Definitions of War, Torture, and Terrorism in Latin America 8 Eros DeSouza, Michael Stevens, Amanda Clinton, Laura Marcucci, Madison Mellish, Rodrigo Barahona, Eddy Carillo, Ricardo Angelino, Luciana Karine de Souza, and Sherri McCarthy

The following are current definitions from the us government regarding war, torture, and ter­rorism. War is defined as:

1 IIII8Cb in any of the international conventions (lipid at Geneva 12 August 1949), or any proto­colto sucb con tion to which the United States Ia a party; prohibited by Anicle 23, 2S, 27, or 28 of llleAimcx to the Hague Convention IV, Respecting die L8ws and Customs of War on Land (signed 18 OctDbar 1907); which constitutes a grave breach of COIDIDOD Article 3 (as defined in sub5cction (d)) wbml.committed in the context of and in associa­tiaa Willi an armed conflict not of an international cblnd.er: or of a person who. in relation to an .-conftict and contrnry to the provisions of the ~on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Usc of MiDca. Booby-Traps and Other Devices a.<> ...-led at Geneva on 3 May 1996 <Protocol 0 as ...-led on 3 May 1996), when the United States II a pirty to sucb Protocol, willfully kills or causes llriaua iDjury to civilians. (US Code 2009a)

~is defined as: • ea committed by a person acting under the c:oJar of law specifically intended to inflict severe pbyaical or mental pain or suffering (other than paiD or suffering incidental to lawful saDCtions) upon 8IIOther person within his custody or physical CCIIllrol; "severe mental pain or suffering" means die prolonged mental harm caulicd by or resulting flam: (a) The intentional infliction or threatened

lnftic:tion of severe physical pain or suffering; (b) Tbc administration or application. or thrcat­

CDCCI administration or application. of mind­'lltering substances or other procedures · c:alculatcd to disrupt profoundly the senses or · lbo personality;

(C) Tbc direst of imminent death; or

(d) The threat that another persou will imminently be subjected to death, severe physical pain or suffering. or the administration or application of mind-altering sulmanc:es or other proce· ~s calculated to diJirupt pzofoundly tbc senses or pcnonality. (US Code 2009b)

International tenorism is defiDed as: violent acts or acta dangcroua to human"" tbat are a violation of the criminal laws of tbe United Stales or of any State, or that would be a criminal violation if committed within !be jurisdiction of tbc United States or of any State; appear to be intellded: l. To intimidate or coen::e a civilian popu1aaioD; 2. To influence the policy of a govemDIC1It by

intimidation or coercion; or 3. To affect the conduct of a permncnt by mass

destruction. assassilUltion, or tidllnpping. (US Code 2()()9(:)

Although these official defiaitions appear clear and succinct, in realiry they carry multiple meanings, depending on whom you ask. In other words, these phenomena are subjective. complex, and embedded in ecological contexts and nuances. Thus. the purpose of this chapter is to examine the existing scholarly literature on war. torture. and terrorism. including the official defiaitions of these tenns. and then analyze people ·s defiaitions of war. torture. and terrorism among six Latin American countries (Argentina. Brazil. Colombia, Costa Rica. Nicaragua. and Peru) and Puerto Rico. Although Puerto Rico is n territory of the USA, it is culturally and linguistically distinct from the USA. Thus. Puerto Rico is not included in the US sample or in the discussion of the chap­ter dealing with the USA. Another purpose is to

K. Malley-Morrison et nl. (cds.),lntemational Handbook of War. Tortu", and Terrorism, Peace Psychology Book Series. 00110.10071978-1-4614-1638-8_8, C SpriDacr Sciencc+Business Media, LLC 2013

113

. \

114

report on exploratory analyses of the extent to which definitions of war, torture, and terrorism varied across gender, prior military training, hav­ing a relative in the military, and nationality.

Literature Review on War, Torture, and Terrorism

Latin America consists of 33 nations spanning from the southern part of North America (i.e., Mexico) to the southern part of South America and has a total population of 600 million people (Martinez-Diaz 2008). Despite the diversity that exists within and across each nation, Latin America as a whole shares some key features: (a) a rich pre-Columbian past; (b) mostly Spanish or Portuguese colonization; (c) by and large, a racially mixed population; (d) independence from the Iberian peninsula during the nineteenth cen­tury; (e) weak political institutions; and (f) eco­nomic inequality (Feldmann and PerAla 2004).

When relevant, the USA is discussed in this chapter due to its widespread influence in Latin America. That is, the USA hegemonic power or asymmetry in power relations has dominated Latin American history (Butler 2003 ). For exam­ple, the USA-Spain War that ended in 1898 resulted in the USA acquiring Puerto Rico and other territories in Latin America (LexJuris de Puerto Rico 1996-2006). In addition, beginning in the 1880s until the early twentieth century, the USA used its military strength to influence the

E. DeSouza @t 11.

independence of Panama from Colombia in order to build and control the Panama Canal and pre­vent Nicaragua from building a competing canaL In fact, during the twentieth century, the USA baa regularly intervened in Latin American affairs economically, politically, and militarily (for a more complete review, see Booth 1988).

War

Compared to other regions of the world (e.g .. Europe and Asia), Latin America has experienced very few major wars. Table 8.1 presents a list of the large-scale international conflicts that occurnd in Latin America during the twentieth century (Clem 2005; DeSouza and Stevens 2009).

Perhaps their participation in such few major wars is one reason why there is little research Oil

perceptions of war among Latin Americans. Far example, to our knowledge, only one study has investigated gender differences in perceptioaa of war and included a Latin American sample. DeSouza et al. (20 11) found in a sample of US and Peruvian college students that women were less likely to justify state aggression (war) against another country than men, even after controlling for students' age and racelethnicity. Even though only one study has addressed gen­der differences within Latin American samples, such gender differences appear to be wi~ spread, as evidenced by studies conducted out· side Latin America. For example, a study widl

Tole 8.1 Conflicts that occumd in Latin America in the twentieth century

Conflict Years ----Chaco War 1932-193.5

-Peru-Ecuador War 1941 and 199.5

Soccer War 1969

Falklands/Malvina~ War 1982

Countries involved

Bolivia vs. Paraguay

Peru vs. Ecuador

El Salvador vs. Honduras

Argentina vs. Great Britain

Outcome Bolivia ceded much of its territory ~Paraguay

Ecuador recognized Peru's territorial claims After mediauon from the Organization of American States. El Salvadorian forcell withdrew from Honduras, but the war produced losses for both sides .­Argentine forces withdrew from the Fallclands/Malvinas

Souzaetal.

ia in order land.-. dngcaaaL :USA baa an aft'ain ily (for a ).

Jrld <o.a .• .perieaced ts a list of toa:urnd bceotmy ~).

ewmajor search on 1cana.For studybu ~ ll sample. ,le of US 111en were on (war) ven after edmicity. ssedpa­samples.

be wido­tcted out­:udy with

I tcaicDIJ ------'a

Definitions

edOlescents and young adults fmm Estonia. JfJII]and, Romania, the Russian Federation, and the USA showed that men were significantly more likely to endorse the justification of war and killing than women, as evidenced by their endorsement of the statements: "War is

0eeessary" and "A person has the right to kill to defeDd property" (McAlister et al. 2001).

f'tln)lptlons of Torture

Few studies have been conducted on Latin .Amf:licans' perceptions of torture. Globo (2008) rqated on a survey administered to a national sample of Brazilians, which showed that 26% of BnziliaDs ndmitted that they would use torture ~ if they were police officers in order to ~ information from suspected criminals. Globo•s (2008) study may reflect not only BraziliaDs' but possibly also most of Latin AmaicaDs • perceptions of feeling unsafe and fear­ful clue to high crime rates, especially in urban 8le8S. These feelings of insecurity and anxiety have inipliUUil implications, in that they may lead many iDdMduals to tolerate a heavy-handed approach (galerally referred to as mono dura in Spanish) of crime control, including violence, repression, and violalion of human rights, by the police (Goldstein ct aL 2007). Under such circumstances, they may have a vay restricted view of the kinds of behav­ioos lbat constitute fonns of torture.

Tenwlsm

Ladn America is also engaging in a "war on ter­ITR." which, unlike the USA's war that focuses on international terrorism. focuses on segments of its own population (i.e., "internal enemies" of the Slate). Even though the two "wars" target dif­fereat groups, the USA has intervened in Latin Amaica's war, a role that we briefly review here.

Tbe USA has, for the most part, been inter­ested in Latin America only when the USA's interests are at stake, neglecting endemic pn>blems

115

m Latin America (e.g., widespread poverty. mistreatment of indtgenous peoples, political oppression, human nght'i abuses). Rather than fostenng democracy and economic development. the US response to Latin American sociaVpoliti­caVeconomic problems has mostly been to train Latin American officer corps (e.g., through the School of the Americas, which included teaching techniques such as interrogation, tonw-e, and counterintelligence to eradicate the enemy within) and equipping their military with US-made arms (Weeks 2003). According to Taylor (1986), such training and massive firepower are ultimately ineffective and often counterproductive against low-intensity conflicts with insurgents or terrorist groups whose members hide among the local population. In fact. US intervention has created a climate of instability and violence, including state--sponsored terrorism, whicb Feldmann and Periila (2004) define as "acts perpetrated by state agents or by private groups acting on orders or on behalf of a state, usually used by authoritarian or totalitarian regimes to terrorize their population and propagate anxiety in order to curb political opposition" (p. 104).

Moreover, from the 1960s to 1980s, many Latin American countries received advice, train­ing, arms, technology, and finances from the USA to fight terror with terror through the creation of death squads, which were used by governments as counterinsurgency tools against their own pop­ulation (DeSouza and Stevens 2009; McSherry 2007, 2009). These squads engaged in disappear­ances, extrajudicial executions, and torture (e.g., submarino in Spanish. near drowning or water boarding; planton, forced standing; banging in contoned positions; confinement in boxes; sexual violence; and forced nudity) to subdue internal enemies (e.g., insurgents but also civilians, espe­cially indigenous populations in the Andean region of South America as well as Central American countries)-a violation of the Geneva Accords (McSherry 2007; Radcliffe 2007). Such unlawful practices, which were extensively used in Guatemala, Peru, and Colombia, for example, are linked to "severe political repression, hun­dreds of thousands of indigenous deaths, and

116

over a million refugees and internally displaced persons" (Jackson and Warren 2005, p. 552).

Of particular importance was the creation of Operation Condor in late 1973/early 1974, in which some members of the military and police corps of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru. and Uruguay formed multinational death squads to engage in counter­insmgency activities, some of which were described above, against targeted dissidents in the war on terror, which were essentially cross­border kidnap-torture-murder clandestine opera­tions (McSherry 2007, 2009). Others called these activities the "dirty war" to describe state repres­sion in which human rights violations were wide­spread in Latin America. The dirty war was characterized by concealment (e.g .. secret round­ups. secret detention centers, and secret execu­tions)~ furthermore. the distinction between terrorists and non-terrorists was blurred (Smith and Roberts 2008). For example, many of the so­called subversives were exiles "guilty" of criti­cizing their government or asking for change. such as a more equitable distribution of wealth and a voice for oppressed groups in their counb'y of origin.

US attention to terrorism in Latin America has intensified since September 11, 2001 (Sullivan 2010~ Weeks 2006). with the USA pressuring Latin American militaries to engage more in domestic law enforcement to combat drug trafficking, intelligence gathering on terrorist groups. and border patrol. One such example is Plan Colombia, the objective of which is essen­tially to eradicate the source of cocaine-coca crops~ however. such a plan also created violence, with indigenous populations being caught in the middle of the conflict between military forces and mafias, militias, drug traffickers, and interna­tional terrorist groups (Radclifl'e 2007). Through the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Rio Treaty (a.k.a. the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance), cooperation between the USA and Latin America has increased, as evi­denced by the signing of OAS members to the Inter-American Convention Against Terrorism in 2002 as well as by the counterterrorism efforts

E. DeSouza et 11.

shown by Argentina, Colombia, Panama, Paraguay, Mexico. and El Salvador (Sullivan 2010).

According to Sullivan (2010), terrorism ia currently active in the following Latin AmericaD nations. • Colombia: Specifically, operations by the left.

ist National Liberation Army (ELN; a Marxist insurgent group formed in 1964 by urbaD intellectuals inspired by Fidel Castro and Ole Guevara), such as inflicting casualties throup land mines and obtaining funds through dnJa trafficking; actions of the leftist Revolutiomuy Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC; a Marxist­Leninist insurgent group founded in 1964 by Manuel Marulanda V ~lez that claims to rqn. sent the rural poor). such as engaging in tacli­cal-level attacks on governmental installatious. kidnappina for profit, and narco-traffickiq; and actions of the rightist paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC; 8D

umbrella organization formed in 1997 to COUD­

ter left-wing guerrillas in a way that the mill· tary is unable to), such as obtaining fuDds through drug trafficking.

• Cuba: Since 1982, Cuba has been listed as a counb'y that supports terrorism in LatiD America (e.g., ELN and FARC described above); however, Cuban support of terrorism has significantly decreased since 1992.

• Peru: Although the Shining Path (a Manist insurgent group based in the Andes that aims to destroy capitalism) has been substantially undermined since the 1990s with the capture of its leader, Abimael Guzman. who was sea­tenced to life in prison in 2006. two small f» tions carried out 61 terrorist attacks in 2008, resulting in the deaths of 31 individuals.

• Venezuela: Its current government has evi· denced some approval for the FARC and die ELN and been accused by the Colombian gov· emment of harboring terrorists (Romo 2010) and for support of Cuban and Iranian totalitar­ian regimes.

• Tri-border area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay: This porous region, with a latJO Muslim population, has been used for die production and movement of illegal goods.

Ladn'AJnerican Definitions

includiD8 trafficking of arms and drugs. false documeDts and money, and pirated goods such as films. There are claims that these activities have funded Middle-Eastern terror­ist ,roups. such as Hezbollah and the Sunni Mualim Palestinian group Hamas (Islamic ResiStance Movement). In addition, the USA suspects that Hezbollah has been linked to two bombings resulting in the deaths of over }()()·people-the 1992 bombing of the Israeli EmbassY in Buenos Aires and the 1994 bombiq of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual

AssOCiation. To uadcntand the causes of what is mostly ngowmmcntal terrorism in Latin America,

Feldm&DD and Perala (2004) investigated 1 ,840 unclusified. reported nongovernmental terrorist i .cideatl in 17 Latin American countries ( <\JpDtiDa. Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, HoDCiuraa. Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama. Paraguay, Peru. UJU8118Y, and Venezuela) during the post­Cold War era ( 1980-1995). Feldmann and Perltla (2004) defined nongovernmental terrorism as pla.nned. iDdiscriminant attacks on noncombatants (e.g., civilians) to instill terror in society and wuken tbe power of the government. They exciUIIed from the analysis government-sponsored tenuist ac:ts. armed incidents between guarillas nnd security forces, mob violence. and embassy occupalioa of a pacifist narure. Their findings revealOd (a) a reliable relationship between non­goveinme:Dtal terrorism and the deterioration of a state's human rights, supporting the theoretical lllOdel lbat a state's oppression of its people ernpoWen larorist groups to act against such an ahuaive regime; and (b) nongovernmental terror­ism ii most fertile where only some political and civil liberties exist, a condition that typifies weak demOcracies. Feldmann and Perltla also found that past hiBIDry of terrorist activity tends to get worse. suqesting a vicious trend of escalating violence over a period of brne

Previous research has indicated that within and across nations there are a number of demo­graphic variables that may be associated with perspectives on governmental aggression. For

117

example, DeSouza et al. (20 11) found that students' age, race, and general tolerance for a govern­ment's general use of aggression were significandy correlated with support for government retaha­tion in response to a hypothetical terrorist attack. That is, in comparison to their counterparts. younger and White students, as well as those more inclined to tolerate their government's gen­eral use of aggression, supported harsher govern­mental retaliation following a hypothetical terrorist attack. When the data were examined separately by country, there was much more vari­ability among Peruvian respondents' support for governmental retahation than among US respon­dents. The US findings were straightforward: Military targets evoked significantly greater sup­port for governmental retaliation than commer­cial targets; high impact scenarios also evoked more support for governmental retaliation than low impact scenarios.

In addition, DeSouza et al. (20 11) found a significant gender difference, but only in the US sample, with men being supportive of hasher aggressive retaliation by their government than women. Thus, US women may be more likely than US men to support maintaining interna­tional relations through diplomacy rather than military 10tervention. Although there were no such gender differences in the Peruvian sample, the purpose of the current study is to examine whether such gender differences may exist among a larger, more diverse sample of Latin Americans.

One possible explanation for the country dif­ferences found in DeSouza et al. 's (2011) study is that governmental retaliation to terrorist attacks often spills over into the general population in Latin America but not in the USA. That is, in the war on the Shining Path, the Peruvian govern­ment reacted with massive firepower, often not discriminating between innocent peasants and Shining Path terrorists (Kay 2007). In addition, Peru's antiterrorism laws ignored human rights and legal protection of its citizens, including, but not limited to, threatening and imprisoning human rights activists, journalists, and anyone critical of the government (Starn et al. 2005).

118

In fact. Latin American states have been respon­sible for an alarming number of victims in the name of fighting terrorists (Wickham-Crowley 1990). According to Feldmann and Perala (2004), over the last three decades, the impact of state terrorism in Latin America has been far greater than that committed by nongovernmental terror­ist groups. Thus, non-US respondents (e.g., Peruvians and other foreign nationals) might recall images of violence perpetrated by the state under the rubric of a terrorist threat and be less likely to support governmental retaliation for ter­rorist attacks compared to US respondents.

In later chapters in this volume, Latin American views of national security, invasion, and torture

are considered in some detail. In the current chap­ter, we begin with more basic issues: How do Latin Americans define war, torture, and terror­ism, and do their views vary in relation to demo­graphic characteristics like gender?

The Current Study

Sample

The sample consisted of 776 Latin American adults. Of these, 51 (7%) were from Argentina, 103 (13%) from Brazil, 69 (9%) from Colombia, 63 (8%) from Costa Rica, 129 (17%) from Nicaragua, 272 (35%) from Peru, and 89 (12%) from Puerto Rico (Puerto Rico is not a country, but it is treated as one in the analysis due to its distinct culture, which sets it apart from the USA). These participants defined war, torture, and terrorism in their own words in a survey that was part of a larger global investigation by Malley-Morrison (2009) that covered 43 coun­tries. The ages of the Latin American sample overall ranged from 18 to 79 years, with an aver­age age of 26.87 (SD= 10.40) years. The overall sample is mostly female (62%), Christian (96%), and middle class (55%, with an additional 26% being working class. 14% being upper middle class, 5% are of the lowest social class. and I% of the highest social class). In addition, most (91%) reported that they had never served in the military (only 4% ever served and 6% did not respond);

E. DeSouza et 11.

however, most ( 43%) had a family member in 1be military (36% indicated that they did not 8Dd 21% did not respond):

Design

The present study analyzed respondents' writtaD definitions of war, torture, and terrorism by mov­ing from a qualitative research approach to a quantitative one based on grounded thca!y (Gilgun 2005), which allows the creation of a taxonomy made up of categories and subcatego. ries. All categories and subcategories emerged from the data without imposing a priori staD· dards. The coding process began by unitizing all written responses. A unit is an independent 8lld complete idea, which is placed into only oae category. Thus, all categories and subcategories are JllUIUally exclusive (i.e., a unit can only be placed into only one category or subcategory); however, a respondent may generate more dJaD one unit (i.e., independent idea). Only margiDal and statistically significant results were reported; nonsignificant results were not.

All units were coded as present ( l) or not pres­ent (0). Thus, when appropriate (i.e., expecbld cell count >5), we conducted chi-square analyses to determine whether there were signific:alll differences in a given category/subcategory by country. For the entire sample, we examined gen­der differences, as well as differences by whether the respondent, and any family member of die respondent, ever served in the military. Only die results that were statistically significant (with p values Jess than 0 .05) or marginally significaat (with p values between 0.10 and 0.05) wed reported. Nonsignificant results were omitted. For further details regarding the methods as weD as descriptions of nil categories and subcategO­ries, see Chap. 2. In addition, note that the quali· tative results section provides percentages based on the number of responses coded for each cate­gory divided by the total number of responses. The percentages provided in the quantitative sec­tion refer to the number of participants who pro­vided responses coded for each category divided by the total number of participants.

aetll.

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lfti­ICfed lyaea lcaDt vby pa­=tber rtbf: rtbf: llbp lcaat were lied. weD ISIO­IIIIi-lied .. l&el.

see­P">" ided

8 Latin American Definitions 119

.,.... S.:Z Definitions of \\ ar· causes

Example of respon...e

CodiDS c~gory % COUJ!ff)' Age Gender Quote

(jeiiDI8l causes 2 (20) Colombia 21 Female Lack of communication -·- 1 (5) Brazil 21 Female Use of violence when there is no other JAttcSOrl alternative

M~~!'-'l~ten~_-- - 3 (25) Puerto Rico 20 Female L'sing force to achieve an objecuve

Pofidcal 3 (31) Costa Rica 37 Male Big transnational busines..~ by ~vemments

Brazil 24 Female Power dispute~ - - .. SeJf,411fense <1 (4) Peru 18 Male Fight again!lt another to defend their

right. 'I Argentina 24 Male Depends on the situation, but typically.

it is the defense of a region with the use of armed scrength

MCII_!i ~~nt 2 (14) Brazil 28 Male Human ignorance and evil of mankind Puerto Rico 22 Male Inhuman mediation to win certain

causes -----Noll: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. 'The first percentage figure is tho pan:cntage of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of war. The SllCC1IIIl percentage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all the deflJdlinns in the causes of war caregory. For example, political IUjinitions represented 3% of all the dclinitions of war IIIII 31Cfl of the definitions in the causes of war category

Note that there are multiple voices in each cowdry tbat this study cannot address. Therefore, caution is warranted when generalizing to other groups. since our Latin American sample is one of convenience.

Its and Discussion

Is War?

To betrer understand lay definitions of war in LadnAmerica, we grouped categories that shared a similar theme. In definitions of war, there were five main thematic categories: (1) causes, (2) focru ma conflict, (3) qualifications of war, (4) outcoma of war, and (5) moral judgments. There wq also a category capturing responses that were uncodcable based on the coding manual .

QUiillta'llva Analysis of War Twelve percent of definitions of war responses described causes leading up to war. General COll.fu accounted for 20% of causes definitions

of war and 2% of all definitions of war responses. A 36-year-old Costa Rican man, for example, defined war simply as "competition." A 22-year­old Brazilian woman echoed this kind of response in defining war as "two groups with different ideas fighting against each other." Responses that specified motivation or intent behind war were coded under the subcategory of nwtivation/'UJtent, which was further broken down into subcatego­ries, including political motivation. Responses describing political motivation were the most commonly used type of responses under the causes major category, accounting for 31% of causes and 3% of all definitions of war m~pcmses. A 33-year-old Argentinian man described politi­cal motivation when he defined war simply as "capitalism." Table 8.2 provides additional exam­ples of responses coded for causes.

Within the Latin American sample, the most common theme was focus on conflict only, which was found in 21% of responses. This code~ tures definitions that gave a synonym for war; many participants used words slK:h as "battle," "conflict." or .. fighting." The geneml category

120

Tabki 8.3 Definitions of war. conflict and qualifications

Coding cate ory

~on confl_~t -~-~~­General contlict

Nonphysical conflict

g~fiC~O:_~W~- __ _

21 (92)

2 (8}

Brazil

Nicaragua

E. DeSouza et 11.

23 4S Male Different polit"cal ideas

_ _ _ __ __ __and~ophies _______ _

I -------- - -··· ----- - -General qualifications 2 (8) Puerto Rico 38 Female Warlike conflicts between

countries ----· ------------ ··--- ··- ----- ----- ------- --------- -- ---------- --·-- -- --- -··------Scale or intensity 12 (42) Nicaragua 27 Female Anned conflict between h111111D

beings DWanonlfrequency·---------<1(<1) -·Colombia - ----;w--MBic-- NiSht of aggrculon agaiii~-t-

two countries -····-· ··--· ~- -- --· ·- ---- -----Groups officially or egally 10 (35) Peru 18 Male Conflicts between nation

recogniud_as ~~~$ po!c:!.. -··-- .. ____ ---------- _ ------------~onoffici~lt_~~~ ~u~ __ }J!~ __ Co~~~-·-- 2~----~male .. Pigb_!_I:!~.!' l_!o ~-~ups One-sided aggrcs.~on 2 ( 6) Puerto Rico S I Female One fighting apinst the other

Nok: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage figme Is tbe percentage of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of war. 11le second percentage (in parenthe<;es) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all die definitions in the conflict or qualifications of war categories, respectively. For examp e, one-sided aggression repro­scnted 2% of all the definitions of war and 6% of the definition.~ in the qualificntions of war category

focuses on conflict only, including responses that simply give a synonym for war, without any fur­ther elaboration. Table 8.3 provides further exam­ples of responses illustrating a focus on conflict.

Table 8.3 also provides examples of different qualifications of war. Qualifications refer to descriptions about war that go beyond conflict but describe a characteristic of war such as its size, time, or the parties involved. Scale or inten­sity of conflict, used in 12% of definitions of war responses, was indicated by participants who mentioned the use of violence, a certain level of fighting/destruction, and/or the use of specific weapons within war. This subcategory accounted for 42% of qualifications responses. For exam­ple, a 24-year-old man from Argentina noted, "anned confrontation between two countries or groups of individuals," and a 22-year-old woman from Costa Rica defined war as a "large scale fight between various countries or on an interna­tional level."

The next most used subcategory is an officially or legally recognized autlwriry (e.g .• Congress) that holds political power to make a decision to

declare war as opposed to terrorists or insurgency groups. This subcategory accounted for 10% of the definitions of war responses and 35% of qualifications responses. An example from a 25-year-old Brazilian woman reads .. WbeD nations are not able to resolve their conflicts in a civilized way and choose combat."

Table 8.4 provides examples of outcomes of war. The most frequently used subcategory ill outcomes (54% of outcomes) focuses on conciWI outcomes (i.e., the physical, tangible effects of war or fighting, such as death, violence. injury, and destruction). Thirteen percent of definitiODS of war responses included concrete outcomn, which was the second highest code given to LadD American definitions of war. These responses mentioned physical effects of war such as dealb. devastation, or injury. For example, a 22-year­old woman from Puerto Rico noted that war was "death of innocents. destruction," and a 21-yeat­old man from Colombia wrote, "massacres. deaths, poverty."

The next most frequently used ourcom~s sub­category (40% of outcomes) was rather abstract.

-

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18 of jury, tions ,.,, ..atiD Uetl

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8 L.Jtin American Definitions 121

Tdlll 8A Definitio111- of war: outcomes of war. moral judgment!>

Example of response % Country Age Gender Quote

2 (6) Peru 19 Male The problems that bad _ _ _______ governments~~

~(;u~; ----~ --=--!_3(.54)-_~icara~ --_- 47 Male -· _ Death - ·- ·---~outcomes _l~ (40) Pue!lo ~o _____ 46 _____ Female ____ Suffering ____ _ Ma!!!~nts 12 Brazil 28 Female Absurd barbarity

Now. Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each 11ubcategory (moral judgment!> is a major ~· so the only number presented represent.~ the percentage of definitions coded for mnral judgm~nt~ out of the to~~hldlnitions of war). The first percentage figure is the percentage of definitions coded into the specified subcategory ou1 of the total number of definitions of war. The second percentage (in parenthe!ICS) indicates the percentage of deftDidoD8 c:oded into the subcategory out of all the definitions an the ouJcomes of war cntcgory. For example. concrete Ofllt:fiiiW represented 13% of all the definitions of war and S4"if of the definitions in the qualifications of war category

•

TIIIIIS.S Definition~ of war: percentage~ of response~ in coding categories by demographic groups and chi-square values

Demographic groups• _r ~-- Male Female

eoacnee outcomes 18 2S 4.53'

Argenuna Brazil Colombia Costa Rica Nicaragua Peru Puerto Rico -----Focus on conflict SI S1 4S ss .54 29 ss 43.86-

Sclieimtensity of 49 36 21 30 33 18 17 33.82'-

coaflld - ---Ofllcially 36 26 18 29 25 9 37 48.23''' cecoplp:d ~ps -Ccmcn:tc outcomes 1 s 17 19 30 33 IS 44.95'" -----·- .. -Allslnll:t outcomes 2 6 II 2 16 28 11 s2.oo-

'p:S:O.OS; -ps:O.OOl ZJ'be aumbers in these columns are the percent of the group that gave responses falling into each of the specified a«egaries

focusing on the intangible effects of war, includ­ing emotions and sensations caused by war, such as sadness and pain. It should be noted that the category of concrete outcomes is different from abllract outcomes; 10% of the sample referenced abnrru:t outcomes, which include intangible effects of war such as emotion, which is evi­deaced by a 22-year-old Peruvian woman in the following part of her answer: " ... rage, resent­ment. hate."

F'mally, 1 2% of the definitions of war exhi~ ited some sort of moral judgment on the act of war itself, not on the motivations or intentions bebiad it For example. an 1 8-year-old Peruvian ID8D wrote, "state of chaos, bestial act of the human species." Table 8.4 provides additional examples of moral judgment responses.

Quantitative Analysis of Definitions of War In regard to quantitative analysis. there were infrequent explanations of factors that might cause or motivate a country to go to war. It is interesting that the analyses sho"!'ed neit er gender differences nor significant differences related to having served or having a family member serve in the military in any of the causes of war categories. By contrast, we found a number of demographic group differences on some of the more common definitions. For example, chi-square analyses revealed significant country differences in definitions related to conflict. (See Table 8.S for percent­ages of responses in coding categories by demographic groups and chi-square values.)

122

The country with the lowest frequency of conflict responses was Peru and the country with highest frequency was Brazil.

Chi-square analyses also revealed significant country differences in the use of definitions fall­ing into the qualifications subcategory of scale or intensity of the conflict. The country with the lowest frequency was Puerto Rico, closely fol­lowed by Peru. The country with the highest fre­quency was Argentina. which experienced a major conflict with Great Britain over the Falklands/Malvinas in 1982. In regard to another fairly popular subcategory of qualifications responses. specifically references to officially or legally recognized authority involved in war, chi­square analyses again revealed significant differ­ences among countries. Puerto Rican respondents were most likely to provide this form of qualification, closely followed by respondents from Argentina, with Peruvian respondents providing the lowest percentage of responses in this category.

In regard to outcomes, chi-square analyses of the occurrence of concrete outcomes (i.e., the physical, tangible effects of war or fighting, such as death, violence, injury, and destruction) in definitions of war revealed significant differences by country and gender, with Peru having the highest percentage of responses in this category and Brazil having the lowest. As can be seen in Table 8.5, significantly more women than men referred to concrete outcomes in their definitions. Chi-square analyses also revealed significant country differences in the abstract outcomes su~ category, with Peru having the largest proportion of responses in this subcategory and Costa Rica having the lowest.

What Is Torture?

Six major categories emerged from the definitions of torture: (1) intent/motivation, (2) characteris­tics of the victims, (3) conditions that give rise to torture, (4) judgment concerning torture, (5) focus on method/technique, and (6) outcomes. However. only four major categones were

E. DeSouza et 11.

mentioned by a relatively large number of participants, with responses in categories 2 and 3, including their subcategories, garnering fewer than 4% of the responses.

QualltMJve Analysis of Torture Definitions in the category focus on inullt, motivation, or emotion including all of its subcat­egories represent 16% of torture definitions. Tbe most common type of intent response fell into dlt subcategory for constructive inunt, referriq to torture as, for example, a means to get informa­tion (37% of intent responses). A 21-year-old man from Peru wrote that torture is a "means of obtaining information." Table 8.6 provides addi­tional examples of responses describing intent.

Only a small portion of definitions of tortm provided descriptions of characteristics of dtt victims involved in torture or mentioned the ccm­dition.r tbat lead to torture. Examples of responses coded into these categories are provided ill Table 8.7.

Judgments indicating intolerance towards tor­ture accounted for 32% of definitions of tormre responses. Among responses describing general intolerance were those like the following from a 59-year-old Columbian man defining torture • an "unjust method." In the Latin AmericaD definitions of torture, 1 7% of responses noted that torture was immoral/inhumanelcruellabrlliv elvile. This is a subcategory found within dtt intolerant/condemning subcategory of judgment. This immoral subcategory represented 52% of aU judgment responses for definitions of torture. Par example, a 26-year-old from Argentina wroll, "abusive act, violent injustice, dehurnaniziDI against an innocent subject." Table 8.8 provides examples of responses from each subcategory under judgments.

Altogether, responses equating torture with ill methods represented 45% of definitions of cur­ture. Responses falling into the general methtJd category (6% of all methods responses in definitions of torture) describe what happens ill torture, without mentioning motives or makiDB inherent moral judgments. For example, a description from a 23-year-old woman froll

8 L.a1fn American De inons 123

,.....8.6 Definitions o tonure. focu~ on intent. motivatiOn, or emonon

Example of respon~ % Country Age Gender Quote

foCUS on intentlmoti vation/ e1!3(ldaD general

<I (3) Nicaragua 42 Female An act to cause fear

..__.. . . ()ellelll destructive mtent

1~ j,ic;"ssure or break

opt!!! ~ intelll to cause pain, suffering, orbiiiD . _ ~_!I'UC!i~e intent lr'.foiijiiiiOn or co~liance s~-t8ctical ad~antage Ac~ peisonal goal

~·~t __

<I (1)

<1 (1)

I (9)

4 (27)

6 (3?) 1 (5)

<1 (3)

2 (14)

Brazil

Nicaragua

Nicaragua

Brazil Puerto Rico Colombia Peru

Peru

19

2S

18

26 48

43

18

21

Female

Female

Male

Male Male Male Female

Purpo!oeful phySlcal and psychological maltreatment To break someone little by little

To cause pain to a person

Unjust way ofgettin~ ~thing Coercion by force Abuse of authority Attempt against the life of a pe~n for personal g~

Female __ Very severe penalty__ _

Not~: 1\lo figures are presented · the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage figure is the pen=mge of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of torture. The o;ccaad pcrc:cntage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all the deftDitioDs in the intent of torture category. For example, as a punishment represented 2% of all the definitions of torture .:3d 14,. of the definition~ in the intent of torture category

T 8.7 Definitions of tonure: characteristics and conditions

Example of response % Country Age Gender Quote

Gencrl:l ~sties <1 (19) Peru 2S Female Aggression toward people or animals -Help......,.powerlessoess 1 (48) Brazil 30 Female Act with violence against someone

- - who is helpl~s.-. UnwilliDa subjects being 1 (33) PuenoRico 19 Male Hun someone against hi" will beld epblst will Collditioas tbat gtve rise <1 Brazil 24 Male Action by someone who is unable to I f.CIItln negotiate

Notr. 'hto figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each wbcategory (conditions that give riu to torture is a major category, so the only number presented represents the percentage of definitions coded for conditioJU out of liD toU.I definitions of torture). The first percentage figure is the percentage of definitions coded into the specified su~ out of the total number of definitions of torture. The second percentage (in parentheses) indicates the per­:aap of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all the definitions in the characteristics or conditions of tonure alt&OI)'. Par example. geMral characteristics represented 1% of all the definitions of tonure and 19% of tbe definitions n the ~ristit:s of torture category

Costa Rica reads torture is "extortion to the human being to obtain information." Table 8.9 PfOVides additional examples of responses refer­ring to methods of torture.

Wilbin methods of torture, the subcategory of hurrilagllranning accounted for 16% of the Latin

American definitions of torture and 36% of the methods responses; these definitions mentioned that tortlR was harmful but without any physical or psychological details. An example of such a response was from a 23-year-old Argentinean man who wrote, ''to cause suffering on another

124

Taba.8.8 Definitions of torture: judgments

Example of respon~_ _ _ Coding category

~j~~~ts '!_o~t_judgments

Sometimes ncces.'IIJ)'

Country Age ~nder

Intolerant/condemning ju~gments

u~~ssary Unlawful/unjust Immoral. lnhumane/crueU abusive/vile Sadistic/sick

. -Violation of human rights

0(0)

<1 (l)

<1 (1)

7 (22)

l (4)

3 (9)

17 (52)

2 (S)

2 (7)

Brazil -Peru

Puerto Rico

Argentina Brazil Colombia

Brazil

Colombia

19 Male -

21 Male

40 Female

23 Female 26 Male 40 Female

····- ·-· ·---40 Female

- . ·- -----78 Female

Valid method of coercion ~mething inhuman. but iidiiies n~~sary

Ignorance

·- -Unnecessary acto~ ~ol~~ Unjust way of getting someddDa .Maltreatment - - - --

- -· Having pleasure in nnotber'a suffering Dlsre~t ofhum;andlrd: of human rights

Note: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage ftgme h the percentage of definitioll!l coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of torture. 'l1lt second percentage (in parentheses) indicates the percenfDIIC of definitions coded into the subcategory out of aD die definitions in the judgTMillS of torture category. for example: unlawful represented 3% of aJl the definitions of IXIIbe and 9% of the definitions in the judgments of torture category

Table 8.9 Definitions of torture: method and outcome ---- -Example of respo~

Coding category % Country AJe Gender Quote Focus on method General method 3 (6) Argentina 22 Male Actions they exercise agairlll

a person to obtain !~~-'!.,.. Hurtmglbarming 6 (36) Costa Rica 22 Female Pain Physical harm s (33) Peru 20 Female Hitting someone Psychological/mentaU II (2S) Peru 2S Female Actions that humiliate Md Clllllt abstract harm harm to a penon Focus on outcome General outcome I (29 Argent'na 21 Female Abuse, dama$e! ~UliC -Physi~ outcome 1 (63) Peru 20 Male Death Psychological/men taU <1 (8) Nicaragua 43 Female Injuries, consequences of abstract outcome anything that buns people

Note: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage figure i the percentage of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of tortme. 1bt second percentage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of aD lbt definitions in the method or outcome of torture categories, respectively. For example, physical harm representccl15~ of all the definitions of torture and 33% of the definitions in the methods of torture category

person." In addition, 15% of the definitions of torture were coded as physical 11U!thods. which mclude concrete physical measures used in tor­ture. For example. a 38-year-old Nicaraguan woman noted, torture is "to hit, harm without

measure." The code of psychological rnet/II14J was given to II% of responses. An example given by a 24-year-old Costa Rican womaa was "a way to manipulate and hurt someone." '~beSt three subcategories (general methods, phystcal

(violence

~~~

IDS and !act

e.,.m.t·· ~

c - -a of

p:ft&lnis XIIU8. Tbt :of aU die =nted 1.51Ji

8 l.llln American Oefi itions ------- 25

f11111.10 Detiniuon.' of torture: percentage' of responses an coding categories by demographic group~ and chi­

~ value!~

~ DeJDOgraphic groups• r R~lative military No re lative nulitary --- . tn=t inf~lJOn 10 5 4.36"

Military No military

~~ 11 4 3.76" ·-.

~~~ 39 21 5.50"

~al~ 36 15 8.98' --~

Male Female

H\UtiDI method 18 25 452" - -Argentina Brazil Colombia Co!.taRica Nicaragua Peru Puerto Rico

-In~- 10 25 7 6 7 9 7 29.77-

-Cnacl/iDhUJDllle 16 16 35 21 32 25 18 16.99""

-Pb~di;:,d- 22 18 22 32 33 16 18 20.30"" ------·p~O.OS; ""pSO.Ol; """pSO.OOl; '0.05l<p<0.10 '1be IIUIDbers in these columns are the percent of the group that gave responses falling into each of the ~pecified ......

mllhods. and ~ntal ~thods) add up to a total of 421' of responses coded for methods of torture.

Quldtd·ve Analysis of Definitions ofT_..re Under tbe constructive intent subcategory, some respoases defined torture as an attempt to extract information from indiv ·duals or coerce their com­pliance. Slightly over 8% (n=65) of the total sample gave responses falling into this subcate­gory. However, as can be seen in Table 8.1 0. there was a marginally sigmficant difference related to haviq a family member in military service, with tboae baving a family member in the military beifts more likely to give responses in this subcategory than those who did not.

Responses in the intolerance towan:ls torture category clearly show disapproval of the use of tortan. About 10% (n=80) of the total sample showed disapproval; cha-square analyses revealed significant oountry differences (see Table 8.10), with Brazilians making the highest proportion of responses in this category and Costa Ricans the lowest. Chi-square analyses also revealed sipificant national differences in the use of defudticms indicating that torture is cruel, inhu­ntQM, 8lld abusive (given by almost 24% of the

sample), with Colombians giving the highest proportion of those responses and Brazilians the lowest. No other significant group differences were found for either type of response.

Table 8.10 also shows the findings from chi­square analyses of responses in the geMral meth­ods category. which applied to only 4% (n=31) of the definitions of torture. The only significant difference as based on military service, with par­ticipants who had served in the military being more likely to give responses in this subcategory than those who did not. In regard to responses coded for hurting, harming, or causing pain (without identification of specific methods), which were provided by 22% (n=173) of the total sample, there wete significant country dif­ferences (with Puerto Ricans making the highest proportion of such responses and Nicaragua the fewest) as well as significant gender differences (with more women giving more of these exam­ples than men).

Slightly under 22% (n= 168) of the total sam­ple specified physical processes or methods of torture in their definitions. 'l'bere were significant country differences, with Nicaragua having the highest frequency and Peru the lowest. There were no sisnificant sender differences, but

126 E. DeSouza eta'

Table L 1 1 Definitions of terrorism: valence

Example of response

Coding category % Country Age Gender Negative regarding terrorism 31 Brazil 23 Female Absurd ond ineffic1ent way of IIOhiD:

a problem Ne~~ ~g~ng ~fro!is!ll 63 Colombi; 20 Male -·UtiJization ~ ~~ obbun --;De;. An effort to unders~ terrorism 6 Costa Rica 31 Female The only solution that ~y ~o~ Positive regarding terrorism_ o __ B~~ 24 Male Reaction to oppres_si_on ___ _

Note: The number displayed indicates the percentage of responses in each valence subcategory in relation to toa11111111. ber of responses. For example, 63% of all definitions of terrorism responses described terrorism with a neutral valeDQ:

respondents who had served in the military gave more of these examples than those who did not (see Table 8.10).

The following subcategory describes the psy­chological processes or methods of torture, including the threat of physical pain. Slightly under 16% (n= 121) of the total sample cited this subcategory. There were no significant country or gender differences, but there was a significant difference for having served in the military (see Table 8.1 0). Those who served in the military were more likely to endorse this subcategory than those who did not.

What Is Terrorism?

Four major thematic categories emerged from the definitions of terrorism. They are ( 1) causes ofl motivations for terrorism, (2) terrorism as a pro­cess, (3) outcomes of terrorism, and ( 4) judgment concerning terrorism.

Qualitative Analysis of Terrorism: Valence Within the Latin American sample, 63% gave neutral definitions that appeared detached, expressing neither a positive or negative attitude toward terrorism. For example, the definition, "group that looks to defend their ideas through violence," given by a 19-year-old Peruvian woman, has a neutral connotation. On the other hand, a negative definition was given by 31% of participants. An example includes one from a 22-year-old woman from Nicaragua who wrote,

"Group of people who commit repugnant let.

against people or nations." A select percent1ge

(6%) made an effort to understand terrorism, aDd 0% of participants from Latin America expresaed a positive regard for terrorism. Additional eu»­ples of valence responses are in Table 8.11.

Qualitative Analysis of Terrorism: Twenty-four percent of definitions of terrorism referred to causes/motivations behind terrorism. The most frequent types of causes/motivation example were those describing ideological moti· vation (28% of causes and 7% of all definidolls of terrorism) and a political agenda (26'1 of causes and 6% of all definitions of terrorism). For example, a 22-year-old Brazilian woman explained the ideological motivation in that ter· rorism is constituted by "violent acts that support a point of view.'' A 20-year-old Nicaraguan man described the political motivations behind teii'DI'·

ism by defining it as an "attempt to damage tilt government by harming its people." Table 8.12 provides additional sample responses of definitions of terrorism describing causes.

Just as in definitions of torture, phy6ica method was one of the most common codes, used for 23% of the definitions of terrorism respollltS (82% of defirutions of terrorism met/UJdJ responses). The use of physical method refciB to

specific concrete physical techniques used to

obtain an outcome. For example, a 25-year-o!d woman from Columbia defined terrorism as 1

way .. to spread terror through violent aetl·" Process/methods responses accounted for 28CJ&of

Souza etll.

r ofsolvta,

in an cud · found

I IDfaiiiJIID.. raJ vaJeace

IUlllt 8Cfll

:rcentaae rism.8Dd Xprcued

al cxam-11 .

........ erroriam ftOriam. Jtivalion ~moti­fiaiticma '26'1, of am). For WOID8D

that fer­

support ran IDID

Stmor­lllptbe tic 8.12 leS of

r/ryrii:GJ :~~,used

lpOII8e8

l6lhtxb :fen to IBedto IIBI'-Oid D818

8CIB." 28,.of

Ladn American Definitions 127

T & 12 Definition~ of terrorism· '-au.'iC/mouvation

Example of respon..e

c % Country Age Gender Quote

GeDISII~vation 4 (17) Brazil 36 Male Violent acts in the name of a cau.o;e

•~-~vation 7 (28) Puerto Rico 30 Female Defend 1deal~ in a dangerous way

PoliliCII qenda 6(26) Nicaragua 38 Female Conspire against the sovereignty of a country

~~ 1 (5) Br87il 21 Female Criminal act that tries to hurt a foreign country

_.---r--

~~u~s 3 (13) Puerto RICO 25 Male Expression of fear. ignorance

·eP,!!! en~~nmental conditions 1 (5) Brazil 24 Male Reaction to oppression

lll~~-- - - 1 (4) Peru 19 Female Lack of methods to transmit an idea .

No~on 1(2) Puerto Rico 32 Male Cause fear and damage without a _j_ust cause

Nor.: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage figure is !be pcn:emage of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of tenonsm. The

pon:entage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all the •fiDidona in the cause/motivation of terrorism category. For example, international represented 1% of all the definitions

of t:emJ1ism and 5% of the definitions in the cause/motivation of terrorism category

Brazil 21 . yaicll process Puerto Rico so

Quote -Radical movement Bloody inva.'lion from one country to another

3 (10) Male Argentina 24 Exercise their strength by instilling fear

Cicoe:nJ outcomes

y~s Mearal outcomes Disnlpdoa of peace and stability

I (4)

10 (42)

9 (37)

4 (IS)

Colombia 27

Brazil 22

Colombia Puerto Rico 49

Female Female

. It causes pain to other people Destruction

Male Acnon that cau.<~es terror

Female Threaten the security of another nation

Disrupliao of economt,_ 1 (2) Argentina 33 Male Differences in capitalism

Nou: 1Wo figures are presented in the percent column for deflnitJons in each subcategory. The first percentage figure la the penleDia&e of definitions coded into the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of terrorism. Tbe

patentage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of an the defillitloos in the p~ss/metbod or outcomes of terrorism category. For example, mental process represented 3% of n1l the dofbdtions of terrorism and 10% of the definitions in the proceulmetlwd of terrorism category

defiDilioua of tem>rism responses. Table 8.13 provides examples of additional responses coded for procuslmethods in definitions of terrorism.

Tweaty-five percent of definitions of terrorism r~ focused on various types of outcomes (see Table 8.13). The focus is on what the actions of tenorism. produce, rather than the processes themselves. The most commonly cited type of

outcome in definitions of terrorism was plrysiaJI outcomes (42% of outco~MS and 10% of all definitions of terrorism). For instance, a ~year­old Brazilian womnn describes terrorism as "group action against a group or government" with the outcotM being "tbat [terrorism] causes the loss of lives." Nine percent of definitions of terrorism responses contained some sort of

28 E. OeSouq et ll.

T•b!e 8.14 Definitions of terrorism: judgments. real-life reference

ExaJ!lPie of re~nse Coding category % Country __ A~ Gender Quote

Ge~j~clgmen~ I (3) Brazil 23 Female Mbadaswar - --- - -Mo~~~~~ 7 (3S) CoSiaRica 39 Male Barbaric humans

·-- - - -· Total violation of human ri&bll Immoral acts 8 (37) Colombia SI Female

Moral motivation 2 (12) Col>taRica S8 Male Ex~.b~i~ ;~~ -- - -· ~~ ~ rel_at!_v~ I (4) Costa Rica 26 Male ~_?n wbo did it an~~-Leg~ j~dglncnts 0

- -Die~ acts 2 (8) Puerto Rico 19 Male Violate the law - -·-Legal motivation 0 Real-life reference Puerto RICO 32 Male Osama bin Laden, Iraq

Note: Two figures are presented in the percent column for definitions in each subcategory. The first percentage 681ft is the percentage of definitions coded mto the specified subcategory out of the total number of definitions of terrorism. 'l1le second percentage (in parentheses) indicates the percentage of definitions coded into the subcategory out of all d/1: definitions in the judgments and real-life reference of terrorism category. For example. legal judgmerw tJ/ acu of llll'lr· ism represented 2% of all the definitions of terrorism and 8% of the definitions in the judgments of tcrrori!IID categl:'ly

emotional outcome, which refers to emotions. fear, or anxiety. A 20-year-old woman from Peru simply wrote, ''horror," describing a feeling that results from terrorism.

As with definitions of war and torture, definitions of terrorism responses that indicated a judgment were coded under a major category of judgment. In definitions of terrorism, judgments were then fmther differentiated between moral judgments and legal judgments. Seven percent of Latin American participants expressed moral judgment. a code that includes general assess­ments of the terrorists or terrorism, w1thout men­tioning ideology. For example, the moralj11dgment code was given to the response .. barbaric humans," written by a 39-year-old man from Costa Rica. Other responses mentioned immoral acts (31% of judgments and 8% of all definitions of terrorism) involved in terrorism or the motivation behind it ( 12% of judgments and 2% of all definitions of terrorism). Legal judgments were also divided between illegal acts (8% of judgments and 2% of all definitions of terrorism) and motivation; how­ever, no responses in this sample provided legal judgments regarding the motivation behind terror­ism. The distinction between a moral judgment and a legal judgment is illu..,trated by the response of a 45-year-old Brazilian woman: She defined

terrorism as an act against moral standards, "u cowardly act," and an act against the law, "illepl." Refer to Table 8.14 for additional examplea of responses making judgments.

Quantitative Analysis of Terrorism About 6% (n=40) of the total Latin .Amt:rican sample gave definitions falling into the geMrcl causes category. Chi-square analyses revealed that respondents who did not have a family mem­ber serve in the military were more likely to give responses in this category than those who did (see Table 8.1 5). Definitions of terrorism, Jike definitions of war, rarely focused on the causa of tecrorism; participants with a family member ill the military were significantly more likely to men­tion causes of terrorism than their counte:rparU.

The most common response for methotb of terrorism was physical actions, which includl' comparisons of terrorism to warfare or tortUI't· About one-third (n = 224) of the total sample pvl responses in the physical processlmethotb sub­category of process/methods. Frequency of pbys­ical methods responses differed significantly by country, with Argentina using the category 1111'1

and Peru least. An emphasis on the physical was also found in the approximately 1 5% (n =tOO) of the total sample who provided definitions ctJ/1Itl

e L

L_ agefi,..; naism. The atohD IDoftemlr. lc:a!Diary

' American e puro/ !Welled

lilymmn­ly 1D give odid(aee BID, like ctiiiHIOf

ember in ymmen­lllpBrtl. rtluNls of includfxl r tmture lp)epve

-~ ofpbys-:antlyby My most licalwas ~:~I()()) of 118 coded

~American Definitions 129

T &15 Definitions of tetrorism: percentages of re~ponses m coding categones by demographic group~ and

.• 1111

..,. values

c~~ Demographic groups• .i" Relative military

~vation _4 ___ _

- -sic:d outcomes

Male

10

Argentina

46

Brazil 35

No relative military

8

Female

17

Colombia Costa Rica

38 43 Nicaragua

41

Peru

23 Puerto Rico

30

4.00'

S.Sl "

22.29" y!il:ll~SS

'p$0.05: •p~O.Ol IJbe 1111J11ben in these columns are the percent of the group that gave responses falling into each of the Rpecified

c tepdel

into the physical outcome subcategory of out­comu. Significantly more women than men identified terrorism with its physical outcomes

(see Table 8.15). Owrall, participants focused the physical and

emotioDal outcomes of terrorism. Women were especially sensitive to the physical destruction caused by terrorism, partially supporting our first hypolbesis. This finding is keeping with the study of DeSouza et al. (20 11 ). Interestingly, there were not gender differences concerning emotional

u~.

The focus on the most visible aspects of ter­rorism sugests a disregard to the more complex negadve outcomes of terrorism. such as the breakdown of nonviolent ways to deal with social ~..h.ange and grievances. We argue that many Latin American governments neglect the motives of people's dissatisfaction, which may add fuel to

terrorist groups' ideology. Both sides are unable to find peaceful, workable solutions that benefit people at large. According to Beasley-Murray t al. (2009), neoliberalism policies in Latin

Amaica have not worked well for most people, wbo 1ft typical y poor. That is. market-driven leaders have emphasized technocratic formulas ramer dum engage in a democratic debate with

who want to change the ways in which weahb is distributed in Latin America in order to lessen misery and poverty. It appears that most l..adD American governments have not had the in~ of the people in mind but rather have dis­guised-their neoliberal policies that seem to have benefitted just the elite (Goldstein et al. 2007),

therefore giving a rationale for violent groups to

emerge to combat such inequalities.

Conclusions

This study revealed definitions of war, torture, and terrorism in our Latin American sample that parallel official definitions (e.g., US govern­ment); that is, they were brief and did not include much contextual information. The media cover­ing war, terrorism, and state violence may help educate lay people to understand the complexity and nuances of the causes, processes. and conse­quences of such violence, as violence begets vio­lence, and begin the process of dialogue and positive social change in order to avoid those "sitting on the fence" from becoming radicalized. The media can also help by clarifying the blur­ring of morality, law, and language, as there are no easy moral answers to ethical dilemmas sur­rounding the impulses toward war and violence. including the use of torture to obtain information that may save lives, as officials sometimes need to dirty their hands for the greater good (Smith and Roberts 2008).

Although we found some significant country differences, there was not a pattern to these dif­ferences. In addition. there were few significant gender differences, or differences related to hav­ing any family member serve in the military, sug­gesting, overall, similar definitions across these variables. The only noticeable trend concerned the methods/techniques used in torture, suggesting

130

that those who have served in the military learned about such methods/techniques there or became more aware of them than those who did not. Future research should investigate the curriculum that is currently being used in military schools and police academies in Latin America. This is particularly important given the growing prolif­eration of small arms trade in Latin American countries, which is closely related to drug- and gang-related violence.

According to Stohl and Tuttle (2008), gun violence is the number one threat to public safety in Latin America and the Caribbean, killing about 90,000 people yearly. Thus, Latin American residents may feel unsafe and fearful, leading them to tolerate human rights violations on the part of the police in order to feel a sense of security (Goldstein et al. 2007). This may be a reflection of our humanity, as most people are more interested in maintaining security than freedom. Therefore. future research should investigate how fear of crime and tolerance of police aggression restrict, rather than expand. individual rights.

Although the twenty-first century has eco­nomically (e.g., the 2004 ratification of a free trade agreement between the USA and Central American countries, including the Dominican Republic) and politically (e.g., transition to democracy in the 1980s and 1990s) begun well for Latin America. recent history has shown too

frequently there has been just rhetoric concerning human rights in Latin America (Campbell 1998). For democracy to truly take hold there, protecting human rights, including cultural, ethnic, and gen­der rights. is one required element for countries, groups, and individuals to coexist peacefully (Diamond 1996).

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