CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS TO THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE STUDY...

i

UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG UNIVERSITE DE DSCHANG

FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES

FACULTE D’AGRONOMIE ET DES SCIENCES AGRICOLES ..............................

POST GRADUATE SCHOOL

ECOLE DOCTORALE …………………

Thesis Presented for the Award of a Master of Science (M.Sc.) in

Environmental Management

Presented By: BILLA SAMUEL FRU

Matricule: CM04-11ASA0618

Option: Natural Resource Management

Supervisor: Pr. Tsi Evaristus Angwafo

(Associate Professor) Department of Forestry, University of Dschang

JANUARY 2014

CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE

SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE

STUDY OF MANKON SACRED FORESTS NORTHWEST

REGION, CAMEROON

ii

UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG UNIVERSITE DE DSCHANG

FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES

FACULTE D’AGRONOMIE ET DES SCIENCES AGRICOLES ..............................

POST GRADUATE SCHOOL

ECOLE DOCTORALE …………………

Thesis Presented for the Award of a Master of Science (M.Sc.) in

Environmental Management

Presented By: BILLA SAMUEL FRU

Matricule: CM04-11ASA0618

Option: Natural Resource Management

Supervisor: Pr. Tsi Evaristus Angwafo

(Associate Professor) Department of Forestry, University of Dschang

JANUARY 2014

CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE

SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE

STUDY OF MANKON SACRED FORESTS NORTHWEST

REGION, CAMEROON

iii

CERTIFICATION

iv

CERTIFICATION OF CORRECTION AFTER DEFENCE

vi

DEDICATION

To my beloved parents BILLA Joseph CHI and CHI Grace MANKAH for their love, care

and support all through my years in school.

vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to the Almighty God for his assistance and guidance over me throughout

my university studies.

A memorable place is given to my very able supervisor, Pr. Evaristus T. ANGWAFO

for his advice, encouragement, constructive criticisms, suggestions and unfailing interest in

this work. He showed me the path always full of love and light.

I am particularly indebted to all my lecturers of the University of Dschang including

Prof TCHAMBA Martin (Head of Department of Forestry), Dr AVANA Marie-Luis, Dr

AJONINA Gordon, and Dr MANU Ibrahim whose inspirations, suggestions and words of

encouragement inspired me to carry out this study successfully to the end.

I wish to pay immense gratitude to the FO (king) of Mankon fondom His Royal

Majesty ANGWAFO III, for his leadership and encouragement which has led to the success

of this work; I benefited support from the Fons secretary Mr. NDENGE Sylvester,

NTUMNIFOR Richard of (OCOTONAP) and Peter TSE ANGWAFO who inspired the

location of informants; Mr CHIFONTAH Pius in framing and shaping the scope of this study;

Mr Simon ANGWAFO and Pa LALE NTSEH Simon for assisting me as a guide in the data

collection exercise.

My special thanks to, Rev NDANG Mamfred, AKENJI Ester and the Christians of

Presbyterian Church Ntingkag for their guidance and support in the preparation of this work;

I also wish to acknowledge with thanks to, NDANGA Jonathan, Eveline NDANGA, TSE

Nelson, Awasum MATSAM, Achiri ANGWAFO, Cecilia ANGWAFO and to all the Mankon

people who have contributed in one way or the other and for their hospitality.

My sincere thanks equally goes to all the members of the Billa’s family; my

grandparents Mamma Monica AWA and Paulina NGUM for their immense love and care my;

brothers BILLA Charles, BILLA Ronald for their constant prayers and support; My special

appreciation equally goes to my uncles BILLA Lucas, FRU Henry and Aunty Judith LUM, of

(WACameroon) for their financial and moral assistance in carrying this research work; Dr

AWASUM Charles, Pride NGWE and NDE Louis for their encouragement.

I remain grateful to my friends and classmates; FOTANG Chefor, KENFACK Lily,

NKEMTAJI Franklin, Mvo Denis, ANONCHO Valentine, Mabel FAMBE, EBUNE Rita,

SIMO Max, BATE ASHU, NGIMA Vitalis and LUM Seraphine of the Universities of

Dschang for they were an invaluable source of encouragement.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages CERTIFICATION ...................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

DEDICATION ...........................................................................................................................vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................................................................................... vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................ viii

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... xii

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................ xiii

LIST OF ANNEXES................................................................................................................ xiv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.................................................................................................... xv

ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ xvi

RESUME ...............................................................................................................................xvii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... 1

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................... 1

1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT .................................................................................................... 3

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION ..................................................................................................... 7

1.4 HYPOTHESIS ...................................................................................................................... 7

1.5 OBJECTIVE ......................................................................................................................... 8

1.6 RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY ........................................................................................... 8

1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ......................................................................................... 9

CHAPTER TWO: DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS AND LITERATURE REVIEW .................. 10

2.1. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS .......................................................................................... 10

2.2. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................... 17

2.3. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................................................ 20

CHAPTER THREE: MATERIALS AND METHODS .............................................................. 22

3.1. DESCRIPTION OF STUDY SITE ..................................................................................... 22

3.1.1. Location .......................................................................................................................... 22

3.1.2. Climate ............................................................................................................................ 23

3.1.3. Relief and Hydrology ...................................................................................................... 24

3.1.4. Soils ................................................................................................................................ 24

ix

3.1.5. Vegetation and Flora ....................................................................................................... 25

3.1.6. Fauna .............................................................................................................................. 27

3.1.7. Socio-Economic Activities .............................................................................................. 28

3.1.7.1 History of the Mankon People ....................................................................................... 28

3.1.7.2. Demography, language and Religion ............................................................................ 31

3.1.7.3. Trade ............................................................................................................................ 32

3.1.7.4 Farming ......................................................................................................................... 32

3.1.7.5 Livestock Rearing .......................................................................................................... 33

3.1.7.6. Handicraft Production ................................................................................................... 33

3.1.7.7 Fishing .......................................................................................................................... 33

3.1.7.8 Hunting ......................................................................................................................... 33

3.1.8 Other activities ................................................................................................................. 34

3.1.9 Traditional Governance .................................................................................................... 34

3.1.9.1. The administrative institutions ...................................................................................... 35

3.1.9.2. Magico- religious institutions ....................................................................................... 35

3.1.9.3. Common Initiative Groups............................................................................................ 35

3.1.9.4. Governmental and Non-Governmental Organisations ................................................... 36

3.2. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................. 36

3.2.1. DATA COLLECTION .................................................................................................... 36

3.2.1.1. Secondary data ............................................................................................................. 37

3.2.1.2. Primary data ................................................................................................................. 37

3.2. DATA ANALYSES ........................................................................................................... 38

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ............................................................... 39

4.1 THE ROLES OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE SUSTAINABLE

MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS IN MANKON FONDOM .............................. 39

4.1.1.2. FORMAL INSTITUTIONS AND SACRED FOREST MANAGEMENT .................... 43

4.1.2. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................... 46

4.1.3. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ....................................................................... 47

4.1.3.1. Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people........................................................ 48

4.1.3.2. Customary rules and regulations ................................................................................... 50

4.1.3.3. Cultivation Habits and Harvesting methods .................................................................. 50

x

4.1.3.4. Traditional Protected Areas .......................................................................................... 51

4.1.3.5. Traditional Festivals and Rituals ................................................................................... 51

4.1.3.6. Myths ........................................................................................................................... 54

4.1.4. Explaining the traditional practices in Mankon using scientific views .............................. 55

4.2 PERCEPTIONS OF THE LOCAL PEOPLE ON SACRED FOREST ................................. 56

4.2.1. Awareness, Ownership and Control of the Mankon Sacred Forest ................................... 56

4.2.2. Perceptions on the Spiritual and Cultural Potentials ......................................................... 58

4.2.3. Perceptions on the Ecological Potentials .......................................................................... 59

4.2.4. Perception on Touristic Potentials .................................................................................... 61

4.2.5. Perceptions on the Environment .................................................................................... 63

4.2.6. Attitudes and Willingness to Participate in Sacred Forest Conservation ........................... 65

4.3 FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS,

KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE ..................................................................................... 67

4.3.1. Disrespect for Traditional Institutions and Sacred Forests ................................................ 67

4.3.2. Modern Religion and Westernisation ............................................................................... 67

4.3.3. Poor institutional capacity ............................................................................................... 68

4.3.4. Demographic Factors ....................................................................................................... 69

4.3.4.1 Age................................................................................................................................ 69

4.3.4.2. Gender relations in sacred forest conservation .............................................................. 70

4.3.4.3. Level of Education ....................................................................................................... 71

4.3.4.4. Occupation of Respondents .......................................................................................... 72

4.3.5. Poverty, Alcoholism and Land Selling Attitudes .............................................................. 73

Realisation of the Impacts of Biodiversity Loss ......................................................................... 73

4.3.5.2. Adaptation strategies against the loss of biodiversity .................................................... 74

4.4. PROPOSED STRATEGIES FOR THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF THE

MANKON SACRED FOREST .......................................................................................... 76

xi

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................... 87

5.1. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................. 87

5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................................... 88

5.2.1. Local Communities ......................................................................................................... 88

5.2.2. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) ....................................................................... 89

5.2.3. The Church ...................................................................................................................... 89

5.2.4. The Government .............................................................................................................. 89

REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................... 91

ANNEX .................................................................................................................................. 100

xii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: List of plants observed in Mankon sacred forests ........................................................ 25

Table 2: List of animals observed in Mankon sacred forests...................................................... 27

Table 3: The roles of traditional institutions in the sustainable management of the Mankon

sacred forests ............................................................................................................... 39

Table 4 : The roles of formal institutions on the sustainable management of sacred forests ....... 43

Table 5: Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people ...................................................... 48

Table 6 : Explaining the traditional conservation practices in Mankon using scientific views. ... 55

Table 7: Ecological services perceived by respondents ............................................................. 60

Table 8: The views traditional institutions concerning the environment in Mankon fondom ...... 63

Table 9: Age, gender, and educational level of respondents ...................................................... 69

Table 10 : Species extinct from the MSF .................................................................................. 74

Table 11: Proposed action plan for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest ... 81

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 : A hypothetical diagram showing the potentials of sacred forests ............................... 12

Figure 2 : Analytical framework showing traditional management of sacred forests for

biodiversity conservation in the Mankon fondom......................................................... 21

Figure 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest

region of Cameroon ..................................................................................................... 23

Figure 4 : Routes of migration of the Mankon people ............................................................... 30

Figure 5 : Traditional governance structure in Mankon fondom ................................................ 34

Figure 6: Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions in SFM in the Mankon

fondom ........................................................................................................................ 45

Figure 7: Traditional practices for SF management in Mankon fondom .................................... 47

Figure 8: Roles of festivals and rituals in sacred forest management in Mankon fondom .......... 53

Figure 9: Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF in Mankon fondom .......................... 57

Figure 10: Spiritual relevance of the MSF in Mankon fondom .................................................. 58

Figure 11: Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree species for Ecotourism ......................... 62

Figure 12: Attitudes and willingness to participate in the conservation of the MSF in Mankon

fondom ................................................................................................................... 65

Figure 13: Occupation of Respondents in Mankon fondom....................................................... 72

Figure 14: Hypothetical diagram showing problem tree analysis ............................................ 100

xiv

LIST OF ANNEXES

Annex 1: Problem Tree Analyses ............................................................................................ 100

Annex 2 : Questionnaires ........................................................................................................ 101

Annex 3: Semi-structured Interviews....................................................................................... 106

Annex 4 : Topic Guides For Focus Group Discussions ............................................................ 107

Annex 5 : List of National Legal Instruments Relevant For Forest Conservation and

Management in Cameroon....................................................................................... 108

Annex 6 : List of Multilateral Forest and Environmental Agreements Ratified by Cameroon .. 109

Annex 7 : Field Pictures .......................................................................................................... 110

xv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BD : Biological Diversity

CBD : Convention on Biological Diversity

CITES : International Convention on Trade in Endangered Species of Flora and

Fauna

ES : Ecosystem Services

EX : Extinct

ILO : International Labor Organization

IUCN : International Union for the Conservation of Nature

KNP : Korup National Park

MINEPDED : Ministry of Environment, Nature Protection and Sustainable Development

MINFOF : Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife

MSF : Mankon Sacred Forests

MTC : Mankon Traditional Council

MU : Memorandum of Understanding

NBSAP : National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan

NBSAP : National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan

NGO : Non Governmental Organisation

NRM : Natural Resource Management

NTFPs : Non Timber Forest Products

OCOTONAP : Organisation for Community Tourism and Nature Protection

PRA : Participatory Rural Appraisal

SF : Sacred forest

SFM : Sacred Forest Management

SNV : Netherlands Development Organization

SPSS : Statistical Package for Social Sciences

TFP : Timber Forest Products

WHC : World Heritage Convention

WHS : World Heritage Site

WWF : World Wide Fund for Nature

xvi

ABSTRACT

This study was carried out during the period of July to December 2013, with the aim of

determining the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices on the sustainable

management of sacred forests. Questionnaires, semi structured interviews, PRA (Participatory

Rural Appraisal) approach, focus group discussions and consultation of existing documents

were conducted to128 inhabitants in seven quarters in the Mankon fondom. The results

showed that the FO' (king of Mankon), kwifo (sacred society) and the Mankon Traditional

Council were the major actors protecting the potentials of the Mankon sacred forest. Statutory

law recognizes only the FO' and has been reduced as a mere auxiliary of the government,

thereby weakening traditional institutions that ought to contribute in protecting the sacred

forests. Forty eight percent (48%) of the respondents perceived that the Mankon sacred

forests were the properties of the FO' and kwifo as they did not have access and control over

the sacred forest because of cultural beliefs and taboos, customary and local bylaws and

myths. However, majority of the respondents (95%) that perceived to promote the culture of

Mankon as well as the conservation of the sacred forests, it will be necessary to protect the

touristic, cultural, spiritual and ecological potentials of the Mankon sacred forest. The main

motivation was the belief that the destruction of the sacred forest will result to cultural

ethnocide. The factors found to affect the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and

practice were age, gender, education and disrespect for traditional management systems. The

study concludes that a management strategy that links the conservation of culture and nature

is more effective in conserving forests than a strategy that ignores traditional institutions,

knowledge and practices which also contribute in enhancing Cameroon’s compliance with

biodiversity-related international environmental agreements. It recommends that the

government should incorporate sacred forests into the protected area system of Cameroon.

Key words: Potentials, Sacred Forest, Traditional Institutions, Biodiversity Conservation

xvii

RESUME

Cette étude a été réalisée au cours de la période allant de Juliet à Décembre 2013, dans le but

de détermine les rôles des institutions traditionnelles, les savoir locaux et pratiques en matière

de conservation des forêts sacrées de Mankon. Les outils tels que, les questionnaires, des

entretiens semi structurés, MARP (Méthodes Accélérées de Recherche Participative), des

discussions de groupes et l’observation documentaire ont été menées pour la réalisation de cet

objectif dans sept quartiers différents du dit village. Les résultats ont montré que le FO (Roi

de Mankon), kwifo (société sacrée) et le Conseil traditionnel Mankon étaient les principaux

acteurs dans la protection du potentiel culturel de la forêt sacrée Mankon. Cependant le roi

Mankon a été réduit à un simple auxiliaire du gouvernement, ce qui affaiblit les institutions

traditionnelles qui devraient contribuer à la protection de celle-ci. Quarante-huit pourcents

(48 %) des répondants ont révélés que la forêt sacrée de Mankon est la propriété du FO (Roi

de Mankon), et des kwifo en raison de ce que ceux-ci sont les seuls à pouvoir y accéder

comme le veut leur culture (croyances et de tabous culturels, les règlements coutumiers et

locaux et mythes). Toutefois, la majorité des répondants (95%) pense qu’en vue de

promouvoir la culture Mankon aussi bien a l’intérieur qu’a l’extérieur de cette communauté

il serait nécessaire de faire de cette foret sacrée un lieu touristique visant a promouvoir, les

potentialités culturelles, spirituelles, et écologiques de celle-ci. La principale motivation était

la conviction que la destruction de la forêt sacrée se traduira par l'ethnocide culturel. Les

facteurs qui ont été identifies et qui affectent les institutions traditionnelles, la connaissance et

la pratique sont l'âge, le sexe, l'éducation et le manque de respect pour les systèmes de gestion

traditionnels. L'étude conclut que la stratégie de gestion qui lie la conservation de la culture et

de la nature est plus efficace dans la conservation des forêts que celle qui ignore les

institutions traditionnelles, les connaissances et les pratiques qui aussi contribuent au respect

des accords internationaux sur l'environnement liés à la biodiversité ratifies également par

l’Etat Camerounais. Il serait important au niveau national pour le gouvernement camerounais

d’intégrer les forêts sacrées dans le système des aires protégées.

Mots clés: Potentiels, Forêt sacrée, Institutions traditionnelles, Conservation de la

Biodiversité

1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY One of the features of Cameroon is its multiethnic and multicultural diversity. Cameroon has

two hundred and fifty (250) ethnic groups which speak more than 250 mother tongues and a

bilingual culture of French and English as the official languages (Egute, 2012). In the northwest

region, the main ethnic groups are the Ngemba, Wimbum, Moghamo and Mungaka. These ethnic

groups have unique traditional customs, deep-rooted cultural mores and religious beliefs which

together make up Cameroon’s rich cultural heritage. Her forests are also exceptionally rich in

biodiversity and have good potential for sustainable forest management (ITTO, 2006). There are

about 9,000 species of plants in which at least 156 are endemic, 409 species of mammals 14 are

endemic, 2084 insects with more than 1,500 butterflies. The country contains 542 species of fish

of which 96 are endemic, 330 reptiles, 200 amphibians (NSAP, 2007; MINFOF, 2013). There

are about 925 species of birds of which 22 are endemic and 249 plants are critically endangered

(Birdlife International, 2000; IUCN, 2010). With 26 primate species, Cameroon is the second

richest country in primate diversity in Africa (Usongo, 1998). In reviewing other Convention

processes, Cameroon has signed over 32 biodiversity related conventions, and about 14 (44%)

are currently operational. Even though it covers just 1.6% of Africa’s surface area, it

contains over half of its mammal and bird species and three quarter of reptiles (GFC, 2008).

The legal system of Cameroon is made up of the statutory law and customary law (Thomas and

Simone, 2011), but the villages are governed largely through customary law by traditional rulers

who are held in high esteem especially in the Southwest and Northwest regions.

During the pre-colonial period, natural resources including forests were managed through

traditional institutions headed by traditional rulers (Fons, chiefs and Lamidos). This was in

accordance with customary norms, beliefs, knowledge and practices (Warnier, 1975; Mbatu,

2006). Uncultivated land was communally owned just like in other African kingdoms such as

Ghana, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zimbagwe (Nguiffo et al., 2009; Zahabu et al., 2009). Forest

resource exploitation was minimal and primarily for subsistence purposes. Forests also served as

source of food, medicines, firewood, water, building materials and places for spiritual activities

(Yerima, 2012). Hunting was carried out with permission obtained from the traditional ruler who

determined where and when to hunt and the type of animals to hunt. It was an offence to enter

2

the forest to exploit resources without the knowledge of the traditional ruler (Mbatu, 2006). Due

to the low population density and commercialisation of forest products, anthropogenic impact on

forest resources and the environment was low (Sherpa et al., 2013).

The rapid decline in wildlife population in Cameroon led to the introduction of protected

area systems (forest reserves and wildlife conservation areas), which often excluded and

displaced rural communities from traditionally-owned lands (Tsi, 2006). As far back as the

1900s, the British colonial government passed legislation to establish protected areas in its

colonies but unfortunately, the enforcement of this legislation deprived the indigenous people of

their perceived God-given rights to their livelihoods (Nantang, 1995). The resulting antagonism

between government authorities and local communities, as well as problems of cultural

ethnocide, encroachment for farming, poaching for posterity and human-wildlife conflict

rendered such in situ conservation approaches largely ineffective (Hanson and Tchamba, 1993).

In order to protect and preserve this rich culture and tradition, the Mankon people in

Cameroon like other local communities in the world such as Ghana (Bonye, 2006), India

(Bhagwat, and Rutte, 2006) and Nepal (Purna, 2003) sorted to the creation of sacred forests. For

centuries, these people have developed numerous socio-cultural values, mystical and religious

beliefs which have greatly contributed to the protection of sacred forests (Bhagwat and Rutte,

2006; Ormsby, 2013). Sacred forests were created to shelter the village gods and the ancestors of

the founders and forefathers of the village. These gods were also believed to be protecting the

village against enemies and various natural calamities like crickets and diseases (Eballa and

Angamo, 2013). There are over 1,361 SF in Cameroon covering a surface area of 46,920 ha or

about 0.46% of the total land area distributed in the Northwest, Southwest, West, Adamawa and

Extreme North regions (Kounga, 2013). Sacred forests are forests that have cultural or spiritual

significance for the people who live around them, yet sacred forests are disappearing due to

cultural changes and demographic pressures to use the biodiversity that they contain

(Chandrakanth et al., 2004). Despite the different policies and regulations imposed by modern

governments, the symbiotic relationship between people and sacred forest resources, which is

based on their socio-cultural, spiritual and livelihood perspectives, has been the main synergy for

the conservation of sacred forests (Tebtebba, 2013).

Traditional law practices support conservation by limiting activities within sacred forests

but however, there continues to be a lack of recognition in national policies on the role of

3

traditional institutions in forest conservation and protection (Enchaw and Njobdi, 2013). In this

context, detailed studies on the traditional institutions, knowledge and practice systems of

indigenous people and local communities, is very necessary because their forests and lands are

not only directly linked to their socio-cultural, spiritual and economic life but also to their

identity and existence (Castro et al., 2001). Due to the close relationship between cultural

diversity and biodiversity (WWF, 2006), traditional knowledge systems should play an important

role when developing species conservation and forest management strategies (Ormsby, 2013).

For example, article 8j of the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD) calls

for parties to respect, preserve, and apply knowledge and practices of indigenous and local

communities relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity (UNCBD, 2007).

Despite these recommendations, few studies have investigated traditional institutions, knowledge

and practices concerning sacred forest and how they could be integrated into conservation

strategies (Saj et al., 2006). As a result, the assessment, revitalisation, documentation and

promotion of these practices, are very exigent (Lelewal, 2011).

Since Cameroon is such a diversed country, understanding the potentials of sacred forests

for biodiversity conservation as well as studying the perceptions of local residents about sacred

forest is essential to determining how sacred forests may be protected and managed in the future.

On this note, the ensuing is a statement of the research problem.

1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT

The Bamenda montane forests in the Northwest region of Cameroon is dotted with

pockets of sacred forests (SFs) with exceptionally rich biodiversity (Nsom et al., 2006) and one

of them is the Mankon sacred forest (MSF). Sacred forests constitute a significant portion of

Bamenda montane forests which is one of the top 200 world’s ecoregion (WWF, 2010). The

Mankon sacred forest is the largest, most intact sacred forests in the Bamenda montane forests in

the NWR of Cameroon and the traditional management systems are still very strong. Traditional

institutions contributed in the use and control of forests resources but today this traditional

system of forest management is proving less effective. Their power and authority have been

ignored by formal institutions relegating them to the background as mere custodians of the

traditions and custom of their subjects (Bonye and Millar, 2004). Cameroon signed the CBD

in 1992 and ratified it in October 14 1994, so the country has an obligation to implement the

4

CBD since majority of the country’s biodiversity lies within traditional forests like Mankon.

Despite various efforts by international organisations such as Articles 8(j) and 10 (c) of

the Convention on Biodiversity (CBD) in Rio de Janerio 14 June 1992, signed by 190 parties

encouraging state parties to respect, preserve, and apply knowledge, innovations and practices of

indigenous and local communities relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of

biodiversity (UNCBD, 2007), to promote their wider application with the approval and

involvement of the holders of such knowledge and innovations, encourage the equitable sharing

of bene ts arising from the utilisation of such knowledge, innovations and practice”, very little

have been achieved because, the formulation of laws, policies and legislations in natural resource

management least recognised and involve traditional institutions and local communities in the

management of forests resources.

The possession of an impressive palace with a sacred forest adds much to the status and

legitimacy of a traditional ruler (Fomin, 2008). The Mankon sacred forest just like other tropical

forests has multiple potentials which are of great significance for the wellbeing of humanity and

represents a natural heritage of great value due to its multiple ecological, socio- economic and

functions Religio-cultural Potentials (Himberg, 2006).

Religio-culturally, the MSF serve as home to the gods of the fondom (Kwifo) and royal

ancestors. The MSF is located behind the Fons palace and protects the Fons palace as well as the

royal family serving as a means of escape in case of war or any attack. It is also important as part

of local history and identity; providing a reminder to human cultures, spiritual experience, sense

of place and the evolution of biodiversity (Bhagwat and Rutte 2006). They provide clues on what

the landscape looked like before human impact became too pronounced in the area and as such,

sacred forest heritage deserves effective conservation and management for the benefit of both the

present and future generation.

Ecologically, Mankon sacred forests are valuable as a habitat for a diversity of wildlife.

Even though the forests are small (92ha) in size, about 120 bird species with 35 restricted-range

endemic bird species such as Barnama tauroco (Tauraco bannermani), Bamenda Apalis (Apalis

bamendae), Banded Wattle-eye (Platysteira laticincta) have been identified in the forest.

Similarly, 160 species of plants in which at least 22 endemic species (Nsom et al., 2006) as well

as animals such as Preuss's Monkey (Cercopithecus preussi (table 2) declared threatened under

the IUCN and MINFOF classifications (IUCN, 2010; MINFOF, 2013). The Mankon sacred

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Preuss%27s_Monkey

5

forests have not received legal protection status from the State like the official

protected forests and are also faced with a lot of problems. However, due to poaching for

posterity by hunters from villages in and around the sacred forest, have greatly reduced the

numbers of these animals and are at the edge of extinction (Birdlife International, 2000; Lindner

and Oates, 2010). MSF also contains non-timber forest products (NTFP) e.g. kieng (Xylopia

africana), Gnetum africana; Garcinia cola and Aframomum spp and medicinal plants such Ficus

spp (table 1) which were collected to treat the king or any member of the palace. The Mankon

sacred forests serve as catchment areas supplying fresh water to over 20,000 people in the area;

agent of erosion control; buffering local climate by producing oxygen; absorbs and stores excess

CO2 released from the burning of fossil fuels thereby helping to slow the rate of global climate

warming (Sheridan and Nyamweru, 2007); ensure genetic diversity, which is instrumental for the

development of new crop varieties, pollination, seed dispersal and disease control as well as

maintenance of soil fertility through nutrient cycling (Boraiah et al., 2003). Migratory species

such as birds, mammals and insects also depend upon such ecosystems during their movements.

Socio-economically, MSF also provide very rich honey of large quantity and good

quality, medicinal plants, fire wood, charcoal and NTFPs for the benefit of the community. The

MSF is also important for non-consumptive uses such as scientific research, forest ecotourism

and recreation (Ntomnifor, 2013). Sacred forests eco-tourism provides considerable economic

benefits and is a vital source of income for many countries such as India (Yasuo et al., 2012) and

Statistics have shown that about 200 national and international tourists visit the MSF yearly

(Mankon Museum, 2013).

Despite the potentials of the MSF listed above, as well as the existence of strong

traditional management systems, the problem that engages the attention of this research is the

unsustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest which has resulted to the lost in its

potentials for biodiversity conservation. Deforestation has led to descending trends of water

quantities, soil fertility and food production in the catchment areas (Lykke, 2000). Encroachment

in critical corridors due to increase in demand for farmland and rocks for construction (Khan et

al., 2008), absence of a micro zoning plan despite the low population growth rate of 1.5% around

the forest is one emergency that needs to be handled. On the other hand, forest fires outbreaks

due to poor agricultural practices such as slash-and-burn agriculture which greatly impoverish

land and soil organisms are common farming methods in the area (Bossou, 2010). The local

6

populations within and without the sacred forest illegally and unsustainably harvest timber forest

products (TFPs), non-timber forest products (NTFP) e.g. Xylopia africana, Gnetum africana,

Garcinia cola and Aframomum spp. According to Usongo, (1998), NTFPs constitute the third

source of farmers’ income after agriculture and hunting. Some important medicinal plant species

such as Ficus spp are harvested and used in traditional medicine mostly by the populations who

do not have access to modern health facilities. The exploitation is carried out illegally using

technical means which do not take into account the intrinsic values of the plants (Kassilly and

Tsingalia, 2009). Though industrial logging is almost inexistent in the region but artisanal wood

processing is rampant, axe and cutlass are the equipments mostly used to cut down trees.

Unsustainable fishing practices with the use of fish poisons from forest plants such as the

fruits of Strychnos aculeate and Gammalin 20 (an organochlorine pesticide) is also common in

the area. According to Reid (1989), about 20 strychnos fruits can kill all large fish along a 0.5

Km stretch of river. This is known to obliterate aquatic animal and plant life in the vicinity of its

application as well as causing serious health problems to those who consume contaminated fish

(Reid, 1989). Even though the kwifo made it illegal to carry out hunting and fishing inside the

forest and the palace guards on duty are in place to enforce the law, these activities still take

place in an enormous scale. The resettlement of private land owners around the sacred forest

(Roschenthaler, 2000) as they were seen as obstacles to the program of extending the sacred

forest was another impediment to conservation of the sacred forest.

The long history of successful traditional management of sacred forest in many parts of

the world, which is prominent in the Northwest and Western Regions in Cameroon, suggests that

there is a way to approach the mistaken assumption by policy makers and conservators that the

local people are inevitably mismanaging natural resources (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004). As

Cameroons forest heritage are under increasing degradation, it is uncertain whether the existing

environmental laws and government system of forest management are adequate for the effective

protection of forests resources without considering traditional institutions, knowledge and

practices. The relatively intact vegetation with the presence of many endemic and threatened

fauna and flora species in sacred forests, as well as traditional stewardship of local people

(Punde, 2007) justify the importance of conserving sacred forests for biodiversity conservation.

This research therefore, seeks to address the following burning questions.

7

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION

1.3.1. Main Research Question

To what extend can traditional institutions, knowledge and practices contribute on the

sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests for biodiversity conservation?

1.3.2. Specific Research Questions

1. What are the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices that exist in the Mankon Fondom which can promote biodiversity conservation in the Mankon sacred forest?

2. What are the perceptions of the local communities towards the Mankon sacred forest potentials for biodiversity conservation and the Environment?

3. What are the factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices?

4. What strategies can be put in place to ensure the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest?

1.4 HYPOTHESIS

1.4.1. Main Hypothesis

The weakening of traditional leadership has negatively affected the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests for biodiversity conservation

1.4.2. Specific Hypothesis

1. The roles of traditional institutions to sustainably manage sacred forest in Mankon

Fondom depends significantly on the knowledge of sacred forest conservation practices,

2. People’s perceptions in sacred forest conservation is determined by the benefits they

derive from the sacred forest,

3. The disrespect for tradition institutions is a major factor affecting the efficiency of

traditional institutions in the management of the Mankon sacred forests,

4. Community forests are more effective forest governance system preferred by the local

communities than sacred forests.

8

1.5 OBJECTIVE

1.5.1. Main Objective

The principal objective of this study is to contribute to the sustainable management of Mankon

sacred forests by determining the contributions of traditional institutions, knowledge and

practices on the potentials of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation

1.5.2. Specific Objectives

• Examine the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices which promote

biodiversity conservation in the Mankon sacred forest,

• Investigate the perceptions of the local communities towards the Mankon sacred forest

potentials for biodiversity conservation,

• Identify the factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and

practices as conservation tools in the management of sacred forests,

• Propose strategies for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest.

1.6. RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY

This research is therefore important because despite increasing degradation and loss of

the biodiversity of Mankon, there are no major studies up till date which address the issue of

integrating the traditional system and Cameroon’s environmental policy of natural resource

management for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest.

Practically, this will contribute to the preparation of simplified development action and

participatory forest management plan for sacred forests as well identify the feasibility of

developing income generating activities to reduce pressure on sacred forests. It will also review

the training and capacity building of traditional and modern institutions directly related to the

sustainable management of forests.

Promoting and supporting research and development with a view to improving forest

management and efficiency: This research will provide bench mark information and undertake

activities to raise awareness of the Mankon sacred forests located in the Northwest region of

Cameroon. In addition, it will facilitate the formation of a local network for publishing and

disseminating information on sacred forests.

9

This research will promote a better understanding of the contribution sacred forest

ecosystem services to the sustainable management of afro-montane forests by enhancing the

capacity of both traditional and formal institutions to develop strategies to strengthen such

contributions.

This research is also aimed at encouraging traditional institutions to support and develop

reforestation of sacred forests, rehabilitation as well as restoration of degraded forest lands,

consider the creation of buffer zones, establishment of plantations for fuelwood, and medicinal

plants for the interests of local communities depending on forest resources.

This study will also contribute towards the meeting of United Nations Millennium

Development Goals of environmental sustainability and good governance if its recommendations

are taken into consideration by the government.

1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

During the research initiative, there were constant efforts to make the project error-proof,

yet this study suffers from some limitations which were beyond the control of the researcher. The

barriers to the smooth collection of data include;

this study was conducted in the rural communities where language barriers were

expected. The research questionnaires were prepared in English but a majority of the people

spoke the local language (Mankon dialect). Another problem encountered was that botanical

names were given in the local language or using common names.

The study period was very short due to lack of finances to effectively widen deep

investigation and acquisition of more information, the scope of the study was somehow narrow.

During the lean period most of the respondents were engaged in the parliamentary and legislative

election campaigns, so they had little time to respond to the queries.

Another, problem was that of getting sources. Very few secondary sources were available

because most informants refused giving us some of these vital literatures. The question guides

were not well answered because most of them were not literate and well grounded on

biodiversity conservation to explain properly in the English language or Pidgin English.

Even though a multitude of difficulties were encountered in carrying out this research,

they were overcome with the aid of translators, pictures, as well as the forest department,

archivist that gave some assistance in translating local names into scientific names.

10

CHAPTER TWO: DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS AND LITERATURE

REVIEW

2.1. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS

2.1.1. Institutions

A set of organised individuals or structures using a set of rules, norms and regulations to

prohibit or permit specific types behaviors and actions (Ostrom, 1999) or alternatively as codes

of conduct that define practices, assign roles and guide human interactions (North, 1990). There

are basically 2 types of institutions which include formal and informal institutions.

2.1.1.1. Modern or formal institutions

Colding et al., (2003) defines modern or formal institutions a set of organised individuals

or structures using as consciously designed, written-down legal rules, constitutions, statutes,

national laws and regulations which are externally enforced and are often third-party monitored.

Third-party enforcement entails use of a regulatory agency such as police, forest guards and

mediators such as lawyers.

2.1.1.2. Traditional or informal institutions

In this write up, traditional institutions are referred to as a set of organised individuals or

structures using unwritten codes of conduct, norms of behavior and conventions that form the

units of organisation in a community for the management of sacred forests in particular and other

natural resources in general (Colding et al., 2003).

2.1.2. Protected Area

A protected area is defined in Article 2 of the CBD as a geographically defined

area which is designated or regulated and managed to achieve specific conservation objectives.

IUCN, (2004) provides a detailed definition of a protected area as a clearly defined geographical

space, recognised, dedicated and managed, through legal or other effective means, to achieve the

long term conservation of nature with associated ecosystem services and cultural values.

11

2.1.3. Forest

Forest is defined in section 2 of Cameroon’s Law No 94/01 of 20 January 1994 as any

land covered by vegetation with a predominance of trees, shrubs and other species capable of

providing products other than agricultural produce. Section 9 (1) of the law stipulates that forest

resources comprise mainly wood and non-wood products as well as wildlife and fishery

resources derived from the forest. In Cameroon, forest is divided into permanent (30%) and non-

permanent forest estates (MINFOF, 2013).

2.1.4. Traditional Protected Areas

In this context traditional protected areas are places where plants are allowed to grow

undisturbed and where animal such as reptiles, birds and fish could have free living without fear

of poaching or interference by man (Freddie, 2007). They include; sacred forests, water points,

burial sites and sacred hills and trees where shrines may be located.

2.1.4.1. Sacred forests

In this study, sacred forests is defined as a forest reserved by traditional authorities for

posterity, socio-cultural and religious beliefs that the ancestors reside in them so as to protect the

different plants and animal species as well as the palace and the villagers from different

calamities. Sacred forests or sacred Natural Sites are special sites for people who live near them

and these sites are part of their culture. Sacred forests are associated with traditional rites and

customs of communities and in many cases are located around the FOs, chief or lamidos palace

and within protected areas.

2.1.4.1.1. Creation of sacred forests

Three main criteria were considered to determine the site of the Mankon sacred forest,

- The area had to be on a hillside or slope while the main entrance oriented towards the hilltop so

that it was accessed by descending;

- The hillside or slop slope should have a natural forest in which the FOs palace as well as the At

sum (hall) for the kwifo secret society and Ngangfo meetings would be built,

-A river or stream should flow downstream from the slope to act as a natural boundary between

the palace and the neighboring communities as well supply water to the palace.

12

In the event of the absence of a natural forest on the slope, particular tree species such as

Ficus sp will be planted on the hill slope. The space would then be fenced and over the years it

would be taken over by pioneer species to become a natural sacred forest.

2.1.4.1.2. Potentials of Sacred Forest

This refers to the ability of a sacred forest to provide the required ecosystem services to

communities within its surrounding (Boraiah et al., 2003). Daily, (2001) defines ecosystem

services as the conditions and processes through which natural ecosystems, and the species that

make them up, sustain and fulfill human life or alternatively as the direct and indirect

contributions of ecosystems to human well-being (M.E.A., 2005). The terms environmental

services, nature’s services, or ecological services are sometimes used synonymously with

ecosystem services (ITTO, 2004). This study uses the term ‘services’ or ‘potentials’ on the bases

of the perceptions of the Mankon people as shown in figure 1 below.

Figure 1 : A hypothetical diagram showing the potentials of sacred forests

Ecological Potentials - Protection of water sources, -Providing habitat for plants and animals, - Wind breaks and Genetic reservoirs, - Pollination, - Photosynthesis and nutrient cycling

Religious and cultural Potentials - Provide shelter for the gods and ancestors - Places for worship and ceremonies - Festivals and rituals

Socio-economic Potentials -Provide wood for fuel and construction, - Medicinal plants, - Ecotourism, - Scientific research

SACRED FORESTS

13

2.1.5. Indigenous people

Indigenous people applies to tribal people in independent countries whose social, cultural

and economic conditions distinguish them from other sections of the national community, and

whose status is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by special

laws or regulations (Messe, 2009) e.g. Pygmies and Mbororos

2.1.6. Permanent forests estate

These are forest lands that are used solely for forestry and or as a wildlife habitat with a

management plan drawn by a competent service. Permanent forests must cover at least 30% of

the national territory, represent the national biodiversity and, be managed according to a

management plan approved by the ministry incharge of forestry and wildlife in order to

guarantee their sustainable use. They include; state forest which consist of (national parks,

reserves, buffer zones, game ranches, zoological gardens logging concessions and wildlife

sanctuaries and forest reserves such as integral ecological reserves, production forests, recreation

forests, teaching and research forests, plant sanctuaries, botanical gardens, forest plantations) and

Council forest refers to any forest that has been classified on behalf of a local council or planted

by the local council.

2.1.7. Non permanent forests

The non permanent forests are forest lands that can be can be attributed for other uses

order than timber exploitation such as communal, community and private forests.

2.1.7.1. Community Forests

Section 37 and 38 of the 1994 Forestry and wildlife law makes provision for "forest

management agreement", to be with the members of such communities to a statute that is known

as community forests. A community forest is a non-permanent estate forest which is subject to a

management agreement between a village community and the technical assistance of the forest

administration or services in charge of forestry. A community forest management agreement is a

contract whereby the forest administration entrusts parts of the national forest to a community

with a view to its management, conservation and use for the benefit of that community. In

respect to the Cameroon Forestry decree, the agreement should be accompanied by a simple

14

management plan which sets out the activities to be undertaken. Furthermore, forest products of

all kinds resulting from the management of the community forests belong solely to the village

communities with the exception of those forbidden by law. According to Enchaw & Njobdi,

(2013), a community is a group of people living in a particular area sharing common values,

resources, developmental aspirations and challenges. Decree No 94/436/PM of 23 August 1994

article 28(3), lay down conditions to secure a community forest. The full application file must

include the following documents (MINFOF, 2013):

1. A stamped request laying out the proposed community forest objectives;

2. A 1:200,000 scale map showing the proposed forest;

3. A certified copy of the community‘s incorporation document, including a copy of its bylaws;

4. A description of the activities previously carried out in the proposed forest;

5. The curriculum vitae (CV) of the personnel responsible for management; and

6. Minutes of the consultation meeting as stipulated in article 28 (1) of the decree No 94/436/PM of 23 August 1994.

2.1.8. Degraded Forests

According to Enchaw & Njobdi (2013), a degraded forest is a forest which is unable to

provide the required ecosystem services.

2.1.9. Deforestation

FAO (2001), describe the phenomenon as the conversion of forest to another land use or

the long term reduction of tree canopy cover below the minimum 10% threshold. Mayaux and

Malingreau, (1996) also defined deforestation as the complete destruction of forest of canopy

cover through clearing for agriculture, grazing, and/or non forest purposes. In addition, Adesina

(1991) identified illegal and uncontrolled exploitation of timber, bush burning as primary causes

of deforestation. In many parts of the developing countries, especially in Africa and Asia, one of

the most important causes of vegetation degradation is the concern about energy.

2.1.10. Strategy

In the context of this work, strategy implies a detailed plan for achieving success in

sacred forest management and biodiversity conservation (Enchaw & Njobdi, 2013).

15

2.1.11. Forest Management

This is a system of control and organisation of forest exploitation (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009).

2.1.11.1. Sustainable forest management (SFM)

The stewardship and use of forests and forest lands in a manner and at a rate, that

maintains their biodiversity, productivity, regeneration capacity, vitality and their potential to

fulfill the relevant ecological, economic and social functions now and in the future at local,

national, and global levels without damaging the intrinsic values of other ecosystems as well as

creating unwanted effects on the physical and social environment (FAO, 2013)

2.1.11.2. Forest Management Units (FMU)

A forest management unit is a well defined and demarcated land area in a permanent

forest estate managed within a rotation period of at least 30 years having a set of clear objectives

specified in a forest management plan to be prepared within a maximum period of 3 years. The

plan must ensure the sustainable production of forest goods and services, without endangering

the intrinsic values and the future productivity of the permanent forest, and creating unwanted

effects on the physical and social environment (art. 23, 1994 forestry and wildlife law). FMUs

are initially allocated to a company on the basis of a provisional three-year agreement. During

this period, the concession-holder must prepare a 30-year management plan. Following approval

of the management plan by the forest administration, a 15-year renewable harvesting agreement

is made between the concession-holder and the Ministry of Forestry and wildlife.

2.1.12. Environmental management

Purna, (2003) defines environmental management as the management of the interaction

and impacts of human activities on the social and physical environment. In other words,

environmental management aims to ensure that ecosystem services provide by forests and

integrity are protected and maintained for future human generations through considering ethical,

economic, scientific ecological and variables

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natural_environment

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecosystem_services

16

2.13. Preservation

Maintain the status quo. Keep it as we found it; leave it as it is. Preservation does not

tolerate change; is against use and thus places an embargo on, prohibiting human use of the

resource in question. Preservation is static and non-progressive (IUCN, 2010).

2.14. Conservation

The various mechanisms put in place by traditional resource users to safe guard sacred

forest and wildlife resources from extinction or depletion so that it may yield the greatest

sustainable benefit to current generations while maintaining its potential (ability) to meet the

needs and aspirations of future generations (IUCN, 2010).

2.15. Conservation of biodiversity (CBD)

The management of the interactions between the varieties of life forms (species and

genes) and ecosystems so as to maximize the benefits they provide today and maintain their

potentials (intrinsic values) to meet the needs and aspirations of the future generations.

Biodiversity also known as biological diversity are the various forms of living organisms

inhabiting the planet such as plants, microbes, animals as well as human beings. It is also the

‘natural capital of two-thirds of humanity who depend on biodiversity as their means of

production in farming, fishing, and health care and craft (Reid, 1989; Dewan et al., 2008).

17

2.2 LITERATURE REVIEW

Various information sources have been consulted to come out with this work. This

permitted the researcher to have additional knowledge and basic experience on the principles and

practices involved in the management of sacred forest. Participation in the management of sacred

forest as an aspect of environmental studies has drawn a wide range of attention in Africa in

particular and the world at large. These works have different points of view concerning the topic

and it would be beneficial to have some precise knowledge of such views.

2.2.1. The roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices which can promote

biodiversity conservation in sacred forests

A study carried out by Byers et al., (2001), in the Zambezi Valley of northern Zimbabwe

reveals that traditional institutions, knowledge, practices and spiritual values influence people’s

behavior and contribute greatly in conserving sacred forests for biodiversity conservation

because the rate of forest loss was high in areas where they were disempowered as compared to

areas where they had more power. The government of Zimbagwe must have realised the

importance of traditional institutions in protecting sacred forest biodiversity as it changed its

policy of striping chiefs off their functions and established a House of Chiefs in 1993.

Eyong, (2010), posits that despite the hierarchy of the village institutions, the Ekpe

society remains the most powerful traditional governing institution in all villages of the KNP and

peripheral zone. Sakah (1998) just like Eyong (2010) affirms the vital role of the Ekpe society in

law enforcement, dispute resolution and the contribution of its masquerade in enforcing

customary and local byelaws at the village level. He points out that all the villagers including the

chiefs often respect and abide by the norms of the Ekpe society. The Ekpe masquerade often

contribute in arresting law breakers for prosecution at the village level and has a lashing stick

that is believed to possess magical power that could harm culprits and generations yet unborn.

This structure is clearly democratic but to what extent has it made an impact on the potentials of

sacred forest for biodiversity conservation.

Egute, (2012), revealed that cultural beliefs and traditional practices associated with

totems, taboos and sacred forests exist in the Korup villages and contributed in protecting Korup

forest heritage. The study finds that villages have customary and local bylaws which are binding

on its inhabitants and contribute to rational use of sacred forest resources. This shows that the

18

putting into practice of some aspects of the traditional cultural practices were often without

conservation intention but paradoxically, contributed to sacred forest biodiversity conservation.

In the same vein, Monikang, (2013) identified some local institutions mostly oriented

towards social problems in the Mankon fondom. The report unfortunately did not show how

these institutions function with regards to biodiversity conservation and the management of the

Mankon sacred forest.

2.2.2. Perceptions of local communities towards the potentials of sacred forest for

biodiversity conservation

A study by IMPECT (2006), revealed that, the Hmong believed that Xeeb Teb Xeeb

Chaw (supernatural being) is the Lord of the forest and controls the use of all natural resources

be it soil, water, or even wild animals. Therefore, hunting of wildlife and hewing of trees in

sacred forest was prohibited. It also explored the sources, distribution and availability of these

resources in the forest, their contribution to people’s livelihoods, and the local groups involved.

However, it did not explore the nature of involvement of the local institutions nor did it identify

the local people’s perceptions which are critical for local sustenance of forest resources. Millar,

(2004) pointed out that, the spiritual world is the major driving force that regulates the

performance of all traditional institutions in their quest to manage sacred forests. The study

further indicated that traditional practices are based on a sense of harmony with the natural

environment which has enhanced the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation.

When access is denied by government, local people are compelled to poach. Her study,

however, did not give enough information about how remedial arrangements could be put in

place.

2.2.3. Factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices

Ndenge, (2013), traced the origin and migration of the Mankon people which might

possibly have been the cause of the changes observed in the evolution of traditional institutions

in the Bamenda highland regions of Cameroon. He also examines the significance of the Nusa

Rituals in the Mankon fondom. He highlights the historical and geographical history of Mankon

and also shows the economic activities in pre-colonial and colonial era. This research was

important for the background study of this work, in that, it helped us see how the above cited

aspects influence traditional institutions in the fondom.

19

According to Freddie, (2007), Understanding the relationship between biodiversity and

people outside protected areas is a great challenge to biologists and policy makers. He also found

that gender, age and geographical location were factors found to affect the use of local vegetation

(sacred forests or sacred sites). Although traditional conservation methods are under threat due to

population increase, acculturation and commercialisation of plants with market value, these

practices have substantially contributed to conservation of forest biodiversity. WACameroon

(Women in Action against Gender Based Violence) 2013 also reported poor gender and social

relations in the communities. A study by Appiah, (2007), discovered that the spread of western

education and Christianity has taken a strong hold resulting in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs

and practices on the younger generation in Ghana.

2.2.4. Strategies for the sustainable management of sacred forests

Ndangang, (1997), discusses that the involvement of local communities or forest dwellers

in the management and conservation of forest may be seen by some classical conservationists as

controversial as they argue that local communities lack the capacity to manage or conserve their

forest. To Ndangang (1997), local communities have some traditional institutions, knowledge

and practices which favour biodiversity conservation positively and thus influence the ecological

system of the area. Such is the case of the Mankon sacred forests which constitute some of the

ancient, yet untouched montane sacred forest ecosystems.

Khan et al., (2008) advocate for an inventory of the number, size, and distribution of

sacred forest as well as systematic botanical surveys, predicting that this would lead to the

discovery of new species. In addition, they also recommended that sacred forests should be

included within the legal protected area network. As Dudley et al. (2009) noted, "Bringing a

sacred natural sites into a national protected-area system can increase protection for the site, but

may compromise some of its spiritual values or even its conservation values." Chandrakanth et

al., (2004) argued that sacred forests should not to be classified as state reserve forests because it

would take management control away from community members. Furthermore, government

ownership could cause alienation of local people from their sacred forests. Local residents must

continue to be involved in sacred forest management (Bhagwat et al., 2005; Wild and McLeod

2008). If local management systems are supported, the community tradition of protecting sacred

forests can provide a model way of achieving landscape-level conservation that is implemented

and maintained at a local level.

20

In order developments, this study is also part of the National Biodiversity Strategy and

Action Plan of 2013 with reference to the montane ecosystems which has as objectives i) to

ensure the sustainable management and exploitation of montane biodiversity ii) to build, develop

and strengthen capacity at all levels to manage and protect montane forests ecosystems

biodiversity and its component parts iii) promote traditional knowledge of montane biodiversity

and its component parts and their socio-economic importance and values. Mankon sacred forest

is vital for this research because it is one of Cameroon’s largest and richest montane sacred

forests in biodiversity with over 120 identified interesting bird species.

According to Oviedo et al., “For indigenous peoples, traditional knowledge, innovation

and practices should be seen as a holistic concept, which is inextricable linked to their culture,

traditional territories and lands, nature, customary laws and spirituality.” Holistic models as its

name says take into account all the society sectors - economic, social (cultural patrimony) and

environmental. Therefore, they propose a new scheme of management where finally they

recognize that if the environmental sector is in danger of collapse; all the other sectors will

collapse, too. Furthermore, sacred forests are maintained through traditional methods of

community based conservation that does not require governmental involvement Bhagwat and

Rutte, (2006). Incorporating these sites into conservation networks could enhance the

effectiveness of protected areas by covering a wider variety of habitats and by harnessing the

support of local people.

2.3 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

The analytical tool and a key to understanding how sacred forest resources are used and

managed by traditional institutions has been adopted form the terms of article 10(c) and 8(j) to

show the relationship between its three main components; traditional use of forest resources,

traditional institutions and practices, and compatibility with sustainable management and

conservation as shown in the figure 2 below.

21

Figure 2 : Analytical framework showing traditional management of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation in the Mankon fondom

Source: Adapted from Dewan et al., 2008

Ensure sustainable use of SF and conservation of biodiversity

Traditional

Institutional

Structure

Execution

Decision

making

Formation of

rules and norms

Traditional practices

-Cultural beliefs and taboos,

- Myths

-Cultivation habits and harvesting

methods

-Festivals and rituals

Traditional use of forest

resources

-Fire wood collection

-Watershed management

-Honey collection

- Medicinal plant collection

-Fishing and tourism

22

CHAPTER THREE: MATERIALS AND METHODS

3.1 DESCRIPTION OF STUDY SITE

3.1.1. Location

This study was carried out from June to November 2013 in two sacred forests in Mankon

fondom generally known as the Mankon sacred forests (MSF). These forests; the kwifo sacred

forest and Alankie sacred forest are located between latitudes 10°5’22’’ N and Longitude 10°

6’21’’ E and between latitudes 5o7’21’’ N and longitudes 10°3’13’’ E respectively. With surface

areas of 85ha (Ntomnifor, 2013) and 6ha which form part of the Bamenda montane forests, the

Mankon sacred forest also known as the kwifo sacred forest is the largest montane sacred forest

known to survive in the Northwest region at an altitudinal range of 1300m. Mankon is a

prominent first class fondom which is administratively located entirely in the heart of Bamenda II

council in Mezam Division, Northwest Region of Cameroon. Mankon shares a border with Bafut

to the North; Meta, Ngyenbu and Bali to the West; the Bamenda escarpment (Müshüg) and the

villages of Mendakwe and Nkwen to the East and finally to the South by the Mbatu and Nsongwa

villages. Figure 3 below shows the location of the Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest region

of Cameroon.

23

Figure 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest region of Cameroon

Source: Adapted from Ntumnifor, 2013

3.1.2. Climate Mankon Fondom has a tropical montane climate characterized by two main seasons; a

long rainy season which runs from mid March to mid November (8 months) and is characterised

by heavy down pours that corresponded to intense farming activity whereas the dry season lasted

for 4 months (mid November to Mid March) with low precipitation below 10 millimeters. It is

characterised by extreme dryness and dust laden winds which caused environmental discomfort.

The average annual rainfall at the research site averages 2300mm with relative humidity of about

24

83% but it lowers gradually as a result of harmattan (Fa et al., 2006). Daily temperatures ranged

from 14°C in the morning and increased to 23°C at mid day giving a mean annual temperature of

about 21°C. The coolest month is in August, the middle of the rainy season while the hottest is in

March at the end of the dry season (Ndenge, 2013). This special convergence of temperature and

rainfall has led to an impressive diversity in mammals, birds, reptiles, butterflies, and plants.

3.1.3. Relief and Hydrology

The relief of Mankon is very rugged with hills, intermontane plains, plateaus, escarpments

and valleys rising up to the North and South of the fondom (Olayiwola et al., 2011). The village is

spherical in shape and is 1,300 meters above sea level. The study site is much more mountainous

and rugged than the rest of the fondom. The main rock types are mainly basalt (ko’), granite

(ngo’tsoo tsoo) and quartz (ngo’fuwen). Two permanent streams (Nki Nsah and Mafo) passed

through the sacred forest and drains in to the main River Mezam in the south making the forest an

important water catchment. River Mezam together with its tributaries Nki Asa’a, Ashegha, and

Ba’sü take their rise from the Bamenda Escarpment (Müshüg) in the southeast. This uneven

topography has created a range of diversed habitats; including montane vegetations which make

the Mankon fondom unique in its kind. The streams served as source of living water to royal

family, plants domestic and wild animals and as well as a natural boundary between the sacred

forest and the neighboring villages. The enclaved nature of the MSF also ensured the security of

the FO and at the same time reinforcing his power vis-à-vis his subjects.

3.1.4. Soils

The soils in Mankon fondom are mainly well drained, moderately deep to deep, reddish

brown to brown, friable sandy clay loam to clay in places with humus top soil (Hawkins and

Brunt, 1965). They are predominantly Cambisols, with considerable amounts of weatherable

minerals. These Cambisols occur mainly on steep footslopes, hills and high level uplands, while

Lixisols and Arenosols are found in lower level uplands and piedmont plains (Yerima, 2012). The

variations in relief topographical characteristics and drainage in the area have significant

influence the movement and distribution of nutrients. These soils have also resulted in diversed

management practices, diversity of flora and fauna and the different agricultural specialisation in

the fondom as erosion takes place in them at different rates. The valleys and plains stood as the

25

main reception unit of the rich humus eroded from the highlands. The soils were also favourable

for the construction of mud walled houses (Ndenge, 2013). Other packets of fertile loam soils also

occur along the banks of streams and rivers of Ala’mandom, Nta’mbag, Atuakom, Nto’mankon

and Mulang.

3.1.5. Vegetation and Flora

The vegetation of Mankon Fondom is comprised mainly of mixed forest (dense montane

evergreen rain forest located above 1.600m, Secondary or submontane forest with loose

undergrowth located at 900–1.600m, deciduous and gallery forest made of raffia palm bushes)

and savannah grasslands which contains vegetation that are less than 8m in height, including

shrubs, grasses, stunted trees with some of the highest levels of endemism in the Western

Highlands (Letouzey, 1968; Olayiwola et al., 2011). The flora of Mankon is made up of more

than 54 species of trees, 50 species of shrubs, at least 50 species of herbs and 8 climbers. Some

plant species recorded in the MSF are listed in the table 1 below (Nsom et al., 2006).

Table 1: List of plants observed in Mankon sacred forests

Common Name Scientific Name Local Name Uses

Achoh Aframomum ssp.(S) Fechoh Favorite fruit of monkeys & rodents

Achu spice Xylopia africana (S) kieng Achu spices, dizziness, strength

African cherry Prunus africana (T) Ate fever Prostate cancer, pains,

Bitter Cola Garcina kola (T) Nibi Traditional ceremonies

Castor Ricinus communis (H) - Skin ointment

Cola Nut Cola anomala (T) Ati nibi Traditional ceremonies

Eucalyptus Tetona grandis (T) Fusigare Firewood, construction, wind break

Ewa Schefflera mannii (T) Ewa Shade, windbreaks (E)

Fug Adenia cissampeloides (T) Fug Shade, wind breaks, blood tonic

Ifab Phyllanthus spp (T) Ifab Bark, Antipoison

Ighum Ficus natalensis (T) Ighum Medicinal, totems

Lung Ficus vogeli (T) Lung Medicinal, aesthetic,

Maesopsis Maesopsis eminii (T) Afunafun Boundary, windbreak

Mbamufugho Afzelia africana (T) Mbamufugho Fish poisoning

26

Nadze kvung Asythasia gangetica (H) Nadze kvung Night poison, laxative

Ndob Dracaena arborea (T) Ndob Windbreak, anti-poison, luck

Ndzeng Ficus thonningii (T) Ndzeng Send away witchcraft and evil spirit

Ngaah Dissotis bamendae Ngaah Yellow fever, and Hunting luck (E)

Peace Plant Dracaena diesteliana (S) Keng Traditional dances, Boundary

Peace tree Ficus sur (T) Wume Peace tree, boundary,

Pilosa Curculigo pilosa (H) - Open dog's eyes for hunting.

Red stick Agelaea paradoxa (T) Amvu'oh Sends away evil spirits, Side pain

Rhapia Rhapia mambillensis (T) Ndengn Palm wine, poles for construction

Sisal Sisal hemp (S) Attaché Firebreaks, robes, boundary plant

Swizzle Stick Rauvolfia vomitoria (T) - Vomiting and Apollo

Umbrella Tree Polyscias fulva (T) Akakwen Anti-poison, luck

Voacanga Voacanga africana (T) Mambohne Scrutom swelling, boundary,

Zaghe Terminilia glaucescens (T) Zaghe Antipoison, Miscarriage and Cough

NB

- = Could not be identified E= Endermic

T= Tree S= Shrub H= Herb

Nearly 50% of the species in the montane zone are typical of both submontane and montane

forest; about 30% are typical of lowland and submontane forest and about 23% are mainly limited

to the submontane zone making the area very unique (Nsom et al., 2006; Olayiwola, et al., 2011).

The extensive forest had come under the pressure of exuberant farming population. The grasses

served as thatch for traditional architecture dwellings, and also pasture for domestic animal

grazing; the trees constituted the major sources of material for construction, furniture and

decoration of houses. The vegetation, especially the forest is also being exploited for many

purposes, especially for fuel wood and traditional medicines.

27

3.1.6. Fauna

The Northwest Region appears to have the lowest populations of large and charismatic

mammal species (Birdlife International, 2000). However, the area is an important biodiversity

hotspot and endemic bird area of the world. Some animals species observed in the MSF are listed

in the table 2 below (Nsom et al., 2006).

Table 2: List of animals observed in Mankon sacred forests

Common Name Scientific Name Local Name MINFOF Classification

MAMMALS

Allen’s galago or Bush baby Galago alleni Ngara B

Blue duiker Cephalophus monticola Angab C

Porcupine Phatagions tricuspic - B

African Civet Vivera civetta Atsob B

Cane rat Thryonomys swinderanus Njibnu -

Flying Squirrel Anomalurops beecrofti Kang A

Preuss’s guenon Monkey Cercopithecus preussi Nkan B

Preuss’s Monkey probocolobus preussi Nkan B

REPTILES

African Rock Python Python sebae Mboma A

Bell’s Hinged Back Tortoise Kinixys belliana Tsimanko’o A

Grass snake Coluber constrictor Nyui C

Lacertid lizard Adophus spp - C

Slender Chameleon Chamaeleo eisentrauti Mbog'oku B

AMPHIBIANS

Frog Trichobatrachus robustus Samkyeh B

Toads Werneria tandyi Teto'oh B

BIRDS

Bamenda Apalis Apalis bamendae (E) Akamengoh A

Banded Wattle-eye Platysteira laticincta - A

Bannermans Turaco Tuaraco bannermani (E) Ngü A

Bannermans Weaver Ploceus bannermani Sare ngü A

Black-headed Weaver Ploceus melanocephalus Sarekegi -

Cameroon Olive Pigeon Columba sjosledti - A

28

Elliot’s woodpecker Dendriopicos elliotii Füngag B

Francolin Bushfowl Francolinus squamatus Atù'uh ntsò A

Green turaco Turaco persa Ngü A

Hornbill Buceros bicornis Füfah B

Mountain Robin chat Cossypha isabelle Fünendzangne C

Red-headed Picathartes Picathartes oreas Münangteburé B

NB

A = integrally protected species EW = Extinct from the wild

B = non-integrally protected species E= Endermic

C = partially protected species - = could not be identified

3.1.7. Socio-Economic Activities

The wonderful culture of the Mankon people is characterised by its language, arts and

craft, songs and dances, loyalty to his highness the FO, strong beliefs in witchcraft, many festivals

and ceremonies.

3.1.7.1. History of the Mankon People

According to Ndefru, (1985), the Mankon people are believed to have descended from a

people whose origin is said to be the semi-Bantu race from the East (sa’anyom) around China.

Mankon legend tells of a FO' (King) who ruled their kingdom in ancient period. The FO's

developed principality and autonomous authority in their place before the invasion of the dynasty

in the sa’anyom. Their fist settlement in Cameroon was around Ndobo in Tikari near Banyo in the

Adamawa Region. This was between the 14th and 15th centuries under the leadership of FO'

Ndemagha’a, I. Cultural and linguistic legends suggested that the Mankon people migrated as a

result of rampant and fierce inter-tribal wars heightened by Fulani raids, food, shelter, trade and

commerce as well as harsh weather conditions (Swiri, 1998). They then migrated to the fertile

spots in the North-Eastern part of the Mbam plains in the Northeast of Foumban. Pressure from

the Fulbe tribes of Tibati forced them out of the plains. They then moved West-wards from the

Mbam plains to present day Wimbum of Donga Mantung Division where they were believed to

have been stopped by other powerful Fulbe tribes of Northern Nigeria.

29

The Mankon people left the land and began a more than 100 years journey South-wards to

Bamunkumbit in the Ndop plains. They stayed in the Ndop plain for some time before crossing

the Bamelike region from Babadju to Bangwa, Fontem through Dschang and then reached the

Ntarinkon forest in Widikum. This accounts for the reason why the Mankon dialect is similar to

those of Bamunkumbit, Babadju, Bangwa, Dschang and Fontem but not any to Meta, Moghamo,

Ngie and Widikum. Ntarinkon forest was hostile, no hunting grounds and too many Mosquitoes.

In pre-history, the first settlement of the Mankon people in the South slopes of Northwest Region

was at Ala’nkyi (city in water), under the leadership of FO' Tsemagha I. Ala’nkyi was very a

fertile area and also rich in wildlife.

Today Ala’nkyi is a heritage site containing the tombs and shrines of seven FO's (kings).

Still searching for a safe area to settle the Mankon people again migrated to Fumndvu under

Angwafo I and finally to Fozan under FO' Fomukong, the land they have occupied for centuries

right up to present date (Notue and Bianca, 2005). The forefathers carried with them the Mankon

language known as “Ngamba Makune” meaning “I say Mankon”, a language said to have

developed in Asia, specifically in China. Though the settlement of the Mankon people in the

sa’anyom (East) is not known, the closest evidence to prove this legacy from China is in some

coincidental Chinese names like: Che (tsay), Chi (tsi), Tsetu, Nchang, Ntseh, Su, kien which

resembles Chinese names like Mao Tse-tung, Kuo feng, Suchen, Chiteng, Chang and Chitang

(Swiri, 1998). The connotation of the Chinese words is relevant to today’s Mankon as seen in the

names Tsimanko’o (tortoise), Tsitankora (cricket species). Ndefru, (1985) also holds the view that

Mankon means mother wave because the Mankon people in one of their migratory movements

under their first ruler FO' Ndemagha’a I moved in a large Ma (mother) - nkon (wave).

Kingmaker and traditional virtuoso, pa Anye Che Ndi (late) holds that at one point of the

migration FO' Ndemagha’a I turned and exclaimed ma-nkon. Ma means mother but in this

context it means large animal while nkon means tail. He was so much excited by the large crowd

behind him that he considered himself a very big animal whose tail was the large crowd and

hence the name MANKON. In this culture the greatness of someone is known by the large family

he has. Figure 4 below shows the routes of migration of the Mankon people from the sa’anyom in

the 14th and 15th centuries.

30

Figure 4 : Routes of migration of the Mankon people

Source: Notue and Bianca, (2005)

31

3.1.7.2. Demography, language and Religion

Mankon has a land area of about 315km2 and an estimated population of 350,000

inhabitants with population density of 158p/km2 (NIS, 2010; OCOTONAP, 2013). Annual

growth rate stands at 1.5%. The sacred forest zone is characterised by low to medium population

growth rate of 1.5 % and population density which range from 5 to 25 persons per Km2. About

48% of the population lives in the rural areas while 52% lives in urban and sub-urban areas.

Mankon is still under the process of infrastructural development; however, there is an access of

ungravelled road to the quarters. A big change for the better has been Cameroon´s free primary

education policy since 2003 (UNICEF, 2005). Families can now better afford to send their

children to school. Access to information has become better during the last years. Local post

offices have internet connections and the coverage of mobile phone service has widened. The

literacy level exceeds 80%. About 90% of the literate population falls within the 15– 45 age group

(NIS, 2010; OCOTONAP, 2013).

Mankon is one of the 250 ethnic groups in Cameroon with a distinct cultural heritage, and

defined territory. They speak the Ngemba indigenous language (dialect) with French and English

being the official languages. Pidgin English is also spoken especially in the market while dialect

is also spoken during festivals and ceremonies. Their staple food is Achu and yellow soup with

mushroom, kander or meat. Other Ngemba ethnic groups are their sister tribesmen of Bafut,

Chomba, Nsongwa and Mbatu. These Ngemba ethnic groups were originally one people from the

historical and socio-cultural points of view. These appellations and their present sites were as a

matter of migratory movements triggered by either the search for a fertile arable land, hunting

grounds or war (Swiri, 1998). The slight difference between them was the period of separation

from one another.

Most of the Mankon people are Christians nowadays (Presbyterians, Catholics, Baptist

and Pentecostals) and Muslims. Some people still practice the ancient traditional religion, which

is Shamanistic and animistic in nature. The belief in a higher being, called kwifo and in ancestor

spirits, played an important role in the lives of the Mankon people. They also belief in the

veneration of ancestors and that spiritual power is bestowed on people, animals and natural

objects. As such they set aside holy places such as sacred forests or trees, rocks, and burial sites

because they were used in many traditional ceremonies and as such, these sites are highly

respected. Some of these sacred forests (Kupfrufo) still exist in the area treasuring indigenous

32

plant and animal species. The traditional belief systems influence the ways of Mankon people in

interacting with nature as will be seen in chapter four.

Some social rites of Mankon include Ndamon (childbirth and to give a name to a newly

born baby), Ndimon (first feeding ceremony to babies), and Mufang (birth of twin babies).

Similarly, Marriage, Mboumala, Nukwi and Abuin-Afo, are also significant cultural rites. Nuvü

(funeral ceremony), Nusah, Alankie and Nushwim are some religious rites of the community. The

Mankon people have their own beliefs and zodiac systems defining inauspicious days based on

their methods of cosmology, which is known as Nzenkane. They follow the lunar calendar system

in which the 12 alom (years) are represented by different animals and birds.

3.1.7.3. Trade

Trading and tourism were also regarded as the second most important contributors to the

Mankon economy besides subsistence agriculture, tapping, animal husbandry, artisanal activities

(carving and weaving), and hunting which were the mainstays of the Mankon economy. In trade,

there were many cooperative credit unions that helped in marketing. Many retailers bought stuffs

from Nigeria and Baffoussam to retail in the Bamenda and Ntarinkon main markets.

3.1.7.4 Farming

The financial and economic backbone of Mankon is agriculture. It is the main source of

livelihood for 78% of people in the region. The local traditional methods of shifting cultivation

such as slash and burn (Ankara) were still common in the area. Other traditional farming methods

identified were; local agro-forestry system of farming; spot-buming where grass or trees with lots

of shades were bumt on the spot to avoid wild fire from destroying the forest. Such bumt trees

could later be used as fuel-wood. The main food crops produced include; Cassava (casara),

Collocasia (Aku’u), Pepper (Tsutarh), Maize (Nchwi), Beans (Fukon), Yam (Azu’), Cocyam

(Makaba), Groundnuts (Mandzu), Egusi (Nge’), sweet potatoes (Mafen) and vegetables (Nzah).

These comprise the staple food items of the local community. Generally, most of these crops were

for household consumption than marketing. Important cash crops are plantains (Nungom), Oil

palm (Mumvuru), coffee and bananas (Ambow). The main forest products are timber, construction

materials and herbal drugs. More interestingly, the local communities still mainly depend on

compost manure for agriculture, which is produced by poultry, pig and goats.

33

3.1.7.5 Livestock Rearing

Though the vegetation favored the existence of varieties of flora and fauna, at present

livestock rearing does not make a markable contribution to the economy of the people living

around Mankon sacred forest. Though most if not all farmers, kept some livestock. It was rare,

however to come across individuals who were solely livestock rearers or breeders. Animals reared

included goats (Mbyindong), pigs (Kakvunyam), sheep (Mbyindzu), fowls (Ngub), dogs (Ngvo)

and cats (Munyangvu).

3.1.7.6. Handicraft Production

Common handicrafts included; weaving, embroidery of traditional Mankon cloth (tog),

which is a special skill of the women in this community, carving, and blacksmithing (Warnier,

1975). Work in these areas was divided according to gender. Women weaved cloth and skirts for

the family, and men weaved baskets and bags from cane and raffia as well as make agriculture

tools such as machetes, spades, axes, and shovels, and traps to catch birds, mice and sh. This

reduces family expenditures and pressures on the beautiful sacred forest and at the same time

preserved the beautiful art and culture of the Mankon people (Notue and Bianca, 2005).

3.1.7.7 Fishing

Fishing activities was inland and usually carried out during the dry season. It was done by

both men and women in the R. Mezam. The main species caught were tilapia and mud fish.

Fishing by women was for household consumption while about 80% of fish caught by men were

for marketing showing the fishing potential. Fishing gears were hooks and lines, baskets and nets.

The use of gamalin to harvest fish was prohibited in the entire survey area and the law was

enforced using the Kwifo sacred society.

3.1.7.8 Hunting

The gregarious position of the blacksmithing among the Ngemba group suggests the

possibility of the earlier hunters. Hunting success in the sacred forest was extremely low, partly

because of the strong ban against hunting in the sacred forests, and the general low availability of

wildlife in the study area. Hunters trap and shoot small forest animals such as birds; bush fowl

(Francolinus spp) Atù'uh ntsò, cane rat (Thryonomys swinderanus) Njibnu and squirrels

34

(Anomalurus spp) Kang. Hunting is preceded by hunting rituals and the animal caught is

equitably shared among the hunters in accordance with the customs and traditions.

3.1.8 Other activities

These include; the production of building materials such as sand collected from the river

Mezam and its tributaries and stones from queries containing reserves of basalts (ngo’fuwen) and

sandstones (ngo’tsoo tsoo). Clay deposits form potential raw materials for pottery, brick and tile

industry. Iron ore extracted from mines in Akum were used to produce hunting tools, hoes and

cutlass as well as cartridges for Dane guns.

3.1.9 Traditional Governance

In Mankon fondom, the spiritual world is the driving force that regulates the performance

of the Mankon people. The spiritual world has a strong link with institutions such as the kwifo and

the Ngangfo (association of herbalist, soothsayers and diviners) that has a spiritual role to play in

sacred forest management issues. Figure 5 below shows the organisation of the traditional

governance structure in the Mankon fondom.

Figure 5: Traditional governance structure in Mankon fondom

Clan heads

Quarter heads

Notables Ngangfo

Family heads

FO' (king) of Mankon fondom

Spiritual world: God, Ancestral Spirits

Kwifo sacred society

Common Initiative Groups (CIG)

Government Officials and NGOs

Past

Norms, Values

and Practices

Present

Norms, Values

and Practices

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anomalurus

35

3.1.9.1. The administrative institutions

In Mankon fondom, the FO' is the most signi cant leadership role. He is responsible for

decision-making in matters of community ceremonies and for settling disputes regarding culture

and customs. The title of FO' is hereditary and succession is partrilineal i.e. father to son. He

represent the fondom in all traditional and government matters, speak for their people and

interpret government policies in the fondom in relation to natural resource as well as sacred forest

issues. Due to the initiatives of the FO' of Mankon as a forester, the fondom has the largest sacred

forest in the region which the Mankon people hold in high esteem.

The Mankon traditional Council (MTC) is a council of nobles appointed by the Fon or the

kwifo. It is headed by an elected chairperson known as the Chief Councilor. The Chief Councillor

presides over all council sessions and takes all-important decisions in consultation with the Fon

who is the general adviser to the council.

The clan heads (Tat-Tsey), quarter heads (TA-Nuikvu) and family heads Tarui (men) and

Ma Tarui (women) resolve disputes at the clan, quarter and family levels respectively.

3.1.9.2. Magico- religious institutions

The regulatory role of kwifo involves making decisions and judgments in cases of stealing,

destruction of property and offensive behavior. Punishment was usually dealt out in terms of a

ne which is then divided out between the village elders. In cases where the leader is incapable of

making a decision on his own, there is discussion among the community elders

Ngangfo refers to those institutions promoting traditional medicine, purification from evil

spirits and healing. Members are drawn from herbalists throughout Mankon to prevent

misfortunes and bring good harvest to all.

3.1.9.3. Common Initiative Groups

These are socio-cultural organisations with a sense of purpose that show their commitment

to the course of conservation, management and development of the fondom. They include;

MACUDA (Mankon Cultural and Development Association), the umbrella and most

reputable Mankon tribal development association as it touch all the Mankon people within and

outside the survey area.

36

MASA (Mankon Students Association), the moving force of all youths of Mankon

towards the promotion of the Mankon culture and development.

Nkah Ni Kwi Ni Mankon (the light of maturity) is a women’s group with the goal of

empowering women/girls for a better future, advocate political, social, economic and cultural

rights of women/girls in Mankon.

Traditional dance groups such as Mbagalum, Meukomeundzang (juju dance), Bottle

dance, Asamba, Ngang, Bombe Sanyom, Akyanti, Asuk, Makongey, Nkom awodo (women only),

Muwatsu and Mandere royal dance respectively are commonly used to create awareness and

support during traditional festivals.

3.1.9.4. Governmental and Non-Governmental Organisations

Down the structure are service providers, both from governmental and non-governmental

organisations (OCOTONAP, WACameroon) as well as researchers who can work with any of

these traditional institutions in the area of advocacy, policy influencing and formulation in

relation to natural resource management issues as indicated by the linkages. The arrows in figure

5 above indicate the values, norms, and practices of the people and serves as the guiding

principles and framework upon which all the institutions operates within the management of

forest resources in the past and present.

3.2. METHODOLOGY

3.2.1. DATA COLLECTION

Field data collection began with a recognisance visit to the study area in order to ascertain

the possibilities of carrying out the study, the difficulties anticipated, and the availability of

information. Pre-investigations by open discussions were conducted with the FO' of Mankon, his

secretary and my supervisor in order to select appropriate study sites and key informants. A

1:100.000 topographic map of Mankon was used to delimit the study area and to guide the

sketching of the sacred forest concept map (figure 2). Two research assistants were equally

selected and trained on the subject matter. Data for the study was obtained from secondary and

primary sources.

37

3.2.1.1. Secondary data

Secondary data were obtained from the archives of the Mankon fondom in the keeping

with the FO', NGOs such as OCOTONAP and WACameroon that has been working in the

Northwest of Cameroon in the domain of conservation, as well as from review of works from the

Mankon library, FASA and University of Dschang. Documents related to the 1994 Forestry and

Wildlife Law, and decrees of applications were also consulted. Additional documentary sources

such as books, journals, magazines, and the internet were also consulted.

3.2.1.2. Primary data

This study employed a participatory rural appraisal (PRA) approach (IMPECT, 2006;

Himberg, 2006; Tchamou, 2007), which consist of participating in activities related to natural

resource management organised by the villagers. The advantage of PRA was its strength to build

the trust and friendliness with participants which are keys in sacred forest research as the

management of these forests is based on taboos and myths that local communities are often

reluctant to share.

Twelve (12) closed ended test questionnaires and semi structured interview guides were

designed and shared to 2 research assistants and 10 students at the University of Dschang campus.

The purpose was to identify difficulties in order to fine-tune the questions for easy understanding

by respondents. After testing and fine-tuning, 100 closed ended questionnaires (Annex 2) were

administered randomly to 23 farmers, 12 traders, 20 students, 18 teachers, and 27 ordinary

members of the community from 7 quarters out of 67 quarters in the fondom. The 7 quarters

which comprised of Ntaw, Ntingkag, Kikvung, Bagbenong, Bagmande, Alakoro, and Ala’nki were

purposively selected due to their proximity to the sacred forests, low population density, have

sacred forest in relatively intact status and emphases on traditions. The questionnaires were

serially distributed (after every third household) according to the population size of age groups

which ranged between 15-35, 35-55, and more than 55 years old. Coloured papers of the colours

pink, green and yellow were used respectively to multiply the questionnaires and enhance their

response.

Twenty eight (28) semi structured interviews (Annex 3) were conducted with the FO of

Mankon (1), 8 notables (comprising of 2 clan heads, 3 quarter heads, and 3 family heads), 2

palace retainers and 5 women, 2 NGO’s, 2 youths, 2 pastors, 2 herbalist, 2 lawyers, 2 delegates

38

from the divisional delegations of MINEPDED and MINFOF. These key informants were

selected on the recommendation of the community during participatory rural appraisal (PRA)

based on their local and scientific knowledge of sacred forests, Mankon culture and the laws

governing forests and local communities in Cameroon. 128 people were successfully sampled out

of a population 20.000 inhabitants in the study area. In general, the questionnaires and semi

structured interviews were administered on Sundays after church services and Nzenkane (Main

traditional Sunday) which were off days with restricted activities. The interviews were done with

the help of a translator at the palace, homes, church and schools. Some of the interviews were

recorded using phone tapes of mark Itel BL-5c, videos and digital camera (cannon 1500 PX) to

which the interviewees had consented and were useful in spatial analysis.

Five (5) focus groups discussions (annex 4) were conducted with meeting groups (Ngang,

Bombe Sanyom, Asuk, Asamba and Akyanti) in each of the seven quarters. The aim was to make

the communities proposed practical intervention measures (logical framework) for the sustainable

management of the Mankon sacred forests. Other method used in this study to collect data were

personal observations and physical con rmation of the communities’ way of life and usage of

natural resources and recording the different types of species present in the sacred forest. Adobe

Illustrator and M.S Picture Manager were used to draw maps and treat photos, respectively.

3.2. DATA ANALYSES

The processing of data began with coding by assigning numbers (1, 2 and 0) to all data

collected from the field in to the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) soft-ware Vs. 17.

The SPSS data were then exported in to M.S Excel in which tables, histograms and charts were

generated. Traditional institutions were analysed using institutional analysis. Detailed analyses

were made to define the role of each of them. The two sets of data were also used to analyse the

Mankon people’s perception in relation to the sacred forest, customary governance, knowledge

and practices in sacred forest management. Strategies proposed for the sustainable management of

the Mankon sacred forest were analysed using logical framework analysis. During the eldwork

period, information was continually analyzed with the participation of the communities. The data

collected for this study was mainly qualitative in type and therefore, analysis and interpretations

was largely based on descriptive statistics.

39

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

4.1. THE ROLES OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE SUSTAINABLE

MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS IN MANKON FONDOM

Seven (7) traditional institutions were identified to be involved in the management of

Mankon sacred forest for biodiversity conservation as shown in table 3 below.

Table 3: The roles of traditional institutions in the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests

Traditional

institutions

Potential role in sacred forest conservation

KWIFO

(sacred society)

Use supernatural powers to;

-Reinforce injunctions on over exploitation in the sacred forest,

-Reinforces laws for maintenance of peace;

-Discipline and enforces the payment of fines

-Enforce customary rules and regulations over sacred forests

-Control over exploitation of sacred forest resources

The FO'

(King of Mankon)

-The FO' is an agronomist thus has a wealth of knowledge on

forest conservation;

- Ensure effective and efficient management of the sacred forest

-Works in collaboration with the traditional council to enforce

modern and customary laws on the use of SF resources

-Pass local byelaws and ensure their enforcement and above all

ensure proper administration of the village

-Has control over sacred forest resources and is the only person to

authorize timber harvesting for social services.

Mankon Traditional

Council (MTC)

- Made up of king makers, elders who are mainly clan, quarter and

family heads of each quarter

-Serve as traditional courts at the village level by resolving land

40

and other disputes between individuals

-Make rules and regulations to protect the sacred forest

-Ban the hunting of all endangered and flagship species in the SF

-Enact laws which help in controlling deforestation

(Ngangfo)

-Herbalists

- Naturopaths

-Soothsayers

-Promote sustainable methods of medicinal plant harvesting by

- Using leaves, roots and one side debarking of medicinal plants

thereby preserving the intrinsic values of the plants

-Purification from evil spirits by invoking supernatural powers

Notables

(Clan, Quarter and

Family heads)

-Enforce sacred forest resources management policies at clan level

- Decree tree planting among members.

-Keep sacred shrines around trees, water and forest thus

alternatively protect the trees and forests

-Plant peace trees to settle disputes

-Restrict utilisation and cultivation in/ around shrines and sacred

forests

Women union

-Keep trees in farms for shade; Plant trees for polinisation and

honey production; surveillance by reporting cases of encroachment

-Compose songs that regulate the over exploitation of forest

resources, pass on experience to children

-Work farms on communal bases to raise money for the common

interest of the group, hence they reduce pressure on the SF

Youths Groups of the

age 15-35 years

- Provides general labour for community development,

-Casual labour for operation such as clearing and pruning of trees

and grass around the sacred forest boundaries to prevent bush fires

From the foregoing institutional analysis in table 3 above, the main reason for the success

of the MSF until now is due to the conservation efforts of the FO'' of Mankon. As an agronomist,

his knowledge in forest preservation as well the strong leadership over his subjects has also

41

influence his efficiency in the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests as well as

the sustenance of the culture and tradition of the Mankon people. In close consultation with local

people through the notables (clan, quarter and family heads) and with the views from the MTC

(judiciary), the FO' administers the general governance of the Mankon fondom.

In Mankon fondom as discussed in section 4.1, MTCs serve as traditional courts at the

village level, even though this institution is not legally empowered to perform such functions

(Feh, 2009). Chapter 1-3 of Law No. 2004/017 of 22 July 2004 on decentralisation stipulates that

decentralised local councils entitled to devolution of power in Cameroon are made of 10 regions

and 339 councils. The government councils provided in the law include city and rural councils.

Rural councils refer to councils whose jurisdiction is an entire sub-division. Article 4 (1) of 2004

Law on Decentralisation provides that councils are in charge of promoting economic, social,

cultural, health, educational and sports development. Rural and Urban/City Councils are legally

recognised as the local government institutions but the village traditional councils have no status

in the decentralisation process. This study also shows that in Cameroon, Land tenure and

conservation lands are governed by both the statutory (written law) and customary law but

customary law is not recognised to give land property. There is therefore a need to reform the

justice system and legally recognise the village traditional council as part of the local government

institutions which deliver some of the above basic services and also in protecting sacred forests.

Traditionally, the Mankon people say that the kwifo (the gods of Mankon) is the owner of

Mankon, its trees and animals, as well as the people, though all land and natural resources in

Mankon is entrusted to the FO. This saying emphasises the importance of kwifo as the giver of

material wealth and the importance of the Fon as the leader of the fondom. The kwifo juju is

believed to possess magical powers that could harm anyone who sees it physically and

generations yet unborn (Eyong, 2010). The fear of the Kwifo juju’s beatings and ill lock

contributed in law enforcement enabling culprits to cooperate.

The situation where Ngangfo (herbalist, soothsayers and diviners) manage forest resources

is not new, not at least in Africa. A study by Ongia and Epilla (1993) in Atabu parish, Lira

district, noted that clans and herbalist in the villages preserved special tree species such as

Ndzeng (Ficus spp) and Ewa (a thorny tree) which were used for casting away diseases that

commonly attack twins, and as such, these plant species could also not be cut.

42

These five cornerstones of the Mankon traditional governance system has been in

existence since the beginning of the fondom. Their conservatory prescriptive regulations for

sacred forest management have ensured the co-existence between humans and plants, animals,

mountains and rivers (Bonye, 2006). As Freddy (2006) puts it “resource degradation in

developing countries, actually originates from the dissolution of local level institutional

arrangements whose very purpose was to give rise to resource use patterns that were sustainable.

Traditional institutions enforce rules, incentives and penalties for eliciting behavior conducive to

rational and effective forest conservation and use”. Eyong, (2010) also describe the MTC

institution as the most democratic institution at the village level as decisions are taken

democratically even though it is not empowered under the Cameroonian law (Feh, 2009). This

study is also in line with Byers et al., (2001) that forest degradation is low in areas where

traditional leadership is strong and effective as compared to forest where traditional rulers were

stripped off this function. This study has indicated that traditional knowledge and proximity to

natural resources is of prime importance in forest biodiversity conservation goals. The persistence

nature of certain species can be attributed to the level of conscientiousness among the people

about conservation. This knowledge of conservation is closely linked with traditional lifestyle that

encourages sustainable utilisation of biodiversity (Sherpa, 2011). Thus in order to fulfill

Cameroon’s obligations under international environmental agreements such as the CBD, the

potentials of traditional institutions ought to be identified and strengthened by the state

government as it contributes in limiting access and rampant exploitation of sacred forest resources

thereby contributing to the conservation of biodiversity.

43

4.1.1.2. FORMAL INSTITUTIONS AND SACRED FOREST MANAGEMENT

In Cameroon, the national institutional framework is characterized by cohabitation

between a variety of public institutions and the many traditional institutions, which have limited

or no recognition by the State. Table 4 below highlights the formal institutional framework which

could be relevant for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests.

Table 4 : The roles of formal institutions on the sustainable management of sacred forests

Formal Institutions Potential Roles

MINFOF

(Ministry of Forestry

and wild life )

-Control general use of forest resources, forest inventory, and

forest management programs;

-Oversees the legal compliance of forest exploitation

-Control misuse of forest resources; Collect revenue from forest

resources;

-Issue permits and licenses for exploration, exploitation, and EIA

approbation; Levy tax on forest products;

-Plans and supervises tree planting through subcontractors

(communities, municipalities and private companies).

MINEPDED

(Ministry of

Environment, Nature

Protection and

Sustainable

Development)

- Ensure management plans for forests, protected areas, wildlife

and biodiversity, -Clean Development Mechanisms, and

biosafety,

-Safeguarding Cameroon’s biological wealth

NGOs

-OCOTONAP,

-WACameroon

-Encourage the planting of environmental friendly trees

-Education on forest degradation

-Promote community tourism and environmental protection

-Capacity building, advocacy for community control

-Create awareness on forest and environmental issues sensitisation

-Provides tools for improving water supply for the community

-Contribute in improving the status and livelihood of the poor

especially women and other disadvantaged groups in Cameroon.

44

(MINAGRI)

Ministry of Agriculture

and Livestock

-Teach farmers on sustainable farming practices for improved food

production

-Promoting agricultural and livestock activities, and resolving

conflicts regarding the use of land; Approves land-use

management plans and defines criteria to use land

Schools

(Primary, secondary and

Universities)

-Educating pupils on sustainable use of forest resources

-Educate pupils on the disadvantages of deforestation and

mismanagement of forest resources

The Church

(Presbyterian, Catholic,

Baptist, Islam)

-Moral development, rehabilitation, unity, spiritual leadership,

care and awareness; Teaches good morals to people; helps keep

families together; Engage in offering tree planting messages as

support for tree planting programs

From the institutional analyses in table 4 above, it is seen that, though MINFOF is playing

a central role in the protection of the green environment, mainly forest ecosystems and the

wildlife therein, MINEP has partial responsibility for the management of the environment and the

protection of nature. In Mankon fondom the influence of these institutions were generally high.

Some NGOs such as OCTONAP with interest in conservation are cooperating with the Mankon

traditional institutions for the purpose of protecting the MSF. Egute, (2012) gives an example

where NGOs in Korup signed Memorandum of Understanding (MU) with the chiefs to use their

traditional village councils and Ekpe sacred societies to ban wanton exploitation of the park’s

resources. Article 2 of the M U states that, the village traditional council and Ekpe society of each

village shall ban the hunting of endangered species in the forest The fine for defaulters will be

determined by respective traditional council concerned. By initiating a MU as such, these NGO

recognised the potentials of these traditional institutions to pass customary rules and regulations

and also ensured their enforcement thereby supporting the potentials of the sacred forests for

CBD. Another example is in Fossimondi, were respondents testified that taboos protecting great

apes were already dying out but were reinstituted due to the influence of a local conservation

organisation known as ERuDeF (Ndeloh et al., 2007). This is an excellent example where the

presence of conservationists leads to the revival of taboo systems that were almost lost and also

45

shows that the protection of sacred forests can be at best when the traditional and modern

approaches are combined.

4.1.1.3. Relationship between Traditional and Formal Institutions

Figure 6 below shows the relationship between formal and traditional institutions in SFM

in Mankon fondom.

Figure 6: Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions in SFM in the Mankon fondom

Majority (60%) of the respondents indicated very good working relationship with formal

institutions for the reasons that, formal institutions such as NGOs are involved in sensitization

workshops and providing training on forest management skills (table 4). Eleven (11)% and 8%, of

the respondents were also of the view that, their relationship with the formal institutions

were good, and average respectively. In this light, i agree with Ostrom (1999), that where

traditional institutions are given the necessary training skills, opportunity and resources to

develop their own management systems, they well be able to do so effectively.

However, 46% of respondents elucidated poor or no relationship with formal institutions

in the management of natural resources in the fondom which was attributed to the fact that they

were not consulted in the planning and formulation of forest management policies. These findings

agree with Runge (1996) attribution of poor management of natural resources to intrusive state

policies which undermines traditional institutions in the management of community resources.

This was attributed to the total lack of consultation in the planning and formulation of forest

management policies. Thus NGOs, researchers and the state should coorporate with traditional

010203040506070

Poor/no relationship

Average Good Very good

perc

enta

ge o

f res

pond

ets

Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions

PoorAverageGoodVery good

46

rulers and the local communities in order to achieve the objective of improving the potentials

sacred forests for biodiversity conservation.

4.1.2. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE

Traditional knowledge has been defined as the mental capacity and innovations developed

by the local people from experience gained over the centuries and transmitted orally from

generation to generation to understand and relate forest issues to practical use, about the

relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment

(CBD, 1997). It tends to be collectively owned and takes the form of stories, songs, folklore,

proverbs, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language, and agricultural

practices, including the development of plant species and animal breeds (Cho, 2004).

Mankon people have lived close to nature for centuries or millennia and as such have wide

environmental knowledge about ecosystems as well as the plants and animal species inhabiting

them acquired through informal experimentation. The rich and intact nature of the unique

Mankon sacred forest has been maintained through traditional environmental knowledge by;

Identification varieties of plants and animals

Selective harvesting,

Conserving the potential, ritualistic and socio-culturally valued species (Ormsby, 2013)

Planning of development programs,

Knowledge of distribution of most species, which are difficult to investigate by means of

scientific studies (Lykke et al., 2004).

Development of many of the traditional practices.

Berkes et al, (2000) defines traditional environmental knowledge as a cumulative body of

knowledge and beliefs about the relationship of living beings with one another handed down

through generations by cultural transmission. Observations by local people are central in getting

information on aspects of long-term vegetation change. For example in a study done in the

Philippines, it was found that an average adult in a group of shifting cultivators could identify

around 16,000 varieties of plants. An earlier systematic botanical survey had recorded only

12,000 species (Castro et al., 2001). Another example is a soil survey in Africa where a local

agriculturist could generate perfectly usable soil maps much quicker than the soil scientist

(Michaelidou et al., 2002). Mankon people also have extensive cultural knowledge about local

47

history, customs, beliefs and mythology (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004).

Unfortunately, as Himberg, (2006) describes, “The loss of traditional knowledge within

cultures undergoing rapid change, is a problem which is at least as serious for humanity as is the

loss of species”. Thus, traditional knowledge should not only be incorporated into ecosystem and

community viability efforts, but should also be maintained. Linkages between modern science

and traditional knowledge need to be recognized and acknowledged (Ormsby, 2013). For

example, the Mankon people value forest for the spiritual values while science appreciates the

economical and biological values. Thus, avenues through which the environmental and cultural

knowledge can be passed to new generations should be established since traditional knowledge

appears to be a key element in the development of many of the traditional practices.

4.1.3. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL PRACTICES

The responses from key participants and focus group interviews reveals a variety of

traditional conservation practices for sacred forest and natural resource management compatible

with biodiversity conservation in Mankon fondom. These practices are also interrelated,

coordinated and executed by the traditional institutions. These practices have been put into

categories for discussion purposes as shown in figure 7 below.

Figure 7: Traditional practices for SF management in Mankon fondom

Traditional practices refers to the activities carried out by local people to control, use and

manage natural resources such as land, forests, soils, and water according to traditional systems or

0 20 40 60

Cultural beliefs and taboos

Customary rules and regulations

Cultivation habits and …

Traditional festivals and Rituals

Traditional protected sites

Myths

Percentage (%)

Trad

ition

al p

ract

ices

Myths Traditional sitesTraditional festivalsCultivation habits

Customary rulesCultural beliefs

48

customary laws developed by the local community over time in their daily interaction with the

environment (CBD, 1997).

From figure 7 above, 37% of respondents indicated that cultural beliefs and taboos as

traditional conservation practice, 49% indicated customary rules and regulations, 16% cited

cultivation habits and harvesting methods while 7% cited traditional festivals and rituals, 9%

indicated traditional protected areas and 10% also mentioned myths as conservational practice.

Detailed information on these methods uncovered through interviews and focus group discussions

are explained below.

4.1.3.1. Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people

Cultural beliefs and taboos were considered as practices that relate to socially accepted

unwritten rules, or social prohibitions, without tangible explanations (Freddie, 2007). Indept

interviews revealed that cultural beliefs and taboos contributed in regulating Mankon people’s

behavior towards the use of sacred forest especially its wildlife resources as indicated by 37% of

respondents in figure 7 above. Table 5 below shows some cultural beliefs and taboos of the

Mankon people.

Table 5: Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people

OFFENSE SANCTIONS

Gathering and use of firewood from

the sacred forest

The children of the offenders are burned if firewood

taken from the sacred forest is burned

Slash and burn around the sacred

forest for agriculture

The family is subjected to ill fate in which certain

family members can be burned by fire

Encroachment in to traditional

protected sites e.g. sacred forests

Bad luck, sudden illness, or even death, amputation of

a member of the offender or abortion in the case of a

pregnant woman

Violation of sacred days as defined

by the tradition

Poor crop yield

Sacrilege in the sacred forest (getting The offender gets lost in the sacred forest and can

49

in with unclean mind such as sorcerer

practices)

spend several days in the forest without finding his

way back home until he confesses.

Beat a thief or criminal after the

branch or leave a sacred tree

Ndzengewa (Ficus thonningii) is

placed on the person

Strong self-enforced sanctions. Sacrifice of sheep,

goats, and gallons of palm wine can be demanded by

the kwifo.

Killing sacred animals such as

python, monkeys and Bannermans

Turaco

Strong self-enforced sanctions, bad luck, sudden

illness, or even death

These restrictions and taboos were laid down by the ancestors and form the basis of the

Mankon society. Thus no Mankon man would dare to violate them. Most people (47%) still

observe the clan and individual taboos, just as the Muslims interdict pork. Tumnde, (2001)

reported, similar practices in the Mount Cameroon area as well as Ndeloh et al., (2008) in

Bechati, and Besali in Southwest Cameroon. They reported that it was a taboo for a pregnant

woman to eat Monkey (Cercopithecus preussi), bush baby (Galago alleni) Ngara, Chimpanzee

(Pan troglodytes) and cross river gorilla (Gorilla gorilla diehli) because they are the closest

relation to man of all the animals, some are totems and also because of the belief that her child

will likely resemble these animals. As a result some hunters may not be willing to kill any animal

that will not be eaten by their wives Mboma (Python sebae) was also considered as taboo by 37%

of respondents. The reason for this was that the bile of python is believed to be poisonous. Thus,

any hunter that kills python would have to sacrifice a goat. In addition, the python will brought to

the village centre where the bile would be removed and destroyed in the presence of everybody in

order to be certain that no one would have access to it for negative use (Saka et al., 2012). In all,

58% of the animals mentioned by villagers were forbidden by taboos, 31% due to personal dislike

while 8% were for religious and totem reasons.

Furthermore in the study area, certain trees such as Ndzeng (Ficus sur) and Ighum (Ficus

natalensis) were also considered sacred and were not supposed to be felled without performing

rituals (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2007). It is believed that they harbour the spirits of the clan

ancestors and as such these trees were not exploited. The belief in the consequences of entering

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Common_Chimpanzee

50

the sacred forest prevented the villagers from exploiting its resources and this unintentionally

contributed in conserving biodiversity (Saj et al., 2006; Saka et al., 2012). This also shows that

taboos may contribute to the conservation of vulnerable wildlife habitats, flagship, endemic and

keystone species (Colding et al., 2003; Tsi, 2006; Veríssimo et al., 2011; Yasuo et al., 2012).

4.1.3.2. Customary rules and regulations

According to 47% of the respondents, customary rules and regulations were set up to

regulate access into sacred forests (Freddie, 2007). Mankon community is governed by customary

laws stating rules and sanctions for those who do not comply or violate the rules stated therein.

The chapter 2 of the statute describes the obligation to conserve, foster and protect natural

resources within the community territory. These included rules regulating the controlled burning

of forests, seasonal harvesting of fruits, trees and wild vegetable products. Access to the sacred

forests was denied to anyone looking for firewood, cropping, hunting, or anyone deemed to be a

sorcerer (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009). Persons who misuse natural resources are applied

sanctions determined by the traditional council. Sanctions range from an oral rebuke to fees, and

even to the loss of the status as community member, thus losing all the rights in the community.

These rules have been reinforced by the village regulatory institutions (kwifo sacred

society) as well injunctions placed at strategic positions around the sacred forests. It is now left

for policy makers to identify and strengthen such practices for effective management of sacred

forest for CBD.

4.1.3.3. Cultivation Habits and Harvesting methods

It was observed that trees such as Ewa (Acacia spp), Nibi (Garcina kola), kieng (Xylopia

Africana), Lung (Ficus vogeli) and Ati nibi (Cola animalis) as well as ornamental trees were

planted around the village, houses, and farms. Sixteen percent (16%) of respondents

acknowledged that the trees served as windbreaks, chase evil spirits, shade and for medicines.

This cultivating habits of the Mankon people has enable the people to be able to produce their

own tress for fuelwood, construction and personal use and as a result has greatly reduced pressure

on the sacred forest resources thereby boosting it potentials for biodiversity conservation. Castro

et al., (2001) also highlighted local knowledge in tree management for shade, pollination and

honey production in the Philippines.

51

Harvesting methods refers to extraction methods such as fruits collection by picking only

without cutting the whole tree, or non-destructive picking. Debarking of medicinal trees during

extraction was done on one side only, unlike ring debarking. This was done in order to allow the

survival of the tree because the cambium on areas left with barks continues to function in

transporting nutrients from the roots to other parts of the plant.

4.1.3.4. Traditional Protected Areas

These included sacred forests, sacred caves (mbue) at Ala’mandom, and burial sites at

Ala’nkyi and sacred trees (Ndzeng ewa and wume) where shrines may be located. These areas had

spiritual values which were confined either to a certain clan, family or individual’s attachment to

the forest resource. Information about specific knowledge of forest or tree values is passed on

through unique experiences of parents and family members (Cho, 2004; Appiah, 2007). For

example, if an ancestor of a clan was buried in a forest or a certain medicinal plant had healed

somebody from a chronic illness, or was used to induce fertility in a barren man or woman, family

members look at that tree as a spiritual medium for healing. Consequently, such a tree species will

be of spiritual value to that family or clan. Although the initial idea was not for conservation, the

activity could be appreciated from a conservation point of view because this helps maintain

species diversity and abundance thereby the functioning of the ecosystems.

According to Dudley et al., (2009) and Ormsby, (2013), these sites survived over several

years and acted as reservoir for biodiversity despite the religious battle against them. This

practiced also greatly favoured the total protection of certain vulnerable species and wildlife

habitats. Similarly, the practice of protecting streams and riverine vegetations helped in

preventing the soil erosion and eutrophication. This type of watershed-based management

practice should be encourage and included into SF management programmes (Purna, 2003). The

MSF is a treasure to be preserved jealously by both the royal family and the natives respectively

4.1.3.5. Traditional Festivals and Rituals Festivals and rituals as indicated by 7% of the respondents where used as a strategy to the

revival of traditional knowledge and practices that were previously marginalised and as such were

useful for the management of sacred forests and biodiversity conservation (Bonye, 2006). The

most prominent among others in the study site was the Nükwi festival which occurs once in the

life time of a FO (Ntomnifor, 2013). The Mboumala and Abuin Afo festivals are performed

52

annually and are considered a unifying ceremony as every household in the community

participates in it. These festivals enhances the relationship between the community members,

nature (soil, water, forest, wildlife), and the supernatural (gods and ancestors of the land) so that

ecological balance is maintained (Foncho, 2013).

In Mankon, the main rituals performed include; Nüsa, Ala’nkyi, Ngangfo and Nushwim

rituals and are clear reflection of the Mankon people’s beliefs. These ceremonies are done to

ensure economic returns, peace and blessing in the community and families (Ghamoti, 2013). The

Ala’nkyi rituals and Nükwi festivals are performed in the Ala’nkyi sacred forest which is one of

the watershed sources in Mankon fondom. Ngangfo ritual is performed to prevent any accidents

or misfortunes during the festivals. In conducting these rituals, guardian spirit of kwifo, the gods

of land, forests, water, and animal is invited. The purpose is to give thanks and to propitiate the

gods of the fondom who protects and keeps the forest lush and the watershed source flowing for

the entire year for the benefit of the community (Ylhäisi 2006). These rituals are performed every

year and are particularly important for communities where water is scarce, so as to ensure a

yearlong supply. As a result of these rituals, the sacred forest cannot be disturbed. There can be

no hunting, collecting of herbs, or cutting of trees for any reason. The spirit will punish any

offenders by making them fall sick and when this happens, the person must perform a ritual

propitiating the spirit in order to recover (Ghamoti, 2013). Figure 8 below illustrates the roles of

festivals and rituals in SFM and community development.

GOs and

NGO

Festivals and Rituals

Accountabilit AdvocacyPreservation and maintenance of

culture

Contemporary roles

Action plan

Traditional roles

Sacred Forest Management Action Plan

Action plan Action plan Action plan

TAs

53

Figure 8: Roles of festivals and rituals in sacred forest management in Mankon fondom

Source: Adapted from Bonye, (2006)

According to Nold (2004), during these celebrations, traditional authorities (TAs) and

people use these fora to appeal for funds for development projects such as schools, libraries,

health centers, provision of streetlights, and festivals also attract tourist into the community and

may earn some income for local development in the area. Politically, chiefs use the festivals as a

means to achieve the principle of governance by consent. In addition festivals create forums to

invite and engage dialogue with government officials (GOs), non-governmental organizations

(NGOs) and politicians through advocacy for development, plan actions for NRM, appeal for

stakeholders’ support and disseminate local bye-laws, policies and programmes.

Religiously, Foncho, (2013) posits that festivals served as a period for thanksgiving to the

Supreme Being (God), and pacification of the gods as well as the ancestors residing in sacred

forests thereby conserving the potentials of sacred forest as home of the ancestors. In sum, the

festival and rituals are also meant to strengthen the peoples spiritually and to enable them to be

successful in the coming year. The occasion also offers citizens of the area the opportunity to visit

home at least, once in a year to join their families and as a result, in the course of these visits,

outstanding disputes and misunderstandings could be settled. This therefore, promotes unity and

peace within the family system and the community as a whole.

Culturally, the occasions helps to transmit, conserve (maintain), and project the culture of

the traditional area. The occasion is also used to learn the traditional dances, songs, drumming,

and art of the area which is very important because no society can forget its culture (Foncho,

2013). They provide an opportunity for elders to pass on traditional knowledge and the meaning

of customs to younger generations useful in the preservation and management of sacred forests

and community resources (Sheridan and Nyamweru, 2007).

Mankon people believe that if they do not honor the pact with the supernatural, they will

endanger their home and their community. Some taboos and totems, forms of music and art

that have been privilege over the years and used for sacred forest as well as natural resources

management are increasingly been marginalised, thus festivals and rituals are therefore used in

Mankon fondom as a strategy to revive these traditions (Bonye, 2006).

54

4.1.3.6. Myths

The Mankon people have developed interesting myths regarding their beliefs on the sacred

forest and forest-dwelling supernatural powers. Based on Oates, (1999; Sherpa et al., 2013) and

Tchamou, (2007) findings, myths are secrets transmitted from generation to generation

highlighting victories due to sacred forests during tribal wars or the misfortunes that had befallen

the violators of the laws and injunctions of the sacred forests. Myths instilled traditional fear

which has grown from age to age and has gone a long way to guarantee the protection of sacred

forests and other natural resources in Mankon fondom.

A good example is the case when the Mankon people were confronted with the onslaught

of tribal conflicts. According to Eballa and Angamo, (2013) and Ghamoti, 2013) Mankon

warriors took refuge in the sacred forest during tribal wars between Dr Eugene Zintgraff

“Singere” and the Bali punitive expedition against the Mankon people in January 1891. It was

alleged that the spirits of the forefathers (Kwifo) caused whirlwind around the sacred forest to

protect them against their enemies and also the gods directed them into dangerous places where

they were taken hostage. The Mankon warriors then lodged a massive counter attack and four out

of 5 Europeans were killed right in the battle field.

Another informant reported a case where young girl was declared missing and found dead

4 days later in the Mankon sacred forest by the kwifo juju halved buried with her head in the

ground and legs in the air. She was reported to have been stroked by thunder in the course of

fetching fire wood in the central part of the sacred forest. These myths were also similar to

Bahouan village in west Cameroon (Tchamou, 2007) where a newly converted Christian catechist

entered the sacred forest without permission with the intent of undermining what he deemed to be

the trumped-up sacred character of the forest. He got lost in the forest for several hours and only

found his way out after loudly proclaiming his guilt in the forest.

Since then, the entire community strongly believed in the supernatural power of kwifo and

they believe that they should not enter, yell, whistle or speak in loud voices in the sacred forest,

let alone fell trees since these would annoy the sacred forest gods. Oates, (1999) and Sherpa et al.,

(2013) posits that myths did not only reinforce human beliefs on the spiritual aspects of life on

supernatural powers, it has also contributed to the maintenance of the potentials of sacred forest

for biodiversity conservation.

55

4.1.4. Explaining the traditional practices in Mankon using scientific views

The traditional practices stated in this study are by no means exhaustive but merely a

starting point for further research in the socio-cultural and ecological linkages as well as their

contribution to the use of local ecological knowledge for biodiversity conservation. Table 6 below

summerises the traditional practices and their likely implication on the overall conservation goals

of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation in scientific terms.

Table 6 : Explaining the traditional conservation practices in Mankon using scientific views.

Traditional practice Scientific implication on Biodiversity Conservation

Traditional rules and regulations -Increase regeneration, breeding and improve

resilience of a species

-Avoid over exploitation of natural resources and also

to allow regeneration and

-Preservation of trees with longer rotation period to

avoid extinction

-Controlled burning of forest

-Seasonal harvesting of natural resources

-Preservation of certain species of trees

for royal use e.g. for making royal drums,

Cultural beliefs and Taboos

Enables people to conserve biodiversity out of respect

of traditional norms where forest and wildlife laws

cannot be enforced to regulate over exploitation

Dos and don’ts without tangible

explanations e.g. Pregnant women should

not eat certain animals e.g. monkeys

-Do not cut whole medicinal plant lest the

disease come to you

Cultivation habits and harvesting

methods

-Reduces competition among people, birds and

fruitvores thereby balancing the ecosystem

-Reduces deforestation

-Reduces the drying rate of trees after debarking

-Reduces on harvesting frequency and thus enhances

regeneration

-Planting trees for shade and pollination;

for firewood, cut only dead wood

-No cutting of fruit trees

-Debarking of medicinal plants should be

done only on one side where sun does not

shine directly

Myths -Reduces human induced negative disturbances on

forest biodiversity -Forest are considered spiritual spaces

56

-Sacred forest are homes to ancestral

spirits -A dense forest is synonymous to

“bring rainfall”

-Promotes water cycle and sustainability of an

ecosystem

-Promotes sustainable ecosystem functioning through

reduced human impact. -Knowledge of nature induces

intrinsic respect for conservation

Traditional protected areas (TPA) -Ethno forest refugia for threatened species

-Breeding sites for fauna species

-Promotes corridors and dispersal zones

No harvesting near grave sites to give

respect to the dead

Traditional festivals and rituals -Engage dialogue with government officials (GOs),

non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

- Advocacy for development issues,

-Action plan for NRM,

-Appeal for stakeholders’ support and

-Disseminate local bye-laws, policies and

programmes

Preservation and maintenance of culture

and tradition

4.2 PERCEPTIONS OF THE LOCAL PEOPLE ON SACRED FOREST

This section hinges on how traditional institutions perceive sacred forests as well as their

attitudes towards the sustainable management and conservation of SFs. Generally, a higher

percentage of respondents (95%), including Christians, expressed positive sentiments about

sacred forests especially the Mankon sacred forest. Analyses were made on; ownership, access

and control over the natural resources are perceived by the respondents. The perceived touristic

values (20%), cultural and spiritual potentials (75%), and ecological importance (33%) of the

sacred forests in Mankon fondom were also analyzed and presented in figures and tables.

4.2.1. Awareness, Ownership and Control of the Mankon Sacred Forest The Mankon people have their own understanding and perspectives on their sacred forest

and surrounding environment. What the local people perceive as to who has the right of

ownership or decision making and what the sacred forest represent for their life is very important

for the sustainable management of the sacred forest. Figure 9 below shows findings concerning

Mankon people’s perceptions on awareness, ownership, and control to the Mankon sacred forest

57

Figure 9: Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF in Mankon fondom

As can be seen from the figure 9 above, majority of respondents (75%) were aware and

believed that the sacred forest is owned by kwifo but controlled by the FO' of Mankon. They also

indicated that they have access to and do not control the sacred forest. In addition, they also knew

and respect the boundaries, traditional rules and injunctions as well as cultural beliefs and taboos,

which prohibit entering and hunting in the sacred forest. They were also aware of the presence of

animals such as monkeys, rare and endermic birds in the sacred forest. However, only 38% of

respondents could accurately describe the activities taking place in the forest such as harvesting of

medicinal plants, rituals and worshiping of ancestors because no one was allowed by tradition to

enter the SF. However, 48% of the respondents said they were not aware and as such do not have

access and control over the sacred forest and resources while 5% chose the option No idea.

Focus group discussions further revealed that ownership of the sacred forest was

perceived as vested in the kwifo sacred society and the FO (king). This perception is in line with

the Hmong beliefs that a supernatural being (Xeeb Teb Xeeb Chaw) is the Lord of the Forest and

controls the use of all natural resources be it soil, water, or even wild animals (IMPECT 2006).

Therefore, hunting of wildlife and hewing of trees in sacred forest was prohibited. Interviews with

key informants also revealed that the forest department played supervisory advisory roles, making

the MSF a blending model for traditional wildlife conservation.

A respondent in semi structured interviews said the following concerning access and

control of sacred forests in the fondom. “There are gods in the sacred forest you see ahead of me,

and we offer sacrifices to them yearly, yet we do not have absolute control over the resources

01020304050607080

Yes No No idea

perc

enta

ge o

f res

pond

ents

Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF

No IdeaNoYes

58

because there are strong taboos, beliefs and injunctions that prohibit the cutting of life or dead

trees and hunting of game. We are not also allowed to fetch herbs, harvest fruits and thatch for

roofing as well as dry sticks for cooking. So you see! We are totally prevented from utilising

sacred forest resources in this area”.

The beliefs of the Mankon people are integral to their way of thinking about ownership

and sustainably using forest resources for the community. As a result, if the Mankon people want

to use sacred forest resources, they must perform a ritual to request permission to do so. As for

traditional protected areas, the Mankon people regard such areas as private property that, although

others can go there for food, herbs, firewood, or for hunting, they cannot use theses area for

farming unless they are permitted to do so by the owner.

4.2.2. Perceptions on the Spiritual and Cultural Potentials

The traditional belief in the spiritual properties and uses of sacred forest has effects on the

protection and improvement of the environment as perceived by 75% of the respondents. Figure

10 below presents the spiritual relevance of the MSF as perceived by respondents in Mankon.

Figure 10: Spiritual relevance of the MSF in Mankon fondom

From figure 10 above, nine percent (9%) of the respondents had no idea about the

relevance of the MSF while 36% of respondents acknowledged that the sacred forest was

irrelevant to their livelihoods. Nevertheless, 55 out of 128 respondents indicated that sacred forest

was very relevant for their socio-cultural and spiritual performances.

According to Appiah, (2007), the spread of western education and Christianity has taken a

Very relevant 55%

Irrelant 36%

No idea 9%

Spiritual relevance of the MSF

Very relevantIrrelevantNo idea

59

strong hold resulting in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs and practices on the younger generation.

Some Christian informants advanced reasons such as worshiping of idols in the forests which

were completely against the will of God (Saj et al., 2006); while others said they benefit little or

nothing from the SF. These perceptions are also line with Millar (2003) and Ormsby (2013)

argument, that once the natives could not use forest resources freely, they would not see much

value in the forest and wildlife and as a result, will not support any conservation efforts let alone

protection. Cultural change over time has led to the weakening of traditional authority and sacred

forest protection and as such, sacred forests are disappearing due to changing beliefs

(Chandrakanth et al., 2004).

Follow up interviews revealed that from the spiritual and cultural perspectives, the

Mankon people have a strong belief that the sacred forest is a traditional heritage as home of the

village gods (kwifo) and royal ancestors as well places where special species of trees for carving

representing of the gods are found. These findings are also in line with Lentz, (2003) in the study

of “Spirituality and land” which established that every creature (plants and animals species) have

vindictive soul which lives after death. This shows that, the spiritual world is the major driving

force that regulates the performance of all traditional institutions in their quest to manage sacred

forests (Millar, 2004). Traditional practices are therefore based on a sense of harmony with the

natural environment which has enhanced the potentials of Mankon sacred forest for biodiversity

conservation.

4.2.3. Perceptions on the Ecological Potentials

Thirty three percent (33%) of key respondents totally agreed (Yes) that the MSF is

important because of the ecological services it provides and a means of conserving biodiversity.

The ecological services of the MSF mentioned by respondents in the 7 quarters of the study area

are listed in table 7 below.

60

Table 7: Ecological services perceived by respondents

Ecological Services Number of respondents Percentage

Source of seeds for reforestation 29 22

Trees as attractors of rain 20 15

Providing wildlife habitats 22 17

Wind breaks 11 9

Carbon sequestration and storage 4 4

regulating the climate 12 9

Soil enrichment (land rehabilitation) 18 14

Pollination 9 7

Habitat for seed dispersing organisms 3 3

Total 128 100

In-depth interviews and focus group discursions revealed that the Mankon people have

precise ecological knowledge about the ecological potentials of sacred forests as listed in table 8

above. Studies elsewhere in many areas of Africa (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009; Berkes et.al.,

2000), argue that though sacred forest are disappearing as a result of changes in religious

traditions, belief systems, rural economies and weakening of traditional institutions, habitats

protected by sacred forests may be recruitment areas, for example, for populations of seed-

dispersing birds and bats, that are of importance for renewal of surrounding ecosystems. They are

also important for birds controlling insect outbreaks on adjacent crop fields, and may serve as

seed banks for locally adapted crop varieties and medicinal plants. Kassilly and Tsingalia (2009)

also confirmed that the Tiriki sacred grove was seen as source of oxygen, fresh air.

Even though Mankon sacred forests are small in size, with a surface area of only 85ha,

these forests may be surprisingly effective in conserving biodiversity. It provides habitat for two

monkey species, the Preuss’s guenon (Cercopithecus preussi), and Preuss’s red colobus

(probocolobus preussi); endemic plants (Newtonia camerunensis and Dissotis bamendae) as well

as birds species (Tauraco bannermani) which are also protected under IUCN and MINFOF

classifications (IUCN, 2004; MINFOF, 2013). These monkeys and birds are protected and

revered as “children of the gods” by historic cultural beliefs and taboos. Indiscriminate killing of

the monkeys drastically reduced their numbers. This prompted traditional authorities to seek help

61

from the ministry of forestry and Wildlife. Designating the forest as a protected area such as

national herbarium and wildlife sanctuary with accompanying bye-laws will go a long way to

protect these critically endermic and endangered species.

4.2.4. Perception on Touristic Potentials

There are numerous touristic attractions in the MSF that can boost the development of

tourism. These include; famous waterfalls and cascades in highlands, a rich unique and diversed

cultural heritage in neighboring quarters and flagship species. According to Veríssimo et al.,

(2011), flagship species are species that can be used as the focus of a broader biodiversity

conservation marketing campaign based on its possession of one or more traits that appeal to the

target audience. Though ecotourism flagships are frequently charismatic megafauna, which are

aimed at attracting tourists such as the giant panda (Ailuropoda melanoleuca) and the African

elephant (Loxodonta africana) (Leader, & Dublin, 2000), Mankon people tend to appreciate

species that have strong cultural or local use values. These include; birds such as Oriental dwarf

kingfisher (Ceyx erithaca), Banded Wattle-Eye (Platysteira laticincta), Barnamans tauroco

(Tauroco bannermani) and green tauroco (Tauroco persa); large primates like Preuss’s guenon

monkey (Cercopithecus preussi) as well as trees such as Lung (Ficus vogeli), Ndzeng’ewa (Ficus

natalensis) which can also be used in marketing ecotourism. However, these flagship species are

perceived differently by local communities and tourists, which could undermine the touristic

importance of flagship species in the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation

(Yasuo et al., 2012). Statistics from the Mankon Museum also revealed the about 200 tourists

visit the sacred forest yearly. Figure 11 below shows the differences between the perception of the

local communities and tourists about birds and tree species that are found in the Mankon sacred

forests in the Northwest region of Cameroon.

62

Figure 11: Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree species for Ecotourism

A higher percentage (69%) of respondents from the local community prefered birds and

trees species, 22% preferred the trees while only 2 respondents (8%) dislike the birds. This

contrasted with the preference of tourists who selected birds (79%), trees (13%) and (8%) for both

the bird and tree species. The remaining 28% of the local communities valued medicinal uses of

trees, which many tourists (13%) also appreciated.

In-depth interviews revealed that the more species-speci c reason for the preference of

bird and trees by the 69% of the local communities are touristic, cultural, medicinal values, and

shade while the majority (79%) of the tourists appreciated the rareness, beauty and behavior of

birds such as Banded Wattle-Eye (Platysteira laticincta), Great hornbill (Buceros bicornis) and

Barnama tauroco (Tauroco bannermani), Oriental dwarf king sher (Ceyx erithaca), which could

be interpreted as the aesthetic aspects of the birds. Similar studies in Tanzania and India have

supported the conclusion that rural villagers prefered wildlife species because of their specific

uses and cultural beliefs about each species (Kaltenborn et al., 2006; Yasuo et al., 2012). It should

also be noted that some youths appreciated more of aesthetic and consumptive uses. The

differences in the likeness for birds and trees between locals and tourists could be as a result of

the differences in their knowledge about the species. Locals would have more information about

the given birds and trees, because they see the species regularly than tourists. On the other hand,

tourists are generally not familiar with these species, and as such prefer the species because of

their beauty and stories told about them. This shows that ecotourism tend to capture payments

from tourists who primarily appreciate the beauty of wildlife, and add economic values to the

01020304050607080

Local community

Touristperc

enta

ge o

f res

pond

ents

Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree

Bird and treeBirdTree

63

species to which villagers have also traditionally associated cultural, religious, or use values.

Thus, local communities need to play a major role in conserving sacred forests for their

ecotouristic potentials.

4.2.5. Perceptions on the Environment

As stipulated in the statutory law, traditional rulers were also supposed to stimulate and

accelerate rural development and to serve as communication channels between the government

and the people. Moreover, the study placed people’s knowledge of the environment in its broader

context. In the study area a large proportion of respondents (54%) admitted being aware of

environmental policies. Interviews revealed that they were aware of the general environmental

issues than clear-cut policies. However, 43% acknowledged they were not aware while 3% did

not know their position in respect to knowledge of environmental laws and policies. The views of

the Mankon people concerning the environmental are listed in the table 8 below

Table 8: The views traditional institutions concerning the environment in Mankon fondom

Environmental Awareness Number of respondents percentage Preserve wetlands 16 12

Avoid cutting trees along the slope 14 10

Don’t cultivate along the slope 10 7

Plant nine trees to replace one (9:1) 14 10

Avoid deforestation/felling trees 15 11

Follow modern farming methods 9 9

Don’t overgraze land 22 16

Prohibit waste/garbage disposal in rivers 13 10

Don’t catch premature fish 3 3

Control Pests and diseases 3 3

Construct pit latrines/home hygiene 9 9

Total 128 100

64

From the analyses in table 8 above, it can be deduced from the 43% of respondents were

not aware that there is indeed; scarcity of literature about knowledge dissemination, awareness

building and integration of information on the environment and forest related laws in the study

area and ignorance contributes to noncompliance with the law. When laws are enacted by the

senate and parliament, in Cameroon, they are transmitted to the public through print and

audiovisual media or published in English and French languages (Art.1 (3) of 1996 Constitution)

that majority of local people in rural areas do not understand. Most citizens especially in rural

areas like Alakoro are not aware of the country’s laws. Egute and Albrecht, (2011) also support

this view that there is limited communication strategy to disseminate information on forest laws

to citizens in the country. The communication network of the country is poor. People living in

urban areas may have access to radio, television and internet. Thus due to limited or no access to

radio, television and internet, information on statutory laws rarely reaches the rural areas and as

such majority of people in the country are not aware of laws primarily because of poor

communication strategy. There is a need to improve upon the strategy of disseminating

information on modern laws in order to facilitate compliance with the laws.

Focus group discussion further revealed that the 54% of respondents received this

information through their traditional institutions and practices such as traditional councils, FO,

cultural association as well as during festivals. This shows that, since rural people have limited

knowledge about formal written laws, they largely adhere to customary laws and taboos. Chiefs,

Fons and lamidos often rule according to customary laws and in local language or Pidgin English

that the people can understand (Ongia and Epilla, 1993; Egute and Albrecht, 2011). It can also be

asserted that traditional institutions can also contribute greatly in raising awareness on the

environment and forest related laws and therefore there is a need to encourage these institutions to

play this role.

65

4.2.6. Attitudes and Willingness to Participate in Sacred Forest Conservation

Mankon people like other rural indigenous people have various attitudes towards sacred

forest and the environment (Thomas and Simon, 2011). Figure 12 below highlights the attitudes

of k respondents towards conservation of sacred forest in Mankon fondom.

Figure 12: Attitudes and willingness to participate in the conservation of the MSF in Mankon

fondom

About 35% of the respondents had negative sentiments and claimed that the cultural

beliefs and customs in the Mankon fondom are harsh and do not allow them to discuss problems

of sacred forest resource use. Despite this and other problems such as crop damage by forest

wildlife the majority (55%) of the respondents said SF should still be managed under the

traditional setting. They also indicated that they would participate in sacred forest management

but their roles must be clearly defined to avoid conflicts in future.

To the Bantus, sacred forest is both an obstacle to agriculture around the villages, and a

natural asset that provides goods and services e.g. medicines and cultural ceremonies. The use of

sacred forests for economic purposes is not incompatible with this view as long as it generates

benefits for the Bantu people in recognition of their traditional ownership (Thomas and Simon,

2011; Enchaw, & Njobdi, 2013). By contrast, Mankon people consider sacred forests as a living

environment and a source of life of which they are the custodians. Those who were unwilling to

participate argued that they did not have sufficient knowledge of sacred forest management

although others felt that this would not be a major problem if collaborative forest management

was introduced and local people were adequately educated about their roles. Interviews also

0

20

40

60

Yes No No ideaperc

enta

ge o

f res

pond

ents

Attitudes and willingness of respondents

No IdeaNoYes

66

revealed that apart from educational background all the other demographic and socio-economic

characteristics of the respondents did not significantly influence their decisions to participate in

the management of the MSF as well as their attitudes towards forest management practices.

Generally, education tends to increase awareness of the importance of the environment and

natural resources. Based on the findings of this study, it can be said that educated people are more

informed and confident about participatory forest management than the uneducated.

The concept of sacred forest was also common in Bafut which is in the same region like

the MSF. According to Simo (2013), it was generally believed that any exploitation of plants and

animals species in the shrine bushes which is not in consonance with the wishes and authority of

the traditional council was likely to lead to some sanctions inflicted by spirits on the victim. The

concept of sacred forest is also prevalence in African countries. A study carried out by Byers et

al., (2001), in the Zambezi Valley of Northern Zimbabwe reveals that forests loss was less in

sacred forests because traditional beliefs and customs influence the behaviour of people towards

sacred forests and played a vital role in biodiversity conservation. The Zimbabwean government

must have realised the importance of traditional authorities in protecting sacred forest biodiversity

as it changed its policy of striping chiefs off their functions and established a House of Chiefs in

1993 (Byers et al., 2001).

In Ghana, taboos and cultural beliefs safeguarded by the traditional institutions greatly

contribute in protecting the sacred forests (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2007). To ensure adequate

protection, the Anweam sacred forest is now legally protected by the federal government of

Ghana (Campbell, 2004). In 2005, the Osun-Osogbo sacred forest in the Southern region of

Nigeria was designated as a World Heritage Site (WHS). It is clear that the cultural values

associated to sacred forest largely contributed to the site’s inscription on the World Heritage List

(UNESCO, 2011). The government of Cameroon should recognise the notion of sacred forests

and their potentials in biodiversity conservation like the government of Zimbabwe, Ghana and

Nigeria.

67

4.3 FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS, KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE

Even though trends in developments acknowledge the virtues and capabilities of

traditional institutions, knowledge and practices in sustainable sacred forest management (SFM),

traditional institutions are still significantly faced with challenges which include;

4.3.1. Disrespect for Traditional Institutions and Sacred Forests

The major factor affecting the efficiency traditional institutions in SF management was

disrespect for traditional management system as indicated by 40% of the respondents. The

Cameroon government has not given indigenous communities a significant role in the

management of local biodiversity resources and has not taken appropriate steps to implement

these two articles (8j and 10c) of the CDB, due to the existence of obstructing policies, laws and

regulations. These include the Forest Act, which defines as “forest” any land to which no

individual has laid legal claim. This greatly extended the boundaries of the forest throughout the

country. Since the highland areas where tribal people lived had not been surveyed and no title

deeds had been issued, they were now considered forest and state property, negating the land and

resource rights of the tribal peoples. Subsequent laws and the promulgation of the Land Code of

have had no effect in addressing the definition of forest areas. Legal protection of sacred forests

could be a major step that can influence the local people to participate in conserving sacred forests

for CBD, REDD+, carbon sequestration and climate change mitigation.

4.3.2. Modern Religion and Westernisation

Changes in the society’s structure and composition, as well as economic status and

religious values, pose another challenge. In Mankon, tribal religion and culture has been replaced

by Christianity. Kassilly and Tsingalia (2009), interviewed residents near Tiriki sacred groves,

and 95% of respondents attributed degradation of sacred forest to change in religious beliefs.

Sacred forests have been destroyed by fundamentally thinking Christians (Himberg, 2006;

Appiah, 2007) which has taken a strong hold in some communities in Mankon fondom resulting

in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs and practices on the younger generation. Christians believed

that God does not reside in sacred forests and that these forests harbor witches and wizards.

According to them God is suppose to be worshiped in churches, temples and mosque and not in

68

sacred forests. A good example is a pending case in the Bamenda high court concerning the FO'

of Bafut versus Afanwi Franklin and his church members. Afanwi Franklin and his church alleged

that a sacred tree Ficus natalensis (600 years old) which served as a shrine in the Bafut sacred

forest was bringing illuck to the people of Bafut and as a result, they destroyed the sacred tree. Saj

et al., (2006) also reported a case in Ghana where the Saviour Church of Ghana, encouraged their

members to hunt olive colobus monkeys (Procolobus verus) and Diana monkey (Cercopithecus

diana), which was a taboo among the Ghanaian people.

Also, due to economic, social, and cultural changes in society, local people’s perception

about their culture has drastically change causing them to abandon certain cultural practices and

instead copying the western cultures (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004).

4.3.3. Poor institutional capacity

The sustainable management of forest has been accompanied by lots of problems. For

instance, Forestry Law 94/01 of 20th January, 1994 is complicated firstly in that it is not

simplified to the understanding of the local people, secondly there is no legal pronouncement of

sacred forests and, last but not the least, the notion of customary laws and beliefs in community

forest management is omitted in the law. This explains why the local people are still not

convinced about the effectiveness of the application of a community forest for instance. Poor

institutional and legal framework characterised by inadequate or lack of human, material,

logistical resources has negatively influence the management of sacred forest and the capacity of

traditional institutions to enforce unwritten laws, regulations and implement policies vis-a-vis

outsiders if they do not comply with the rules (Ndeh, 2000; Feh, 2009). Also the absence of clear

demarcation of responsibilities between formal and traditional institutions has often created

conflicts of roles set up to manage forest resources resulting in reduced community mobilisation

spirit for the promotion sacred forest management systems (Ormsby, 2013). If sacred forest

continues to be ignored by conservators as is the case today, then within a few years it is certain

that the biodiversity it harbours will be lost to the world or will be significantly more threatened

than before due to the lost of an important site (Ndangang, 1997). Thus, strong institutional and

organisational framework is very critical for the sustainable management sacred forest.

69

4.3.4. Demographic Factors

The demographic factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and

practice and thus the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation in the Mankon

fondom are age, gender, educational level and occupation of respondents as shown in table 9

below.

Table 9: Age, gender, and educational level of respondents

Demographic Factors Frequency Percentage

A. Age

15-35 years

35-55 years

55 years +

21

58

49

16. 4

45.3

38.3

B. Gender

Male

Female

78

50

60.9

39.1

C. Educational Level

No Formal Education

Primary School

Secondary

School University

Others

Total

12

23

59

15

19

128

9.4

17.9

46.1

11.7

14.8

100

4.3.4.1 Age

Table 9a above gives a picture of age status in the study area. The population surveyed

ranged in age between 15 and 55+ years. The age groups of 15 to 35 years constituted 16.4 %,

45.3% of the respondents were of the 35-55 age groups while 55 and above age group constituted

38.3%. These age groups revealed that the study area has an active population that may greatly

influence the potentials of the SF to provide ecosystem services.

In further follow up discussions to find out how aged effects the structure of the traditional

authorities, the study revealed that with the way of life tied to nature, the Mankon people have

70

customs, knowledge, rituals, beliefs, teachings, and proverbs about sacred forests, their usefulness

and how they should be managed for biodiversity conservation. The older generation transmits

these teachings to the younger generation by not writing it down but through the thought

processes and cultural practices of the community in carrying out their daily lives, by means of

stories, proverbs, songs, ceremonies and the most important way of learning by doing. Cho (2004)

recalls that this is done because natural resource management will not be sustainable unless the

younger people are brought into the learning network, ensures that rituals are more carefully

practiced and also helps the younger generation lead their life in an appropriate way. In the

present time, Children and youth have forgotten their culture and local bodies of knowledge. The

younger generations are losing interest in the sacred forest traditions, the rising western culture

has affected the youths as they no longer respect local knowledge and as the older generation is

dying, without these knowledge and customs transmitted, cultural beliefs and taboos used in the

preservation of sacred forest and other natural resources are also being lost leading to the loss in

the potentials of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation (Chandrakanth et al., 2004).

4.3.4.2. Gender relations in sacred forest conservation

As can be seen from table 9b above, majority of the 128 respondents sampled were males

(60.9%); while 39.1% were females. The discrepancy in the male to female ratio was because

most of the respondents targeted were the quarter, clan and household heads who were mostly

men. This shows that majority of traditional governance structures in the fondom did not have

women occupying positions such as clan and quarter heads and led us to conclude that men

dominate the rural scene in the leadership and decision making structures and generally exclude

women (Appiah, 2007; WACameroon, 2010). This also indicates that more males manage sacred

forest than their female counterparts. This is a hindrance to sustainable management which entails

that all partners be involved in the decision making. This was because women and young adults,

for example were presumed to be represented by their husbands and fathers, respectively, and are

customarily excluded from participation in the decision-making assemblies.

Women have developed different expertise regarding the management and use of forest

resources (table 3 above). Yet women capacity in natural resource management remains largely

low and insignificant in both the formal and informal institutions in natural resources

management (Bonye, 2006; Lelewal, 2011). The partrilineal systems are particularly weak in

protecting gender equality in decision-making on issues of natural resources. Other challenges

71

faced by women are strengthening of women leadership structures and male dominance in natural

resource ownership and control (WACameroon, 2010). The gendered nature of their cultural

rights and taboos limits the extent to which they can use land. They lack recognition and

representation at institutional levels on NRM decisions and hence, their interests and demands in

forest management are given inadequate attention.

4.3.4.3. Level of Education

Concerning the level of education in the study area, table 9c above shows that, 17.9% of

respondents attended primary school, and 11.7% attended university while 14.8% of the

respondents chose the option others which include other forms of education such as technical and

professional education. However, 46.1% of the key respondents attended secondary school, while

respondents with no formal education represented 9.4%.

These results revealed that education level in the study area was high and affects sacred

forest conservation in that the most educated people in the study area tend to be employed by the

government in other services than forest conservation or have other business activities in town

and so do not use or bother about sacred forest and practices. As a result, in case of destruction,

illegal exploitation and encroachment, traditional authorities lack adequate technical capacity and

expert knowledge to evaluate, valorise natural resources and award cost of damage.

As Himberg, (2006) explains, knowledge about traditional use of plants has diminished

during the past decades, as people seem to find it easier to buy the cure for an illness from a

pharmacy and lack of proper knowledge about herbalism makes them unsure of how to treat

certain diseases especially those affecting children. These findings however, support the recent

call for traditional rulers to have some level of education so as to effectively manage sacred forest

like the FO' of Mankon. Hence, i agree with Georg & Wolf, (2004) that traditional institutions like

in Ghana need a high level of environmental and forest education for the sustainable management

of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation and community development.

72

4.3.4.4. Occupation of Respondents

The nature of occupation of respondents may influence the way sacred forest are managed.

Figure 13 below shows the analysis of respondent’s occupation in relation to sacred forest in

Mankon.

Figure 13: Occupation of Respondents in Mankon fondom

The data in figure 13 above shows that, majority of the respondents (39%) reported

farming as their major occupation. This shows that farming is an important economic activity in

the study area. Farming is followed by teaching 26%. Through follow-up interviews, it was

revealed that they were all primary, secondary school teachers as well as university lecturers from

the sampled quarters. 12% said they were traders. This implies that petty trading is an essential

economic activity since it serves as a supplementary source of income for the upkeep of some

families in the area. Eighteen percent (18%) of the respondents acknowledged they were students

while 5% of the respondents reported hunters and 7% chosed the option others. These were

probably retired civil servants, artisanship and the unemployed. The low percentages (3%) of

hunters were due to the strict ban on hunting, absence of game, the customary rules and

regulations in forced and the fear of the kwifo juju. According to Eyong, (2010), the fear of

making expensive sacrifices before hunting sacred animals or cutting trees deters many hunter

from killing the animals. These results also indicates that due to the lack of access to sacred

forests resources, the Mankon people were forced to search for other income generating activities

to sustain livelihoods thereby reducing pressure on the SF and consequently, in the intact nature

05

10152025303540

Farming Hunting Teaching Trading Student Others

perc

enta

ge o

f res

pond

ents

Occupation of Respondents

FarmingHunting TeachingTradingStudentOthers

73

of the MSF. But however, the reported degradation suggests that sacred forest also offers a wide

range of resources which could generate income such as medicinal plants, honey, NTFPs, fuel

wood and bush meat. For the poor, sacred forest resources are part of a non-farm rural economic

activity to those unable to obtain employment.

4.3.5. Poverty, Alcoholism and Land Selling Attitudes

Poverty, alcoholism and land selling were vices also identified by the respondents (20%)

to affect traditional institutions, knowledge an practices in SF management. These vices were

alleged to be exploited by immigrants, who easily convince these people to sell off their ancestral

lands resulting in the lost traditional knowledge and practices. Enchaw and Njobdi (2013) also

noted that alcohol consumption and poverty situation of the Baka were alleged to be exploited by

urban poachers, who easily convince these indigenous peoples with a high mastery of the forest

and its resources, to take them to forest compartments where they could kill protected wildlife.

However, only small minorities of the residents of the area are immigrants, and yet about 85% say

it is good to respect sacred forest. Interviews also revealed that immigrants would usually respect

sacred forests if they knew about them. In several cases, old immigrants now appear to play

strong roles in protecting sacred forests and upholding traditional rules governing their use.

Realisation of the Impacts of Biodiversity Loss

The local communities in the study area have realised the negative effects of biodiversity

loss on their lives such as climate change, loss of species and cultural ethnocide. They are

confronted with erratic weather patterns, among others. They mentioned that new harmful

species, such as water jacinth and Banmara, have appeared in the forest. These species cover and

kill indigenous plants. Women mentioned that their crops have been damaged by these harmful

weeds. They have also observed that water level of rivers such as Nki Nsah and Mafo have

decreased. Table 10 below shows several species that have disappeared from their area listed by

informants during the focus group discussion.

74

Table 10 : Species extinct from the MSF

Extinct Species Significance

Cam wood (Baphia massaiensis) Used as medicine

Alchonea cordifolia To Treat Toothache

Lion (Panthera pardus ) Afon Totem, symbol of power skin used for decoration

Leopard (Panthera leo) Sambang Totem, symbol of power for the Ngangfo

Hayna (Crocuta crocula) Angwaba Totem

Elephant (Loxodonta africana) Usen Tusk used for decoration

Anjwa (Hyemoschus aquaticus) Rituals

Mankon people have also felt fluctuations in temperature rising beyond normal of about

(28 oC). As temperature rises, disease spreading insects such as mosquitoes and other insects that

damage crops also increase. A disproportionate change in the pattern of rainfall has also been

noticed in the study area with intense rainfall for several days, which have been affecting their

agricultural production. In 2013, a longer rainy season from early March to mid December was

observed. Dependent on tropical rain for cultivation, the women of this community experience

reduced food production. Last year, they planted food crops such as maize and cocoyams but very

low amount was harvested. The members of the community, both men and women, then went to

the agriculture office from where they got the seeds, to inquire about the problem. The office

personnel said that the problem was not on the seeds but with their soil and the climate. A 68

year-old woman recalled “In our time, we used to sell corn, beans, and other seeds in the market,

but now we have to buy extra food for ourselves from the market.” She added, “Our agricultural

production is rainfed, but for last few years, the rainfall has become erratic.

4.3.5.2. Adaptation strategies against the loss of biodiversity

In order to replace the degradation and loss of biodiversity of the MSFS, the Mankon

people of the study area have been adopting their own adaptation strategies. There has been

constant guarding from poachers, strong traditional ban of human activities and conspicuous

notices put at strategic places to remind the local communities.

Five hectares (5ha) of deforested land have been reforested with tree species such as

Mambohne (voacanga) and Ate fever (Pronus Africana). Trees that need less water have also

been planted, e.g. Raphia palms and those that require much water discouraged such as Fusigare

75

(Eucalyptus). For higher production of trees, improved seeds have been brought and planted.

In order to manage water for cultivation, a dam has been constructed on the Nki Nsah

which will also serve as a fish point. Farmers who have farms near rivers have diverted some of

the river flow to irrigate their crops. Some families have started organic farms, and mushroom

farming the produce of which they sell in the market.

At least one local organisation has been working in awareness-raising initiatives and eco

tourism in relation to the sacred forest in this area as an alternative way of generating income. The

Organisation for Community Tourism and Nature Protection (OCOTONAP) has been involved in

educational programs about the MSF for many years, for example, producing posters about the

sacred forest on the need for preservation targeting especially, the younger generation. This could

be one element of a larger educational program, at both the school and community levels.

However, despite these efforts, interviews with a group of 50 students aged 12-25 during

the Mankon students association cultural week festival in Ntingkag 2013, only 23 students had

heard of a sacred forest, despite the fact that there are thousands in Cameroon. Therefore, it seems

that a comprehensive, nationwide awareness campaign related to the conservation of sacred forest

is still needed on regular basis. Working with local community leaders, whether religious or from

non-governmental organisations, can help build alliances and support for future sacred forest

management thereby boosting their potentials for biodiversity conservation.

76

4.4. PROPOSED STRATEGIES FOR THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF THE

MANKON SACRED FOREST

The success for a community to sustainably manage natural resources is based on secured

access rights to the resource, the institutions governing, decision-making, management

regulations in place, and the resource exploitation techniques. The strategies proposed in this

study have the advantage to respond to both the needs and aspirations of local communities and

the state as well as improve the forests condition now and in the future at the community and

national level. The general objective of this proposed strategy is to ensure the conservation and

sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest for its potentials to provide vital support to

biodiversity conservation and human population, in partnership with all institutions for the benefit

of the Mankon people in particular and Cameroon in general.

The specific objectives will be to:

To reduce the rate of deforestation in sacred forests,

To reduce the rate of poaching for posterity in sacred forests,

To strengthen traditional leadership in sacred forest management.

After the analysis of the opportunities and constraints of traditional institutions,

knowledge and practices that can contribute to the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred

forest for its potentials for biodiversity conservation, the strategies proposed to further enhance

this success are in the areas of

Legal and institutional capacity,

Conservation education and awareness, and

Research and monitoring.

4.4.1. Legal and institutional capacity strategy 4.4.4.1.1. The Notion of Community Forest

When a forest does not offer any opportunity for timber exploitation or produce tangible

benefits such as the case of the MSF, the status of that forest cannot guarantee the long-term

conservation of the biological resources. Thus in order to improve on the potentials of the MSF,

the priority action to be undertaken will be to provide the site with an adequate legal status.

77

According to Article 3(11) of the 1994 Cameroon forestry law and decree No 04/436/PM of

August 23, 1994, fixing the modalities of application of forests regime, the status of a community

forest will be more appropriate for the conservation of this fragile ecosystem and that of endemic

and threatened species amongst which are monkeys and some birds (table 1 above). The main

idea behind this is to change the status from sacred forests to protected area. Community forest

empowers local communities to own and manage 5000 ha of forest land and makes provisions for

local people to be involved in decision-making. Benefits from community forest such as NTFPs,

timber exploitation and tourism development equally goes directly to the local communities.

According to interviews, 70% of the respondents have no idea about the notion of

community forest. Participation in the management of such a forest when created at this level still

remains a myth. Thus new sensitisation and awareness campaigns, to educate the local

communities needs to be introduced like using photographic slides, visual aids and group

meetings on areas where community forest is already functional in the country, such as the Kilum

Forest in Oku Northwest Region.

4.4.2. Participatory Forest Management strategy

Sakah (1998) defines participation as a process whereby people act in groups to influence

the direction and outcome of development programmes that will affect them. Participation though

diverse in form, may be thought of as the deliberate action of the local people and the government

to respond jointly in the formulation, planning, and implementation of a strategy to satisfy a

particular need. Communal action is beneficial as it creates a sense of belonging and proof of

ownership on the part of the people concerned. The top-down and autocratic approach has proven

to be more destructive. Participatory co-operation by the local communities can be seen briefly as

follows:

Traditional rulers banned the use of industrial chemicals for fishing during the 1994

Chiefs' Conference at Ekondo Titi.

Local communities also cooperate to report illegal forms of hunting in and around their

sacred forests.

Local communities use sacred societies such as kwifo and Ekpwe juju to enforce the ban

on over exploitation of sacred forest resources.

78

Furthermore, anti-poaching committees such as Village Development Committee (VDC),

Village Cultural groups (VCGs), have been created in some villages control the over

exploitation of sacred forest resources especially NTFPs (Egute, 2013).

Communities express good relations by inviting the Government authorities and project

personnel to participate actively village events such as festival and rituals.

Further, communities support infrastructural community constructions such as road

clearing, water and class rooms.

4.4.3. Research and Monitoring strategy

A good understanding of ecological processes, socioeconomic needs and cultural practices

of the people living around and relying on the MSF is required for the sustainable management of

the SF. The design and development of research program to meet the various and priority needs is

another important aspect of management. A research and monitoring strategy that can contribute

to the sustainable management of the MSF is therefore necessary. Research will contribute to

generate necessary data and information. Similarly, a monitoring is needed to detect problems and

evaluate the management objectives. The national structures in charge of research in Cameroon

are IRAD (Research Institute for Agriculture Development) which focuses on livestock and very

little in Wildlife and the Ministry of scientific research and innovation which also focuses on

academic research driven by academic priorities. This situation has made wildlife research to be

only the concern of University researchers directly or through students and foreign Universities

and International NGOs. Although this research approach can significantly contribute to a better

knowledge of the SF, it often makes a very limited contribution in terms of managing critical SF

problems. Thus there is a need to couple fundamental research with research on subjects that can

assist the management of the MSF.

4.4.4. ZONING

Zoning is necessary because it defines where and what activities may be or may not be

carried out in the concerned SF. To be pertinent, zoning requires a good knowledge of the area,

available resources both in quality and quantity and especially the dynamics of the resources in

terms of the rates growth and extraction that may secure a sustainable management of the

resources. Given the scanty knowledge, taboos and cultural beliefs of the MSF, zoning may be

required. Five main zones with management objectives and stakeholders have been proposed

79

considering the need to ensure a balance between conservation and sustainable use of

biodiversity. However, this strategy will be to reconcile the various objectives and partners based

on the fact that the SF and its periphery must provide wide range of goods and services to meet

the requirements of present and future generation. They include:

The Multipurpose use zone (MUZ) or Peripheral zone where the local communities can

carry out activities that provide livelihood benefits as well as contributing to forest conservation

such as Community forest and sustainable agricultural practices.

Agroforestry use zones (AUZ) which include forest lands that have already been

encroached and occupied by plantations. However negotiation will be made to reduce tree density

and encourage the plantation of some useful trees such as mysopsis, Xylopia etc. A memorandum

of understanding (MU) will be signed for no extension of the surface area of this zone.

Limited Resources exploitation zones (LREZ), which consist of areas within the SF

reserved for cultural purpose. It will be defined based on scientific studies to controlled extraction

of NTFP by the local communities.

Ecotourism zone (EZ). It is an area carved out and managed for visitors to facilitate the

development of activities such as, monkeys and chimpanzee habituation, bird watching, mountain

ascension etc. The selection criteria will be the presence of beautiful scenery, wildlife sites, bird

watching sites and monkey camps. The objectives are to conserve and protect biodiversity,

generate revenue for sustainable management and improvement of communities’ livelihood.

Management activities will include infrastructure development, awareness raising, study and

research etc.

Biodiversity conservation zone (BCZ) which consist of the most sensitive and important

ecological areas where access will be more restrictive and authorized research and studies only.

4.4.5. Conservation Education strategy

As Dudley et al. (2009) noted, "Bringing a sacred natural site into a national protected-

area system can increase protection for the site, but may compromise some of its spiritual values

or even its conservation values." if no proper measures are taken, changing the status of a sacred

forest into a community forest may result to a series of problems that generally occur between

managers and local communities. Results from questionnaires revealed that 82% of respondents

from the study area did not have adequate technical capacity and environmental forestry

knowledge to evaluate, valorise and award cost of damage of forest resources to defaulters. Thus

80

an awareness campaign has to be set up with the use of better teaching aids such as conservation

calendars, short-course training and seminars as well as modern conservation films on

environmental education. It is also important for local communities to be aware of the regulations,

their rights and obligations binding to the existence of the concerned forest. This can be done

through various means such as cultural dramas, brochures and signboards just name a few. The

objectives this strategy is to “Ensure that the local communities and other stakeholders have

adequate technical capacity and environmental knowledge to evaluate, valorise and award cost of

damage of sacred forest resources to defaulters, are actively involved in the management of the

MSF and that the benefits accruing are equitably shared among the various partners”.

Table 11 below is a summary of the proposed practical intervention measures (logical

framework) for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests.

81

Objectives Expected results Indicators Means of verification Activities

Main objective:

To contribute on the

sustainable

management of sacred

forests

The sustainable

management of sacred

forests improved

1. Number of traditional institutions

aware and respecting customary laws

and taboos

2. Encounter rates of flagship species

in the sacred forest

-Reports from the

palace,

-Field visits

Specific objective 1

To reduce the rate of

deforestation in sacred

forests by 90%

Result 1

1.1 Illegal exploitation of

NTFPs reduced by 90%

1. Number illegally exploited species

2. Number of inventory and ecological

monitoring.

3. Number of daily patrols and check

points

4. Income generated from livelihood

activities

5. Number of energy substitutes

(stoves, solar panels, electricity)

adopted by the population.

-Ecological survey

report

-Reports from the

palace,

-Field visits,

1.1.1. Establish a baseline

inventory study of all SFs

1.1.2. Establish the socio-

economic study of the SFs

1.1.3. Implement an

environmental impact study for

SFs

Result 1.2

1.2. Encroachment in

critical wildlife corridors

reduced

1. Percentage of sacred forest area

(hectares) encroached

2. Number of farms inside the forest

-Palace reports,

-Field visits

1.2.1. Develop and implement an

effective micro-zoning plan for

the MSF

1.2.2. Identify and rehabilitate

fragmented zones

1.2.3. Reinforce follow up around

Table 11: proposed practical intervention measures (logical framework) for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests

82

the SF.

Result 1. 3

1.3. Agricultural practices

improved

1. Soil, water & species

conservation policies

2. Percentage of farmers trained on

sustainable agricultural practices

-Palace reports,

-Field visits

1.3.1. Train women and youths on

alternative income generating

activities.

1.3.2.Train farmers on

domestication of animal species

e.g. cane rats, bee farming

1.3.3. Educate farmers on best

soil and water conservation

methods

1.3.4. Sustain production of

medicinal plants

Result 1. 4

1.4. Alternative sources of

Medicine are developed

1. Number of doctors recruited and

trained

2. Number of hospitals/health centers

constructed and equipped

-Palace reports,

-Field visits

1.4.1. Construct hospitals/ health

centers

1.4.2. Sensitization campaigns for

preventive measures and

vaccination against epidemic

diseases

1.4.3. Discourage the use of

endangered animals in traditional

medicine

Specific objective 2 Result. 2 1. Number of traps and guns seized -Palace reports, 2.1.1. Identify and record all guns

83

Reduce the rate of

poaching for posterity

2.1.The rate of poaching

for posterity reduced

2. Quantity and diversity of bush meat

seized

3. Quantity of bush meat in local

markets

4. Number of defaulters captured

-Field survey reports

owners and notorious hunters

2.1.2. Integrate poachers in patrol

teams

2.1.3. Promote Participatory

patrolling system

Result 2.2

2.2. Access through roads

reduced

1. Number of patrol executed

2. Number of defaulter captured per

week

-Field survey reports

-Market survey reports

2.1.1 Organise daily patrols along

logging roads

2.1.2 Identify and record all guns

owners and notorious hunters

Result 2.3

2.3. Wildlife

habituation promoted

1. Number of wildlife habituation

programs

2. Number of wildlife conflicts

observed and mitigated

3. Number of persons trained on

wildlife conflict mitigations

Palace reports,

-Field visits

2.4.1. Carry out survey to

identify status of wildlife species

2.4.2. Assess the possibility to

undertake wildlife habituation

2.4.3. Initiate a pilot program

of wildlife habituation to the

villagers

2.4.4. Study the different possible

wildlife conflicts and how to

mitigate them.

2.4.5. Train local population on

how to mitigate wildlife conflicts

84

Results 2.4

2.4 Alternative sources of

protein are developed

1. Number of flagship species present

in the SF

2. Quantity of alternative sources of

protein consumed

3. Market price of bush meat

-Evaluation and

monitoring reports

2.4.1. Train youths/Women on

mushroom farming

2.4.2. Train local population on

domestic animal rearing

2.4.3. Train on fish rearing

Results 2.5

2.5 Eco-tourism improved

1. Number of touristic promotions

organised yearly

2. Income generated from tourism

3. Proportion of local communities

visiting the SF

-Palace reports,

-Field visits

-Observations.

2.5.1 Develop bird watching

programs

2.5.2 Promote SF excursions

2.5.3 Facilitate Community

Tourism Initiatives (CTI)

Specific objective 3

To strengthen

traditional leadership

Traditional leadership is

strengthened

1. Laws revised and implemented

2. Percentage of activities on

sustainable practices in the

communities

3. Number of criminal cases handled

by traditional institutions

Palace reports,

-Field visits

3.1.1.Organize refresher courses

for traditional rulers and

magistrates

3.1.2.Sensitize populations on the

laws on biodiversity

conservation

3.1.3. Provide suitable legal status

to sacred forests

3.1.4. Provide SFs with an

adapted organigram

85

Results 3.2

3.2. Representation of

women in decision

making structures

increased

1. Number of women in decision

making positions.

2. Number of women in leadership

positions.

-Palace reports,

-Field visits

-Observations.

-Radio programs

3.2.1.Train women on decision

making processes,

3.2.2. Train women on leadership.

Results 3.3

3.3. SFs incorporated into

the protected area system

of Cameroon

1.Number of SFs incorporated into the

protected areas system

2. Laws revised and implemented

3.Number of SFs with management

plan

-Reports from the

palace,

-Field visits

-Court judgments

-Observations,

3.3.1. Promote sustainable uses of

natural resources around SFs

3.3.2. Sustain production of

medicinal plants and materials

Results 3.4

3.4.Conservation and

development Programs

promoted

1. Percentage of people aware of

biodiversity conservation

2. Number of job opportunities and

facilities created

-Reports from the

palace,

-Field visits

-Observations

3.4.1. Train and sensitise the local

population to increase their

knowledge and sense of

ownership

3.4.2. Support farmers with

knowledge of biodiversity

conservation

3.4.3. Develop a partnership

A2.3.3. Increase access to

information on forest

management

86

A2.3.4. Conduct regular sacred

forest monitoring

Results 3.5

3.5. Research and

Monitoring improved

1. Number of research carried out

yearly

2. Number of research committees

3. Proportion of researchers carrying

research in the sacred forest

4. Number of research results

published in the internet

Research and

monitoring reports

3.5.1. Set up an advisory

scientific, technical monitoring

and research committee

3.5.2. Provide practical help to

researchers

3.5.3. Communicate the results of

Research

3.5.4. Involve a wide range of

researchers

87

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1. CONCLUSION This investigation shows contribution of traditional institutions on the potentials of sacred

forests for biodiversity conservation. This study hopefully, brought out pertinent and useful

issues relating to the matter of sacred forests management for biodiversity conservation. The

study revealed that, for centuries, the Mankon people have established traditional governance,

practices and endemic knowledge systems that have been managing, nurturing the integrity and

complexity of sacred forests in a sustainable and culturally diversed ways. The cultural beliefs,

taboos and myths have proven to be ecologically sustainable and efficient. Through these

systems, the Mankon people have been able to conserve and sustainably manage sacred forests

and other natural resources thereby conserving biodiversity.

Traditional institutions play vital roles in enhancing the resilience of sacred forest

through their traditional knowledge and sustainable management practices. In addition, they

interpret and react to the impacts of not only the loss of biodiversity, but also climate change in

creative ways, drawing on traditional knowledge, practices and other skills to find solutions that

society at large can replicate to counter these imminent changes. Their contributions are,

however, largely ignored. More efforts are needed to document and educate the larger society on

the role traditional institutions play in protecting, conserving and sustainably managing sacred

forest, as based on their traditional knowledge and practice. This study therefore reveals that the

role of traditional institutions to sustainably manage sacred forests depends significantly on the

knowledge of sacred forest conservation practices.

The findings of this study also revealed that majority of local people heavily rely on

sacred forests for their socio-economic, ecological, spiritual and cultural wellbeing and

performances. The local communities regard forests as God’s natural gifts. Spiritually, sacred

forests are regarded as a spiritual home for the ancestors and more importantly a place where

special species of trees for carving representing of the gods are found. Ecologically, sacred

forests provide habitats for wild life sequestrate carbon, regulate climate, pollination and trees as

attractors of rain. Socio-economically, SFs provide the basis of a wide range of income sources

from medicinal plants, straws for mats and baskets, poles, fuelwood and fruits. Aside economic

benefits from SFs, local people also derived their socio-cultural identity from the resources

88

around them. Hence people’s perceptions in sacred forest conservation are determined by the

benefits they derive from the sacred forests.

The study reveals that unsustainable traditional practices such as poaching for posterity,

illegal tree felling and slash and burn agriculture are still being practiced in the study area. This

according to field investigations are due to the following reason: disrespect for traditional

institutions, low levels of environmental education, gender bias and poor institutional and legal

framework. This has weakened the spirit of community voluntarism and the uniting roles of

traditional institutions as well as knowledge and practices. For local communities, the loss in the

potentials of sacred forest poses threats and dangers their very existence. They are confronted

with long droughts, un-seasonal heavy rainfall, food and water insecurity, spread of new diseases

and cultural ethnocide (destruction of cultures and traditional livelihoods). Local communities

have, been adapting to changing weather patterns through their traditional knowledge and

practices for centuries. However, due to the time, money and experts required to process

documents to obtain a community forests, this study disagree with the hypothesis that

community forests are more effective forest governance system preferred by the local

communities than sacred forests.

Forest in general provides multifunctional roles that provide various ecosystem services.

Their traditional forest management practices have directly led to the conservation of sacred

forest and biodiversity. Through their age-old sustainable practices, Mankon people have, in

reality, been fighting against biodiversity loss as a result of sustainable sacred forest and natural

resource management practices. Thus a management strategy that links the conservation of

culture and nature is more effective in conserving forests than a strategy that ignores traditional

institutions, knowledge and conservational practices.

5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed:

5.2.1. Local Communities

• Take initiatives to transfer traditional knowledge and practice to younger generations by

documenting these knowledge systems,

• Traditional rulers should facilitate the process of gazeting sacred forests,

89

• Participate actively in biodiversity conservation programs such as CBD and REDD plus,

• Establish tree planting programs be in each homestead, schools and communities. This

will encourage the spirit of responsibility towards environmental management in general,

• Carry out sensitisation on sustainable sacred forest resource management,

• Develop more substitutes to forest resources such as solar power, stoves and electricity to

reduce dependence on wood for fuel and livestock breeding to provide meat instead of

hunting wild game.

• Engaged in education especially the education of the girl child

5.2.2. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs)

• Support the needs local people for capacity building, networking, education and training

on the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation,

• Influence national governments to implement the rights of indigenous and local peoples

as stipulated in ILO 169,

• Identify and finance alternative income generating activities that will benefit the local

communities.

5.2.3. The Church

• Preach on proper use of gift of nature,

• Preach on the importance of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation,

• Preach on the need for tree planting and sensitize the community on forest resources

management.

5.2.4. The Government

• Develop programs to document, strengthen and promote traditional knowledge and

practice in the educational system,

• Educate local communities on the essence of Environmental protection,

• Recognise the roles and importance of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices of

indigenous people and local communities,

• Facilitate the gazettement of sacred forests into community forest

90

• Logistics (e.g. personnel, equipment, finances and technical skills) for managing forest

resources should be improved.

91

REFERENCES

Appiah, O. S., (2007). Indigenous beliefs and environmental stewardship: a rural Ghana experience.

Journal of Cultural Geography, 22, 79-88. http://dx.doi.org /10.1080/08873630709478212

Berkes, F., Colding, J. and Folke. C., (2000). Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as

adaptive management. Ecological Applications 10:1251–1262.

Bhagwat, S. A. and Rutte, C., (2006). Sacred groves: potential for biodiversity management.

Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment 4(10): 519–524.

Birdlife International, (2000). Threatened birds of the world. Barcelona and Cambridge, UK. Lynx

Editions and Birdlife International.

Black’s Law Dictionary, (2013). 9th edition. Bryan A.G (editor-in-chief). Journal of Environmental

Law Vol 11 No 2 Page 320-443

Bonye, S., (2006). Role of institutions in natural resource management in Northern Ghana. Compass

Magazine for Endogenous Development, No. 7.

Bonye, S., and Millar, D., (2004). Traditional Institutions: Entry Points for endogenous

Development. Compass Magazine for Endogenous Development, No. 7.

Boraiah, K.T., Vasudeva, R., Bhagwat, S. A., and Kushalappa, C. G., (2003). ‘Do informally

managed sacred groves have higher richness and regeneration of medicinal plants than state-

managed reserve forests?’ Current Science, vol 84, pp804–808

Bossou, B., (2010). Sustainable Management of Sacred Forests in the Republic of Benin.

Ce.Sa.Re.N.

Byers, B.A., Cunliffe, R., and Hudak, A.T. (2001). Linking the conservation of culture and nature:

a case study of sacred forests in Zimbabwe (pp. 187-218). J of Human Ecology. Vol. 29.

Campbell, M.O., (2004). Traditional forest protection and woodlots in the coastal savannah of

Ghana. Environmental Conservation, Cambridge University Press, 31: 225-232.

Castro, P. E., Bagamaspad, A., Cardenas, M., Josef J. and Tolentino, L., (2001). Mainstreaming

Indigenous Health, Knowledge and Practices. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the

Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies.

CBD, (1997). Traditional Knowledge and Biodiversity. UNEP/CBD/TKBD/1/2) at 11 and 12

http://www.biodiv.org/doc/meetings/tk/wstkbd-01/of cial/wstkbd-01-02-en.pdf

Chandrakanth, M.G., Bhat, M. G., and Accavva, M.S., (2004). Socio-economic changes and

sacred groves in south India: Protecting a community-based resource management institution.

Natural Resources Forum 28: 102-111.

92

Cho, S. L., (2004). Transmitting Culture and Local Wisdom: Case Study of Hmong and Karen

Communities in Thailand. 252 Moo 2, Chiang Mai 50210pp

Colding, J., Folke, C., and Thomas, E., (2003). Social institutions in ecosystem management and

biodiversity conservation. Tropical Ecology 44(1): 25-41, 2003. ISSN 0564-3295

Daily, G., (2001). What Are Ecosystem Services and Nature’s Services? Societal Dependence on

Natural Ecosystems, Science, Economics and Law. Stanford Environmental Journal 20 No.

2:309–32

Dewan, M., Humayan, K., and Jakir, H., (2008). Resuscitating the Sundarbans. Customary use of

biodiversity and traditional cultural practices in Bangladesh. Forest peoples program, UK

GL56-9NQ. www.forest poeple5.org

Dudley, N., Higgins, Z. L. & Mansourian, S., (2009). The links between protected areas, faiths, and

sacred natural sites Conservation Biology 23(3): 568.

Eballa, Y., and Angamo A. E., (2013). Some notes on Zintgraff’s punitive expedition against the

Mankon people (Excerpts, translations and comments). Focus on Niikwi Nii Fo NdeFru III.

Mankon Cultural Festival. 23rd -31st December, 1884. 2013 ed. (Pg 34-45).

Egute, T. O., (2012). Modern Law and Local Tradition in Forest Heritage Conservation in

Cameroon: The Case of Korup. PhD Thesis in Environmental Sciences Brandenburg

University of Technology Cottbus 26.11.2012

Egute, T.O., and Albrecht, E., (2011). Environmental law and local traditional practices as potential

tools in combating forest biodiversity loss in Cameroon. (pp.113-123). Lexxion

Verlagsgesellschaftmb, Berlin.

Enchaw, G. B., & Njobdi, I., (2013). Tenure Security of the Baka Pygmies: Incentivizing

Participation in Forest Conservation & REDD Plus In: Tebtebba Foundation, (2013).

Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD plus: Sustaining & Enhancing Forests through

Traditional Resource Management Volume 2. (Pg. 2-67)

Eyong, C.T., (2010). Why ignore Ekpwe rules? The regulation of forest use by a secret society in

Korup National Park, Cameroon. ZEF Development Studies LIT Verlag Berlin.

Fa, J. E., Seymour S., Dupain, J., Amin R., Albrechtsen L., and Macdonald, D., (2006). Getting

to grips with the magnitude of exploitation: Bush meat in the Cross-Sanaga River region,

Nigeria and Cameroon. Bio-logical Conservation, 129: 497-510.

Feh, H.B., (2009). Cameroon legal system. http://www.hg.org/article.as pfd 7155.

Fomin, E.S.D., (2008). Royal Residences and Sacred Forests in Western Cameroon: The Intersection

of Secular and Spiritual Authority. [JSRNC 2.3 (2008) 391-407] doi: 10.1558/jsrnc.v2i3.391

http://www.hg.org/article.as

93

Foncho, P., (2013). FO Ndefru Nukwi festival in Eballa, Y., and Angamo A. E., Focus on Niikwi Nii

Fo NdeFru III. Mankon Cultural Festival. 23rd -31st December, 1884. 2013 eds. Pg 6-9

Freddie, S.S., (2007). Local Vegetation Use and Traditional Conservation Practices in the Zambian

Rural Community: Implications on Forest Stability. ISSN: 1653-834X

Georg, L., & Wolf, L., (2004). Traditional Structures in Local Governance for Local Development

Berne, Switzerland, [email protected]

GFC (Global Forest Coalition), (2008). Forest and the biodiversity convention: Independent

monitoring of the implementation of the expanded programme of work. http:

//globalforestcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/11 /IM-Report-Cameroon1.pdf.

Ghamoti, S.A., (2013). Quarter head and prince. Interview in Bagmande, 12.10.2013.

Godbole, A., & Sarnaik, J., (2004). Tradition of sacred groves and communities contribution in

their conservation. Pune, India: Applied Environmental Research Foundation.

Hawkins, P., & Brunt, M., (1965). Soils and ecology of West Cameroon. Vol 2, FAO. 516pp

Himberg, N., (2006). Community-based Ecotourism as a Sustainable Development Option in the

Taita Hills, Kenya. Master´s thesis, University of Helsinki 134 p

Hinz, M.O. and Ruppel, O.C., (2008). Legal protection of biodiversity in Namibia. Challenges to

customary and environmental law Namibia Scientific Society, http: //www. unep. Org /roa

/Portals/137/Docs/pdf/Thematic/EG/Biodiversity_Ancestors.pdf.

IMPECT (Inter Mountain Peoples Education and Cultures in Thailand), (2006). Indigenous

Knowledge, Customary Use of natural Resources and Sustainable Biodiversity Management:

Case Study of Hmong and Karen Communities in Thailand. 252 Moo 2, Chiang Mai 50210

ITTO (International Tropical Timber Organisation), (2006). Status of tropical forest

management. ITTO, 302 pp. Yokohama: ITTO Technical Series No. 24, 305 pp.

ITTO (International Tropical Timber Organization), (2004). Current Status and Future Potential

of Markets for Ecosystem Services of Tropical Forests: Technical Series No. 21

IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources), (2010). Red

List of Threatened Species Version 2010. Available under: www.iucnredlist.org

Kaltenborn, B. P., Bjerke, T., & Williams, D. R., (2006). Animal preferences and acceptability of

wildlife management actions around Serengeti National Park, Tanzania. Biodiversity and

Conservation, 15 (14), 4633–4649.

Kassilly, F. N., and Tsingalia, H. M., (2009). Persistence and loss of cultural values of Tiriki Sacred

Groves in Hamisi District, Kenya: J Hum Ecol, 27: 137-141.

http://www.unep/

94

Khan, M. L., Khumbongmayum, A. D., and Tripathi, R. S., (2008). Sacred groves and their

significance in conserving biodiversity. J Ecol and Environ Sci 34: 277-291

Kounga, G. J., (2013). Overview of Land Grab for Conservation in Cameroon Since 2000 Centre for

International Sustainable Development Law, cisdl London

Leader, W. N., & Dublin, T. H., (2000). Charismatic megafauna as “flagship species.” In A.

Entwistle & N. Dunstone (Eds.), Priorities for the conservation of mammalian diversity: Has

the panda had its day? (Vol. 3, pp. 53–81).

Lelewal, D., (2011). Indigenous Women and Climate Change in South Cameroon in Tebtebba, F.,

(2013) Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD plus: Sustaining & Enhancing Forests through

Traditional Resource Management Volume 2.

Lentz, C., (2003). Spirituality and land: Indigenous Theories of Landownership in West Africa;

Land and the politics of belonging in West Africa. Brill, NV, Leiden, the Netherlands.

Letouzey, R., (1968). Flora of Cameroon, the national Museum of Natural History, Paris, 110pp

Lindner, J.M., and Oates, J.F., (2010). Differentiated impact of bush meat hunting on monkeys

species and implications for primate conservation in Korup National Park, Cameroon.

http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0006320710004714.

Lykke, A.M., (2000). Local Perceptions of Vegetation Change and Priority for Conservation of

Woody-savanna Vegetation in Senegal. J Environ Mgt (2000) 59: 107 – 120.

Mankon Museum (M.M), (2013). Mankon itineraries of the collective memory, places of history

legend and myths. C.O.E [email protected]

Mbatu, R. S., (2006). Forest policy: Forest loss and land use cover change in Cameroon (Published

doctoral dissertation). Oklahoma State University, USA.

Mbwambo, J.S., (2000). The Role of Local Knowledge and Organizations in sustainable

Conservation of Biodiversity: A case study of Udzungwa Mountains, Tanzania. Pp.126-128

MEA, (2005). Millennium Ecosystem Assessment; Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Synthesis.

http://www.millenniumassessment.org/documents/document.356.aspx.pdf pp

Messe, V., (2009). Securing indigenous peoples’ rights in conservation: Reviewing and promoting

progress in Cameroon. http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/handle/123456789/25977 pdf

Michaelidou, M., Decker, D. J., & Lassoie, J. P., (2002). The Interdependence of Ecosystem and

Community Viability: A Theoretical Framework to Guide Research and Application. In

Society and Natural Resources 15, 599-616

Millar, D., (2003). Improve Farming with Ancestral Support; Ancient Roots, New Shoots;

Endogenous Development in Practice, zed Books, London.

mailto:[email protected]

95

Millar, D., (2004). Shrines and Groves: Bio-cultural Diversity and Potential Environment

Management. Communication and Media for Development, Cantonments, Accra, Ghana

MINFOF and FAO, (2005). Evaluation of national forest resources in Cameroon. Yaoundé,

Cameroon.

MINFOF, (2013). Order No. 0565/A/MINEF/DFAP/SDF/SRC to set the list of animals of class A,

B and C, distributing animal species per type of hunting permit and whose killing are

authorised.

Mogaka, H., (2002). Economic Instruments for the Reduction of Forest Biodiversity Loss in Kenya.

Economics Component Technical Report No. 16.43 p. Nairobi

Monikang, A. N., (2013). Short notes on social and political institutions of Mankon In: Focus on

Nukwi FO Ndefru III. Mankon cultural festival 23rd-31st December, 1984 (Pg 46-56)

N.I.S, (2010). National Institute of Statistics. http://www.stautisticscameroon.org/downloads/

annuaire2010/chap4.pdf

Nantang, B.J., (1995). Indirect rule in colonial and post-colonial Cameroon. In: Fowler, I. and

Zeitlyn, D. (Ed.), Perspectives on the state: From political history to ethnography in

Cameroon. Essays for Sally Chilver. Paideuma 41

National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP), (2007). The Fourth National Report of

the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) Cameroon http: //www. cbd.int

/doc/world/cm/cm-nbsap-04-p1-en.pdf

Ndangang, V., (1997). Buffer Zone and Forest Resources Management - The Korup Project

Experience. Seminar Paper pp. 11-12

NdeFru, J.F., (1985). Catholic prayer books and hymns in Mankon. Quality litho.Co.New Port,

kenturkey, USA

Ndeh, D. A., (2000). Anthropogenic activities and ecological implications in the Bafut-Ngemba

Forest Reserve. Unpublished Msc. Thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Buea.

Ndeloh, D. E., Luc, H., and Zjef, P., (2007). Traditional Knowledge Systems and the Conservation

of Cross River Gorillas: a Case Study of Bechati, Fossimondi, Cameroon C/D 83/F8 B-1090

Brussels, Belgium [email protected]

Ndenge, A. F., (2013). Mankon Outline Geography in: Focus on Nukwi Nu FO Ndefru III. Mankon

Cultural Festival 23rd to 31st December 1984, (Pg 9-20)

Ndenge, A.F., (2013a). Nusa Rituals and it significance in: Focus on Niikwi Nii Fo NdeFru III.

Mankon Cultural Festival. 23rd -31st December, 1884. 2013 eds. Pg 61-62

http://www.cbd.int/doc/world/cm/cm-nbsap-04-p1-en.pdf

http://www.cbd.int/doc/world/cm/cm-nbsap-04-p1-en.pdf




96

Neba, E.N., and Lotsmart, N.F., (2003). Actors, options and the challenges of forest management

in Anglophone Cameroon (pp. 95–111). GeoJournal 57, Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Nfor, L., (2004). Development of national legislation on conservation, access and benefit sharing of

genetic resources in Cameroon. Last accessed 12.12. 2013.

Nguiffo, S., Kenfack, P.E., and Mballa, N., (2009). Historical and contemporary land laws and

their impact on indigenous peoples’ land rights in Cameroon. In: Egute, T. O., (2012).

Modern Law and Local Tradition in Forest Heritage Conservation in Cameroon. pg. 3

Nguyen, T. T., Vu T. H., Nguyen, X. G., and Pham, T. C., (2013). Reclaiming Traditional Forest

Management Practices: Binh Son Village Experience. Tebtebba volume 2. Pg 286-306

Nold, E., (2004). Folk festivals as a Gate way to culture. Southern African, Oceanic Publications

North, D.C., (1990). Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge

University press. UK

Notue J. P., and Bianca, T., (2005). The treasure of the Mankon Kingdom. Arts, Heritage and

Culture from the Mankon kingdom. Books of IFA, COE/IFA.

Nrishima, K. K., (1998). Traditional Practices and Customary Laws of the Kirat People of Eastern

Nepal and Comparison with Nepal’s Statutory Laws. Mahendra Ratna Multiple Campus,

Ilam. Pg 151-157

Nsom, A. J., Jaap V.W., Ntomnifor, R. F., and Tse P. A., (2006). List of Birds and Plants

Recorded in the Mankon Sacred Forest and Environs. A conservation checklist OCOTONAP,

SNV, WHINCONET. 211p

Ntomnifor, R. F., (2013). Community Tourism and Nature Protection in the Mankon community.

Mankon travelers guide. 2nd edition.

Oates, J. F., (1999). Myth and reality in the rain forest: how conservation strategies are failing in

West Africa. University of California Press, Berkeley, California, USA.

OCOTONAP, (2013). Organisation for Community Tourism and Nature Protection: Tourism

business and marketing plans for local communities, municipal councils and institutions. P.O

Box 102, Bamenda II.

Olayiwola, A. M., Eludoyin, A. O., and Ekecha, A. E., (2011). Land Use Change in the Mezam

Division of the North-West Region, Cameroon from Landsat Imageries (1988 And 2001) doi:

10.4314/ejesm.v4i1.6. Vol. 4 No.1 2011

Ongia, F. and Epilla, R.O., (1993). Constraints to and Opportunities for Tree Planting and Common

Property Resources Management: A Study Using PRA in Atabu Parish, Dokolo County, Lira

District of Northern Uganda.

97

Ormsby, A., (2013). Analysis of Local Attitudes toward the Sacred Groves of Meghalaya and

Karnataka, India. Conservation Soc 2013; 11:187-97

Ostrom, E., (1999). Self governance and forest resources. Occasional paper no. 20. Center for

International Forestry Research, Bogor, Indonesia

Otumfuo, O. T., (2004). Traditional systems of governance and the modern state. Fourth African

Development Forum ADDIS ABABA, pg 8-29

Oviedo, G., Teodora, Z., and Flavia, N., (2007). Challenges for the maintenance of traditional

biodiversity knowledge in Latin America; CBD-IUCN; pg. 6

Punde, S., (2007). A study of four climax forest tree species within sacred groves of the Konkan

region (north Western Ghats). Applied Environmental Research Foundation

Purna, N. M., (2003). Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources in Nepal: Traditional Versus

Modern Approaches and Management Issues in Protected Areas. J. Natn. Sci Foundation Sri

Lanka 2003 31 (1 & 2): 125-137

Reid, G. M. (1989). The living waters of the Korup Rainforest. Inst., Washington, D.C. 128pp.

Roschenthaler, U., (2000). Culture, history and perceptions on resettlement: A baseline study of the

six villages in the Korup National Park.

Runge, C. F., (1996). Institutions and the free rider: The assurance problem in collective action,

Journal of Politics, Vol.46.

Saj, T. L., Mather, C. and Sicotte, P., (2006). Traditional taboos in biological conservation: the

case of Colobus vellerosus at the Boabeng-Fiema Monkey Sanctuary, Central Ghana. Social

Science Information 45:285–307.

Saka, O. J., Emmanuel T. I., and Adesoji, A., (2012). The Role of Traditional Laws and Taboos in

Wildlife Conservation in the Oban Hill Sector of Cross River National Park (CRNP),

Nigeria. J Hum Ecol, 39(3): 209-219

Sarfo-Mensah, P. and Oduro, W., (2007). Traditional natural resources management practices and

biodiversity conservation in Ghana: A review of local concept and issues on change and

sustainability.

Sheridan, M.J., and Nyamweru, C., (2007). African sacred groves: Ecological dynamics and social

change. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press.

Sherpa, P. D., Gelu, S., Khim, G., and Lama, K., (2013). Revitalizing Customary Governance &

Strengthening Traditional Knowledge on Natural Resource Management in Nepal in:

98

Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD plus: Sustaining & Enhancing Forests through

Traditional Resource Management Volume 2 (Pg196-268)

Sherpa, T., (2011). Indigenous Women in Khasur and Kalleri Villages of Nepal: Traditional

Knowledge and Adaptation Strategies in the Face of Climate Change. Baguio City:

Simo, M.S., (2013). Evolution of architecture in the Bafut fondom from the colonial period to the

period toward the acquisition of independence in 1961. Master thesis Dschang University

Swiri, R.A., (1998). Lexical Expansion in the Mankon Language. Masters dissertation in Linguistics,

University of Yaoundé I

Tchamou, N., (2007). Sacred Forests and Community Forests at the Crossroads for Biodiversity

Conservation in Central Africa: Case Study of Cameroon. Master thesis Columbus University

USA. Picayune, MS 39466-0879

Tebtebba, F., (2013). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD plus: Sustaining & Enhancing Forests

through Traditional Resource Management Volume 2. Pg 1-2

Thomas, G., and Simon, S., (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services. (Eds.) Gland, Switzerland:

IUCN.140 pp.

Tsi, E.A., (2006). Status of wildlife and its utilisation in Faro and Benue National Parks north

Cameroon: Case study of the Derby Eland (Taurotragus derbianus gigas Gray, 1974) and the

African wild dog (Lycaon pictus Temminck, 1840) Doctoral dissertation. Brandenburg

University of Technology Cottbus, Germany.

Tumnde, M. S., (2001). Integrating law and local customs in forest resource management around the

Mount Cameroon region. In: Lambi C.M and Eze B.E. (Eds.), Reading in Geography, Unique

Printers, Bamenda.

UNESCO, (2011). World Heritage Centre. Korup National Park Cameroon http://whc.unesco

.org/en/tentative lists/4020/ doc.html.

UNICEF, (2005). The State of the World´s Children. 20.11.2005 http: //www. unicef.org /sowc04/

15579_goodbye_to_fees.html

United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD), (2007). Traditional knowledge

newsletter of the Convention on Biological Diversity. CBD www. cbd.int/doc/newsletters/

news-8j-01-low-en pdf.

Usongo, L. I., (1998). Conservation status of primates in Cameroon. Primate Conservation (pp. 59-

65). 18.

Veríssimo, D., MacMillan, D. C., & Smith, R. J., (2011). Toward a systematic approach for

identifying conservation flagships. Conservation Letters, 4, 1–8.

http://www.unicef.org/sowc04/15579_goodbye_to_fees.html

http://www.unicef.org/sowc04/15579_goodbye_to_fees.html

http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol16/iss3/art22/www.cbd.int/doc/newsletters/news-8j-01-low-en.pdf

http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol16/iss3/art22/www.cbd.int/doc/newsletters/news-8j-01-low-en.pdf

99

WACameroon, (2010). Women in Action against Gender Based Violence. Strategic action Plan

2010- 2014. Registration No. 085/e.29/1111/vol8/APPB

Walpole, M. J., & Goodwin, H. J., (2001). Local attitudes towards conservation and tourism around

Komodo National Park, Indonesia. Environmental Conservation, 28 (2), 160–166.

Warnier, J.P., (1975). Pre-colonial Mankon: The Development of Cameroon Chiefdom in its

regional setting. A doctorate dissertation in Anthropology, Pen state University, Pennsylvania

WWF, (2006). A Vision for Biodiversity Conservation in Central Africa: Biological Priority for

Conservation in the Guinea-Congolian Forest and Fresh water region, 112 pp

WWF, (2010). World Wide Fund for Nature Living Planet Report. WWF International, Gland,

Switzerland. 110p.

Yasuo, T., Diogo, V., Douglas, C. M., & Archana, G., (2012). Stakeholder Perceptions of Potential

Flagship Species for the Sacred Groves of the Northwestern Ghats, India, Human

Dimensions of Wildlife: An International Journal, 17:4, 257-269

Yerima, B.P.K., (2012). Prototype for watershed management and biodiversity conservation in the

Western highland regions of Cameroon. Publishing, Victoria BC, Canada 440p

Ylhäisi, J., (2006). Traditionally Protected Forests and Sacred Forests of Zigua and Gweno Ethnic

Groups in Tanzania. University of Helsinki Finland, PO Box 64, FIN-00014, ISBN 952-10-

3096-8 (PDF)

Zahabu, E., Eid, T. and Kajembe, G., (2009). Forestland tenure systems in Tanzania: an overview

of policy changes in relation to forest management. INA-fagrapport 14. http://

www.umb.no/statisk/ina/publikasjoner/fagrapport/if14.pdf.

http://www.umb.no/

100

ANNEX

Annex 1: Problem Tree Analyses

Unsustianable management of sacred forests

in Mankon Fondom

Poaching for Posterity Deforestation

Effects

High demand for traditional Medicine

High Demand for bush

meat

Poor Agricultural

practices

Absence of micro zoning

Overexploitation of TFP and

NTFPs

Encroachment in critical Corridors

High demand for

agricultural land

Cause

Modern religion and

Westernisation

Demographic pressure

Poor institutional

capacity Increased

access through roads

Weakening of Traditional Leadership

Disrespect for traditional Institutions

Figure 14: Hypothetical diagram showing problem tree analysis

101

Annex 2 : Questionnaires

UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG

FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT

NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

QUESTIONNAIRE

Dear Respondents,

I am Billa Samuel Fru, a student from the University of Dschang, Faculty of Agronomy and

Agricultural Science, Department of Environmental management. I am carrying out a research

with the aim of contributing to discover appropriate mechanisms for the conservation and

management of sacred forests by assessing the potentials of both traditional and government

institutional systems as instruments for effective management of the Mankon sacred forest. I

therefore wish that you kindly answer the following questions whose answers will be used for

academic purpose only. I hereby assure you that any information provided about yourself will be

treated with confidentiality. Thank you very much for your cooperation.

1. Name ………………………………………………Sex: Male…………female……….

2. Community of residence:

3. Educational level; (a) Primary, (b) secondary, (c) University, (d) No formal education

4. Age group: 15-35; 35-55; 55+

5. What is your occupation? (a) Farming (b) Student (c) Trading (d) Teaching (e) Hunting

(f) others specify

6. What is your religion? (a) Christianity (b) Islam (C) Traditional religion

7. Have you ever heard about sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No

8. If yes, what is a sacred forest according to you? (You can tick more than one answer

(a) A place where rituals and ceremonies are performed

(b) A forest located behind the palace of the Fon/Chief

102

(c) Community land under the control of the traditional council

(d) Land where there are no activities

(e) Other (specify) _____________________________________________

9. How many sacred forests do you know in Mankon? (Number)

10. Who owns the sacred forest?

(a) The Fon of Mankon (b) kwifo (c) Ngangfo (herbalist) (d) Clan/Quarter Heads (e) Mankon

traditional council (f) Others (specify

11. Do you have access and control over the sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0)No Idea

12. Do you respect the sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea

13. How do you know about the sacred forest?

(1)Radio (2) Television (3) Newspapers (4) Books (5) Internet (6) Parents (7) Schools (8)

foresters (9), village/town criers

14. Do you know the restricted activities related to sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea

15. If yes, name some of them (a) No direct entry (b) No collection of NTFP or exploitation

of wood (c) No farming (d) No hunting (e) others (Specify)

16. What are the reasons for restricted access to the kwifo sacred forest?

(a) Cultural beliefs and Taboos (c) Customary laws and injunctions (d) Moral sanctions and fines

Traditional edicts (e) festivals (f) Others (specify

17. Under which institution (s) in Mankon is the sacred forest placed?

a) The Fon; b) Kwifo; c) Ngangfo (herbalists); d) Traditional council; e) Notables

(clan/quarter/family heads)

18. What are the roles of the different traditional institutions?

19. Which government institutions are implementing forest and wildlife laws in Mankon

fondom?

(a) Ministry of forestry and wildlife (b) NGOs (c) Ministry of Environment (d) Bamenda

city council (e) Others specify

20. Are the government /NGOs involved in the management of the sacred forest?

Traditional Institutions Potential role

103

(1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea

21. If yes, what are the roles of the different government /NGOs (formal) institutions?

22. How are resources obtained for management?

(a) Fines from offenders (b) Community contributions (c) Proceeds from sale of community

resources (d) Support from GOs and NGOs (e) Others (specify)

23. How do you know about Cameroon’s forestry and wildlife laws?

(1) Radio (2) Television (3) Newspapers (4) Books (5) Internet (6) Parents (7) Schools (8)

foresters (9)

24. What are the problems faced by traditional institutions in managing sacred forests?

(a) Disrespect for traditional management systems

(b) Demographic pressures

(c) Migration of youths

(d) Traditional institutions are not recognised by the formal management systems

(e) Modern religion and westernization

25. What are the problems faced by women in sacred forest management?

(a) Male dominance in sacred forest ownership and control

(b) Lack of strength of women leadership

(c) No access to resources

(d) Low representation of women in sacred forest management decisions

(e) Others (specify)

26. How could sacred forest be managed sustainably?

a) Conservation development, education and awareness, attitudinal change

b) Eco-tourism improvement;

c) Integrating traditional management systems into formal management systems

d) Research and monitoring

e) Strengthening of traditional authorities for effective sacred forest management

27. What are the causes of loss of plants and animals in the Mankon sacred forests? (You can

tick more than one answer)

Formal Institutions Potential role

104

(1) Hunting for posterity (2) bushfire (3) illegal harvesting of non timber forest products (4)

other reasons (specify)

28. What are the consequences of loss of plants and animals in the Mankon sacred forests?

(You can tick more than one answer)

(1) (2) Loss of biodiversity (3) Loss of valuable forest products (4) loss of culture (5) Local and

global climate change (6) other reasons (specify)

29. List different plants and animal species that you know from the forest

Plants Animals Common name Name in the

dialect Common name Name in the dialect

30. What is your perception about the kwifo sacred forest? (1) Positive (2) Negative (0) No

Idea

31. If your answer is positive, give reasons to justify it.

(1) Tourist attraction (2) Ecological (Protection of environment) (3) Cultural and Spiritual

(Represent gods and part of heritage) (4) other reasons (specify)

32. If your answer is negative, give reasons to justify it.

(1) Animals are destructive (stealing) (2) Rituals (3) Worshiping of idols (4) Need to acquire

land /resources (5) Others specify

33. What is your point of view about the relationship between government and traditional

institutions in the management of natural resources? (1) Very good (2) Good (3) average

(4) Poor /no relationship

34. What are the benefits gained from sacred forest as touristic site? (a) Financial (b)

Development projects (C) Increased trade (D) Others specify

35. How many people (Cameroonians, foreigners) do apply to visit the forest each year?

Cameroonians……………………..foreigners…………………………country…………………..

36. What do the visitors want to;

a) See in the forest. A) Birds, b) monkeys, c) shrines, d) others (specify)

b) Know about the forest, A) history of the forest, b) plants and animals, c) Others (specify)

c) Collect from the forest. A) Pictures, b) Names of plants and animals, c) Others (specify)

105

37. What are the birds and tree species you prefered most from the sacred forest?

Birds Trees Animals

38. What reasons can you advance for your preference of the birds and tree species?

a) Touristic, b) endemic, c) rareness, d)cultural importance, e) medicinal, f) others (specify)

39. Which types of plants and animals are no longer found in the forests?

Local name English name Local name English name

106

Annex 3: Semi-structured Interviews

1. How is access to sacred forests regulated?

2. Which institutions are used in managing sacred forest/natural resources in the Mankon

village?

3. What role do traditional institutions play in Sacred Forests Management?

4. What are the sanctions often given by traditional council to people found guilty of

carrying out illegal activities in the Sacred Forests?

5. What are the cultural and beliefs taboos that are highly respected in Mankon?

6. Which beliefs are associated to unauthorized exploitation of resources in the sacred

forest?

7. Are there some animals in Mankon that people are not allowed to kill?

8. Are there some trees in Mankon that people are not allowed to cut?

9. What are the consequences if someone cuts a forbidden tree or kills a forbidden animal?

10. What are the customary laws in Mankon that are important for sacred forest

management?

11. How does the Mankon community benefit from Sacred Forests?

12. Describe the customary requirements for hunting and fishing.

13. Should the land owners around the Sacred Forests be relocated?

14. Should local communities in and around the Mankon Sacred Forests be involve in the

forest’s management?

15. Are there any guards are employed to work at the Mankon Sacred Forests?

16. What are the main problems faced in protecting the forest?

17. What management challenges are often faced with respect to Sacred Forests Management

in Cameroon?

18. How are sacred forest classified?

19. How does the Divisional Delegation of Forestry and Wildlife cooperate with Sacred

Forest authorities in managing the forests?

20. What are the obstacles to relocating land owners?

21. Can effective management be realised with people living around the forest?

22. What efforts are being made for the conservation of sacred forest?

23. Can customary law be invoked in the court in course of prosecuting wildlife crime?

107

Annex 4 : Topic Guides For Focus Group Discussions

1 Institutional structure and sacred forest management

Traditional institutions and Roles;

2 Knowledge and practice on sacred forest management

Traditional knowledge & practice

Induced technical knowledge

Checklist for Participatory Rural Appraisal

Day 1: Institutional structure and sacred forest management

Methods:

Institutional (Venn) diagrams;

Resource maps; Social maps;

Transect walks and semi-structured interviews;

Group discussions

Day 2: Knowledge and practices on sacred forest management

Methods:

Seasonal calendar;

Historical profiles;

Transect walks and semi-structured interviews

Day 3: Benefits out of sacred forest management

Methods:

Pair wise ranking;

Seasonal calendars;

Daily activity profile

108

Annex 5 : List of National Legal Instruments Relevant For Forest Conservation and

Management in Cameroon

Decree No. 69/DF/544 of 19 December 1969 to appoint the organisation and procedure

before the traditional courts of Eastern Cameroon, modified by Decree No. 71/DF/607 of 3

December 1971

Law No. 79/4 of 29 June 1979 to attach the Customary Courts and the Alkali Courts of the

former Western Cameroon to the Ministry of Justice

Law No. 91/8 of 30 July 1991 on the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage of Cameroon

Law No. 94/01 of 20 January 1994 to lay down Forestry, Wildlife and Fishery Regulations

Decree No. 95-531-PM of 23 August 1995 to determine the conditions of implementation of

forestry regulations

Decree No. 95-466-PM of 20 July 1995 to lay down the conditions for the implementation of

wildlife regulations

Decree No. 96-237-PM of 10 April 1996 to define the conditions for the functioning of special

Funds provided for in Law No. 94-1 of 20 January 1994 to lay down forestry Wildlife and

fisheries regulations

Order No. 0565/A/MINEF/DFAP/SDF/SRC to set the list of animals of class A, B and C,

distributing animal species whose killing are authorised as well as the rate of their killing per

type of hunting permit

Law No. 96/12 of 5 August 1996 Relating to Environmental Management Joint Order No.

000122/MINEFI/MINAT of 29 April 1998 sets the terms of use of logging revenue intended for

local village communities from companies benefitting from concessions and small-scale logging

titles

Law No. 2004/017 of 22 July 2004 on the Orientation of Decentralisation

Decree No. 2005/0577/PM of 23 February 2005 laying down the modalities to carry out

environmental impact assessment

Decree No. 2005/481 of 16 December 2005 amends the regulations for obtaining land

certificates and the procedure for registering land

Law No. 2006/015 of 29 December 2006 on judicial organisation

Decree No. 2013/249 of 14 October 2013 amends structure of traditional chiefdoms

109

Annex 6 : List of Multilateral Forest and Environmental Agreements Ratified by Cameroon

• 1968 African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources adopted

in Algiers. Its Article IV provides that member states are supposed to protect flora and ensure its

best utilisation; manage forests and control burning, land clearance and overgrazing.

• 1971 Convention on Wetlands (ILM 11 (1972), 963) adopted in Ramsar. The objective of the

convention is to halt the worldwide loss of wetlands and to conserve and ensure their wise use.

Specifically as provided in paragraph 4 of its preamble, the convention aim is “to stem the

progressive encroachment on and loss of wetlands now and in the future.”

• 1972 Convention on the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (ILM 11

(1972), 1358) adopted in Paris establishes a World Heritage List and provides in Article 4

that the duty to identify, protect, conserve and transmit to future generations of the cultural

and natural heritage belongs primarily to the State where properties of outstanding universal

value are located.

• 1973 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora

(ILM 12 (1973),1085) adopted in Washington, D.C. seeks to protect endangered species from

over-exploitation by regulating international trade in endangered species of flora and fauna,

whether dead or alive.

• 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (ILM 31 (1992), 818) adopted in Rio de Janeiro

offers the widest range of legal tools for promoting biodiversity conservation. Cameroon signed

the CBD in June 14 1992 and ratified it on 14 October 1994

1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Rio de Janeiro) (ILM 31

(1992), 849)

• 1992 Non-legally Binding Authoritative Statement of Principles for a Global Consensus on the

Management, Conservation, and Sustainable Development of All Types of Forests (Rio Forest

Principles) (Rio de Janeiro) (ILM 31 (1992), 881)

• 1994 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Countries Experiencing Serious

Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa (Paris) (ILM 33 (1994) 33480)

110

Annex 7 : Field Pictures

Bannerman's Turaco (Tauraco bannermani) Inside the kwifo Mankon sacred forest

Photo: Roger Fotso Photo: Sammy Billa

CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS TO THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE STUDY...

Documents

Transcript of CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS TO THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE STUDY...