circulated

separately in Jewish and Christi.an exegesis before the time of CT. 136 Cf. CT XL VIII.29; L.13-14; LII.17. For an analysis of this and

other anti-Jewish arguments in CT, see j\finov, Syriac Christian Identity, eh. 3.

137 Cf. his rejection of the interpretation of the "sons of men" of Gen 6:1-9 as angels (CT XV.4-8); the rejection of the idea of Hebrew as the primeval language (CT XXIV.11); polemic against the Melchize­dekians (CT X:XX.11-17); disagreement with the incorrect genealogy of the Twelve Tribes (CT XXXIIl.1).

DYNA,_\ifICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 183

As has been demonstrated above, the tradition of the Magi's royal identity in the late antique Near East had a rather marginal status. Among the ancient Christian sources that have survived, the author of CT is the first writer who develops on this foundation a consistent and fully-fledged image of the Magi. My suggestion would be that the unique dual royal-priestly image of the Magi in CT is a result not only of the author's reliance upon the previous tradition of New Testament exegesis, but of his acquaintance with indigenous Iranian ideas on monarchy as well. Parallels provided by Iranian sources oblige us to consider seriously the possibility that the author of CT refashioned the traditional image of the Magi in light of the prevalence in Sasanian political discourse ideology of an inseparable connection between church and state.

One of the first scholars to comment upon the possibility of an Iranian background for the description of the Magi's dress in CTwas Geo Widengren.138 According to him the double apparel of the Magi is related to the ancient Iranian idea of sacred kingship. This notion was conveyed in a most visible manner through the dress-code of Iranian kings, who from Achaemenid times used vestments distinguished by the combination of red and white col­ors, thus indicating the union in the person of the king of the two highest offices of Inda-European society, that of the warrior-class and that of the priestly caste. Widengren's thesis, although basically correct, is in need of certain adjustment.

Similar to many other ancient cultures, the Iranian peoples considered the institution of kingship to be in intimate connection with the realm of the divine.139 The origins of the principle of roy­alty were traced back to the beginning of the world, as it was be­lieved to have been created by Ohrmazd himself.140 There has been

138 See Widengren, "Sacral Kingship," 254. 139 For an overview of ancient theories of kingship, see Oakley, King­

ship, The Politics of Enchantment. On sacral kingship in Sasanian Iran, see Widengren, "Sacral Kingship"; Choksy, "Sacral Kingship"; Daryaee, "Kingship in Early Sasanian Iran"; Panaino, "King and the Gods," esp. 216-227.

140 Cf. Denkardlll.289; for the Pahlavi text and French translation of this passage, see Mole, Ctt!te, nrythe et cosmologie, 48-49.

184 SERGEY MINOV

prolonged debate among Iranists over the exact meaning of the Middle Persian formula ke fihr azyazddn, found in official Sasanian inscriptions and coins as a characteristic of the king.1 41 Regardless whether this formula should be understood as a claim by kings of direct divine descent or as an expression of their iconic resem­blance to gods, it functions as a public assertion for Zoroastrian divinities to be the ultimate source of Sasanian royal power.

There is evidence of cultic activity by Iranian kings and their participation in sacrificial ceremonies.142 Thus, in Philostratus' ac­count of the visit to the Parthian court by Apollonius ofTyana, it is the king who is represented as carrying out the ritual of horse­sacrifice in the presence of the Magi.143 Occasionally, one comes across the quality of magus being attributed to Sasanian kings. For example, in the Syriac R.omance of Julian, Shapur II is referred to as "the great king, magus and mighty god".144 According to Agathias of Myrina, the founder of the Sasanian dynasty, Ardashir, was "a devotee of the magian religion and an official celebrant of its mys­teries."145 Similarly, George Synkellos reports about Ardashir that "he was a Magus" (~v OE µciyo~), while explaining how the Magians became powerful in Persia.146 On the basis of this and similar evi­dence, Panaino comes to the conclusion that Sasanian monarchs

141 For a balanced treatment of this problem most recently, see Pan­aino, "King and the Gods," 227-246.

142 See Widengren, "Sacral Kingship,'' 251-254. 143 Philostratus, Vita Apol/onii I.29-31; ed. Jones, Philostratus, v. 1,

104--109. 144 ~l l~lo J..,.~ k; ~; ed. Hoffmann, Iulianos der Abtrtten­

nige, 182, ln. 28. The epithet a/dhd ("god") looks strange in this context and, most likely, is a result of too literal a rendering of the Persian title bay ('god,' 'lord') by the Syriac-speaking author of the Romance; see Panaino, "King and the Gods,'' 222, n. 71.

14s Hist. II.26.3 - ~v oe ye oOTo~ 'l'jj µayLxfj xaToxo~ lepoupyli;t xal au't'oupyo~ 't'Wll a:rropp~'t'Wll; ed. Keydell, Agathiae lvfyrinaei historiarttm, 75; tr.

Frendo,Agathias, 60. 146 Ed. Mosshammer, GeoTgii Syncelli Ecloga, 440.

Dr'N.AMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 185

"behaved as natural members of the clergy with a different func­tion and with a number of proper privileges".147

Given the extreme scarcity of evidence on actual Zoroastrian ritual practice during the Sasanian period in general and on the cul­tic duties performed by the king in particular, it is hard to validate or disprove Panaino's claim. Important for our argument is that at least in the realm of discourse religious devotion and close collabo­ration with the priestly caste were considered to be essential charac­teristics of the Sasanian monarch. On this base a well-attested doc­trine of concordat between the Sasanian state and Zoroastrian reli­gion developed.148 This fundamental principle of Sasanian political ideology is expressed in a memorable manner in the Letter ofTansar, a composition of Sasanian origin, from the second half of the sixth century that was preserved only in the late Persian translation made from Arabic. The Letter's author states that "Church and State were born of the one womb, joined together and never to be sun­dered."149 Similar statements are also scattered throughout various Zoroastrian texts written in Pahlavi. Thus, it is proclaimed in the third book of Denkard that "kingship is built on religion, and reli­gion on kingship" and that "kingship and religion, religion and kingship are [fellow-] countrymen to each other".150 The author of Denkard puts forward Zoroaster as a paradigm of this union, when he praises the prophet for the two sublime qualities that were com­bined in his person - "the Kayanian glory" (kqydn xwarrah), that is, the glory of kingship, and "the glory of priesthood" (herbed xwar­rah).151 Another exemplary embodiment of these two qualities is Yima, the mythical king of the primeval Paradise, in whom like in

147 Panaino, "King and the Gods," 233. 1-18 On this notion, see Zaehner, Dawn and Twilight, 296-299; Shaked,

Dttalism in Transformation, 31-40. Most of the relevant primary sources are collected in Mole, C11/te, 11!Jfhe et cosmologie, 37-58.

149 Tr. Boyce, LetterofTansar, 33. 150 Denkard III.58 - pad awefdn xwadqyih abar den, den abar xwadqyih

windrdagfh ... xwadqyfh den [11dJ den xwadqyfh [ham-]dehdn; text and translation ap11d Shaked, D11alism in Transformation, 39.

151 Denkard VII.3.46; for the Pahlavi text and French translation of this passage, see Mole, La legende de Zoroastre, 36-39.

186 SERGEY M!NOV

Zoroaster "the glory of lordship" (xwarrah i xwadciyih) is united with "the glory of Good Religion" (xwarrah i weh den).152

In light of all this evidence, it seems very likely that the author of CT might be aware of the double royal and priestly function of kingship in Sasanian Iran, while molding his description of the Ma­gi's vestments, and consciously evoking this imagery in order to express even more emphatically the Iranian identity of the New Testament Magi.

The Magi's anticipation of Jesus

There is one more manifestation of the Magi's Iranian background to be discussed. It comes into view in CT XL VI.8, where the fol­lowing account of what the Magi expected to see, when they came to the new-born 'king of the Jews,' is offered:

Thus did they think that they would find in the Land of Israel, a royal palace, and couches of gold with carpets laid upon them, and the king and the son of the king arrayed in purple, and hastening soldiers and companies of royal troops, and no­bles of the kingdom paying him honor by presenting gifts, and furnished tables with food fit for the king, and delicacies in rows, and male servants and maidservants serving in fear.153

This description contains a number of characteristic features that indicate that the ceremony of Iranian royal audience is the basic pattern after which the Magi's expectations are modeled. The insti­tution of royal audience had a great significance in the system of government in ancient Iran and was regarded as an indispensable element of the monarch's office.154 While the author of CT explicit-

152 Denkard III.129; for the Pahlavi text and French translation apud Mole, Culte, "?}the et cosmologie, 37-38.

153 OrA: ~ ~;..m.! 4..;k ooo. ~! ,o~ loo. ;..:.~ l=o. t'° ~ ;.:.o ~o .lh'Olo I~ ~a_, t'° .k°'!! l~o .ll~! ll~! ,b-,o;o ·~°'; tc ~ ~! 1-,t=o IL~o .,o;~;..gi:. ,.~~ t'° ~o ~~ t° ~! l~b.! 1-,o~o .l~O.~ ~ ~~ t'° .l~p ~! ll~lo l~o .~;...!"";ed. Ri, La Caverne des Tresors, 374-376.

154 On this ceremony, see Khaleghi-Motlagh, "''Bar (.Audience)."

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL1URA.TION 187

ly sets the Magi's image of Jesus against the background of the roy­al court by mentioning the "royal palace" (IL~! ~),in ad­dition to this general remark, there are several more specific ele­ments in his description of this setting that betray its Iranian ori­gins.

One such element is the "couches of gold" (.6°'!! J~~), which refers to the ceremonial couch or throne that were used by the king and the magnates of Iran and Armenia during feasts and banquets. We find this luxurious object mentioned already in the younger Avesta, when in the hymn addressed to the goddess Asi the couches with "golden feet" (zara1!Japaxfta.pdoa1jho) are listed among the rewards of those who offer heryasna.155 Later on, Jose­phus relates that one of the exclusive privileges of the Parthian kings was "to lie down on a bed of gold" ( E7rl xA.!v>1~ xpucrij~ xa9EuOEtv).156 The "golden couch" (ZI:IByn bZ!f1y) is mentioned in the context of a banquet scene in that part of the Middle Persian inscription of the Sasanian high-priest K.erdir from Sar Mashad, where he describes his heavenly vision.157 This object features prominently in the images of royal banquets, a very popular motif in Sasanian silverwork. In many of these scenes the king is depicted sitting alone or with a consort on a couch.158

Another noteworthy element of CT XL VI.8 that brings to mind the imagery related to the setting of Iranian royal audience or banquet is the mention of the "carpets/mattresses" (I~) that are spread upon the couches. These mattresses, called in Middle Persian wistar(ag) were a particularly important element of the

155 Yast 17.9; apud Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems, 6. 156 Ant. :XX.67; ed. Thackeray et alii,Joseph11s., v. 9, 424. 157 Ed. Gignoux, Les quatre i11scriptio11s, 91, §25 [Pahl.], 96 [tr.]. I have

translated the ]\fiddle Persian noun baZ!'!)' as 'couch' and not as 'throne,' as would suggest Gignoux' French translation 'tr6ne,' following the lead of Nina G. Garsofan, who renders its .Armenian cognate baZf11akan as "ban­queting-couch, feasting-couch"; see Garsofan, Epic Histories, 515.

1ss Cf. the silver plates in Ghirshman, "Notes iraniennes," 60-61, 63, 66-67. See also Dentzer, "L'iconographie iranienne."

188 SERGEY MINov

adornment of the royal throne during Sasanian times.159 A vivid description of this item of luxury can be found in al-Tabari's Histo­ry, in the description of the audience given by Khusro II Parviz (r. 591-628), when he was held in captivity by his own son. While vis­ited by a military commander, the imprisoned monarch is said to be "seated on three KhusrawanI rugs woven with gold, which had been laid on a silken carpet, and he was lolling back on three cush­ions likewise woven with gold."160 Llke the royal couch, this acces­sory also features prominently in the scenes of the royal banquet on Sasanian silverwork, where the couch upon which the king sits is usually covered with several mattresses.161

An additional detail bearing the connotations of Iranian king­ship is the "purple" (,o;a.9>-9), in which the baby Jesus was sup­posed to be wrapped. An important part of the Iranian dress~code, purple color distinguished the clothes of the warrior-class to which king and nobility belonged, beginning from Median and Achaeme­nian times.162 This practice continued during the Sasanian period as well, as one comes across several examples of Persian kings as well as their soldiers dressed in red.163 Thus, Eunapius, in the story about a meeting between Shapur II (r. 309-379) and the Greek philosopher Eustathius, refers to the king's "purple ('ll'Epmopq>upou~) and bejewelled attire".164 Emperor Julian, while describing the Per-

159 See Sperber, "On the Unfortunate .Adventures," 91-93; Shaked, "From Iran to Islam," 77-79 . .As has been pointed out by Geoffrey Her­man, one should distinguish between mattresses, upon which the king sat, and cushions, against which he leaned; see Herman, "Story of Rav Kahana," 74.

160 0 ~ &\_u.-> r_ Y.~ .kW I J.illj: U ~ c.> _rS ots"' _, XL.) ~ Js-~ ~Ji\ if J,~ ~} ..li <.,-J>~ if '-:-"'-li ~ ~; ed. De Goeje et alii, Ama/es quos scripsit Abtt Djafar, v. 1.2, 1048; tr. Bosworth, History of al-Tabari. Vol. 5, 385.

161 See Ghirshman, "Notes iraniennes," 60-61, 63, 67. 162 See Reinhold, History of Purple, 18-20; Shahbazi, "Clothing," 723-

735. 163 See Tafazzoli, Sasanian Sociery, 1. 164 Eunapius, Vitae sophist. Vl.5.8; ed. and tr. Wright, Philostrattts and

Eunapius, 396-397.

Dx'N.Ai'vIICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCULTURATION 189

sian army, speaks about their "raiment adorned with gold and pur­ple (&.l.oupyfo1)".16s Similar descriptions are found in Zoroastrian sources, such as Denkard, where the attire suitable for a warrior is described as "the garment which is red (suxf) and wine-coloured (mqy-gon), adorned with all kinds of ornament, with silver and gold, chalcedony, and shining ruby".166

Moreover, some of the images employed in CT XL VI.8 sug­gest that the author, while constructing this fictitious scene, might have had in mind not an ordinary royal audience, but one of those ceremonies that were performed with much greater pageantry dur­ing Nowriiz and Mihragan, the two most important festivals of the Zoroastrian year.167 There were two different kinds of royal audi­ence that were held during these holy days: the private audience for the reception of foreign dignitaries and the Persian nobility; and the public audiences intended for the reception of other members of Iranian society.168

One of the elements that make one think of such a festival setting is the mention of the "gifts" (l~e>i~) to be offered by the "nobles of the kingdom" (ll~! ~'o;). The presentation of gifts to the Sasanian monarch by his subjects of every rank, from foreign rulers down to commoners, constituted one of the central elements of these two festivals.169 As related in the Book ef the Crown, ascribed falsely to al-Jal:,tlz, "it is proper to offer to the king presents on Mihragan and Nowriiz, and the reason for this is that they divide the year''.170 The mention of "delicacies" (~) ar-

165 Julian, Orat. II.63B; ed. and tr. Wright, Works of the Emperor Julian, v. 1, 168-169.

166 Denkard III.192.3; apud Tafazzoli, Sasa11ia11 Society, 1. 167 On these festivals see Boyce, "Iranian Festivals." 168 See Khaleghi-Motlagh, ''Bar (.Audience)," 733. 169 See Boyce, "Iranian Festivals," 799-803; Ehrlich, "Celebration

and Gifts." 110 4i ,!J.b ~ 4.WIJ jJ.r.JIJ 0~ ~\ ~\..Lal .!.l.WI ~ J

WI ~; ed. Zeki Pasha, D}dbi? Le LJvre de la Couron11e, 146. This phrase opens a section that describes the exchange of gifts between king and his subjects during these two festivals. For a French translation, see Pellat, Le livre de la Couro1111e, 165-168.

190 SERGEY MINov

ranged on the tables also indicates the possible festival context of this imaginary audience. During both Nowriiz and Mihragan it was customary to offer the king particular sorts of food, associated with each of these festivals - the new milk and cheeses for the former and ripe fruits and nuts for the latter.171 To eat sugar candies as an auspicious omen for the New Year was another ancient Iranian custom.172 Thus, according to the Book ef Beauties and Antitheses, an­other pseudo-Jal)izian work, on the days of Nowriiz Iranian kings were offered to eat "white sugar with fresh Indian nuts pared".173 There was also a tradition of putting on the king's table seven dif­ferent sorts of grain during this festival.174

***

Having observed the close connection established by the author of CT between the Magi of the Gospel of Matthew and several ideas and images characteristic of the Iranian royal culture, we are faced with the question of the motive for such a peculiar and innovative reinterpretation of these biblical figures.

First of all, it should be noted that the story of the Magi has an important narrative and theological function within the overall framework of the Christian history of salvation advanced by the author of CT. The three Iranian kings serve as indispensable medi­ators who channel God's promise of universal salvation given at the very beginning of human history, in the Old Testament, to its fulfillment in the New Testament. It is through them that our au­thor is able to flesh out the abstract idea of the unity of two testa­ments into a coherent and vivid narrative. By delivering to the in­fant Jesus the three symbolic gifts, gold, frankincense and myrrh, the Magi confirm his status as the 'Last' or 'New' Adam and signal

171 See Boyce, "Iranian Festivals," 802. 172 See Carter, "Royal Festal The11,}es," 192. 173 )..A.. [> .)J.:J; j~ J ~I ~; ed. Van Vloten, Le Livre des

beautis, 362. 174 Cf. Pseudo-Jiil:riz, Book of Beauties; ed. Van Vloten, Le Livre des

beautis, 361; al-DimasqI, Cosmograpf!J IX.8; ed. Mehren, Cosmograpbie de Cbems-ed-Din, 278.

DYNAMICS OF CHRJSTIAN ACCULTURATION 191

the commencement of his redemptive ministry, bringing thus the circle of Heilsgeschichte to its completion (cf. CT XLV.13-15).175 The considerable attention paid to the figures of the Magi, as well as their thoroughly positive portrayal that culminates in the confes­sion of Jesus as God ( cf. CT XL VI.19-26), agrees also with the consistent anti-Jewish agenda that was pursued by the author of CT, whose supersessionist theology required an example of good Gentiles in order to cast a deeper shadow over the unbelieving Jewish people.176

Another avenue for understanding the particular attention paid to the Magi in CT is provided by the notion of 'local patriot­ism,' that is, a marked propensity for putting additional emphasis on and treating positively those themes or figures that are related in one way or another to the regional context of the author or of his intended audience.177 This tendency is a salient feature of the man­ner in which the author of CT reworks biblical narrative. It comes most visibly to the fore when he speaks about the primacy of the Syriac language (cf. CT XXN.9-11; LIII.20-27) or treats favorably the biblical figure of Nimrod (cf. CT XXN.24-25; XXVII.6-11; XLV.7-11).178 One should add to these examples also the case of the Magi, whose origins in the "East," in the "land of Persia," would naturally make the Christians of these regions regard them as their compatriots and representatives, and, as a consequence, hold them in high esteem.

However, these conceptual angles alone do not suffice to ac­count for several unique features of the Magi's portrayal in CT, such as the use of the names of Sasanian monarchs and other dis­tinctively Iranian royal attributes, which set the author of CT apart

175 These offerings were taken by .Adam from Paradise after his ex­pulsion and deposited in the "cave of treasures" (cf. CT V.17; XIIl.6; XVI.14, 21; XLV.12).

176 On this aspect of CT, see :Nlinov, Syriac Christian Idmtiry, 123-167. 177 On this phenomenon among the Jews and Christians of antiquity,

see Pearce and Jones, "Introduction''; Gafni, "Expressions and Types"; Grosby, "Category of the Primordial."

178 See on this :Niinov, Syriac Christian Identiry, chs. 4-5, as well as Mi­nov, "Cave of Treasures and Formation."

192 SERGEY MINOV

from the majority of late antique Syriac and other Christian writers who dealt with the Magi. When taken seriously, this emphasis on the rqyal identity of the Magi in CT raises the question of a possible political dimension behind this narrative.

Appeal to the figures of the Magi was one of the popular means of legitimizing earthly lordship during the Middle Ages, both in the Latin West and in the Byzantine East.179 When, howev­er, we tum to Late Antiquity, it seems that the Magi were only rare­ly used for such a purpose in the Christian political discourse of this epoch. There are but few instances of politically charged utili­zation of the Magi's figures from this period. One such instance is found in the works of Augustine. In one of his sermons for Epiph­any, Augustine uses this festival as an occasion to implore earthly kings to "have a pious and filial fear" of Jesus, while extolling the Magi as the models of such behavior.180 In addition to that some scholars point to a possible political message implicit in the image of the Magi from the sixth-century mosaics in the San Vitale church in Ravenna. In the mosaic panel in the apse of this church, an image of Theodora, the wife of emperorJustinian, is found with the Magi's picture on the embroidered border of the empress' chlamys. As has been suggested by Natalia Teteriatnikov, the fig­ures of the Magi were consciously adopted by the royal couple in order to enhance their image as wealthy donors to the church.181 Another explanation for the Magi's appearance on the empress' vestment has been offered by Matthew Canepa, suggesting that this iconographical detail should be analyzed in the context of Roman­Persian rivalry and understood as an effort to assert visually "the subjection of Iranian religion and sovereign to the Roman religion - Christianity".182

179 See Trexler, Journey of the Magi, 44-75; Geary, Living with the Dead, 243-256.

180 Serm. 200.2; PL 38, col. 1029-1030; tr. Hill, Saint .Aug11stine, 83-84. For an analysis of this passage, see Powell, "Magi as Kings," 475-478.

181 Teteriatnikov, "'Gift Giving' Image," 382. 182 Canepa, Two Eyes of the Earth, 120. For a non-political interpreta­

tion of the Magi on Theodora's dress, see McClanan, Representations ofEar­fy Byzantine, 133-134.

DYNAJ_vIICS OF CHRISTIAN ACCUL 1URATION 193

Comparing the Magi's image in CT with these attempts of their political deployment, one should take into account the differ­ent socio-political context of the author of CT and his community. The manner in which the biblical figures of the Magi functioned in the political discourse of the Late Roman empire, which had adopted Christianity as its official religion, would not be the same as that of the Sasanian state, where Christians formed a minority group, persecuted or, at best, tolerated.

When we turn to the Iranian milieu, it becomes apparent that the peculiar interpretation of the Magi in CT should be examined in light of the discursive tendency to Christianize Sasanian rulers exhibited by their Syriac-speaking subjects. This phenomenon has recently been analyzed by Christelle Jullien, who defines it as "un processus graduel de mutation du roi barbare en un allie ou tout au moins en un souverain favorable aux chretiens".183 It finds expres­sion in a number of Syriac literary sources, written within the con­fines of the Sasanian empire during the sixth and early seventh cen­turies, where several Iranian monarchs are extolled as enlightened, or even Christian, kings, whose rule is divinely sanctioned. To give one of the most outspoken examples of this attitude, one might mention the Acts of the Synod of Mar Aha I (5405-52 CE) that took place in the year 544 CE, where king Khusro I is extolled as a "second Cyrus" (~;l! .a.;Q:)), through whom Christ conveys many benefits upon his Church.184

While in her article Jullien limits herself mostly to the East­Syrian sources and does not take into consideration the material provided by CT, the treatment of the Magi in this work deserves to be regarded as another expression of this tendency. This is sup­ported by the fact that for the author of CT it was important to give the Magi not just any Iranian names, but such names that were characteristic of Sasanian kings. This was notwithstanding the ob­vious anachronism involved in such naming, since the Sasanian dynasty commenced two hundred years after Jesus' birth in Bethle­hem.

183 Jullien, "Christianiser le pouvoir," 120. See also McDonough, "Second Constantine"; Schilling, Die A11bet1111g der Magier.

184 Ed. Chabot, Sy11odico11 orientale, 69-70 [Syr.], 320 [tr.].

194 SERGEY MINOV

There is an additional consideration that might shed further light on the difference between the socio-cultural role performed by the Magi's figures in CT and in the Western Christian tradition. Taking into account that in the Sasanian empire Christians consti­tuted a disempowered minority group, it seems epistemologically justified to analyze the Magi material in CT using the optics of postcolonial theory. The Magi's portrayal in our work is an amal­gam of different elements, some of which belong to the culture of the Christian minority, while others are borrowed from the domi­nant culture of Sasanian Iran. An illuminating way to approach the socio-political dimension of the Magi narrative in CT is to concep­tualize it in terms of the critical theory of domination and subordi­nation developed by James Scott.185 In accordance with Scott's analysis of different patterns of domination and resistance, the Ma­gi's image in the context of the Christian empire could be consid­ered as belonging to the realm of a 'public transcript.' That is to say, they constitute a part of the public performance of mastery and command by the dominant class. The latter's symbolic subju­gation to Jesus through identification with the Magi was aimed to bolster the emperors' own self-image as justified in their position of dominance over their Christian subjects and, thus, to legitimate the existing social order. On the contrary, in the different political context of the non-Christian Sasanian empire, where CT was com­posed, it seems justifiable to regard the Magi's identification with the world of Iranian kingship as an element of a 'hidden transcript,' i.e. a discourse "that represents a critique of power spoken behind the back of the dominant.''186 The hidden transcript is one of the "hidden forms of resistance" to ideological dominance that are created by subordinate groups and are intended first and foremost for inner consumption. The application of this analytical approach to the description of the Magi in CT is warranted, first, by the fact that we are dealing with a text that was produced by a subordinate minority group and, second, because our author does consciously

185 See Scott, Domination and the Arts of &sistance. For an attempt to apply Scott's insights to the ancient world see the works collected in Horsley, Hidden Transcripts.

186 Scott, Domination and the Arts of &sistance, xii.

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTL\N ACCULTURATION 195

choose to engage the dominant majority culture by using its sym­bols and images.

Analyzing the Magi narrative of CT as a part of the "hidden transcript,'' forged by the author in order to engage the dominant Iranian culture, one might discern the two main interpretative strategies of subversion that he employs toward that goal - reinter­pretation of the Magi's identity from Zoroastrian priests to Sasa­nian kings and their conversion to Christianity.

The first strategy has been already examined in detail above. As to the second, the author of CT introduces an elaborate story of the Magi's conversion into the canonical narrative of the Epiphany (CT XLVI.19-26). Having offered the infant Jesus their gifts, the Magi stay with him for three more days. During this time they wit­ness a magnificent spectacle of the angelic host descending from heaven and singing before Jesus the threefold Sanctus of Isaiah 6:3. This angelophany has the immediate effect upon the Eastern visi­tors, and buttressed even more by Scriptural prophecies (Isaiah 7:14 and 9:6), brings them to believe in Christ.187 The Magi's con­version culminates in a public act of recognition of Jesus as God. Performed at the conclusion of their visit it is represented as a cul­tic act of 'worshipping'.188

The subversive power of these strategies lies, first of all, in the fact that by presenting the Magi not so much as Zoroastrian priests but as Sasanian kings, the author of CT marginalizes the religious aspect of their identity, while subjugating it to the secular aspect. He stresses explicitly (CT XL VI.3-4) that although it might seem that the New Testament Magi were members of the Zoroastrian priestly caste, their true identity was that of Iranian monarchs. This shift in the Magi's identity aims to dissociate the venerated scrip­tural figures and, by extension, Sasanian kings from Zoroastrian­ism, the official religion of the Persian empire, no compromise

187 CT XL VI.21 (OrA) - ~ ewi:..oio; ed. Ri, La Caveme des Tre­sors, 380.

188 In CT XL VI.26 the author uses the verb ~' 'to worship,' anal­ogous to the Greek 7l'pooxuvlw, in order to describe the Magi's respectful reaction toward the infant Jesus.

196 SERGEY MINOV

with which was possible for the author of CT.189 This dissociation of the Sasanian monarchy from Zoroastrianism is strengthened even more and finally sealed by the act of the Magi's conversion. The author of CT dresses the Magi in the Sasanian garb only in order to 'baptize' them. The purpose of this double-staged reinter­pretation of the scriptural figures is clearly apologetic as it conveys the idea that Iranian kings had acknowledged Jesus already a long time ago. Accordingly, an implied message of the Magi's story in CT is that it presents the option of conversion to Christianity for Sasanian kings not as innovation or adoption of foreign religion, but as a legitimate return to the faith of their forefathers. It is hard, thus, to miss the subversive political dimension of this reinterpreta­tion of the Magi's figures, which is fueled by the dream of royal conversion and of a new Sasanian Constantine that was ever pre­sent in the psyche of the Christians of Iran.190

Finally, it should be noted that the author of CT is not the on­ly example of politically-charged deployment of the Magi in the late antique Near East. There are at least two more ancient sources where a similar connection is forged between these scriptural fig­ures and the Sasanians.

Thus, Barhebraeus, a thirteenth-century West-Syrian scholar, reports in the Ecclesiastical Chronicle a story about the religious dis­pute that supposedly took place between the already mentioned sixth-century East-Syrian catholicos Mar Aha I and Sasanian king Khusro r.191 During this dispute, the king, who acts as a spokesper­son for the West-Syrian theological position, brings forward a number of arguments meant to prove the divine nature of Jesus and the right of Mary to be called the 'mother of God'. Among the proofs offered by the king, who turns out to be well-versed in the

189 One can see that from the open polemic against several aspects of Zoroastrian religion that our author wages elsewhere in his work; cf. CT XXVII.12-16 for polemic against close-kin marriage and CT XXVII.17-22 - against divination and astrology.

l90 See on this Jullien, "Christianiser le pouvoir," 127-131. 191 Ed. Abbeloos and Lamy, Gregorii Barhebrai Chronicon, v. 3, col. 91-

95. For an English translation of this story and discussion see Casartelli, "Two Discourses of Chosroes."

DYNAMICS OF CHRISTIAN.ACCULTURATION 197

New Testament, is that "our fathers the Magi, unless they knew that he who was born from the virgin in Bethlehem is God, would not have come from the East to worship him and would not have brought him the offerings".192

There are serious reasons to doubt the historicity of the sto­ry about the meeting between the king and catholicos, which clearly betrays a West-Syrian bias as it includes several stock motifs of an­ti-Nestorian polemic. However, even if one discards the whole sto­ry as fictional, its building blocks may still be useful for the recon­struction of the discursive world of the Syriac-speaking Christians under Sasanian rule. As far as our case is concerned, it is remarka­ble that whoever among the Syriac Christians invented this story, he found it rhetorically persuasive to present the Sasanian king as acknowledging the Magi of the New Testament being his ances­tors, even if he did that for the sake of polemics.

Another story that evokes the motif of Persians identifying themselves with the Magi of the Gospel of Matthew appears in the Greek composition known as the Letter of the Three Patriarchs. This apologetic document in defense of icons, addressed to the Byzan­tine emperor Theophilus (r. 829-842 CE), was allegedly written in the year 836 CE in Jerusalem by the three eastern patriarchs -Christopher of Alexandria, Job of Antioch and Basil of Jerusa­lem.193 Among other arguments and stories about the miraculous power of icons this letter recalls an incident from the times of the Persian conquest of Palestine in the year 614 CE, in which we are informed that when the Sasanian army took over the city of Beth­lehem, it was only by miracle that the church of the Nativity was not destroyed. The miracle was brought about by the image of the Magi in the scene of Adoration on the mosaic that was located on the western part of the basilica's exterior fa<;:ade. It was the sponta­neous reaction of the Persian conquerors to this image that made them spare the building:

192 ~ l~o~ '<!:"' ~LI! OC?t l~I, <»..!"" u~ .:.ol )...~ ~o0lo .k,= ~ ci=.;..co :J,....~ '<!:"' 0tl~ a'::l..11 U .~;ed. Abbeloos and Lamy, Gregorii Barhebrcei Chronicon, v. 3, col. 93.

193 The text was edited by Munitiz et alii, Letter of the Three Patriarchs. See also Brubaker and Baldon, Byza11ti11m in the Ico11oc/ast Era, 279-280.

198 SERGEY MINov

When they gazed at the pictures of their compatriots the Per­sian astrologers and Magi, they stood in awe before their pic­ture, as if these were still alive, and out of reverence and love for their forefathers they preserved this great church intact and completely unharmed for their sake.194

It seems certain that the author of the Letter did not invent this sto­ry, but borrowed it from some older source which is unknown to us. However, as in the case of the account from Barhebraeus' Chronicle, one may wonder whether this story possesses any histori­cal value. It is doubtful that the Letter should be trusted when it ascribes the production of the mosaics of the church of the Nativi­ty to the initiative of the empress Helen, the mother of Constan­tine. Some scholars suggest that these mosaics were made later, as a part of the project of the basilica's renovation carried out under Justinian.195 Even more suspicious is the miraculous story itself, not only on account of the unlikely aesthetic reaction ascribed to the Persians, but also because it is not supported by any other Christian source on the Byzantine-Persian conflicts during the seventh cen­tury. Yet, its historical unreliability notwithstanding, I believe that this story, like the one transmitted by Barhebraeus, still retains its value as a witness to the close connection between the New Tes­tament Magi and Sasanian Persians that emerged as an important element of the symbolic discourse in the Christian culture of the late antique Near East.

When read alongside these stories, the account of the Magi in CT provides us with an insight into the peculiar version of socio­political imaginaire that had crystallized among the Christians of the Roman-Persian contact zone during Late Antiquity. Living under the constant threat of the Sasanian military machine, they were

l94 eA.06v't7j~ E'll"l tjv ayLav 7r6A.tv B)j0AEEfL, xaLTa~ TWV oµocp6A.wv cicrrpoA.6ywv xal µaywv I1Ep<7WV Ta~ £!x6va~ 0£aO"ctfLEVOt, atoor xal aya'll"n TWV 7rpoy6vwv w~ ~WVTa~ ato£0"0EVT£~ TOU~ yeypaµµEvou~, ciA.w~)jTOV xal ciO"(vaVTOV Ti?~ o!a<Touv ~Act~)j~, TOV fLEYt<TTov auTo1~ vabv otm\plJ<Tav; ed. and tr. (modified) Munitiz et alii, Letter of the Three Patriarchs, 42-43.

195 See Clermont-Ganneau, "La prise de Jerusalem,'' 139-140. See also Vincent and Abel, Bethleem, 127-128.

DYNA.1.\1ICS OF CHRISTL\N ACCULTURATION 199

looking for a means of domesticating the hostile super-power, even if on a symbolic level. One of such means was the dissemination of stories in which the sworn enemies of Christian faith are trans­formed into its friends, as they recognize themselves in the mirror provided by the canonical figures of the Magi. It was the combina­tion of the Magi's Iranian pedigree with their liminal position in the New Testament history of salvation that made it possible for the Christian imagination of late antique Syria-Mesopotamia to deploy them as a catalyzer that facilitated symbolic transformation of the Sasanian rule from a hostile and alienating oppressor into an obedi­ent and respectful patron of Christianity.

CONCLUSION

The two cases of Iranian influence upon the author of CT that were examined above demonstrate beyond any doubt that he was deeply rooted in the world of Iranian culture and did not hesitate to introduce into his version of biblical history those of its ele­ments that he found useful.

In the first example, the appearance of the rare Persian loan­word rap~twin in the ouranological scheme of CT I.8-9 suggests that the whole tripartite division of the heavenly realm in this passage was introduced by the author under the influence of Iranian cos­mological notions. This cosmological tradition is not the only in­stance of the author of CT incorporating distinctively Iranian ideas and images into his work.196 Together with these examples, it indi­cates a relatively high degree of acculturation to the Iranian culture that was attained by the author of CT and, by implication, by his community. This confirms the suggestion, made at the beginning of the article, that acculturation was an indispensable part of the Syriac-speaking Christian minority's stand vis-a-vis Iranian culture in the context of the Sasanian empire.

196 Cf. the notion of the cosmic mountain that surrounds the earth, where Paradise is located (CT III.15), the story of the heavenly crown of Nimrod (CT XXIV.25), and the tradition about the Zoroastrian fire­temple Adur Gufoasp in .Azerbaijan (CT XX:VIl.4-5). These traditions are analyzed in l\finov, Syriac Christian Identity, eh. 4.

200 SERGEY MINov

It should be noted, however, that the attitude of CT's author towards Iranian culture was not limited to that of quiescent adop­tion. lhe selective inclusion of Iranian traditions comprises only one pole of the wider spectrum at the opposite end of which we find straightforward rejection of those aspects of Iranian religion and culture that seem to be especially objectionable to our author. On several occasions he polemicizes against such Iranian customs as the institute of close-kin marriage and various divinatory practic­es, especially astrology.197

This brings us to the second part of the paper, that is, the Ira­nian background of the Magi's image in CT. On the one side, it was possible to demonstrate the author's deep indebtedness to the im­agery and concepts rooted in the world of Sasanian royal ideology. On the other, reading the Magi narrative of CT through the critical lenses of postcolonial cultural studies allows it to be understood differently. It is seen as a subversive literary strategy that reflects the values and aspirations of a Christian minority group seeking to engage actively the dominant culture of the Sasanian empire. The figure of the Magi provided the author of CT with an opportunity to address, albeit in a covert manner, the complicated issue of rela­tions between the Christian minority and the Sasanian state. This makes the case of the Magi's portrayal in CT especially interesting. This is because it falls somewhere in the middle of the range of our author's different attitudes to Iranian culture, between its positive and negative extremes. The treatment of the Magi in CT offers us an example of a more sophisticated and nuanced approach among the Christians of Persia toward the symbols of imperial culture, which goes beyond the simplistic dichotomy of adoption/ rejection and, thus, indicates a more advanced level of acculturation. By in­ventive rewriting of the canonical Magi narrative, the author of CT creates a discursive space that enables him to re-negotiate the meaning of Christian identity in the context of the Late Sasanian empire.

These two cases of Iranian influence upon the author of CT provide us with a glimpse into the complicated dynamics of accul­turation behind this work and, thus, enrich our understanding of

t 97 Cf. above, n. 189.

DYNAfvIICS OF CHRISTL\N ACCULTURATION 201

the diverse cultural processes that characterized relations between the Syriac-speaking Christian minority and the dominant Iranian culture in the Sasanian empire. It is hoped that this contribution will lead to a more sustained and methodologically articulate dis­cussion of Christian-Iranian interaction during Late Antiquity. Fol­lowing the lead of the scholars mentioned at the beginning of this paper, it strives to demonstrate that paying serious attention to this problem should form an important venue for future research on Syriac Christianity.