Human Eco logy, Vol. 27, No. 1, 1999

Creating Grasslands: Social Institutions andEnvironmental Change in Mkambati A rea,

South A frica

Thembela Kepe 1 and Ian Scoones2

Through a case study of the grasslan d system of the Mkambati area in theEastern Cape, South Africa, the paper explores the interaction of socialinstitutions and ecological processes in the creation of a diverse grasslan denvironment. A number of different transitions between grasslan d states areexam ined in detail, high ligh ting a range of social and institutional factorsin¯ uencing grasslan d change. The spatial patterning of different grasslan dtypes and the frequency of transitions between them are shown to be depen-dent on the institutional relationships between different social acto rs. Under-standing such complex and multifaceted processes of environmental changerequires analytical tools which combine social and ecological perspectives;anextended form of qualitative ` state-transition’ ’ modeling, which incorporatesinstitutional dimensions, is therefore explored.

KEY WOR DS: grasslands; state and transition mode ls; environmental change; social institu-tions; South Africa.

INTRODUCTION

The grasslands of the coastal areas of the Mkambati area in the Eastern

Cape Province of South Africa are an important economic resource .

Through providing grazing for live stock, thatch grass for building, and a

1Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, School of Gove rnment, University of the Weste rnCape, Private Bag 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa.

2Environment Group, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brigh-ton BN1 9RE, United Kingdom.

29

0300-7839/99/0300 ± 0029$16.00/0 Ó 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation

30 Kepe and Scoones

varie ty of colle cted products, including important medicinal plants, they

are central to rural people ’ s live lihoods (Kepe, 1997) . In addition, the

grasslands are the site of important biodive rse areas, with high conservation

value (Tinley, 1978) . Furthe r, the Wild Coast of the Eastern Cape is an

increasingly important tourist area, with the coastal grasslands of the Mkam-

bati nature reserve providing for a varie ty of introduced game (Col-

linson, 1981) .

But the coastal grasslands are not uniform: they are characte rized by

both spatial and temporal variability. Different grassland ``states’ ’ can be

identi® ed, each with different characte ristic species composition and use

value s. In order to gain the full bene ® ts from the grasslands, diffe rent social

actors Ð local graze rs, grass collectors, hunte rs, or conservation of® cials Ð

try to manipulate the grassland to achieve a complex of vegetation ` states’ ’

which suit the ir own aims. Understanding how such transitions occur, and

the ecological and institutional dynamics involve d, is crucial for manage -

ment intervention.

In the past, grassland manage ment has been based on a set of assump-

tions which large ly ignore these complex sets of potential states and transi-

tions. Instead, a rathe r linear view of grassland change dominated thinking.

This view derived from the classical successional view of vegetation change

(Clements, 1916) , whereby vegetation in any particular area progressive ly

transformed toward a ® xed climax point, unle ss retained in a subclimax state

by such factors as grazing or burning. Until recently, this view dominated

grassland science in South Africa as elsewhere (cf., Phillips, 1934) . However,

the recognition that grasslands are dynamic, and transitions between states

are not uniline ar but may result in multiple traje ctorie s dependent on the

combination of events occurring, has increasingly come to in¯ uence studies

of grazing systems (cf. Westoby et al., 1989; Mentis et al., 1989; Dankwerts

et al., 1993; Behnke et al., 1993; Milton and Hoffman, 1994) . The conse -

quence has been the replacement of simplistic linear successional concepts

with more complex ``state and transition’ ’ mode ls which describe the range

of possible states and the transitions between them.

However, to date , such mode ls have tended to be exclusive ly biophysi-

cal in orientation, whereby transitions between diffe rent grassland states

are described simply by ecological processes, without acknowledgment of

the socioe conomic and institutional elements unde rlying any such process

in the managed grazing systems of the world. Through a case study of the

grassland system of the Mkambati area in the Eastern Cape of South Africa,

this pape r aims to explore the inte raction of social institutions and ecological

processes in the transformation of a grassland environme nt through human

action, using a qualitative state and transition mode ling approach which

incorporate s socioe conomic and institutional factors.

Creating Grassland s 31

BA CKGROUND TO THE CA SE STUDY

The case study area is situated on the eastern coast of South Africa

(Fig. 1), in Lusikisiki district of the former Transke i, now part of the Eastern

Cape Province . The focus of this study was the Mkambati area, which

include s the Mkambati Nature Reserve , an area of state farm land belonging

to the former Transke i Agricultural Corporation (TRACOR), and a series

of surrounding village s (name ly, Ngwenyeni, Ndengane , and Baleni) . The

area is inhabite d by Xhosa-speaking people (Amapondo) , who gain the ir

live lihoods through a mixture of arable and livestock farming, the colle ction

of a range of natural resource s, and off-farm sources, including remittances

and pensions (Kepe, 1997) . Live stock include cattle , goats, sheep, and

equine s. These are grazed on mixture of communal pastures which are

inte rspersed among arable areas and settlements.

The area is dominate d by poor soils of sandstone origin, with patches

of rich clay soils of dwyka origin as one moves furthe r from the coast

(Feely, 1987) . The area receive s on average 1164 mm (S.E . 38 mm) of

rainfall (1925 to 1996, Mkambati hospital) , with a rainfall peak in the

Fig. 1. Location of the study area.

32 Kepe and Scoones

summer, although with substantial winte r rainfall due to the effects of sea

fog and mist. The area is large ly grassland, with limited tree patche s found

along gorge s or ravine s or along the dune systems by the coast. Some

commentators regard these grasslands to be secondary, with the forest

patches be ing relics of a former extensive forest (Acocks, 1953; Tainton,

1981; White , 1983) . However, such a view has been dispute d by extensive

archaeological information (Feely, 1987; McKenzie , 1984; Elle ry and Men-

tis, 1992) , showing that the coastal grasslands have been in existence for

several thousand years.

According to standard grassland classi® cations, the area is mapped as

Coastal Forest and Thornve ld (Acocks, 1988) ,3 on the assumption that,

given the correct conditions, the area would assume a uniform vegetation

type . However, since such classi® cations assume conventional uniline ar

succession, they fail to recognize the highly varie gated nature of the grass-

land states actually found, and the range of transitions which give rise to

such varie ty.

Some research has inve stigated the transition between high quality

Themeda triandra grasslands and poor quality grazing dominate d by

Aristida junciformis (e .g., Venter, 1968) . This research has most notably

demonstrated the in¯ uence of grazing (Tainton, 1972; Van den Berg et al.,

1975; Vorster and Herbst, 1976; Dankwerts, 1989) , ® re (Trollope , 1978,

1989; Tainton and Mentis, 1984) , and resting (Tainton and Dankwerts,

1989) in transforming the grassland states. But this research has large ly

focused on transitions unde r conditions of commercial ranching, where

lower stocking rates suited to beef production, single species systems, and

standardize d management conditions, including fenced paddocks, usually

apply (see O’Connor, 1985 for a review). A limited amount of ecological

research has been carried out in the former homeland areas (e.g., McKenzie,

1982, 1987) . For example , in the Mkambati area, a detailed study of the

grassland ecology was carried out in the nature reserve. But this research

has large ly ignore d the socioeconomic in¯ uences on grassland change .4

Extension advice and broade r gove rnment policie s relating to grassland

manage ment are affected by a research base which is dominate d by technical

studie s in commercial ranching settings.

This pape r therefore aims to complement such earlie r large ly technical,

ecological studie s by adding the socioeconomic dimensions to unde rstand-

ing the dynamics of grassland change . Such factors are critical if the grass-

lands, particularly in settings not manage d as commercial ranche s, are to

3Shackle ton et al. (1991) , however, have argue d that the area is more closely allied to PondolandCoastal Plateau Sourve ld.

4The only exception is some work on the use of thatch grass within the rese rve (Shack-leton, 1990) .

Creating Grassland s 33

be unde rstood. Following an introduction to the research methodologie s

used, the pape r proceeds to discuss the history of grassland use in the area,

drawing on a varie ty of archival and oral historical source s. Given this

historical perspective, we then propose a simple state and transition mode l,

based on detailed examination of particular sites through both direct obse r-

vation and detailed site historie s from local informants. Each of the key

transitions obse rved are then discussed in relation to the social and institu-

tional context. The paper then moves on to re¯ ect on how environmental

change s in the grasslands of Mkambati are shaped by human actions. Fi-

nally, some of the implications of the ® ndings for development policy and

planning in such grassland areas are discussed.

METHODS

In order to gain insights into the complex inte raction of biophysical

and social processes in grassland change over time, a range of methods

were employe d during a period of 9 month’ s village -based ® e ld research.5

A type of ` hybrid research’ ’ (cf. Batterbury et al., 1997) emerged which

combined disciplinary traditions and methodological approache s in se-

quences of diffe rent methods.

Following the deve lopment of a historical pro® le of the area through

a combination of secondary data, archival research, and the construction

of time-lines from oral historie s of a varie ty of long-te rm residents of the

area, the research focused on the identi® cation of the full range of grassland

states in the area. This was carried out through a combination of air photo

analysis, village resource mapping, and transect walks. Next, a series of

detailed site historie s were compile d through inte rviewing key informants

at a range of sites representing example s of each of the key grassland states

identi® ed. These site historie s formed the basis of analysing particular

transitions between states. Using cards to represent grassland states, infor-

mants were asked to describe (hypothe tical and real) transitions between

all possible states, indicating the key ecological processes involve d and

social institutions mediating such changes. The list of formal and informal

institutions 6 which emerged was furthe r inve stigated through constructing

pro® le s of each. In addition, the complex inte raction of institutions mediat-

ing each grassland transition was inve stigated through venn or network

5The ® e ld research was carried out under the auspice s of the IDS Environmental Entitlements

project (see Leach et al., 1997 for further details). In South Africa, this was through acollaborative arrangeme nt with the Unive rsity of the Western Cape.

6By ``institution,’ ’ we mean the range of formal and informal regularized patters of behaviorwhich persist in socie ty and which are supported by acce pted rules, norms, and conventions.

34 Kepe and Scoones

diagrams, leading to the deve lopment of an institutional matrix, highlighting

key inte ractions at different scale leve ls.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF LA ND USE A ND

ENVIRONMENTA L CHA NGE

Archaeological evidence shows that the area has been dominated by

grasslands for at least the last 2000 years (Feely, 1987) . The area was

probably inhabite d by mobile hunting and gathering populations, who made

use of the marine resource s along the coast and the inland grasslands for

hunting. The earlie st description of the area is derived from the account

of a shipwre ck survivor who trekked across the area in 1554. He noted

the promine nce of grassland vegetation and how it was used by the local

inhabitants for building and food (Perestre llo, 1554) .7 Later, a varie ty of

other travellers passing nearby commented on the grasslands and the ir

potential. For example , Sampson in 1882 commented on what he saw in

the vicinity:

Before us, and as far as the eye could see, lay a vast panorama of undulating

grassland, delicate ly wreathed with low lying mist and dotted irregularly with darkpatches of forest. It was a fair scene, and made me dream of the day when it will

be enhanced by the presence of many white farmers, and many waving corn-® elds. . . . (Sampson, 1882, p. 105)

By the nine teenth century, the area was be ing used extensive ly for

transhumant cattle grazing (Beinart, 1982) . Large herds of cattle , many

associate d with the paramount chie f, then resident some 20 km inland at

Quakeni, were herded to the coastal grasslands in the winte r months when

the upland grazing was limited. Archival sources sugge st that the nearby

Lambasi plain was of particular importance . Reports indicate d that the

area was ``swarming with cattle ’ ’ (Beinart, 1982, p. 26) . Herding outposts

(amathanga) were establishe d, but most settlement at this time was tempo-

rary. It was only later, following annexation of Pondoland in 1894 and the

subsequent large scale immigration into the area, that settlements became

more permanent and inhabitants began to keep their animals in the area

year round (Beinart, 1982) . Settlements and associate d arable plots were

found along the gorges which dissect the grassland areas. These were areas

where soils were of reasonable quality and water was plentiful.

This pattern of settlement and farming persisted into the middle of

this century, until a combination of population pressure , declining soil

7By the mid-sixteenth century agropastoralists had been in the area for at least 700 years,

while hunter gathering populations have inhabited southern Africa for at least 300,000 years.Landscapes of this area have therefore been in¯ uenced by human use for a ve ry long period.

Creating Grassland s 35

fertility and the building of new roads encouraged people to move out of

the gorge s onto the grasslands. Today, settlement is scattered across the

grassland landscape , with arable ® elds and eucalyptus or wattle patches

nearby the homesteads. Since the turn of the century, cattle populations

in the area have increased signi® cantly. Data on cattle populations for

Lusikisiki district between 1904 and 1995 (Fig. 2) show a rapid population

increase during the 1920s to a peak in the thirties, when cattle populations

were recovering from the devastating impacts of live stock diseases since

the rinderpest pandemic of 1897.8

Following annexation of Eastern Pondoland in 1894 by the Cape Colo-

nial government, an increasing range of gove rnment inte rventions affected

human and livestock populations alike . This continued over the following

decades, when the area was administe red by the British colonial authoritie s

(1894 ± 1910) , the Union of South Africa (1910 ± 1963) , the Republic of South

Africa (1963 ± 1976) , and the gove rnment of the ` independent’ ’ home land

of Transke i (1976 ± 1994) (Southall, 1982) . For example , regular movement

restrictions were imposed on cattle in the early part of this century in order

to prevent the spread of contagious live stock diseases to other parts of the

country (Beinart, 1982) . Later, attempts were made to reorganize land

use and settlement unde r the ` betterment planning’ ’ regime of the 1950s.

Resistance to such impositions , however, was especially fe lt in the study

area (Mbeki, 1964; Cope lyn, 1974) , and no such planning took place .

Shifts in broade r political context have , in turn, in¯ uenced the nature

of local institutional con® gurations, and the nature of power, authority,

and control. During the ` home land’ ’ era, so-calle d traditional authoritie s Ð

chiefs and headmen Ð were given a certain degree of control over the

manage ment of village affairs. However, many were seen as ille gitimate

and simply the pawns of the homeland state . During the more recent period,

leading up and subsequent to the elections of 1994, alte rnative leadership

structure s have emerged linked to the African National Congre ss through

the rural forums and civic associations and, since November 1995, the

Transitional Rural Councils. The result has been an increase in local ten-

sions over who is in control. These conte sts over legitimacy and authority

have major impacts on resource manage ment as will be explore d below.

The nature of rural live lihoods have change d signi® cantly over the last

century within the study area. While spells of migrant labor were common

among men from before the turn of the century (Beinart, 1982) , it was only

by the 1930s and 1940s that remittance s, along with pensions, became the

major source of income (Hunter, 1979) . Today, this remains the case across

8Recovery from the rinderpest outbreak was curtailed by the impact of East Coast Fever in 1912and as well as major droughts in 1877, 1894 ± 1895, 1903± 1904, and 1911± 1912 (Beinart, 1982) .

Fig

.2.

Catt

lep

op

ula

tio

ns

inL

usi

kis

ki

Dis

tric

t,1904

±1995

(So

urc

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Mil

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pela

,1987;

Vete

rin

ary

Dep

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t,U

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taan

dL

usi

kis

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.

Creating Grassland s 37

most of the former Transke i area (May, 1987; Sharp and Spiege l, 1990;

Heron, 1991) . However, despite the importance of links with the formal

labor economy, rural production was still important in people ’ s live lihoods,

particularly for those who remained in the home area. Live stock, in particu-

lar, has remained an important form of investment. Since the 1930s the

cattle population has remained above 80,000 within Lusikisiki district as a

whole (Fig. 2), with decline s resulting from drought impacts (as in the

mid-1980s and early 1990s) or imposed through government destocking

regulations (as in the 1960s) . Data for othe r othe r livestock are less com-

ple te, but a broadly similar patte rn of increase and decline over time is

shown. The grasslands of the area are also important for local live lihoods

in other ways, through the provision of thatch grass and, particularly in

recent years, the supply of medicinal plants for sale .9 Live lihood pro® les,

however, are not uniform, and diffe rences by wealth group, age, and gender

are appare nt (Kepe, 1997) . For example , cattle ownership is highly skewed,

with only around a third of households owning cattle ; by contrast small

stock and equine ownership is more evenly spread, although herd and ¯ ock

sizes differ wide ly. Thus, the importance of the grassland resource for

different people varie s, making a socially differentiated perspective on

ecological and institutional dynamics essential.

Land use in the Mkambati study area has changed over the past 100

years, resulting in signi® cant effects on the grasslands. Following negotia-

tions between the Cape Colonial gove rnment and the paramount chie fs of

eastern Pondoland, more than 17,000 ha of coastal land was identi® ed for

a leper reserve between the Mtentu and Msikaba rivers. This removed

important grazing from nearby village s and resulted in the forced removal

of a number of settlements in 1920. Soon after, the area was fenced off

and given the name of Mkambati Leper Reserve, where hundre ds of live-

stock were kept for supplying the hospital with meat. After the Transke i

gained ` independence’ ’ in 1976, the leprosy hospital closed and was re-

placed by Mkambati Nature Reserve (6000 ha) and the Transke i Agricul-

tural Corporation (TRACOR) state farm (11,000 ha). Ever since this time,

con¯ icts over resource access between the nature reserve and state farm

authoritie s, on the one hand, and local communitie s on the other have

been common. As more and more people settled in the village areas around

the reserve and state farm area, a greater distinction in land use and manage -

ment between the areas was evident, with intensive use of land for grazing

and arable production in the village s and relative ly low intensity use for

9There is a large market for medicinal products derived from the coastal grasslands in Durban,

with the Mkambati area being a prime source. Local collection and marke ting is organize dmostly by women (see Kepe, 1997) .

38 Kepe and Scoones

live stock grazing or wildlife and tourist use in the state farm and reserve.

These diffe rences have been reinforced by a varie ty of institutional factors,

including contrasts in tenure regime and the associate d rule s and regulations

gove rning resource use .

Thus over time, a number of factors have in¯ uenced the nature of

grasslands. For example , live stock populations have been cut back by

drought or disease events during some periods, while live stock population

growth has been fuelled by the increase in migrant labor and remittance s

during others. Similarly, land use policie s have affected the spatial impact

of live stock and human populations on the grassland resource by restricting

live stock movement, in¯ uencing settlement patterns and demarcating state

land with restricted access. Thus, within the village areas, the use of the

grasslands has become both more intensive and more spatially focused,

while in the reserve and state farm land a very diffe rent pattern of use has

been evident over time, with some periods of intensive use due to heavy

stocking of wildlife or live stock and some periods of very limited use.

Although available data sugge st that the peak of cattle population numbers

for the district was in the early 1930s (Fig. 2), this population has undoubt-

edly become more concentrated, as grazing areas were expropriate d for

state use and more settlement and arable areas were created in the

village s.

The grasslands in the diffe rent parts of the study area have therefore

been in¯ uenced by a varie ty of factors, mediated by a range of formal and

informal social institutions operating both at the local leve l and more

broadly. How social institutions inte ract with ecological processes will be

explored in the next section with a more detailed examination of how

particular grassland types have been created.

STA TES A ND TRA NSITIONS

This history of land use, settlement, state inte rvention, and live stock

and wildlife manage ment has resulted in a highly dive rse grassland resource .

This is a far cry from the standard grassland type identi® ed on most maps of

the area. The full range of grassland ``states’ ’ identi® ed by local informants is

shown in Table I, together with identifying characte ristics.

The relative prevalence of these diffe rent grassland states has changed

over time, especially in the village areas due to a combination of factors.

A qualitative assessment of the relative area of each grassland type in the

village area was derived from a series of simple historical matrix scoring

exercises (Fig. 3) . By the 1990s, informants estimated that around 45% of

the grassland area was made up of Aristida junciformis, while only 5% was

Creating Grassland s 39

Fig. 3. Historical matrix scoring of relative area of different grassland types in the village areaduring three periods (ca. 1920s, 1960s, and 1990s) , with scores out of a total of 20.

Themeda triandra (Fig. 3). Transitions between diffe rent grassland states

were explored through the use of a simple pairwise card exercise , where

grassland states were identi® ed on cards and all possible combinations

discussed, exploring whether and how state 3 could be transform to state

y. A simple matrix (Fig. 4) records the results.

Emerging from such discussions of grassland change , a simple state -

transition mode l was deve loped (Fig. 5), which depicted the range of states

found and the key transitions mentione d by informants during the discus-

sions of particular site historie s. Six key transitions were identi® ed from

this analysis (Fig. 5), focusing on the transitions away from the dominant

Aristida junciformis state . The ® rst (T1) relate s to the transition from a

mixed Themeda triandra grassland to the now dominant Aristida junciformis

state due to regular burning and heavy grazing; the second and third are

response s to the resultant prevalence of low quality grazing land, involving

(T2) manage d transition to more productive Aristida grazing with regular

burning and (T3) protection of certain soil enriched patche s from ® re and

grazing through regulating herding and early burning around patche s to

encourage the growth of thatch grass, Cymbopogon validus. Next (T4),

soil enrichment around settlement sites, combine d with heavy grazing can

ensure the creation of a productive C. dactylon sward, which is particularly

valued by equine grazers. Soil disturbance and subsequent regular grazing

40 Kepe and Scoones

Fig. 4. Grassland transition matrix showing all possible transitions between grassland types(compiled from a series of pair-wise card comparison exercise s), identifying key processes,including rest (R), ® re protection (FP) seasonal burn (SB), regular burn (RB), light grazing

(LG), heavy grazing (HG), soil enrichment (SE), soil disturbance (SD), seeding (S), unknowntransition (-).

(T5) may result in Sporobu lus africanus patche s. Finally (T6), longe r term

rest and regulated burning can result in the return of a mixed Themeda

triandra grassland.

Clearly, the dominant transition over the last 60 years (Fig. 4) has

been the creation of an extensive , poor quality Aristida grassland. Along

with grassland scientists, farmers in the area recognize that this transition

is unde sirable . However, following the standard recommendation of light

grazing and seasonal burning to retain a more palatable mixed Themeda

grassland is simply not feasible unde r the current conditions of intensive

land pressure and high stocking rates. Alternative coping strategies are

highlighte d by the state and transition analysis, which illustrate s how the

manage ment, or inde ed creation, of a dive rsity of patches of diffe rent

grassland allows both a wide range of grass types and products and a

grassland which has sustaine d a high live stock population over the last

several decades (Fig. 2).

Creating Grassland s 41

Fig

.5.S

tate

-an

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ran

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on

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gra

mfo

rM

kam

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are

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42 Kepe and Scoones

ECOLOGICA L PROCESSES A ND INSTITUTIONA L DYNA MICS

Each of these grassland transitions is mediated by social institutions

at the local leve l. Understanding the interaction of such socioe conomic

factors with ecological processes over time is therefore key to understanding

grassland change . In the following sections, the institutions mediating the

six major transitions identi® ed by local land users during explorations of

ecological site historie s will be explore d in turn.

Transitio n 1: Creating Aristida junciformis Grassland Through Heavy

Grazing and Uncontrolled Burning

Perhaps the most dominant transition which has occurred within living

memory is the transition to Aristida junciformis grassland, precipitate d by

a combination of heavy grazing and regular, uncontrolle d burning. While

most people agree that Aristida has long been the major grassland type as

a result of the area’ s regular and intensive use by live stock, at least from

the 1930s (Fig. 2), many recall that 30 years ago, Aristida was not so

extensive (Fig. 3). Local people comment that this expansion of Aristida

area has been the result the breakdown of mechanisms which, in the past,

controlle d grazing and burning and so prevented permanent transitions to

the Aristida grassland state. One olde r man commented:

The use of ® re in the grazing land is not new at all. We burnt too in the olden

days, but there was unity among the people, and great respect for things that gaveus life . . . . These days, as a result of poverty, a lot of bad behavior has causedproblems. Sel ® shness cause s people to burn anywhere these days, even if they know

that they have to use your cattle to plow.10

In the past, grazing and burning used to be controlle d within the

village area by collective management at the neighborhood (isithebe) level,

coordinate d by the local headman and a council of respected elders. Neigh-

borhood groupings were under the authority of the chie f, who establishe d

a series of rule s and sanctions which allowe d for the successful regulation

of ® re and grazing in the village . At that time, respect for chiefs and

headmen was widespread, people recall, and there were high leve ls of trust

among village members. Of course the remembered past may not have

been so perfect in reality, but it appears that the key elements for successful

colle ctive action were in place (cf. Ostrom, 1990) . However, in discussing

such change s over the past 30 years or so, local informants point to a

10Comment made by Mathamane during a livestock keepers’ focus group discussion, August15, 1996, Ngwenye ni village .

Creating Grassland s 43

number of factors which have acted toge ther to change the local institutional

matrix.

First, resource pressure has increased, with more people , more settle -

ments, more arable lands and, for a period during the 1980s, the highe st

cattle populations in the district since the 1940s (Fig. 2). Scarcity of grazing

resource s has meant that live stock owners have begun to pursue more

individualistic strategie s, ensuring that the ir animals get the best grazing

® rst. This may mean earlie r burning or recurrent grazing on particularly

favore d areas with no opportunity for recovery. The change d herding labor

situation has compounde d this, as herds and ¯ ocks must now rely on inter-

mittent herding inputs, often from women, who have many other tasks at

the home or in the ® e lds, or from very young childre n, who are encourage d

not to stray far from the homestead. Older childre n are now increasingly

at school for much of the year, and men are often away at work.11 A third

set of factors often noted in discussion is the lack of trust which now exists

among people . Informants point to the change d population composition

of the village areas, with the arrival of returned migrants, often younge r

men who have lost the ir jobs in the mines. In many people ’ s minds the ir

arrival has led to increased violence , often associated with alcohol abuse .

Such a lack of trust among neighbors is added to by the crisis of authority

at a local leve l, with so-calle d traditional leaders (chie fs and headmen, for

instance ) having been often discredited due to the ir association with the

former aparthe id regime. One local commentator noted:

If the chiefs can not maintain law and order as they were meant to, they might aswell stop functioning, because the rich people who graze livestock where we agre ed

to rest are killing all of us.12

While new, civic organization leaders have , to some extent, captured

the political space , there remains a vacuum of authority at the local leve l

(Maloka, 1996) , with the consequence that the legitimacy of diffe rent rules

and regulations can always be dispute d, conte sted, and evaded, opening

easy opportunitie s for those who wish to contrave ne previously accepted

rule s. As the above quote sugge sts, these are often wealthie r community

members with large r herds and ¯ ocks in need of grazing.

The increase of Aristida grassland within the Mkambati Nature Re-

serve area can also be attribute d to a lack of institutional authority. The

reserve management, at the ir own admission, has increasingly been unable

to keep local hunte rs out of the reserve. The lack of effective and legitimate

11Recently, returned male migrants have added to the local labor force, sometimes as hiredherders, but very often such individuals are not engage d in the livestock economy.

12Comment made by Pentela during a male focus group discussion, Novembe r 12, 1996,Baleni village .

44 Kepe and Scoones

local authority structure s within the village s has also prevented any success-

ful negotiation with local hunte rs by the reserve management (Kepe, 1997) .

Hunte rs attract game by burning an area of grassland close to the fence

line . The reserve management respond by setting ® res in the center of the

reserve and, thus, a ` tug-of-war with ® re ’ ’ as one reserve of® cial put it,

ensues. The result has been the collapse of the rotational burning scheme

designed for the reserve, and an increasing frequency of ® res across the

reserve grasslands. Combine d with the relative ly high numbers of grazers

(particularly ble sbok and wildebeest), much former Themeda grassland has

given way to Aristida in some areas, although not to the extent seen in the

village lands.

Transition 2: Creating More Productive and Palatab le Aristida Grazing

with Regular Burning

Local herders are well aware that the only strategy available to them

is to ensure that Aristida swards are kept short and in the growing phase

by regular grazing and burning. As one sheep owner put it: ` If we don’ t

burn nkonkoni (Aristida) to keep it young, what will our sheep graze ? ’ ’ 13

Formal agricultural extension recommendations sugge st rotational grazing

and seasonal burning of such grassland in order to sustain its productivity ,

but for the reasons discussed above , such a formal system is currently

unworkable . Instead, increasingly individual herders (or very small group-

ings of two or three homesteads) manage their own grazing patch with

regular burning throughout the year to increase the palatability of Aristida

grassland in the immediate vicinity of the homestead. This cuts herding

labor costs and is compatible with the manage ment of small stock, especially

sheep. This transition is therefore particularly important for the increasing

numbers of poore r live stock owners who are particularly reliant on small

stock. Changing live stock ownership patterns, combined with the apparent

impossibility of colle ctive manage ment at a wider level (see above ), has

resulted in a different type of spatial manage ment of grassland; and with

this a diffe rent type of patterning of grass species composition in the

wider landscape .

Transition 3: Protection of Patches from Fire and Grazing to Encourage

Thatch Grass Growth

Grasslands are not only used for grazing. Thatch grass, in particular,

is anothe r important grassland product in both the village and reserve areas

13A smallstock reare r in a group discussion, Baleni village, Novembe r 12, 1996.

Creating Grassland s 45

in Mkambati. The favore d grass for thatching is Cymbopogon validus (see

Table I). This grows particularly on heavie r soil type s and unde r conditions

where grazing is light and burning limited. Within the nature reserve area

there remain many large patche s of C. validus, but the grass is increasingly

scarce in the village s. In order to avoid the costs of collecting grass from the

reserves, many individuals and small ne ighborhood groups protect certain

patches with the right soil qualitie s from excessive ® re and grazing impact.

Grass colle cted from the reserve costs 10 rand (approximate ly $2 U.S.) per

bundle and must be transporte d at least 5 km to the nearest village . The

Tab le I. Locally Identi® ed Grassland ``States’ ’ in Mkambati Area

Local name Scienti® c equivalent Characte ristics

Inkonkon i Aristida junciformis Very prevalent, especially in village areas,(Ngongoni bristle but also increasingly in nature rese rvegrass) and farm areas; prefers poor soils, areas

of heavy and regular burning and grazing;poor quality grazing for all stock, but pal-atable at young stage s. Very dif® cult to

eliminate from the grazing area (Taintonet al., 1976) .

Umsuka Sporob ulus africanu s Common in disturbed sites (Van Oudts-(Ratstail dropseed) hoorn, 1992) such as homestead areas.

Very low leaf production. Poor grazing

for cattle ; adequate for small stock, espe-cially sheep, which can continuouslygraze and maintain quality. Utilization pe-

riod is long as it can maintain palatabilitythroughout winter (Tainton et al., 1976) .

Ungwengw e Cynodon dactylo n Grows on sites enriched by household(Couch grass) waste and excreta around settlements.

A lso common in garde ns and unculti-

vated lands. Maintained as low sward byintensive grazing by horses, mules anddonkeys.

Umqungu Cymbopogon validus Found in patches, usually associated with(Giant turpentine heavie r soils; disturbed sites (Shackletongrass) and Shacke lton, 1994) and areas pro-

tected from burning and heavy grazing.Poor grazing value except when very

young. Most important as a thatch grassdue to its smooth ® nish (Johnson, 1982)and robust stem.

Iqunde Mixed Them eda Currently very rare , especially in villagetriandra grassland areas; only found in protected patches.(Rooigras) Other grasses associated with this type

are found, however, including Dactylonaegyp tium, Digitaria spp., Eragrostis spp.,

etc. Generally offers good grazingthroughout the year (Tainton et al., 1976;Van Oudtshoorn, 1992) .

46 Kepe and Scoones

increasing commercialization of the thatch grass trade in the area provide s

an additional incentive to protect and manage this valuable resource for

both home use and, sometimes, for sale .

Such patche s may exist on old settlement or garde n sites where soil

is less sandy than the surrounding areas or in areas of naturally occurring

clays or alluviums. These thatch grass patche s must often be created out

of previously pure Aristida areas, requiring the careful manage ment of the

transition between states through resting, ® re protection, and sometimes

reseeding (Fig. 5) . Norman Phiwayo comments:

If you leave nkonkoni (Aristida) without burning or grazing it for a long time, you

will soon see other grasses starting to appear. Stronger ones such as um qun gu(Cymbopogon ) usually come up ® rst, but only on a very small scale . All you needis patience , as this won’t happen over just one year. But it is dif® cult to think of

resting whole sections of a common area when there are disruptive people around.You can only try doing this on a small scale around your home.14

As indicate d, these areas are almost always close to people ’ s home-

steads, so that stray animals can be ejected or wild ® res quickly extinguishe d.

Early burning around the patch is often practiced in order to create a

® rebreak which resists late r, more damaging ® res. Usually such a patch is

manage d and used by a small group of homes, often bound toge ther by

strong kinship or friendship ties. These manage ment systems are supporte d

by wider authoritie s Ð including inte restingly both ``traditional’ ’ authoritie s

and civic organisation leaders Ð who have been known to impose ® nes or

other sanctions on those who consistently le t the ir live stock stray onto

someone ’s thatch grass patch.

Thus, at a very small ne ighborhood scale , for the manage ment of

particular patche s rathe r than the wider grassland resource as a whole , an

effective form of colle ctive action for grassland manage ment is still evident.

Successful institutional arrangements have all the right ingredients: the

membership is well de ® ned, procedure s for exclusion are evident and

straightforward, resource boundarie s are clear, the system is uphe ld by

wider authority and sanction, strong social networks and trusting relation-

ships unde rpin the arrangement, and regulation and monitoring entails few

transactions costs.

As the local value of the thatch grass resource and the costs of its

colle ction from the Mkambati reserve increases, there appear to be increas-

ing incentives for comple tely individual management and effective priva-

tization. In the last 2 years, a number of farmers have started to plant

Cymbopogon in the ir arable ® e lds, creating grassland patche s of a hundred

or so square meters as part of the ir agricultural enterprise . In these situa-

14Interview with Norman Phiwayo, August 13, 1996.

Creating Grassland s 47

tions, the grass is exclusive ly manage d and used by a single household.

Thus, as the local value of the resource change s, new institutional forms

for the management of grassland states and transitions emerge . It is impor-

tant to realize , therefore, that the picture presented in Fig. 5 must be seen

in dynamic terms, with new states precipitate d by new transitions emerging

depending on local institutional conditions.

Transition 4: Soil Enrichment A round Settlement Sites

Managing the transition to couch grass (Cynodon dactylon) is an impor-

tant element of local grassland manage ment practice . As one live stock

owner comments:

Ungw engw e (Cynodon dactylon ), the grass that grows around the homestead andin the gardens, is the best grass to protect as all animals graze it at all stages.15

In a sea of poor quality Aristida, Cynodon is a vital complement to

the die t of all livestock, particularly equines who can always graze it, despite

its low lying habit. Horses, donkeys, and mules are often tethered close to

the homestead as they are rare ly herded with other live stock, and Cynodon

patches around homes, water points, and kraals are vital to their nutrition.

But, as any equine owner will recount, such patche s must be both created

and subsequently carefully manage d. A Cynodon dactylon patch, they ar-

gue , is created, in the ® rst instance , through a long process of soil enrich-

ment. Settlement sites, of course , are areas of high concentrations of nutri-

ents, from urine , feces, and other household waste from people and live stock

alike . A similar process occurs around water points frequented by live stock,

and in gardens where manure application, hoe cultivation, ridging and

mounding, and incorporation of residues from madumbe (Coleus esculen-

tus) acts to enrich the garde n soil. Such intensive nutrient deposition and

incorporation gradually changes poore r sandy soils to richer soils, high in

organic matter. These soils allow for the establishme nt of Cynodon dactylon,

which is then maintaine d by grazing, and a reasonable protection from

regular ® re due to the proximity to homes or garde ns.

The distribution of Cynodon dactylon within the grassland landscape ,

therefore , is dependent on a varie ty of factors, including settlement histor-

ies, kraaling practice s, the use of pit latrine s, the style of gardening practice ,

and so on. The presence or absence of Cynodon is therefore as much

to do with the institutional arrange ments in¯ uencing such factors as the

underlying ecology.

15Interview with Pesa, Decembe r 18, 1996.

48 Kepe and Scoones

Transition 5: So il D isturbance and Regular Grazing

In some areas a history of soil disturbance , combined with subsequent

heavy grazing and regular burning, has resulted in the creation of Sporobu-

lus africanus patche s. Such patches are not particularly welcome, although

sheep herders regard them as preferable to mature Aristida areas, as long

as the grass is kept young and relative ly palatable .

Unlike grassland patche s dominated by Cymbopogon or Cynodon

(above ), Sporobulus patche s are not active ly encourage d; they are more

like ly to be the incidental consequence of othe r factors such as temporary

arable cultivation, brick making or other practice s which disturb the soil

surface and remove the dominant Aristida grass. However, once created,

they may be sustained with attempts to avoid reversion to Aristida grassland.

This involve s some attempts at protection from very regular burning and

heavy grazing. Since the bene ® ts of maintaining Sporobulus patche s are

not spectacular, no great effort is inve sted in such protection; however, if

a patch is close to anothe r area where burning and grazing regulation is

being practiced (for instance a thatch grass patch) , then Sporobulus patch

protection may ride on the back of such arrangements.

Transition 6: Longer Term Rest and Regulated Burning

The transition back to a Themeda triandra dominate d grassland is, of

course , the one that most extension recommendations are built around.

People know it is possible as there are areas inside the steeper gorge s or

in place s separated from the other grassland areas by natural barrie rs of

rocks or indigenous forest where Themeda patche s are evident. As one

live stock keeper noted:

We notice that in areas that have not been burnt over a long period, different grasse scome up. For instance , even where there was nkonkoni (Aristida junciformis), we

see uMthala (Miscanthu s capen sis), followed by iqunde (Them eda triandra).16

But a combination of low grazing intensity and very low frequency

seasonal burning is not really a feasible option in the village areas where

live stock must ® nd feed throughout the area from relative ly limited source s.

Given the institutional setting already discussed, such a transition to the

desired Themeda state is most unlike ly on a wide scale .

16Comment made by Mathamane during a livestock keepers’ focus group discussion, August15, 1996, Ngwenye ni.

Creating Grassland s 49

CONCLUSIONS: SHA PING THE GRA SSLA ND LA NDSCA PE

The contemporary grassland landscape in the Mkambati area has there-

fore been shaped by a range of social institutions and associate d actors.

The relative prevalence of diffe rent grassland states at any point in time

(see Fig. 5), or the frequency of transitions between states, is a consequence

of the complex inte raction of social and ecological factors described above .

Within the broad constraints set by geology and climate , these grasslands,

in large part, are a product of human choice and action. Understanding

terms such as range land ``degradation’ ’ or ` improve ment’ ’ must therefore

be seen in relation to these social, institutional and economic contexts (cf.

Behnke and Scoone s, 1993) . It is no coincidence therefore that a heavily

burned Aristida grassland state is kept alongside a series of anthropoge ni-

cally created grassland patche s in other states; for this probably the only

combination which would sustain an intensive village grazing system.

Institutional arrange ments are not static, and the way grassland land-

scapes are created is in¯ uenced by change s in social relations and institu-

tions. For example , contests over authority at the local level due to political

upheaval in recent times, have made it increasingly dif® cult to sustain

neighborhood forms of grazing and burning control. This resulted initially

in a decline in Cymbopogon validus patche s, although in recent years other

more individualize d forms of protection or even planting, have emerged

to allow local production of thatch grass. A dynamic view of how institu-

tional forms inte rlock and transform is therefore required if grassland state-

transition dynamics are to be fully unde rstood.

Through the example of the Mkambati coastal grasslands of the East-

ern Cape, South Africa, a complex story of grassland change and transfor-

mation has been unrave led using a dynamic state -transition model frame-

work. Similarly complex storie s of inte racting ecological and socioeconomic

processes could, no doubt, be told for othe r grasslands, and other vegetation

types. What is important to realize is that a simple ecological analysis is

insuf® cient to explain change in manage d environme nts. A description of

states, and subsequent proclamations that ``sound ecological management’ ’

must be applie d will rarely succeed in improving matters.

As illustrated for the case of mixed Themeda grasslands in Mkambati,

there may be very good socio-e conomic reasons why the ` ecological man-

agement ideal’ ’ of a mixed Themeda triandra grassland is not easily attain-

able , and, instead, alte rnative manage ment strategie s must be employe d

to sustain live stock and ultimate ly live lihoods. Because grassland science

textbooks and extension manuals have commercial ranch production obje c-

tives in mind, they rare ly tell us how to make a poor Aristida grassland

more productive and palatable , nor how to create patches of diffe rent

50 Kepe and Scoones

grassland types. Instead, we have to look to local manage ment practices

and understandings of ecological dynamics to gain such insights, exploring

the range of local practice s and associate d institutional arrange ments that

allow certain states to be sustaine d or certain transitions to be effected.

It is clear from the above analysis that diffe rent social actors aim for

different combinations of grassland types, and manage grasslands with

different transition processes in mind. For example, because of the diffe rent

feeding preferences of large and small stock, cattle owners may be happy

with a young Aristida grassland, while sheep owners aim to create Sporobo-

lus or Cynodon patches close to homesteads. Not everyone is concerned

with live stock grazing and some may see thatch grass as the primary grass-

land resource . The protection of thatch grass patche s may in turn con¯ ict

with the obje ctives of those hunte rs who want a regular burn to create a

low, green grass sward to attract game. Thus perspectives on what is a

desirable grassland landscape depends who you are, with a range of dimen-

sions of social difference Ð gender, wealth, age and so on Ð in¯ uencing this.

Grassland landscape s are thus created through social processes. The

® nal outcome Ð the spatial patte rning of diffe rent grass species associations

or ` states’ ’ and the frequency and importance of diffe rent transitions be-

tween them Ð therefore depends on the relations of power between diffe r-

ent social actors, and the institutional relationships that unde rpin these.

For example , the declining enforcement power of conservation of® cials has

resulted in hunte rs gaining an upper hand in the nature reserve , resulting

in an increasingly regular burning regime , with consequences for the avail-

ability of thatch grass, as well as wider plant biodive rsity. Similarly, in

the village area, richer cattle owners are increasingly ignoring previously

accepted rule s and norms and burning and grazing common grasslands

independently. What type of grassland landscape emerges, therefore, is a

result of negotiations between social actors mediated by relations of power.

Creating grasslands thus combines both ecological and social processes.

Understanding such processes therefore require s a set of analytical tools

which combine s these perspectives in the examination of environmental

change . Combining such information on ecological processes with an unde r-

standing of the institutional factors which mediate key transitions in a

dynamic state -and-transit ion mode l framework potentially provide s a useful

tool for natural resource managers in South Africa and beyond. The ap-

proach to state-and-transit ion analysis reviewed here means going beyond

technical analysis of range land issues, rooted in commercial ranch-base d

manage ment, to an incorporation of a wider socioeconomic perspective .

This will require a broad, inte rdisciplinary training among professionals

working on issues of resource manage ment.

In any particular setting, the state -and-transition approach enable s

Creating Grassland s 51

analysts to identify the range of existing and possible vegetation states,

examine the transitions between them and the social and institutional fac-

tors in¯ uencing them, and, ® nally, through an analysis of diffe rent social

actors’ views on diffe rent outcomes, convene a process of negotiation about

what might be a socially acceptable form of grassland landscape . Insights

into the connections between ecological and social dynamics of grassland

change thus he lp in the identi® cation of prioritie s for institutional develop-

ment (such as in the areas of tenure reform, local authority capacity building,

etc.) which will allow for the conditions which increase the frequency of

successful and sustaine d transitions to desired grassland states.

A CKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper is based on research carried out as part of the Environmental

Entitlements research programme, coordinate d by the Environme nt Group

of the Institute of Deve lopment Studie s, Unive rsity of Sussex and ® nanced

by the Global Environme ntal Change Programme of the U.K. Economic

and Social Research Council. The ® e ldwork was supported by the Pro-

gramme for Land and Agrarian Studie s at the Unive rsity of the Western

Cape . We would like to thank the many people of the Mkambati area who

offered the ir time and insights during the ® eld inve stigations. In addition,

we would like to thank three anonymous reviewers, as well as Ben Cousins,

Timm Hoffman, Bruce McKenzie , and Stephen Turner for comments on

an earlier draft.

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