Displacement and Migration from Cyclone-affected Coastal Areas.

Environment, Migration and Adaptation Evidence and Politics of Climate

Change in Bangladesh

Edited by

Bishawjit Mallick and Benjamin Etzold

Financed by

International Centre for Climate Change and

Development (ICCCAD), Bangladesh

AHDPH, Dhaka

January 2015

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Bengali Translation of Chapters’ Summaries ............................................................... v Chapter 1 Introduction and State-of-the-Art ................................................................................... 1 Bishawjit Mallick and Benjamin Etzold EVIDENCE OF CLIMATE CHANGE, MIGRATION AND ADAPTATION

Chapter 2 Environment, Political Economies and Livelihood Change ........................................ 27 Brooke A. Ackerly, Mujibul Anam, and Jonathan Giligan

Chapter 3 Riverbank Erosion and Migration In Bangladesh’s Char Lands ............................... 41 Marie-Pierre Arsenault, Mohammed Nurul Azam and Sate Ahmad

Chapter 4 No more famines? Food Security and Migration in Times of Climate Change ........ 63 Wolfgang-Peter Zingel

Chapter 5 Climate Change, Hunger or Social Inequality – Which one drives Migration? ........ 79 Benjamin Etzold, Ahsan Uddin Ahmed, Selim Reza, Hassan and Tamer Afifi

Chapter 6 Translocal Livelihoods and Labor Migration Systems in Bangladesh ....................... 99 Simon Alexander Peth, Serge Birtel

Chapter 7 Cyclone-Induced Migration in Southwest Coastal Bangladesh ................................ 119 Bishawjit Mallick

Chapter 8 Displacement and Migration from Cyclone-affected Coastal Areas ........................ 141 Ishrat Islam, Shakil Akther, Nushrat Jahan and Md. Imam Hossain

Chapter 9 Environmental Migration, Adaptation, and Gender Relations: A study in Dhaka ........................................................................................................... 161 Afifa Afrin and Helal Hossain Dhali

Chapter 10 Coping with Flood Risks: Microcredit versus Micro-insurance ............................... 175 Sonia Akter and Naureen Fatema

iv Environment, Migration and Adaptation in Bangladesh

POLITICS OF CLIMATE CHANGE, MIGRATION AND ADAPTATION

Chapter 11 Climate-induced Migration and interdependent Vulnerabilities between Bangladesh and India ................................................................................................... 195 Architesh Panda

Chapter 12 Local Experts’ Perceptions of Climate Change and Migration in Bangladesh ....... 213 Robert Stojanov, Barbora Duží and Ilan Kelman

Chapter 13 Governing Environmentally-Related Migration: Mobility, Rights, and the Causality Problem ............................................................. 231 Benoît Mayer, Ingrid Boas, Jackson Ewing, Alice Baillat and Uttam Kumar Das

Chapter 14 Civil Society Organizations and Climate Change Policy Formulation in Bangladesh ..................................................................................................................... 249 Fowzia Gulshana Rashid Lopa and Mokbul Morshed Ahmad

Chapter 15 Exploring Legal and Policy Avenues for dealing with Climate-Induced Migration ....................................................................................................................... 269 M. Hafijul Islam Khan

Chapter 16 Bangladesh’s Role in International Negotiations on Climate Refugees ................... 291 Belén Olmos Giupponi

Chapter 17 Reflections ...................................................................................................................... 307 Benjamin Etzold and Bishawjit Mallick

Authors’ Information ................................................................................................... 313

xii Environment, Migration and Adaptation in Bangladesh

CHAPTER 8: DISPLACEMENT AND MIGRATION FROM CYCLONE-

AFFECTED COASTAL AREAS

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CHAPTER 8: DISPLACEMENT AND MIGRATION FROM CYCLONE-AFFECTED COASTAL AREAS

Ishrat Islam1a*, Shakil Akthera*, Nusrat Jahanb¸ Md. Imam Hossainb

SUMMARY FOR POLICY MAKERS

‘Climate refugees’ is a widely debated topic in the migration and climate research forums. Bangladesh is one of the hardest hit victims of climate change. The coast of Bangladesh is exposed to adverse climate-induced hazards like cyclones, tidal surges, floods, and salinity intrusion. Inhabitants of the coastal areas mostly en-gage in natural resource dependent occupations like agriculture, fishing, etc. Thus, their livelihood is seriously affected by climate-induced hazards. Two consecutive cyclones—Sidr and Aila—devesated the coastal areas of Bangladesh in 2007 and 2009. Studies predicted that these kind of cyclones would become recurrent events as an impact of climate change. In this research, climate migrants were identified in four cyclone-affected unions of Bangladesh. A micro level investiga-tion was conducted on 40 migrants in the study areas. The primary aim of this research was to get a comprehensive idea about the change of socio-economic condition of the migrants, and the nature and destination of their migration. Based on the information derived from the study, we conclude that climate-induced fac-tors, like destruction of arable land and fishing equipment, led to a loss of income and capital, and were salient reasons for migration. Hence, the migrants became socio-economically worse off after migration. Most of them wish to return back home, but they realize that if their source of income is not insured against climatic hazards (mainly cyclones), returning back to the origin is not an option. We also conclude that financial support to recover after disaster and creation of alternative income source can be effective tools to address migration issue.

Keywords: Migration, Climate Migrants, Coastal Area, Bangladesh, Cyclone

1 aProfessors, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Bangladesh University of Engi-neering and Technology (BUET), Dhaka; *corresponding authors: [email protected], [email protected]; bResearch Assistants, Climate Change study Cell, BUET, Dhaka

142 Environment, Migration and Adaptation in Bangladesh

1. INTRODUCTION

In October of 2013, Ioane Teitiota, a resident of a small pacific island Kiribati, caused a considerable media sensation when he and his family sought refugee status in New Zealand as ‘climate refugees’ (Drageset 2013; Neill 2013; Perry 2013), though there are several previous instances of such claims in the courts of New Zealand and Australia (McAdam 2010. His claim was rejected on legal defi-nition of refugee (Perry 2013), but it did capture the attention of the policy makers and jurists worldwide, highlighting the implications of climate change for the mil-lions of residents in the low lying developing country (Neill 2013). Although pa-cific islanders received special attention on issues of displacement due to climate change (Mortreux & Barnett 2009), the communities in the low-lying areas situat-ed near major rivers, deltas and estuaries (Bangladesh, Vietnam, China and India) are also in danger of displacement due to sea level rise (Agrawala et al. 2003; Cruz et al. 2007). It is predicted that in Ganges-Brahmaputra delta in Bangladesh, more than one million people would potentially be displaced by sea level rise (Ericson et al. 2006).

Bangladesh is considered as one of the top five most at risk countries in glob-al climate risk index during 1993-2012 (Kreft & Eckstein 2013). It is also regard-ed as the most vulnerable to cyclones and the sixth most vulnerable to floods in terms of risk to population (Pelling et al. 2004), and the third most vulnerable to sea level rise (Pender 2008). The coastal zone of Bangladesh covers 47,000 square kilometers, which is about 32 percent of total landmass of the country (Karim & Mimura 2008). Furthermore, 28 percent of the total population lives in the coastal zone (Mallick 2011), making Bangladesh one of the top ten countries in terms of people living in the coastal zone (Pender 2008). Several studies indicate that the climate hazard vulnerability would be acute in coastal zone of Bangladesh (MoEF 2005). Broadus (as cited in Myers 1993) predicted that by 2050 there would be a sea-level rise of 0.83 m along Bangladesh's coastline. He notes that this rise can be viewed as more or less equivalent to a one-meter rise. A one-meter rise in sea level would inundate about 17.5 per cent of the landmass, mostly in the central and western coast of Bangladesh (Huq et al. 1995), and precipitate severely ad-verse impacts for Bangladesh's coastal zone and its immediate vicinity (Myers 1993). Four key types of primary physical effects would be evident in the coastal areas of Bangladesh due to climate change: saline water intrusion, drainage con-gestion, extreme cyclone events, and changes in coastal morphology (MoEF 2005). In addition to the primary impacts at local levels, there would be social, economic and demographic impact at the national level. The most severly affected sectors would be water resources, agriculture, health, livelihoods, food security, and habitat (or “settlement”). (DoE 2007) .

To protect the vulnerable population from the adverse impacts of climate change, the government of Bangladesh has prepared two plans of actions in the last decade. Various strategies for adaptation to climate change are proposed in

Chapter 8: Displacement and Migration from Cyclone-affected Coastal Areas 143

these action plans (MoEF 2005, 2009). However, these documents contain no discussion of population displacement and migration as an adaptation method. Meanwhile, countries like Maldives, Tuvalo, Kiribati are actively promoting in-ternational migration as an adaptation measure (Burgess 2012; Displacement Solutions 2012; Caplan-Bricker 2013). A number of studies have already identi-fied the issue of population displacement due to climate-induced disasters —like cyclones, storm surge and river erosion—in Bangladesh (Agrawala et al. 2003; Shamsuddoha & Chowdhury 2007; Perch-Nielsen et al. 2008; Walsham 2010; Kartiki 2011; Displacement Solutions 2012; Gray & Mueller 2012; Khatun 2013). Against such a backdrop, this research has been undertaken to identify the charac-teristics of the populations displaced by climate change hazards in Bangladesh.

2. MATERIAL AND METHODOLOGY

2.1 Conceptual Framework

Climate-induced displacement is one of the major consequences of climate change (Ďurková et al. 2012); natural hazards and risks associated with extreme weather situations are forcing millions of people to leave their homes (Myers 1993, 1997, 2002; Morrissey 2013). Climate change is increasing the intensity and frequency of important drivers of displacement such as droughts, floods and other extreme weather events (The Nansen Conference 2011). Newland (2011) claimed ‘climate change’ as a new driver for human migration, identifying sea level rise, higher temperature, disruption of water cycles, and increased severity of storms as the major mechanisms for climate-induced migration.

The links between human migration and climate are not new (Beniston 2004). Migration has occurred due to drought—during the American Dust Bowl of the 1930s, and in the Sahel between 1969 and 1974 (Piguet 2008)—and, in Bangladesh, due to riverbank erosion (Mahmud,1995 as stated in Perch-Nielsen 2004). Neoclassical economists have argued that migration decisions are based on the income differential between two places (Harris & Todaro 1970), as migrants seek to maximize income and accumulate economic capital (McLeman and Smit 2006). However, this view is too simplistic. Lee (as cited in Dorigo & Tobler 1983) argued that migration is the result of either a) a push factor at origin, or b) a pull factor at destination. Migration is also seen as an independent event of social change (Zelinsky 1971), a response to intervening opportunities (Stouffer as stated in Gibson 1975), and a way to reduce exposure to risk (Stark as cited in McLeman & Smit 2006). Currently, there is a growing debate on the relationship between climate change and migration (For detail Kniveton et al. 2008; and Panda 2010). In his seminal paper, Myers (1997) argued that environmental change and the natural and manmade disasters associated with them are forcing millions of people to flee from their homes, which may even lead to international migration. Reuveny (2007) added that migration may also cause violent conflict. However, Renaud Bogardi et al (2007) argued that there are no accepted definitions of “en-


vironmental refugee” or “climate refugee.” Moreover, the links that connect envi-ronmental factors to forced migration are often not scientifically or factually rig-orous. Castels (2002) argued that the emphasis on environmental refugees is a distraction from central issues of development and conflict resolution. Grey and Mueller (2012) urge for a paradigm shift in explaining disaster or climate-induced displacement, as existing theories can not properly explain the characteristics of migrants or their capacity for adaption. Using examples from both developed and developing regional contexts, Hunter (2004) demonstrated that the association between migration and environmental hazards varies by geographical setting, haz-ard types, and household characteristics. Analyzing literatures from both sides, Perch-Nielson (2004) concluded that, although prehistoric and to some extent his-torical examples have their limitations, recent studies are providing ample exam-ples on the dynamics of climate-induced migration.

Bangladesh is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change (Stern 2008; Kreft & Eckstein 2013). Climate-induced disasters cause loss of life, damage to infrastructure, and adverse impacts on livelihoods, all of which eventually result in displacement of individuals and communities from their native homes and lands. It has been reported that six million people have already been displaced by the effects of climate hazards in Bangladesh (Displacement Solutions 2012). While there are many works on various issues of migration of people in Bangladesh (for example Chaudhury & Curlin 1975; Khan 1982; Afsar 2003; Siddiqui 2003; Kuhn 2005; Gray & Mueller 2012; Bélanger & Rahman 2013), there are very few works on movement of people due to climate change. Siddique (2010) claims that climate change can influence population movement in Bangla-desh in three ways: through intensification of disaster, through the adverse impact of climate variability, and through sudden and gradual environmental changes. Kartiki (2011) studied five coastal villages of Bangladesh in the aftermath of cy-clone Aila. He concluded that, in cases where migration is unavoidable, it needs to be planned and supported through institutional measures. Tidal height increase and cyclone storm surge are identified as the primary and secondary causes of displacement in coastal regions of Bangladesh (Displacement Solutions 2012). They claimed that out of 64 districts of Bangladesh, 24 are producing climate-induced displacement. Akter (2009) projected that, by 2020, 78 million people in Bangladesh would be displaced by climate-induced events like cyclones, floods, riverbank erosion, and drought. Khatun (2013) concluded that predominant pat-terns of climate migrants in Bangladesh are internal in nature. Analyzing internal migration data, Walsham (2010) concluded that most internal migrants in Bangla-desh choose to undertake long-term or permanent migration to the nearest largest city within their home division, though people living near the international border may chose international migration. Joarder and Miller (2013) identified the factors determining whether an environmental migrant chooses to move permanently or temporarily, but it should be kept in mind that their study area was not one of 24 districts of Bangladesh generating climate refugees as identified by Displacement Solutions (2012). Studying victims of riverbank erosion, Islam and Rashid (2011) found that displaced people experienced substantial socio-economic impoverish-


ment and marginalization as a consequence of displacement. Kniveton and Martin et al (2013) concluded that, although people of Bangladesh migrate largely for economic reasons, climatic factors do play a role in this decision, as their liveli-hoods are directly or indirectly affected by climatic factors.

2.2 Study Area

In Bangladesh, 48 out of 147 coastal upazillas, or subdistricts, are directly ex-posed to tidal fluctuation, salinity intrusion and cyclone risk (Uddin & Kaudstaal 2003; Islam 2004). Four unions from four of these 48 upazillas were randomly selected (table 1), bearing in mind that there is considerable spatial variation in

terms of spatial distribu-tion, and that each has a mixture of urban and rural settings. These unions are geographically vulnerable to climate-induced natural extremes, and have faced the devastating effect of these extremes over the last several decades (in terms of death toll, infra-structural and agricultural damage and economic loss) (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Location of the Study Area

Table 1: Study Area

District Upazilla Union Settings Population

Shatkhira Shymnagar Gabura Rural 31,115

Bagerhat Sarankhola Dakhin Khali Rural 24,980

Barguna BargunaSadar Badar Khali Urban 26,201

Bhola Burhanuddin Gangapur Rural 16,724 Source: (BBS 2011)


2.3 Methodology

As mentioned earlier, one point of contention among climate migration research-ers is the very definition of the term “climate migrant”—often, people who are displaced by climate-induced factors are not identified in a scientifically rigorous manner (Castles 2002; Renaud et al. 2007). Here, efforts are made to identify the migrant rigorously. Since 2007, two severe cyclones (SIDR on November 15, 2007 and AILA on May 25, 2009) struck the studied unions. A number of re-search works confirm that severe cyclones are one of the impacts of climate change in Bangladesh (Ali 1999; Karim & Mimura 2008; Tatham et al. 2009). Both of these cyclones (Sidr and Aila) were accompanied by a tidal surge of at least five meters (Economic Relations Division 2008; Kumar et al. 2010). Sidr resulted in 4,234 deaths and caused an estimated damage of $1.67 billion (U.S. dollars), while Aila caused 190 deaths and an estimated damage of $270 million (Dasgupta et al. 2011). As it became difficult for victims of the cyclones to cope with their losses and to continue their livelihoods, many of them were forced to migrate. Moreover, after Sidr and Aila a large part of the cyclone-hit area was inundated with saline water and thus agricultural lands were destroyed (Economic Relations Division 2008; Kumar et al. 2010). After Aila, drinking water sources were damaged due to saline water intrusion (Kumar et al. 2010).

To avoid the dispute over the actual driving forces of migration, it was decid-ed that the people who migrated from the study areas in the aftermath of cyclones Sidr and Aila, would be the target population of this study. Initially a household survey was conducted from November 2012 to January 2013, with a sample size of 400 (100 households from each of the four study areas) to identify the target population. In this survey, people of the cyclone-affected localities were asked about their neighbors who had left after Sidr and Aila. Analyzing the results of this survey, the target samples were identified. It became the challenge to estab-lish the contact with the migrated population; other studies have also found that it is very difficult to trace those who migrate permanently (for detail please see Smith 1996; and Smith & McCarty 1996). Probabilistic sampling was ruled out, and snowball sampling was used instead. Snowball sampling is an established method for the study of population when target populations are difficult to identi-fy or contact (Atkinson & Flint 2001). Analyzing the data of the household sur-vey, seven migrants were identified as climate victims—one from Gangapur un-ion, and two each from the other three unions. Their contact details were collected from their former neighbors and they were contacted. Interestingly, all the con-tacted victims are male, as it is very difficult in Bangladeshi society to obtain the contact details of females. These seven migrants acted as seed for the snowball sampling. They were contacted over phone and were asked for contact details of other migrants from their location of origin. Using this chain of contacts, about one hundred migrants were identified. They were contacted, but most of them were unwilling to participate in the survey. At this stage of the snowball sampling, 33 climate-induced migrants agreed to participate. After this round, the process was halted because the new participants could not provide contact details of any


more migrants from the unions under consideration. In total, these 40 respondents (seven in first round, 33 in second round) were interviewed over phone through a structured questionnaire, which addressed their past and present socio-economic condition, the causes of their migration, and their expectation to return. The pro-cess usually took 30 to 40 minutes. Later (in May 2013), nine of the respondents participated in a Focus Group Discussion (FGD) conducted at the Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Tech-nology (BUET), Dhaka. Some of them attended the FGD with their family. In the FGD they discussed their wishes, aspirations, and quality of life before and after migration. The participants also conferred on the frequency and severity of differ-ent climatic events in their locality, and they narrated their individual context re-garding decision of migration.

3. DATA ANALYSIS

3.1 Socio Economic Statistics of Migrants

All of the respondents were male, with an average age of 37. In a majority of the cases (23) the respondent’s entire family migrated, while in 17 cases only the head-of-household migrated. It is evident from the survey that the migrants’ aver-age incomes fell post-migration. A major portion of migrants’ family members are illiterate (70) or can only sign their name (Table 2).

Table 2: Socio-economic profile of Migrants

Respondent’s characteristics Value

Average age 37

Average household size (number of members) 5.65

Full family migration 23

Head-of-household only migration 17

Average monthly household income before migration

(USD)

138

Average monthly household income after migration

(USD)

135

Literacy rate of migrant’s family members (all of 226)

Illiterate 70

Can only sign name 35

Primary 69

Secondary 52 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013


3.2 Destination of Migrants

Because of better job opportunities, all the migrants move to cities. Half of the migrants relocated to Dhaka, the capital city and farthest destination. Among the remaining, nine migrated to Barisal city, six in Khulna city and five in Satkhira city. Figure 2 shows the present location and origin of the migrants. About 37 migrants mentioned that they had contacted their kin before they decided to mi-grate to their destination.

Figure 2: Location of origin and destination of migrants

Source: Field survey, 2012-2013


3.3 Year of Migration

Table 3 shows that the highest number of people (23) migrated in 2009 after cy-clone Aila (May 25, 2009) hit the coast of Bangladesh, and highest number of respondents are from the Aila-affected Gabura union. The second-highest number (nine) migrated in 2007, after cyclone Sidr (November 15, 2007). Five migrated in 2008 from Southkhali union. Two migrants mentioned that after losing of their source of income due to Aila, they found temporary work such as food-for-work arrangements, dam reconstruction, etc. under GO and NGOs development pro-jects. But at the end of the projects in 2011, they became jobless and compelled to migrate. One fisherman migrated in 2013 from Southkhali. He mentioned that Aila destroyed his own net and boat and then he started to fish with a rented boat and net. The net and boat rental fee increased several times until he was no longer able to afford it. It thus became impossible for him to survive in his home region.

Table 3: Migration from the Study areas in Different Years

Year Origin

Badarkhali

(Barguna)

Gabura

(Satkhira)

Gongapur

(Bhola)

South Khali

(Bagerhat)

Total

2007 3 3 2 1 9

2008 0 0 0 5 5

2009 6 8 6 3 23

2011 0 0 1 1 2

2013 0 0 0 1 1

Total 9 11 9 11 40 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013

3.4 Change of Income Sources

It is very disappointing to notice that after migration, 20 of the respondents, who were previously engaged in agriculture and fishing, have been compelled to be-come day laborers (Table 4). Most of these migrants tried to survive in the cities with low paid informal jobs. About 28 migrants reported that their children were enrolled in school before migration, but after migration this number fell to 22.


Table 4: Pre and Post Migration Income Sources of Migrants

Post

migration

Pre migration

Business Business

and Agri-

culture

Agricul-

ture

Fishing Fishing

and Day

Labor

Day

Labor

Shrimp

cultivation,

agriculture

Total

Business 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

CNG driver 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3

Construc-

tion worker 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 3

Day labor 3 3 7 5 0 0 2 20

Rickshaw

puller 2 1 2 0 0 0 0 5

Service

holder 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2

Van driver 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 6

Total 5 4 14 12 2 1 2 40 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013

3.5 Reasons for Migration

Migrants were asked to identify the reasons that compelled them to migrate. Ten migrants gave only one reason for their migration and 30 migrants gave two rea-sons. Respondents stated the reasons according to their importance towards the decision to migration. In order to explain thoroughly, the reasons for migration are divided into two categories; “primary causes” are the principal causes for which migration was unavoidable, while “secondary causes” are the causes which has not compelled but instigated migration.

Primary causes of migration

It is evident from Table 5 that highest number of people (18) mentioned that they had migrated because they lost their source of income. These respondents were dependent on agriculture and fisheries for their income. Four of the respondents were engaged in business of agricultural products. They were the suppliers of vegetables, paddy, etc. from their own villages to the towns. Due to destruction of harvest by cyclones Sidr and Aila, they could not continue their business and fi-nally migrated. Six peasants migrated due to destruction of their harvest by long-term flooding of arable land that occurred after Sidr and Aila. Six fishermen (four fishing-only and two fishing-plus-day-labor) lost their income source (four from Southkhali and two from Gabura) when the government prohibited fishing inside the Sunderbans after Sidr. It should be noted that Sidr severely devastated the Sunderbans, and government prohibited any kind of resource extraction from the


Sunderbans for several years (Haider 2007). Two shrimp farmers lost their shrimp firm and agricultural land when it was inundated by long term flooding caused by Aila-induced storm surges.

Six migrants (all from Gabura union) mentioned the destruction of agricul-tural land due to salinity. All four participants in FGD from Gabura union men-tioned that Aila-induced storm surge caused two-year-long saline water stagnancy in their area. This long term stagnancy has increased the soil and water salinity (both in surface and ground water), thus devastating the agricultural sector.

Table 5: Relation between migrant’s previous income sources and primary reasons of migration

Primary reasons

Previous Income Sources

Busi-

ness

Busi-

ness &

Agri-

culture

Agri-

culture

Fish-

ing

Fishing

& Day

Labor

Day

Labor

Shrimp

cultivation,

agriculture

Total

Destruction of agricul-

ture due to salinity 0 2 4 0 0 0 0 6

Land loss due to river

erosion 0 0 3 2 0 0 0 5

Prospect of high in-

come 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 3

Loss of Capital 3 0 0 2 0 0 0 5

Loss of homestead 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 3

Loss of income source 2 2 6 4 2 0 2 18

Total 5 4 14 12 2 1 2 40 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013

About five (5) migrants mentioned land loss due to river erosion and loss of capi-tal. Migrants who had lost land due to river erosion are the highest in Gangapur union (4 out of 5 migrants) and one from Badarkhali (Table 6). They mentioned that river erosion occurred due to destruction of embankments by Sidr and Aila induced storm surges. Three businessmen and two fishermen identified “Loss of Capital” as the primary reason of migration. Specifically, businessmen lost their groceries and fishermen lost their fishing nets and boats due to storm surges.

Three migrants stated that they had recovered their income sources after the cyclones, but that their incomes became too small to survive in the native area, and thus they migrated for prospect of higher income. The same number of people migrated for loss of homestead due to natural extremes.


Table 6: Primary reasons of migration of people from different four study areas

Primary reasons Study area

Badarkhali

(Barguna)

Gabura

(Satkhira)

Gongapur

(Bhola)

South Khali

(Bagerhat)

Total

Destruction of agriculture

due to salinity 0 6 0 0 6

Land loss due to river erosion 1 0 4 0 5

Prospect of high income 0 0 1 2 3

Loss of Capital 1 0 2 2 5

Loss of homestead 2 0 1 0 3

Loss of income source 5 5 1 7 18

Total 40

Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013

Secondary causes of migration

30 migrants (out of 40) have stated a secondary reason for migration. Nine mi-grants mentioned ‘loss of homestead’ as a secondary reason. Eight migrants pointed that they could have struggled to remain in their area if they were sup-ported by credit schemes to recover. Unavailability of credit eventually pushed them to migrate (Table 7). Scarcity of drinking water was another important rea-son. The relationship between primary and secondary causes of migration is shown in Table 7.

Table 7: Primary and secondary reasons of migration

Primary causes

Secondary Causes

Lack

of

credit

Lack of

health care

facilities

Loss of

home-

stead

Scarce

drinking

water

Lack of

educational

opportuni-

ties for

children

Repay

debts at

home

Total

Destruction of agriculture

due to salinity 2 0 2 2 0 0 6

Land loss due to river

erosion 1 0 0 0 1 0 2

Prospect of high income 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

Loss of capital 0 0 1 0 1 1 3

Loss of homestead 2 0 0 0 0 1 3

Loss of income source 3 2 6 3 0 0 14

Total 8 2 9 5 2 4 30

Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013


It is evident from Table 8 that the most frequently stated secondary cause of mi-gration is ‘loss of homestead’ (in all the study areas except Gangapur). Also, ‘lack of credit’ is a common issue for all the study areas. ‘scarcity of drinking water’ was perceived as a major problem for the residents of Gabura and SouthKhali after Aila due to salinity intrusion. It is noteworthy that ‘loss of homestead’ (Table 8) was identified as both a primary and secondary reason (three migrants identi-fied it as primary reason and nine as a secondary reason) which implies that pri-ority of reasons may vary from migrant to migrant.

Table 8: Secondary reasons of migration of people from four study areas

Secondary reason Badarkhali

(Barguna)

Gabura

(Satkhira)

Gongapur

(Bhola)

SouthKhali

(Bagerhat) Total

Lack of credit 3 2 2 1 8

Lack of health care facilities 1 1 0 0 2

Loss of homestead 2 3 0 4 9

Scarcity of drinking water 0 4 0 1 5

Lack of educational opportuni-

ties for children 1 0 1 0 2

Repay debts at home 1 0 1 2 4

Total 30 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013

3.6 Nature of Migration and Destination

Table 9 presents the relationship between migrants’ previous income sources and the nature of their migrations. Here, the nature of migration can be divided into two categories: permanent and temporary. Nine migrants confirmed that they had migrated permanently and have no wish to go back to their native areas, while 31 migrants mentioned that they had temporarily left their native area, wishing to return. Most of these 31 respondents were previously engaged in the agriculture and fishing sectors.

Table 9: Migrant’s previous income source and migration type

Previous income sources Migration type

Permanent Temporary Total

Business 2 3 5

Business & Agriculture 3 1 4

Agriculture 2 12 14

Fishing 1 11 12

Fishing & Day Labor 0 2 2

Day Labor 0 1 1

Shrimp cultivation & agriculture 1 1 2

Total 9 31 40 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013


3.7 Expectation of Migrants to Return to Their Native Places

Migrants were asked about their expectation to return back home. Thirty-one mi-grants expressed their desire to get back to their native areas, and the remaining nine migrants were reluctant to return. Recovery of agricultural land would be the driving force for seven migrants (5 out of 7 from Gabura union) to return. These migrants were farmers before they migrated to cities. A two-year-long saltwater stagnancy had destroyed the arable land of Gabura union after cyclone Aila (see Case Study #1) and forced them to migrate.

Some of the migrants (seven) suggested that alternative income sources, which would not be affected by natural hazards (such as various government and non-government service), could encourage them to return back. They also men-tioned that after Sidr, when they were struggling to recover their income source, they were struck by cyclone Aila, which then destroyed their newly-recovered income source and left them no option but to migrate. Due to such frequent de-struction of their income, they looked for alternative occupations. A number of migrants explained that some sort of support of material and financial capital could help them to recover their income sources and to start their life afresh in the native areas (Table 10). Table 10 shows that an assurance of a safe and sustainable income source is the salient consideration to the migrants contemplating return to their native areas (Case Study #1 and #2). Table 10 shows that the expectation of the migrants varies according to the primary causes of migration.

Table 10: Primary causes of migration and expectation of migrants to return native areas

Expectations

Primary causes Destruction of agricul-ture due to salinity

Land loss due to river erosion

Prospect of high income

Loss of capital

Loss of homestead

Loss of income source

Total

Natural haz-ard’s effect free income source

0 1 0 1 0 5 7

Employment opportunity in native area

0 2 0 0 0 2 4

Need net and boat

0 0 0 2 1 2 5

Need some capital

0 1 2 2 0 1 6

Agricultural recovery

3 0 1 0 0 3 7

Construction of house

0 0 0 0 1 0 1

Land for culti-vation

0 0 0 0 0 1 1

Total 3 4 3 5 2 14 31 Source: Field Survey, November 2012 to January 2013


Case Study #1

Mohasin Alam, age 27, is a migrant from Gabura union, Shyamnagar (Satkhira). One year before AI-

LA, he came to Dhaka for education and earned admission to Dhaka College. He was in Gabura when

AILA hit. AILA destroyed their homestead and his father’s shop. After losing the homestead and busi-

ness, his family of seven members migrated to Satkhira town. He said that the two-year-long saline

water stagnancy (2009-2011, from AILA-induced storm surge) made their agricultural land infertile and

that agricultural activity continues to be impossible. He also mentioned the problems of drinking water,

fuel, and schooling facilities in Gabura. The drinking water crisis is a large problem, as both surface

and groundwater sources have been contaminated by salinity intrusion. School facilities have failed to

resume operation after AILA due lack of teaching staff and students. Mohasin Alam has expressed the

intention of his family to get back to Gabura, but reconstruction of homestead, agricultural recovery

(salinity removal), lack of capital, and a drinking water crisis are major issues that need to be addressed.

Case Study #2

Liton Hawladar, age 35, is a migrant from Southkhali, Sarankhola (Bagerhat). He has a family of five.

He migrated with his family immediately after cyclone SIDR. He was a small businessman and farmer

in Southkhali. He had a flourishing timber business. He lost all his capital as SIDR-induced storm surge

washed out his stored timber and transport boats. Moreover, his homestead was destroyed in the storm

and he did not get any kind of credit to rebuild his home and livelihood. He was forced to migrate from

Southkhali. At first he went to Khulna city but he couldn’t find work there. Then he moved to Chitta-

gong and joined a garment factory as a worker. Finally he moved to Dhaka. Now he is working as a

paid laborer in a wholesale paper store at Keraniganj, Dhaka. Before SIDR he was a moderately well-

off businessman with a monthly income of 20,000 BDT, but now he has to support his family with only

8,000 BDT per month. Both his financial and social status were degraded after SIDR. His children went

to school before migrating to Dhaka, but now he cannot afford the educational expenses, and they are

no longer attending school. Mr. Hawladar is now saving money in a co-operative society. He has a

dream to accumulate enough capital to start a new business and to go back to Southkhali one day.

Source: FGD, May 3, 2013

3.8 Measures Taken by Migrants to Return to Their Native Places

Migrants who intend to return to their locale of origin were asked about their strategies. Most of the migrants (17) said that they were trying to save money, but that doing so was nearly impossible because they can hardly earn enough to main-tain their families. Four migrants have already been associated with different co-operative societies and started to save money. They expect that at the end of the maturity period of the scheme (within next 3-4 years) they will get a reasonable amount of money and can get back to their native areas.


Seven migrants have planned to stay new location until agricultural land is re-covered to cultivate (for example removal of soil salinity, water stagnancy etc.), but they said the time period needed for land recovery is totally uncertain. Three migrants have been trying to secure loans for starting businesses in their native areas. Most of the migrants, who have no intention to return back home, said that they do not want to risk repeated destruction of their income and property by natu-ral disasters.

4. CONCLUSION

The prevailing literature on climate refugees in Bangladesh is limited, and in par-ticular, micro-level investigation is hardly available. This paper investigated the socio-economic issues associated with the migrants of climate-induced disasters. It was found that migrants’ socio-economic conditions deteriorated post migra-tion. In particular, their social status worsened because of the struggles of starting a new life and new occupation in a new location. Most of them became workers in informal sectors (day laborers). Their living standards and their childrens’ access to education have been hampered. Islam and Rashid (2011) drawn similar conclu-sion for migrants of Bangladesh due to riverbank erosion.

It is interesting to note that Walsham (2010) found that most internal migrants in Bangladesh chose to undertake permanent migration to the nearest large city, but in this research, among the climate refugees, half of the migrants (20) moved to the capital and the remaining half move to the nearest big cities. This sort of migration is a major challenge for the capital city, Dhaka, where 400,000 people migrate every year (World Bank 2007). The majority of the studied climate mi-grants (31 out of 40) hope to return to their native land one day.

It is evident from the study that if institutional supports were provided to help recover losses, some of the migration could have been avoided. But migration caused by environmental hazards (like destruction of arable land and scarcity of potable water) seems unavoidable. The research identified around one hundred people who have migrated from the four studied areas. The climate change policy and strategy documents of Bangladesh need to recognize this migration issue with due importance. The institutional strategies to address the adverse climate change impact need to incorporate measures to reduce the number of climate migrants. This can be done by providing financial support (in the form of credit) to the ‘would be migrant’ after a disaster. Schemes can be undertaken to create alterna-tive income sources that are independent of climate events. There is a need for in- depth research on climate migrants in Bangladesh, which would help policymak-ers to raise their voices in international forums.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper is an output of the sub project “Adaptation Strategies of GO and NGOs Combating

Climate Change Impacts: An assessment of Perception of Communities in the Coastal Areas”

under the Project “Institutional Strengthening of Climate Change Study Cell at BUET for

Knowledge Generation and Human Resource Development” of Climate Change Study Cell at

BUET. The project is funded by Climate Change Trust Fund of Government of Bangladesh. In this

opportunity we like to thank the project director and all the members of Climate Change Study

Cell at BUET for all their assistance during the project and Government of Bangladesh for their

generosity. We would also like to thank Mr. Shahadat Hossain Shakil and Ms. Shaila Jamal Who

have done the preliminary work for the research as research assistant of the project, all the forty

respondent who gave us time to understand their plight. And last but not the least, we like to thank

the two anonymous reviewers whose constructive criticisms of the draft of this paper considerably

improved the quality of the paper.

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