DO SEAL IMPRESSIONS PROVE A CHANGE IN THE ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN?

19
ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA ANALECTA ————— 219 ————— UITGEVERIJ PEETERS en DEPARTEMENT OOSTERSE STUDIES LEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA 2012 SEALS AND SEALING PRACTICES IN THE NEAR EAST Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo on December 2-3, 2009 edited by ILONA REGULSKI, KIM DUISTERMAAT and PETER VERKINDEREN

Transcript of DO SEAL IMPRESSIONS PROVE A CHANGE IN THE ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN?

ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIAANALECTA

————— 219 —————

UITGEVERIJ PEETERS en DEPARTEMENT OOSTERSE STUDIESLEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA

2012

SEALS AND SEALING PRACTICES IN THE NEAR EAST

Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistoryto the Islamic Period

Proceedings of an International Workshopat the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo

on December 2-3, 2009

edited by

ILONA REGULSKI, KIM DUISTERMAAT andPETER VERKINDEREN

95282_Regulski OLA vwk III95282_Regulski OLA vwk III 14/09/12 15:0614/09/12 15:06

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contributors to this volume vii Programme of the conference ix Preface xi I. Regulski Introduction K. Duistermaat Which Came First, the Bureaucrat or the Seal? Some Thoughts on the Non-Administrative Origins of Seals in Neolithic Syria V. Müller Do Seal Impressions Prove a Change in the Administration during the Reign of King Den? H. Tomas The Transition from the Linear A to the Linear B Sealing System U. Dubiel Protection, Control and Prestige – Seals among the Rural Population of Qau-Matmar K. Vandorpe and B. Van Beek “Non Signat Aegyptus”? Seals and Stamps in the Multicultural Society of Greco-Roman Egypt N.C. Ritter On the Development of Sasanian Seals and Sealing Practice: A Mesopotamian Approach B. Caseau Magical Protection and Stamps in Byzantium

xiii

1

17

33

51

81

99

115

95282_Regulski OLA vwk V95282_Regulski OLA vwk V 14/09/12 15:0614/09/12 15:06

TABLE OF CONTENTS vi

J.-Cl. Cheynet and B. Caseau Sealing Practices in the Byzantine Administration C. Kotsifou Sealing Practices in the Monasteries of Late Antique and Early Medieval Egypt P.M. Sijpesteijn Seals and Papyri from Early Islamic Egypt E. Fernández Medina The Seal of Solomon: From Magic to Messianic Device S. Dorpmüller Seals in Islamic Magical Literature K.R. Schaefer Block Printing as an Extension of the Practice of Stamping

133

149

163

175

189

209

95282_Regulski OLA vwk VI95282_Regulski OLA vwk VI 14/09/12 15:0614/09/12 15:06

DO SEAL IMPRESSIONS PROVE A CHANGE IN THE ADMINISTRATION

DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN?*

VERA MÜLLER

Introduction Due to the lack of other sources, information on administrative structures in the early periods of Egyptian history mainly derives from seal impressions. This subject is especially intriguing for the 1st Dynasty, since, based mainly on them, a change has been proposed in the administration during the reign of Den (c. 3000-2960 BCE),1 fifth king of the 1st Dynasty (Kaplony 1963: Vol. I, xxxii−xxxiii and passim; Wilkinson 1999: 123). This article will review the existing sealing evidence,2 and discuss several changes in administrative practices concerning institutions, officials and offices. I will show that administrative changes are not only related to Den’s reign, but also to the reigns of his successors.

It should, however, be borne in mind that nearly all sealings published so far come from tombs of the upper echelon of the society. A reconstruction of the administration may, therefore, not be valid for the overall administration of the country but refers mainly to the mortuary cult of the elite (Engel 2004: 705; Wilkinson 1999: 110).

The source material and evidence for the use of sealings It is intriguing that the vast majority of sealings of the 1st Dynasty come from elite tombs, and only exceptionally from tombs belonging to the lower classes, although the types of products deposited in the graves were quite similar even if they differ considerably in their respective quantities and combinations. At the same time, not all commodity containers were provided with

* I would like to thank David Aston for the editing of my English. 1 The approximate absolute dates are taken from Hendrickx 2006: 92. 2 All sealings known until 1959 were collected and evaluated by Kaplony (1963;

1964). Sealings retrieved in more recent excavations are not yet published or fully evaluated, as in the case of the resumed excavations in Abydos, and are therefore only exceptionally considered here.

95282_Regulski OLA 1795282_Regulski OLA 17 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 18

sealed stoppers. In the royal tomb of Den, for example, sealings had been applied to only about one third of the closed vessels, whereas unsealed stoppers, or other devices for closing the vessels (leather, textiles or grass bundles), were used for the greater part of the nearly 3000 vessels3 retrieved in recent excavations. This evidence is corroborated by the contemporary elite tombs at Saqqara (Emery 1938; 1939; 1949; 1954; 1958). This means that only a restricted number of the products delivered to the elite tombs came from sources that were part of a specific controlling system. This system had, presumably therefore, not yet been applied to the large quantity of funerary equipment.

Interestingly, the bulk (about 80 %) of the more than 1500 sealings retrieved from Den’s tomb belonged to stoppers once closing so-called wine jars, and it seems that each single jar of this type had been sealed. As could be proven from similar jars found in the elite graves in Saqqara and Abu Roash, not all of them would have contained wine, but grain, figs and other fruits were all stored in such vessels (Montet 1938: 18; Kaplony 1963: I 126). The two different kinds of stoppers (conical and cap-like) were both made of a yellowish clay.

The remainder of the jar sealings consist of relatively small lumps of nile-mud which were usually attached to the jar’s lip or neck; only in some cases had they been set in the middle of the cover.4 It seems highly probable that most of them have to be attributed to imported jars as well as to some of the so-called beer jars and stone cylinder jars.5 The imported jars and the stone cylinder jars were used as containers for oil, so it seems that besides wine (and, in minor quantities, fruits and grain) oil was also handled by a controlling system using sealings.

According to the dimensions of the bag sealings, and the impressions left on their backs, it can be gathered that the bags were of different sizes and materials (textile, leather and papyrus). In tomb S 3035 at Saqqara a leather bag contained a variety of flint

3 These and the following numbers refer to the newly excavated and evaluated

(yet unpublished) materials from the resumed excavations in the royal cemetery by the German Archaeological Institute Cairo at Abydos.

4 Reconstructions of their way of fixing can be found in Hartung 2001: 218 Abb. 28 and in Engel and Müller 2000: Abb. 2.

5 The latter is suggested by the impression of papyrus on the backs of some of the small jar sealings which could be identified as cover of large cylinder jars made of Egyptian alabaster by Jana Jones (personal communication).

95282_Regulski OLA 1895282_Regulski OLA 18 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN

19

implements, gaming pieces and uninscribed wooden labels (Emery 1938: 14, 41). Additionally, however, fruits and grain also seem to have been placed in bags (Kaplony 1963: I 126). Interestingly, the large bag sealings bore the same designs as the wine jar sealings and were made of the same material (yellowish clay); their filling had thus been controlled by the same institutions. In contrast to them, the smaller bag sealings as well as those for boxes, baskets and those which were loosely attached consisted of nile-mud and bore different seal designs. These kinds of seal designs are infrequently or even only singularly attested, naming major administrative institutions only in rare cases. Instead, other offices and the names of several officials are attested which are not mentioned on the wine jar and large bag sealings. These differently sealed products must therefore have been acquisitioned from other sources than those filling the wine jars and large bags.

The evidence of the seal designs By considering the number of different designs in use during the 1st Dynasty a clear development is discernable.6 While in the reign of Narmer the number of designs was restricted to just nine, the immense increase in Aha’s reign to 47 was nearly kept stable until the reign of Wadj (50 patterns). A further increase to 128 designs in the reign of Den could point to an increased differentiation within the administration. Interestingly, in the reign of his successor, Adjib, the patterns utilised were considerably reduced to only 18. This number further decreased to only seven by Semerchet, whereas in the reign of Qaa the number grew to 33, but this is still less than that known for the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. Although the change in numbers of designs used seems to suggest alterations in the administrative system in the reign of Den, a real reform could rather be proposed for his two successors who seem to have simplified, or tightened, the responsible institutions.

6 Only the sealings known to Kaplony published by him in 1963 are taken here

into consideration, as the newly discovered sealings from recent excavations are not yet fully evaluated.

95282_Regulski OLA 1995282_Regulski OLA 19 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 20

The beginning of the sealing practice and its continuation into the 1st Dynasty

The earliest sealings known so far were discovered in Naga el-Deir and date to the Naqada II-C Period (c. 3600−3500 BCE).7 Already from the beginning different designs were in use which were probably understood not just as decorative patterns but as representations of administrative information (Hartung 1998: 206, 215−216).8 Most interesting is the fact that already in this early period the sealing practice was restricted to luxury goods, whereas more basic objects were not included in this specific controlling system (Hartung 1998: 207). The most voluminous of these luxu-rious categories was wine which, at this early stage, was primarily imported from Syria-Palestine (Hartung 2001). Although wine was clearly being produced in Egypt during the 1st dynasty,9 wine, as an item, continued to keep its high prestigious value, as is reflected by the preponderance of the sealings attached to containers storing this commodity.

1. Animal seals

One of the patterns introduced at the beginning of the sealing practice are so-called animal seals. They consist of several rows of different animals which can be supplemented by diverse space fillers. This kind of design was in use until the reign of Aha whence they were usually combined with royal seals (see below). As the depicted animals (mainly caprides, canides, diverse birds and rarely lions) represent the desert area and were in the early stages connected to imported wine jars, Hartung proposed an admini-strative entity that controlled items from both the desert areas and imports from neighbouring countries (Hartung 1998: 211).

7 For the dating of the earliest seal impressions see Hartung 1998: 207 with fn.

37. 8 When Kaplony wrote his book on seals, only few items were known from the

Predynastic Period. Due to new excavations the situation changed considerably since, see Hartung 1998; 2001: 216−238.

9 The wine jars from the late predynastic period onwards are purely Egyptian in design. Wine and vineyards are also mentioned on seal impressions from the 1st Dynasty onwards.

95282_Regulski OLA 2095282_Regulski OLA 20 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN

21

2. Seals of the Upper Egyptian shrine

Another design established already in the Naqada II-C Period is composed of a wattle building. This building is a representation of the Upper Egyptian shrine, designated pr-wr “great house” by the Egyptians (Hartung 1998: 207). The pr-wr was the main sanctuary of the crown goddesses of Upper Egypt, most probably situated in Hierakonpolis, an important centre from the Naqada II-A Period onwards when huge elite graves were installed at this site.10 This sanctuary obviously built an own institution right from the start of the sealing practice. At first, next to the building a plant was added that might represent an agricultural entity belonging to this institution (Dreyer 1998: ch. 9.2; Hartung 1998: 207). In the reigns of Narmer until Den, the plant was substituted by a crouching lion with one to four bent sticks on his back. The lion is, however, not interpreted as vegetation but as a mystical creature protecting the shrine.11 Whereas on the early seals no official’s name is mentioned, they seem to have been introduced in the reign of Narmer (Kaplony 1963: I 14−15). According to the general interpretation, commo-dities bearing seal impressions of this kind derive from agricultural entities owned, or administered by, the Upper Egyptian shrine. Hartung, however, proposed that it could just as well be taken as a mere marker for commodities having been sent to the Upper Egyptian sanctuary without designating their source (Hartung 1998: 207). Anyhow, in the end it was obviously the Upper Egyptian sanctuary which sent some commodities to elite graves and it

10 For the elite graves see Friedman 2008. For the pr-wr see Arnold 1982: 934 who

surmises that it was first installed for the goddess of the Upper Egyptian emblem, Nechbet, before it was merged with the Upper Egyptian sanctuary of the crowns. In Hierakonpolis, however, a sanctuary of the design of the pr-wr can be reconstructed from Naqada II-C onwards thus implying that the main Upper Egyptian sanctuary was situated on this site from the beginning, see Friedman 1996.

11 Kaplony 1963: I 14. In the 3rd Dynasty the lion with a bent stick appears combined with an axe in the word m “carpenter, master”, see Kaplony 1963: II 686 n. 43; Kahl 1994: 726. Already at the end of the 1st Dynasty m is, however, written with the axe alone and not combined with the crouching lion, see for example Engel 2008: 113, fig. 11; Kahl 2003: 206. Therefore the question arises whether the lion in the 3rd Dynasty inscriptions actually belongs to this word and does not have an independent meaning which is still obscure. Kahl 1994: 482−483 gives neither a reading nor a translation for this sign. Helck 1987: 178, 260 presumes that at first the lion was considered as a mystical goddess for the tent and became in the 3rd Dynasty an additional title for the upper echelon of writers.

95282_Regulski OLA 2195282_Regulski OLA 21 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 22

seems to have been important that these items were branded as such. In the reign of Den the last seals of this type are attested. 3. Royal seals

At least as early as the reign of Jrj-Hor (Naqada III-B Period, c. 3200−3150), seals just showing the royal names were introduced (IÄF 13).12 Seal impressions bearing solely the royal name (Fig. 1) could be interpreted as designating royal personal properties which were thus clearly differentiated from objects deriving from other sources. These sealings are, however, only rarely attested. More often the royal seal appears on sealings together with seals of other institutions, thus implying that the items were controlled by an official accountable directly to the king as well as by another official responsible for the mentioned department.13 Royal seals were not used anymore for the last two rulers of the 1st Dynasty.

Fig. 1: Royal seal of king Den (Kaplony 1963: III no. 33A). 4. The nbj-office

To our present knowledge, it was again Jrj-Hor who introduced the nbj-office (Fig. 2) (Kaiser and Dreyer 1982: 230−231, Abb. 9). The actual meaning of this office is still a matter of debate.14 It definitely

12 Hartung proposed that some signs on seals already from the Naqada II-D Period could be interpreted as royal names, Hartung 1998: 214. IÄF is used here as abbreviation for the numbers of the figures used in Kaplony 1963: III.

13 Kaplony 1963: I 72 speaks only generally about an institution being directly dependent on the king.

14 Kahl 2003: 224 gives only a general meaning as “department of an economic entity or for the workmen of an economic entity”.

95282_Regulski OLA 2295282_Regulski OLA 22 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN 23

was no longer functioning in the Old Kingdom, when the same word was used to designate “swimming” or “melting of metals”, but it had an important administrative meaning throughout the 1st Dynasty. The hieroglyph consists of a sign representing an irrigation canal/inundated field and a man either shown standing inside the canal (Fig. 2) or being shown in a falling or flying position above it. On several seals the canal/inundated field was omitted and just the “flying” man is represented (Fig. 4). In some cases small points between the two outstretched arms of the man are shown. The latter also appears as a classifier in the word s j “sowing grain” common from the Old Kingdom onwards. As the nbj-office seems to have mainly been mentioned on wine jar and bag sealings its function must be connected with the production of wine or the filling of the jars and bags either with wine, grapes or grain.15 Perhaps this office was generally responsible for all agricultural products cultivated in the inundated fields. During or shortly after the inundation, the areas having been under water had to be freshly measured and rightly attributed to the land-holders. At the same time the extent of the inundation allowed calculations as to the probable yield of products. All these procedures had to be administered by a certain office which thus might have been designated nbj in this early period.

Fig. 2: Seal of the nbj-office, reign of Jrj-Hor, DAI Cairo (Kaiser and Dreyer 1982: Abb. 9).

15 Kaplony 1963: I 127, surmises that the basic meaning of “melting” could have been conveyed to the “filling procedure of jars”, as both were fluids. By considering that also grain was sometimes found in the jars (and bags), the meaning of the word “sowing” could have been implied as well.

95282_Regulski OLA 2395282_Regulski OLA 23 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 24

Seal designs introduced in the 1st Dynasty

1. The domains

From Djer, the third king of the 1st Dynasty, onwards each king founded a domain of his own, but the domain of Djer was collaterally kept functioning during the reigns of his two successors, Wadj and Den.

The domain is represented by a crenellated oval or rectangular frame, surrounding a designation for Horus (Figs. 3−5), a designation for the king (Helck 1987: 205).16 It is assumed that the domain represents a land-holding for the royal mortuary cult in which wine production played a major role (Wilkinson 1999: 119; Helck 1987: 204−205; Kaplony 1963: I 123). Kaplony noticed a similarity in the writing of towns and fortresses documented on other devices (Kaplony 1963: II 763 n. 617). He nevertheless supposed that the domains should be considered exclusively as vineyards that had been surrounded by a wall (Kaplony 1963: I 123−124). As protective walls around the vineyards (or other agricultural entities) would have prevented the watering of the fields by the inundation, it is more conceivable that commodities planted in different locations were collected and stored in a fortified place before they were delivered to the elite tombs.

The domains are most often mentioned on sealings which closed the so-called wine jars and large bags, thus the commodities administered by these domains consisted, in addition to the large amounts of wine, mainly of grain and different fruits.

2. Titles connected with the domains

Whereas in the reigns of Djer and Wadj the domains are usually only associated with the royal name or with that of an official, one seal in the reign of Wadj mentions a title that became a constituent in connection with domains until the end of the 1st Dynasty (IÄF 189, Fig. 3). On this seal not only the private name and the domain are mentioned but also the nbj-office, the town el-Kab (n b) and the title -mr. The composition of the signs on the seal does not allow us to unequivocally attribute this title to one of the mentioned offices or to the place name. For this reason Kaplony concluded that the title -mr just represented a rank but not a function

16 For a recent compilation of the domains of the 1st Dynasty see Engel 2004: 709.

95282_Regulski OLA 2495282_Regulski OLA 24 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN

25

(Kaplony 1963: II 766−767 n. 628). The meaning of -mr from the Old Kingdom onwards is an administrator of an area or region.17 Wilkinson’s proposition that in the 1st Dynasty it could have designated an “administrator with overall control of the domain’s land-holdings” is, however, more feasible (Wilkinson 1999: 122).

Like his predecessor Wadj, Den kept the domain founded by his ancestor Djer in use. The two domains are connected with the same titles and were managed at times by the same officials. It was now common practice that seals just mentioning the offices combined with royal names appeared on the same seal impressions which name the same, or other, institutions in combination with the name of an official. This means that the responsibilities in the controlling system must have been divided between a represen-tative of the king, and an official mainly responsible for the department.

Whereas the title -mr (administrator of the domain NN) is now regularly found in direct connection with the domain, a new title is introduced: the rp (head, controller, manager) of the domain (Fig. 4).18 On several seals the two titles were used separately but sometimes both titles appear together on the same seal – either in connection with the royal name or in combination with an official’s name. From the distribution of the titles alone it would seem that the rp was the head of the -mr 19 who appears more often and in connection with more officials. Wilkinson surmises that the rp controlled “the personnel belonging to and/or employed by the domain” but there is no indication to support this suggestion (Wilkinson 1999: 122). The accumulation of both titles on the same seal implies that, at times, a few officials ascended the hierarchical ladder without abandoning their old functions. But it could also mean that some functions were reorganised and incorporated into one institution.

The latter certainly holds true for the nbj-office which is now regularly also connected with the title rp (manager). A few seals just mention the rp-nbj together with the royal name (IÄF 92, 200, 223) and usually the same seal is used twice on the same sealing.

17 WB I, 240.7-10. Kahl 2002: 100 gives only a general translation “administrator”

without elaborating on a special meaning. 18 See also Kahl 2003: 360 who does not further comment on the title. 19 Helck 1987: 183 considers the rp as superior to the -mr without giving

reasons for it.

95282_Regulski OLA 2595282_Regulski OLA 25 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 26

These seals represent an independent status for the nbj-office. On other seals, however, the rp-nbj is combined with the -mr of the domain and the royal name or an official’s name. This could reflect that in some stage of Den’s reign the two departments were merged. Seals 276A-B (Fig. 4) of the official n -k3 even reflect that several rp-nbj existed as it names the rj-w 3 of the rp.w-nbj, i.e. the “magazine’s inspector of the nbj-managers (= several managers)”.

The title rj-w 3 (inspector of the magazine) was also introduced in the reign of Den (see Fig. 4) (Kaplony 1963: I 122), and was often further specified. On seals 306A−B (Fig. 5) next to the royal name the rj-w 3 is once (indirectly) connected with the domain and two wine jars and a second time supplemented by rp.w (several managers without specifications). The two wine jars are differentiated by shape and by the form of their stoppers. As the plural in Egyptian is written with three identical signs (like in rp.w on the same seal), it can be concluded that not an abundance of wine jars is designated but that the two wine jars symbolise two different commodities. This is reflected by the archaeological evidence: jars of both slender and wider diameters, as well as the two different shapes of stoppers (conical and cap-like), were in use at the same time. There must thus have been different institutions or contents for the two different jar types supervised by the inspector of the domain’s magazine. On this seal the function of the

rp.w (managers) is not specified thus implying that several rp with different duties were under the supervision of the rj-w 3 as well. At the same time this combination of titles implies that the

rp.w had a lower rank in the administration than an rj-w 3. Wilkinson’s idea that the rj-w 3 implemented “royal wishes and decrees with regard to the operations of the domain” cannot be verified by the evidence (Wilkinson 1999: 122).

A special case is represented by seals IÄF 276A-B of the official n -k3 (see Fig. 4). It is not only a rare case concerning the accumulation of functions but also in naming the royal name together with that of an official. n -k3 was not only the manager and administrator of Djer’s domain but also the magazine’s inspector of the nbj-managers as well as the manager of the office

rj-jb.

95282_Regulski OLA 2695282_Regulski OLA 26 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN 27

Fig. 3: Seal with the domain founded by Djer, reign of Wadj (Kaplony 1963: III no. 189).

Fig. 4: Seal of the official n -k3 with different titles in combination with the royal name Den (Kaplony 1963: III no. 276B).

95282_Regulski OLA 2795282_Regulski OLA 27 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 28

Fig. 5: Seal with different titles, reign of Den (Kaplony 1963: III no. 306B).

3. The office rj-jb

The office rj-jb was also newly created in the reign of Den. The meaning of the title is not absolutely clear. In the Old Kingdom rj-jb means ‘the middle, the centre’. Kaplony surmises that it is a designation for the royal residence.20 The office must have been of great importance, since – in addition to the domains and frequently in connection with it – it is mentioned very often. Next to the nbj-manager and the manager of the domain it is the only seal of which several variations together with just the royal name exist. In a few cases the domain is named additionally. Due to these manifold combinations it is next to impossible to detect a clear function for this department. If any, this title could express a special relationship to the king as surmised by Wilkinson for the title rj-w 3.

20 Kaplony 1963: I 109. Helck 1987: 182−183 just speaks in a general sense of an administrative entity.

95282_Regulski OLA 2895282_Regulski OLA 28 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN

29

Developments after the reign of Den

As outlined above Den’s successor Adjib reduced the number of seal designs considerably, thus evoking the impression that the administration of the mortuary cult was enormously reduced.

The main offices introduced in Den’s reign, like the manager of the rj-jb, the nbj-manager and the domain’s manager were kept on. All three are combined with the royal name. Only one official is attested on seals in Adjib’s reign and he holds all major functions, albeit on different seals. Interestingly he does not carry the title “manager of the domain” but is the “administrator” of it. He was furthermore the magazine’s supervisor which is, however, not further specified.

Next to these traditional institutions a new one can be found on seals that were known since the reign of Djer on other items, and seems to have held a very prominent place: the w.t pi- r.w-msn.w (Engel 2008). It is highly probable that it represented the palace in Buto where the most luxurious commodities were collected and stored.

The importance of these offices can be followed until the end of the 1st Dynasty.

Institutions of minor importance in the mortuary cult of the elite

Several institutions such as the treasury (pr- d and pr-dšr), which played a major role in the administration of the country, are only sporadically attested on seal impressions.21 Their importance can only be gathered from titles mentioned in other connections and the role they played in later periods. Their contribution to the tombs seems to have been more of a symbolic nature, whereas the bulk of commodities delivered to the elite tombs derived from particular institutions specifically created for the mortuary cult.

Wilkinson (1999: 110) states that the royal treasury was the central institution responsible for collecting and also redistributing the produce from the royal estates and foundations for the morturary cults. The evidence for this statement is, however, too scanty for most of the 1st Dynasty. The evidence changes with the last king of the 1st Dynasty, Qaa, in whose tomb seal impressions (IÄF 209, 738) were found mentioning the manager of the rj-jb of

21 For the difficulties to establish a clear understanding and function for this

institution in the 1st Dynasty see Helck 1954: 59.

95282_Regulski OLA 2995282_Regulski OLA 29 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 30

the Lower Egyptian treasury (pr-dšr). These seals could prove that products of the treasury now played a more important role in the provision of tomb equipment.

For other sporadically mentioned institutions the same difficulties of determining their exact function and structure are also relevant, which is why they are not further presented here.

Summary There is no doubt that seals used in the mortuary cult of the elite reflect several changes in the associated administration which not only took place during the reign of Den but also before and after him. A real reform, however, occurred most probably in the reign of Adjib and afterwards.

The only office already installed in the reign of Jrj-Hor during the late Predynastic Period that was kept alive during the whole 1st Dynasty seems to have been the nbj-office. Other seals which were prominent in the early part of the 1st Dynasty, like those of the Upper Egyptian shrine, are attested for the last time in Den’s reign. Additionally, royal seals are only rarely attested for Den and cease altogether under his successor, Adjib.

The dominant seals from the reign of Den are those connected with the domain, the organisation of which was clearly diversified as is reflected by several titles connected with it and not substantiated before. This diversity was given up in the later tombs; this was one of the reasons fewer seals were attested there. The domain controlled mainly the large amounts of wine which comprised the majority of the sealed commodities in the elite tombs. At the same time products packed in bags − fruits (especial-ly grapes) and grain – were delivered from the same institution.

Other administrative entities are only sporadically mentioned, which makes the evaluation of their significance in the overall administration difficult. Products from these other departments still played a minor role in the mortuary cult and not every office is mentioned in each reign.

Beginning with Adjib the w.t pi- r.w-msn.w gained great importance and seems to have combined some functions that were previously more dispersed. This indicates a severe restructuring of the administration of the mortuary cult after the reign of Den.

95282_Regulski OLA 3095282_Regulski OLA 30 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

ADMINISTRATION DURING THE REIGN OF KING DEN

31

Bibliography ARNOLD, D. 1982 Per-wer II, in: W. Helck and W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der

Ägyptologie IV, Wiesbaden: 934-935. DREYER, G. 1998 Umm el-Qaab I: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen

Schriftzeugnisse (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 86), Mainz. EMERY, W.B. 1938 The tomb of Hemaka (Excavations at Saqqara), Cairo. 1939 Hor-Aha (Excavations at Saqqara 1937-1938), Cairo. 1949 Great tombs of the First Dynasty I (Excavations at Saqqara), Cairo. 1954 Great tombs of the First Dynasty II (Excavations at Sakkara), London. 1958 Great tombs of the First Dynasty III (Excavations at Sakkara), London. ENGEL, E.-M. 2004 The domain of Semerkhet, in: S. Hendrickx, R.F. Friedman, K.M.

Cialowicz and M. Chlodnicki (eds.), Egypt at its origins – Studies in memory of Barbara Adams, Proceedings of the international conference “Origin of the State – Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Krakow, 28th August – 1st September 2002 (OLA 138) Leuven − Paris − Dudley, 705-710.

2008 Das w.t-pi- r.w msn.w in der ägyptischen Frühzeit, in: E.-M. Engel, V. Müller and U. Hartung (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand – Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer (Menes 5), Wiesbaden, 107-126.

ENGEL, E.-M. & MÜLLER, V. 2000 Verschlüsse der Frühzeit: Erstellung einer Typologie, Göttinger

Miszellen 178, 31-44. FRIEDMAN, R.F. 1996 The ceremonial centre at Hierakonpolis locality HK 29A, in: A.J.

Spencer (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt, London, 16-35. 2008 The Cemeteries of Hierakonpolis, Archéo-Nil 18, 9-29. HARTUNG, U. 1998 Prädynastische Siegelabrollungen aus dem Friedhof U in Abydos

(Umm el-Qaab), Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 54, 187-217.

2001 Umm el-Qaab II: Importkeramik aus dem Friedhof U in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab) und die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 4. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 92), Mainz.

HELCK, W. 1954 Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des ägyptischen Alten Reiches

(Ägyptologische Forschungen 18), Glückstadt. 1987 Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit (Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 45),

Wiesbaden. HENDRICKX, S. 2006 Predynastic – Early Dynastic chronology, in: E. Hornung, R. Krauss

and D.A. Warburton (eds.), Ancient Egyptian chronology (Handbook of

95282_Regulski OLA 3195282_Regulski OLA 31 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30

VERA MÜLLER 32

Oriental Studies, section one, the Near and Middle East 83), Leiden − Boston, 55-93, 487-488.

KAHL, J. 1994 Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.-3. Dynastie

(Göttinger Orientforschungen, IV. Reihe Ägypten, Band 29), Wiesbaden.

2002 Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch, Erste Lieferung 3-f, Wiesbaden. 2003 Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch, Zweite Lieferung m-h, Wiesbaden. KAISER, W. & DREYER, G. 1982 Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königs-

friedhof, 2. Vorbericht, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 38, 211-270.

KAPLONY, P. 1963 Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit I-III (Ägyptologische

Abhandlungen 8), Wiesbaden. 1964 Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit, Supplement (Ägyptologische

Abhandlungen 9), Wiesbaden. MONTET, P. 1938 Tombeaux de la Ière et de la IVe dynasties à Abou-Roach, Kemi 7,

11-69. WB I 1957 Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, ed. by A. Erman and H. Grapow,

6 vol., Berlin. WILKINSON, T.A.H. 1999 Early Dynastic Egypt, London − New York.

95282_Regulski OLA 3295282_Regulski OLA 32 14/09/12 15:3014/09/12 15:30