i
UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG UNIVERSITE DE DSCHANG
FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES
FACULTE D’AGRONOMIE ET DES SCIENCES AGRICOLES ..............................
POST GRADUATE SCHOOL
ECOLE DOCTORALE …………………
Thesis Presented for the Award of a Master of Science (M.Sc.) in
Environmental Management
Presented By: BILLA SAMUEL FRU
Matricule: CM04-11ASA0618
Option: Natural Resource Management
Supervisor: Pr. Tsi Evaristus Angwafo
(Associate Professor) Department of Forestry, University of Dschang
JANUARY 2014
CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE
SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE
STUDY OF MANKON SACRED FORESTS NORTHWEST
REGION, CAMEROON
ii
UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG UNIVERSITE DE DSCHANG
FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES
FACULTE D’AGRONOMIE ET DES SCIENCES AGRICOLES ..............................
POST GRADUATE SCHOOL
ECOLE DOCTORALE …………………
Thesis Presented for the Award of a Master of Science (M.Sc.) in
Environmental Management
Presented By: BILLA SAMUEL FRU
Matricule: CM04-11ASA0618
Option: Natural Resource Management
Supervisor: Pr. Tsi Evaristus Angwafo
(Associate Professor) Department of Forestry, University of Dschang
JANUARY 2014
CONTRIBUTION OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE
SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS: CASE
STUDY OF MANKON SACRED FORESTS NORTHWEST
REGION, CAMEROON
vi
DEDICATION
To my beloved parents BILLA Joseph CHI and CHI Grace MANKAH for their love, care
and support all through my years in school.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to the Almighty God for his assistance and guidance over me throughout
my university studies.
A memorable place is given to my very able supervisor, Pr. Evaristus T. ANGWAFO
for his advice, encouragement, constructive criticisms, suggestions and unfailing interest in
this work. He showed me the path always full of love and light.
I am particularly indebted to all my lecturers of the University of Dschang including
Prof TCHAMBA Martin (Head of Department of Forestry), Dr AVANA Marie-Luis, Dr
AJONINA Gordon, and Dr MANU Ibrahim whose inspirations, suggestions and words of
encouragement inspired me to carry out this study successfully to the end.
I wish to pay immense gratitude to the FO (king) of Mankon fondom His Royal
Majesty ANGWAFO III, for his leadership and encouragement which has led to the success
of this work; I benefited support from the Fons secretary Mr. NDENGE Sylvester,
NTUMNIFOR Richard of (OCOTONAP) and Peter TSE ANGWAFO who inspired the
location of informants; Mr CHIFONTAH Pius in framing and shaping the scope of this study;
Mr Simon ANGWAFO and Pa LALE NTSEH Simon for assisting me as a guide in the data
collection exercise.
My special thanks to, Rev NDANG Mamfred, AKENJI Ester and the Christians of
Presbyterian Church Ntingkag for their guidance and support in the preparation of this work;
I also wish to acknowledge with thanks to, NDANGA Jonathan, Eveline NDANGA, TSE
Nelson, Awasum MATSAM, Achiri ANGWAFO, Cecilia ANGWAFO and to all the Mankon
people who have contributed in one way or the other and for their hospitality.
My sincere thanks equally goes to all the members of the Billa’s family; my
grandparents Mamma Monica AWA and Paulina NGUM for their immense love and care my;
brothers BILLA Charles, BILLA Ronald for their constant prayers and support; My special
appreciation equally goes to my uncles BILLA Lucas, FRU Henry and Aunty Judith LUM, of
(WACameroon) for their financial and moral assistance in carrying this research work; Dr
AWASUM Charles, Pride NGWE and NDE Louis for their encouragement.
I remain grateful to my friends and classmates; FOTANG Chefor, KENFACK Lily,
NKEMTAJI Franklin, Mvo Denis, ANONCHO Valentine, Mabel FAMBE, EBUNE Rita,
SIMO Max, BATE ASHU, NGIMA Vitalis and LUM Seraphine of the Universities of
Dschang for they were an invaluable source of encouragement.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pages CERTIFICATION ...................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.
DEDICATION ...........................................................................................................................vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................................................................................... vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................ viii
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... xii
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................ xiii
LIST OF ANNEXES................................................................................................................ xiv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.................................................................................................... xv
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ xvi
RESUME ...............................................................................................................................xvii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... 1
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................... 1
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT .................................................................................................... 3
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION ..................................................................................................... 7
1.4 HYPOTHESIS ...................................................................................................................... 7
1.5 OBJECTIVE ......................................................................................................................... 8
1.6 RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY ........................................................................................... 8
1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ......................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER TWO: DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS AND LITERATURE REVIEW .................. 10
2.1. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS .......................................................................................... 10
2.2. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................... 17
2.3. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................................................ 20
CHAPTER THREE: MATERIALS AND METHODS .............................................................. 22
3.1. DESCRIPTION OF STUDY SITE ..................................................................................... 22
3.1.1. Location .......................................................................................................................... 22
3.1.2. Climate ............................................................................................................................ 23
3.1.3. Relief and Hydrology ...................................................................................................... 24
3.1.4. Soils ................................................................................................................................ 24
ix
3.1.5. Vegetation and Flora ....................................................................................................... 25
3.1.6. Fauna .............................................................................................................................. 27
3.1.7. Socio-Economic Activities .............................................................................................. 28
3.1.7.1 History of the Mankon People ....................................................................................... 28
3.1.7.2. Demography, language and Religion ............................................................................ 31
3.1.7.3. Trade ............................................................................................................................ 32
3.1.7.4 Farming ......................................................................................................................... 32
3.1.7.5 Livestock Rearing .......................................................................................................... 33
3.1.7.6. Handicraft Production ................................................................................................... 33
3.1.7.7 Fishing .......................................................................................................................... 33
3.1.7.8 Hunting ......................................................................................................................... 33
3.1.8 Other activities ................................................................................................................. 34
3.1.9 Traditional Governance .................................................................................................... 34
3.1.9.1. The administrative institutions ...................................................................................... 35
3.1.9.2. Magico- religious institutions ....................................................................................... 35
3.1.9.3. Common Initiative Groups............................................................................................ 35
3.1.9.4. Governmental and Non-Governmental Organisations ................................................... 36
3.2. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................. 36
3.2.1. DATA COLLECTION .................................................................................................... 36
3.2.1.1. Secondary data ............................................................................................................. 37
3.2.1.2. Primary data ................................................................................................................. 37
3.2. DATA ANALYSES ........................................................................................................... 38
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ............................................................... 39
4.1 THE ROLES OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE SUSTAINABLE
MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS IN MANKON FONDOM .............................. 39
4.1.1.2. FORMAL INSTITUTIONS AND SACRED FOREST MANAGEMENT .................... 43
4.1.2. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................... 46
4.1.3. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ....................................................................... 47
4.1.3.1. Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people........................................................ 48
4.1.3.2. Customary rules and regulations ................................................................................... 50
4.1.3.3. Cultivation Habits and Harvesting methods .................................................................. 50
x
4.1.3.4. Traditional Protected Areas .......................................................................................... 51
4.1.3.5. Traditional Festivals and Rituals ................................................................................... 51
4.1.3.6. Myths ........................................................................................................................... 54
4.1.4. Explaining the traditional practices in Mankon using scientific views .............................. 55
4.2 PERCEPTIONS OF THE LOCAL PEOPLE ON SACRED FOREST ................................. 56
4.2.1. Awareness, Ownership and Control of the Mankon Sacred Forest ................................... 56
4.2.2. Perceptions on the Spiritual and Cultural Potentials ......................................................... 58
4.2.3. Perceptions on the Ecological Potentials .......................................................................... 59
4.2.4. Perception on Touristic Potentials .................................................................................... 61
4.2.5. Perceptions on the Environment .................................................................................... 63
4.2.6. Attitudes and Willingness to Participate in Sacred Forest Conservation ........................... 65
4.3 FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS,
KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE ..................................................................................... 67
4.3.1. Disrespect for Traditional Institutions and Sacred Forests ................................................ 67
4.3.2. Modern Religion and Westernisation ............................................................................... 67
4.3.3. Poor institutional capacity ............................................................................................... 68
4.3.4. Demographic Factors ....................................................................................................... 69
4.3.4.1 Age................................................................................................................................ 69
4.3.4.2. Gender relations in sacred forest conservation .............................................................. 70
4.3.4.3. Level of Education ....................................................................................................... 71
4.3.4.4. Occupation of Respondents .......................................................................................... 72
4.3.5. Poverty, Alcoholism and Land Selling Attitudes .............................................................. 73
Realisation of the Impacts of Biodiversity Loss ......................................................................... 73
4.3.5.2. Adaptation strategies against the loss of biodiversity .................................................... 74
4.4. PROPOSED STRATEGIES FOR THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF THE
MANKON SACRED FOREST .......................................................................................... 76
xi
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................... 87
5.1. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................. 87
5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................................... 88
5.2.1. Local Communities ......................................................................................................... 88
5.2.2. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) ....................................................................... 89
5.2.3. The Church ...................................................................................................................... 89
5.2.4. The Government .............................................................................................................. 89
REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................... 91
ANNEX .................................................................................................................................. 100
xii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: List of plants observed in Mankon sacred forests ........................................................ 25
Table 2: List of animals observed in Mankon sacred forests...................................................... 27
Table 3: The roles of traditional institutions in the sustainable management of the Mankon
sacred forests ............................................................................................................... 39
Table 4 : The roles of formal institutions on the sustainable management of sacred forests ....... 43
Table 5: Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people ...................................................... 48
Table 6 : Explaining the traditional conservation practices in Mankon using scientific views. ... 55
Table 7: Ecological services perceived by respondents ............................................................. 60
Table 8: The views traditional institutions concerning the environment in Mankon fondom ...... 63
Table 9: Age, gender, and educational level of respondents ...................................................... 69
Table 10 : Species extinct from the MSF .................................................................................. 74
Table 11: Proposed action plan for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest ... 81
xiii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 : A hypothetical diagram showing the potentials of sacred forests ............................... 12
Figure 2 : Analytical framework showing traditional management of sacred forests for
biodiversity conservation in the Mankon fondom......................................................... 21
Figure 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest
region of Cameroon ..................................................................................................... 23
Figure 4 : Routes of migration of the Mankon people ............................................................... 30
Figure 5 : Traditional governance structure in Mankon fondom ................................................ 34
Figure 6: Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions in SFM in the Mankon
fondom ........................................................................................................................ 45
Figure 7: Traditional practices for SF management in Mankon fondom .................................... 47
Figure 8: Roles of festivals and rituals in sacred forest management in Mankon fondom .......... 53
Figure 9: Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF in Mankon fondom .......................... 57
Figure 10: Spiritual relevance of the MSF in Mankon fondom .................................................. 58
Figure 11: Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree species for Ecotourism ......................... 62
Figure 12: Attitudes and willingness to participate in the conservation of the MSF in Mankon
fondom ................................................................................................................... 65
Figure 13: Occupation of Respondents in Mankon fondom....................................................... 72
Figure 14: Hypothetical diagram showing problem tree analysis ............................................ 100
xiv
LIST OF ANNEXES
Annex 1: Problem Tree Analyses ............................................................................................ 100
Annex 2 : Questionnaires ........................................................................................................ 101
Annex 3: Semi-structured Interviews....................................................................................... 106
Annex 4 : Topic Guides For Focus Group Discussions ............................................................ 107
Annex 5 : List of National Legal Instruments Relevant For Forest Conservation and
Management in Cameroon....................................................................................... 108
Annex 6 : List of Multilateral Forest and Environmental Agreements Ratified by Cameroon .. 109
Annex 7 : Field Pictures .......................................................................................................... 110
xv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BD : Biological Diversity
CBD : Convention on Biological Diversity
CITES : International Convention on Trade in Endangered Species of Flora and
Fauna
ES : Ecosystem Services
EX : Extinct
ILO : International Labor Organization
IUCN : International Union for the Conservation of Nature
KNP : Korup National Park
MINEPDED : Ministry of Environment, Nature Protection and Sustainable Development
MINFOF : Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife
MSF : Mankon Sacred Forests
MTC : Mankon Traditional Council
MU : Memorandum of Understanding
NBSAP : National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan
NBSAP : National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan
NGO : Non Governmental Organisation
NRM : Natural Resource Management
NTFPs : Non Timber Forest Products
OCOTONAP : Organisation for Community Tourism and Nature Protection
PRA : Participatory Rural Appraisal
SF : Sacred forest
SFM : Sacred Forest Management
SNV : Netherlands Development Organization
SPSS : Statistical Package for Social Sciences
TFP : Timber Forest Products
WHC : World Heritage Convention
WHS : World Heritage Site
WWF : World Wide Fund for Nature
xvi
ABSTRACT
This study was carried out during the period of July to December 2013, with the aim of
determining the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices on the sustainable
management of sacred forests. Questionnaires, semi structured interviews, PRA (Participatory
Rural Appraisal) approach, focus group discussions and consultation of existing documents
were conducted to128 inhabitants in seven quarters in the Mankon fondom. The results
showed that the FO' (king of Mankon), kwifo (sacred society) and the Mankon Traditional
Council were the major actors protecting the potentials of the Mankon sacred forest. Statutory
law recognizes only the FO' and has been reduced as a mere auxiliary of the government,
thereby weakening traditional institutions that ought to contribute in protecting the sacred
forests. Forty eight percent (48%) of the respondents perceived that the Mankon sacred
forests were the properties of the FO' and kwifo as they did not have access and control over
the sacred forest because of cultural beliefs and taboos, customary and local bylaws and
myths. However, majority of the respondents (95%) that perceived to promote the culture of
Mankon as well as the conservation of the sacred forests, it will be necessary to protect the
touristic, cultural, spiritual and ecological potentials of the Mankon sacred forest. The main
motivation was the belief that the destruction of the sacred forest will result to cultural
ethnocide. The factors found to affect the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and
practice were age, gender, education and disrespect for traditional management systems. The
study concludes that a management strategy that links the conservation of culture and nature
is more effective in conserving forests than a strategy that ignores traditional institutions,
knowledge and practices which also contribute in enhancing Cameroon’s compliance with
biodiversity-related international environmental agreements. It recommends that the
government should incorporate sacred forests into the protected area system of Cameroon.
Key words: Potentials, Sacred Forest, Traditional Institutions, Biodiversity Conservation
xvii
RESUME
Cette étude a été réalisée au cours de la période allant de Juliet à Décembre 2013, dans le but
de détermine les rôles des institutions traditionnelles, les savoir locaux et pratiques en matière
de conservation des forêts sacrées de Mankon. Les outils tels que, les questionnaires, des
entretiens semi structurés, MARP (Méthodes Accélérées de Recherche Participative), des
discussions de groupes et l’observation documentaire ont été menées pour la réalisation de cet
objectif dans sept quartiers différents du dit village. Les résultats ont montré que le FO (Roi
de Mankon), kwifo (société sacrée) et le Conseil traditionnel Mankon étaient les principaux
acteurs dans la protection du potentiel culturel de la forêt sacrée Mankon. Cependant le roi
Mankon a été réduit à un simple auxiliaire du gouvernement, ce qui affaiblit les institutions
traditionnelles qui devraient contribuer à la protection de celle-ci. Quarante-huit pourcents
(48 %) des répondants ont révélés que la forêt sacrée de Mankon est la propriété du FO (Roi
de Mankon), et des kwifo en raison de ce que ceux-ci sont les seuls à pouvoir y accéder
comme le veut leur culture (croyances et de tabous culturels, les règlements coutumiers et
locaux et mythes). Toutefois, la majorité des répondants (95%) pense qu’en vue de
promouvoir la culture Mankon aussi bien a l’intérieur qu’a l’extérieur de cette communauté
il serait nécessaire de faire de cette foret sacrée un lieu touristique visant a promouvoir, les
potentialités culturelles, spirituelles, et écologiques de celle-ci. La principale motivation était
la conviction que la destruction de la forêt sacrée se traduira par l'ethnocide culturel. Les
facteurs qui ont été identifies et qui affectent les institutions traditionnelles, la connaissance et
la pratique sont l'âge, le sexe, l'éducation et le manque de respect pour les systèmes de gestion
traditionnels. L'étude conclut que la stratégie de gestion qui lie la conservation de la culture et
de la nature est plus efficace dans la conservation des forêts que celle qui ignore les
institutions traditionnelles, les connaissances et les pratiques qui aussi contribuent au respect
des accords internationaux sur l'environnement liés à la biodiversité ratifies également par
l’Etat Camerounais. Il serait important au niveau national pour le gouvernement camerounais
d’intégrer les forêts sacrées dans le système des aires protégées.
Mots clés: Potentiels, Forêt sacrée, Institutions traditionnelles, Conservation de la
Biodiversité
1
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY One of the features of Cameroon is its multiethnic and multicultural diversity. Cameroon has
two hundred and fifty (250) ethnic groups which speak more than 250 mother tongues and a
bilingual culture of French and English as the official languages (Egute, 2012). In the northwest
region, the main ethnic groups are the Ngemba, Wimbum, Moghamo and Mungaka. These ethnic
groups have unique traditional customs, deep-rooted cultural mores and religious beliefs which
together make up Cameroon’s rich cultural heritage. Her forests are also exceptionally rich in
biodiversity and have good potential for sustainable forest management (ITTO, 2006). There are
about 9,000 species of plants in which at least 156 are endemic, 409 species of mammals 14 are
endemic, 2084 insects with more than 1,500 butterflies. The country contains 542 species of fish
of which 96 are endemic, 330 reptiles, 200 amphibians (NSAP, 2007; MINFOF, 2013). There
are about 925 species of birds of which 22 are endemic and 249 plants are critically endangered
(Birdlife International, 2000; IUCN, 2010). With 26 primate species, Cameroon is the second
richest country in primate diversity in Africa (Usongo, 1998). In reviewing other Convention
processes, Cameroon has signed over 32 biodiversity related conventions, and about 14 (44%)
are currently operational. Even though it covers just 1.6% of Africa’s surface area, it
contains over half of its mammal and bird species and three quarter of reptiles (GFC, 2008).
The legal system of Cameroon is made up of the statutory law and customary law (Thomas and
Simone, 2011), but the villages are governed largely through customary law by traditional rulers
who are held in high esteem especially in the Southwest and Northwest regions.
During the pre-colonial period, natural resources including forests were managed through
traditional institutions headed by traditional rulers (Fons, chiefs and Lamidos). This was in
accordance with customary norms, beliefs, knowledge and practices (Warnier, 1975; Mbatu,
2006). Uncultivated land was communally owned just like in other African kingdoms such as
Ghana, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zimbagwe (Nguiffo et al., 2009; Zahabu et al., 2009). Forest
resource exploitation was minimal and primarily for subsistence purposes. Forests also served as
source of food, medicines, firewood, water, building materials and places for spiritual activities
(Yerima, 2012). Hunting was carried out with permission obtained from the traditional ruler who
determined where and when to hunt and the type of animals to hunt. It was an offence to enter
2
the forest to exploit resources without the knowledge of the traditional ruler (Mbatu, 2006). Due
to the low population density and commercialisation of forest products, anthropogenic impact on
forest resources and the environment was low (Sherpa et al., 2013).
The rapid decline in wildlife population in Cameroon led to the introduction of protected
area systems (forest reserves and wildlife conservation areas), which often excluded and
displaced rural communities from traditionally-owned lands (Tsi, 2006). As far back as the
1900s, the British colonial government passed legislation to establish protected areas in its
colonies but unfortunately, the enforcement of this legislation deprived the indigenous people of
their perceived God-given rights to their livelihoods (Nantang, 1995). The resulting antagonism
between government authorities and local communities, as well as problems of cultural
ethnocide, encroachment for farming, poaching for posterity and human-wildlife conflict
rendered such in situ conservation approaches largely ineffective (Hanson and Tchamba, 1993).
In order to protect and preserve this rich culture and tradition, the Mankon people in
Cameroon like other local communities in the world such as Ghana (Bonye, 2006), India
(Bhagwat, and Rutte, 2006) and Nepal (Purna, 2003) sorted to the creation of sacred forests. For
centuries, these people have developed numerous socio-cultural values, mystical and religious
beliefs which have greatly contributed to the protection of sacred forests (Bhagwat and Rutte,
2006; Ormsby, 2013). Sacred forests were created to shelter the village gods and the ancestors of
the founders and forefathers of the village. These gods were also believed to be protecting the
village against enemies and various natural calamities like crickets and diseases (Eballa and
Angamo, 2013). There are over 1,361 SF in Cameroon covering a surface area of 46,920 ha or
about 0.46% of the total land area distributed in the Northwest, Southwest, West, Adamawa and
Extreme North regions (Kounga, 2013). Sacred forests are forests that have cultural or spiritual
significance for the people who live around them, yet sacred forests are disappearing due to
cultural changes and demographic pressures to use the biodiversity that they contain
(Chandrakanth et al., 2004). Despite the different policies and regulations imposed by modern
governments, the symbiotic relationship between people and sacred forest resources, which is
based on their socio-cultural, spiritual and livelihood perspectives, has been the main synergy for
the conservation of sacred forests (Tebtebba, 2013).
Traditional law practices support conservation by limiting activities within sacred forests
but however, there continues to be a lack of recognition in national policies on the role of
3
traditional institutions in forest conservation and protection (Enchaw and Njobdi, 2013). In this
context, detailed studies on the traditional institutions, knowledge and practice systems of
indigenous people and local communities, is very necessary because their forests and lands are
not only directly linked to their socio-cultural, spiritual and economic life but also to their
identity and existence (Castro et al., 2001). Due to the close relationship between cultural
diversity and biodiversity (WWF, 2006), traditional knowledge systems should play an important
role when developing species conservation and forest management strategies (Ormsby, 2013).
For example, article 8j of the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD) calls
for parties to respect, preserve, and apply knowledge and practices of indigenous and local
communities relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity (UNCBD, 2007).
Despite these recommendations, few studies have investigated traditional institutions, knowledge
and practices concerning sacred forest and how they could be integrated into conservation
strategies (Saj et al., 2006). As a result, the assessment, revitalisation, documentation and
promotion of these practices, are very exigent (Lelewal, 2011).
Since Cameroon is such a diversed country, understanding the potentials of sacred forests
for biodiversity conservation as well as studying the perceptions of local residents about sacred
forest is essential to determining how sacred forests may be protected and managed in the future.
On this note, the ensuing is a statement of the research problem.
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
The Bamenda montane forests in the Northwest region of Cameroon is dotted with
pockets of sacred forests (SFs) with exceptionally rich biodiversity (Nsom et al., 2006) and one
of them is the Mankon sacred forest (MSF). Sacred forests constitute a significant portion of
Bamenda montane forests which is one of the top 200 world’s ecoregion (WWF, 2010). The
Mankon sacred forest is the largest, most intact sacred forests in the Bamenda montane forests in
the NWR of Cameroon and the traditional management systems are still very strong. Traditional
institutions contributed in the use and control of forests resources but today this traditional
system of forest management is proving less effective. Their power and authority have been
ignored by formal institutions relegating them to the background as mere custodians of the
traditions and custom of their subjects (Bonye and Millar, 2004). Cameroon signed the CBD
in 1992 and ratified it in October 14 1994, so the country has an obligation to implement the
4
CBD since majority of the country’s biodiversity lies within traditional forests like Mankon.
Despite various efforts by international organisations such as Articles 8(j) and 10 (c) of
the Convention on Biodiversity (CBD) in Rio de Janerio 14 June 1992, signed by 190 parties
encouraging state parties to respect, preserve, and apply knowledge, innovations and practices of
indigenous and local communities relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of
biodiversity (UNCBD, 2007), to promote their wider application with the approval and
involvement of the holders of such knowledge and innovations, encourage the equitable sharing
of bene ts arising from the utilisation of such knowledge, innovations and practice”, very little
have been achieved because, the formulation of laws, policies and legislations in natural resource
management least recognised and involve traditional institutions and local communities in the
management of forests resources.
The possession of an impressive palace with a sacred forest adds much to the status and
legitimacy of a traditional ruler (Fomin, 2008). The Mankon sacred forest just like other tropical
forests has multiple potentials which are of great significance for the wellbeing of humanity and
represents a natural heritage of great value due to its multiple ecological, socio- economic and
functions Religio-cultural Potentials (Himberg, 2006).
Religio-culturally, the MSF serve as home to the gods of the fondom (Kwifo) and royal
ancestors. The MSF is located behind the Fons palace and protects the Fons palace as well as the
royal family serving as a means of escape in case of war or any attack. It is also important as part
of local history and identity; providing a reminder to human cultures, spiritual experience, sense
of place and the evolution of biodiversity (Bhagwat and Rutte 2006). They provide clues on what
the landscape looked like before human impact became too pronounced in the area and as such,
sacred forest heritage deserves effective conservation and management for the benefit of both the
present and future generation.
Ecologically, Mankon sacred forests are valuable as a habitat for a diversity of wildlife.
Even though the forests are small (92ha) in size, about 120 bird species with 35 restricted-range
endemic bird species such as Barnama tauroco (Tauraco bannermani), Bamenda Apalis (Apalis
bamendae), Banded Wattle-eye (Platysteira laticincta) have been identified in the forest.
Similarly, 160 species of plants in which at least 22 endemic species (Nsom et al., 2006) as well
as animals such as Preuss's Monkey (Cercopithecus preussi (table 2) declared threatened under
the IUCN and MINFOF classifications (IUCN, 2010; MINFOF, 2013). The Mankon sacred
5
forests have not received legal protection status from the State like the official
protected forests and are also faced with a lot of problems. However, due to poaching for
posterity by hunters from villages in and around the sacred forest, have greatly reduced the
numbers of these animals and are at the edge of extinction (Birdlife International, 2000; Lindner
and Oates, 2010). MSF also contains non-timber forest products (NTFP) e.g. kieng (Xylopia
africana), Gnetum africana; Garcinia cola and Aframomum spp and medicinal plants such Ficus
spp (table 1) which were collected to treat the king or any member of the palace. The Mankon
sacred forests serve as catchment areas supplying fresh water to over 20,000 people in the area;
agent of erosion control; buffering local climate by producing oxygen; absorbs and stores excess
CO2 released from the burning of fossil fuels thereby helping to slow the rate of global climate
warming (Sheridan and Nyamweru, 2007); ensure genetic diversity, which is instrumental for the
development of new crop varieties, pollination, seed dispersal and disease control as well as
maintenance of soil fertility through nutrient cycling (Boraiah et al., 2003). Migratory species
such as birds, mammals and insects also depend upon such ecosystems during their movements.
Socio-economically, MSF also provide very rich honey of large quantity and good
quality, medicinal plants, fire wood, charcoal and NTFPs for the benefit of the community. The
MSF is also important for non-consumptive uses such as scientific research, forest ecotourism
and recreation (Ntomnifor, 2013). Sacred forests eco-tourism provides considerable economic
benefits and is a vital source of income for many countries such as India (Yasuo et al., 2012) and
Statistics have shown that about 200 national and international tourists visit the MSF yearly
(Mankon Museum, 2013).
Despite the potentials of the MSF listed above, as well as the existence of strong
traditional management systems, the problem that engages the attention of this research is the
unsustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest which has resulted to the lost in its
potentials for biodiversity conservation. Deforestation has led to descending trends of water
quantities, soil fertility and food production in the catchment areas (Lykke, 2000). Encroachment
in critical corridors due to increase in demand for farmland and rocks for construction (Khan et
al., 2008), absence of a micro zoning plan despite the low population growth rate of 1.5% around
the forest is one emergency that needs to be handled. On the other hand, forest fires outbreaks
due to poor agricultural practices such as slash-and-burn agriculture which greatly impoverish
land and soil organisms are common farming methods in the area (Bossou, 2010). The local
6
populations within and without the sacred forest illegally and unsustainably harvest timber forest
products (TFPs), non-timber forest products (NTFP) e.g. Xylopia africana, Gnetum africana,
Garcinia cola and Aframomum spp. According to Usongo, (1998), NTFPs constitute the third
source of farmers’ income after agriculture and hunting. Some important medicinal plant species
such as Ficus spp are harvested and used in traditional medicine mostly by the populations who
do not have access to modern health facilities. The exploitation is carried out illegally using
technical means which do not take into account the intrinsic values of the plants (Kassilly and
Tsingalia, 2009). Though industrial logging is almost inexistent in the region but artisanal wood
processing is rampant, axe and cutlass are the equipments mostly used to cut down trees.
Unsustainable fishing practices with the use of fish poisons from forest plants such as the
fruits of Strychnos aculeate and Gammalin 20 (an organochlorine pesticide) is also common in
the area. According to Reid (1989), about 20 strychnos fruits can kill all large fish along a 0.5
Km stretch of river. This is known to obliterate aquatic animal and plant life in the vicinity of its
application as well as causing serious health problems to those who consume contaminated fish
(Reid, 1989). Even though the kwifo made it illegal to carry out hunting and fishing inside the
forest and the palace guards on duty are in place to enforce the law, these activities still take
place in an enormous scale. The resettlement of private land owners around the sacred forest
(Roschenthaler, 2000) as they were seen as obstacles to the program of extending the sacred
forest was another impediment to conservation of the sacred forest.
The long history of successful traditional management of sacred forest in many parts of
the world, which is prominent in the Northwest and Western Regions in Cameroon, suggests that
there is a way to approach the mistaken assumption by policy makers and conservators that the
local people are inevitably mismanaging natural resources (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004). As
Cameroons forest heritage are under increasing degradation, it is uncertain whether the existing
environmental laws and government system of forest management are adequate for the effective
protection of forests resources without considering traditional institutions, knowledge and
practices. The relatively intact vegetation with the presence of many endemic and threatened
fauna and flora species in sacred forests, as well as traditional stewardship of local people
(Punde, 2007) justify the importance of conserving sacred forests for biodiversity conservation.
This research therefore, seeks to address the following burning questions.
7
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
1.3.1. Main Research Question
To what extend can traditional institutions, knowledge and practices contribute on the
sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests for biodiversity conservation?
1.3.2. Specific Research Questions
1. What are the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices that exist in the Mankon Fondom which can promote biodiversity conservation in the Mankon sacred forest?
2. What are the perceptions of the local communities towards the Mankon sacred forest potentials for biodiversity conservation and the Environment?
3. What are the factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices?
4. What strategies can be put in place to ensure the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest?
1.4 HYPOTHESIS
1.4.1. Main Hypothesis
The weakening of traditional leadership has negatively affected the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests for biodiversity conservation
1.4.2. Specific Hypothesis
1. The roles of traditional institutions to sustainably manage sacred forest in Mankon
Fondom depends significantly on the knowledge of sacred forest conservation practices,
2. People’s perceptions in sacred forest conservation is determined by the benefits they
derive from the sacred forest,
3. The disrespect for tradition institutions is a major factor affecting the efficiency of
traditional institutions in the management of the Mankon sacred forests,
4. Community forests are more effective forest governance system preferred by the local
communities than sacred forests.
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1.5 OBJECTIVE
1.5.1. Main Objective
The principal objective of this study is to contribute to the sustainable management of Mankon
sacred forests by determining the contributions of traditional institutions, knowledge and
practices on the potentials of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation
1.5.2. Specific Objectives
• Examine the roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices which promote
biodiversity conservation in the Mankon sacred forest,
• Investigate the perceptions of the local communities towards the Mankon sacred forest
potentials for biodiversity conservation,
• Identify the factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and
practices as conservation tools in the management of sacred forests,
• Propose strategies for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest.
1.6. RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY
This research is therefore important because despite increasing degradation and loss of
the biodiversity of Mankon, there are no major studies up till date which address the issue of
integrating the traditional system and Cameroon’s environmental policy of natural resource
management for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest.
Practically, this will contribute to the preparation of simplified development action and
participatory forest management plan for sacred forests as well identify the feasibility of
developing income generating activities to reduce pressure on sacred forests. It will also review
the training and capacity building of traditional and modern institutions directly related to the
sustainable management of forests.
Promoting and supporting research and development with a view to improving forest
management and efficiency: This research will provide bench mark information and undertake
activities to raise awareness of the Mankon sacred forests located in the Northwest region of
Cameroon. In addition, it will facilitate the formation of a local network for publishing and
disseminating information on sacred forests.
9
This research will promote a better understanding of the contribution sacred forest
ecosystem services to the sustainable management of afro-montane forests by enhancing the
capacity of both traditional and formal institutions to develop strategies to strengthen such
contributions.
This research is also aimed at encouraging traditional institutions to support and develop
reforestation of sacred forests, rehabilitation as well as restoration of degraded forest lands,
consider the creation of buffer zones, establishment of plantations for fuelwood, and medicinal
plants for the interests of local communities depending on forest resources.
This study will also contribute towards the meeting of United Nations Millennium
Development Goals of environmental sustainability and good governance if its recommendations
are taken into consideration by the government.
1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
During the research initiative, there were constant efforts to make the project error-proof,
yet this study suffers from some limitations which were beyond the control of the researcher. The
barriers to the smooth collection of data include;
this study was conducted in the rural communities where language barriers were
expected. The research questionnaires were prepared in English but a majority of the people
spoke the local language (Mankon dialect). Another problem encountered was that botanical
names were given in the local language or using common names.
The study period was very short due to lack of finances to effectively widen deep
investigation and acquisition of more information, the scope of the study was somehow narrow.
During the lean period most of the respondents were engaged in the parliamentary and legislative
election campaigns, so they had little time to respond to the queries.
Another, problem was that of getting sources. Very few secondary sources were available
because most informants refused giving us some of these vital literatures. The question guides
were not well answered because most of them were not literate and well grounded on
biodiversity conservation to explain properly in the English language or Pidgin English.
Even though a multitude of difficulties were encountered in carrying out this research,
they were overcome with the aid of translators, pictures, as well as the forest department,
archivist that gave some assistance in translating local names into scientific names.
10
CHAPTER TWO: DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS AND LITERATURE
REVIEW
2.1. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
2.1.1. Institutions
A set of organised individuals or structures using a set of rules, norms and regulations to
prohibit or permit specific types behaviors and actions (Ostrom, 1999) or alternatively as codes
of conduct that define practices, assign roles and guide human interactions (North, 1990). There
are basically 2 types of institutions which include formal and informal institutions.
2.1.1.1. Modern or formal institutions
Colding et al., (2003) defines modern or formal institutions a set of organised individuals
or structures using as consciously designed, written-down legal rules, constitutions, statutes,
national laws and regulations which are externally enforced and are often third-party monitored.
Third-party enforcement entails use of a regulatory agency such as police, forest guards and
mediators such as lawyers.
2.1.1.2. Traditional or informal institutions
In this write up, traditional institutions are referred to as a set of organised individuals or
structures using unwritten codes of conduct, norms of behavior and conventions that form the
units of organisation in a community for the management of sacred forests in particular and other
natural resources in general (Colding et al., 2003).
2.1.2. Protected Area
A protected area is defined in Article 2 of the CBD as a geographically defined
area which is designated or regulated and managed to achieve specific conservation objectives.
IUCN, (2004) provides a detailed definition of a protected area as a clearly defined geographical
space, recognised, dedicated and managed, through legal or other effective means, to achieve the
long term conservation of nature with associated ecosystem services and cultural values.
11
2.1.3. Forest
Forest is defined in section 2 of Cameroon’s Law No 94/01 of 20 January 1994 as any
land covered by vegetation with a predominance of trees, shrubs and other species capable of
providing products other than agricultural produce. Section 9 (1) of the law stipulates that forest
resources comprise mainly wood and non-wood products as well as wildlife and fishery
resources derived from the forest. In Cameroon, forest is divided into permanent (30%) and non-
permanent forest estates (MINFOF, 2013).
2.1.4. Traditional Protected Areas
In this context traditional protected areas are places where plants are allowed to grow
undisturbed and where animal such as reptiles, birds and fish could have free living without fear
of poaching or interference by man (Freddie, 2007). They include; sacred forests, water points,
burial sites and sacred hills and trees where shrines may be located.
2.1.4.1. Sacred forests
In this study, sacred forests is defined as a forest reserved by traditional authorities for
posterity, socio-cultural and religious beliefs that the ancestors reside in them so as to protect the
different plants and animal species as well as the palace and the villagers from different
calamities. Sacred forests or sacred Natural Sites are special sites for people who live near them
and these sites are part of their culture. Sacred forests are associated with traditional rites and
customs of communities and in many cases are located around the FOs, chief or lamidos palace
and within protected areas.
2.1.4.1.1. Creation of sacred forests
Three main criteria were considered to determine the site of the Mankon sacred forest,
- The area had to be on a hillside or slope while the main entrance oriented towards the hilltop so
that it was accessed by descending;
- The hillside or slop slope should have a natural forest in which the FOs palace as well as the At
sum (hall) for the kwifo secret society and Ngangfo meetings would be built,
-A river or stream should flow downstream from the slope to act as a natural boundary between
the palace and the neighboring communities as well supply water to the palace.
12
In the event of the absence of a natural forest on the slope, particular tree species such as
Ficus sp will be planted on the hill slope. The space would then be fenced and over the years it
would be taken over by pioneer species to become a natural sacred forest.
2.1.4.1.2. Potentials of Sacred Forest
This refers to the ability of a sacred forest to provide the required ecosystem services to
communities within its surrounding (Boraiah et al., 2003). Daily, (2001) defines ecosystem
services as the conditions and processes through which natural ecosystems, and the species that
make them up, sustain and fulfill human life or alternatively as the direct and indirect
contributions of ecosystems to human well-being (M.E.A., 2005). The terms environmental
services, nature’s services, or ecological services are sometimes used synonymously with
ecosystem services (ITTO, 2004). This study uses the term ‘services’ or ‘potentials’ on the bases
of the perceptions of the Mankon people as shown in figure 1 below.
Figure 1 : A hypothetical diagram showing the potentials of sacred forests
Ecological Potentials - Protection of water sources, -Providing habitat for plants and animals, - Wind breaks and Genetic reservoirs, - Pollination, - Photosynthesis and nutrient cycling
Religious and cultural Potentials - Provide shelter for the gods and ancestors - Places for worship and ceremonies - Festivals and rituals
Socio-economic Potentials -Provide wood for fuel and construction, - Medicinal plants, - Ecotourism, - Scientific research
SACRED FORESTS
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2.1.5. Indigenous people
Indigenous people applies to tribal people in independent countries whose social, cultural
and economic conditions distinguish them from other sections of the national community, and
whose status is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by special
laws or regulations (Messe, 2009) e.g. Pygmies and Mbororos
2.1.6. Permanent forests estate
These are forest lands that are used solely for forestry and or as a wildlife habitat with a
management plan drawn by a competent service. Permanent forests must cover at least 30% of
the national territory, represent the national biodiversity and, be managed according to a
management plan approved by the ministry incharge of forestry and wildlife in order to
guarantee their sustainable use. They include; state forest which consist of (national parks,
reserves, buffer zones, game ranches, zoological gardens logging concessions and wildlife
sanctuaries and forest reserves such as integral ecological reserves, production forests, recreation
forests, teaching and research forests, plant sanctuaries, botanical gardens, forest plantations) and
Council forest refers to any forest that has been classified on behalf of a local council or planted
by the local council.
2.1.7. Non permanent forests
The non permanent forests are forest lands that can be can be attributed for other uses
order than timber exploitation such as communal, community and private forests.
2.1.7.1. Community Forests
Section 37 and 38 of the 1994 Forestry and wildlife law makes provision for "forest
management agreement", to be with the members of such communities to a statute that is known
as community forests. A community forest is a non-permanent estate forest which is subject to a
management agreement between a village community and the technical assistance of the forest
administration or services in charge of forestry. A community forest management agreement is a
contract whereby the forest administration entrusts parts of the national forest to a community
with a view to its management, conservation and use for the benefit of that community. In
respect to the Cameroon Forestry decree, the agreement should be accompanied by a simple
14
management plan which sets out the activities to be undertaken. Furthermore, forest products of
all kinds resulting from the management of the community forests belong solely to the village
communities with the exception of those forbidden by law. According to Enchaw & Njobdi,
(2013), a community is a group of people living in a particular area sharing common values,
resources, developmental aspirations and challenges. Decree No 94/436/PM of 23 August 1994
article 28(3), lay down conditions to secure a community forest. The full application file must
include the following documents (MINFOF, 2013):
1. A stamped request laying out the proposed community forest objectives;
2. A 1:200,000 scale map showing the proposed forest;
3. A certified copy of the community‘s incorporation document, including a copy of its bylaws;
4. A description of the activities previously carried out in the proposed forest;
5. The curriculum vitae (CV) of the personnel responsible for management; and
6. Minutes of the consultation meeting as stipulated in article 28 (1) of the decree No 94/436/PM of 23 August 1994.
2.1.8. Degraded Forests
According to Enchaw & Njobdi (2013), a degraded forest is a forest which is unable to
provide the required ecosystem services.
2.1.9. Deforestation
FAO (2001), describe the phenomenon as the conversion of forest to another land use or
the long term reduction of tree canopy cover below the minimum 10% threshold. Mayaux and
Malingreau, (1996) also defined deforestation as the complete destruction of forest of canopy
cover through clearing for agriculture, grazing, and/or non forest purposes. In addition, Adesina
(1991) identified illegal and uncontrolled exploitation of timber, bush burning as primary causes
of deforestation. In many parts of the developing countries, especially in Africa and Asia, one of
the most important causes of vegetation degradation is the concern about energy.
2.1.10. Strategy
In the context of this work, strategy implies a detailed plan for achieving success in
sacred forest management and biodiversity conservation (Enchaw & Njobdi, 2013).
15
2.1.11. Forest Management
This is a system of control and organisation of forest exploitation (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009).
2.1.11.1. Sustainable forest management (SFM)
The stewardship and use of forests and forest lands in a manner and at a rate, that
maintains their biodiversity, productivity, regeneration capacity, vitality and their potential to
fulfill the relevant ecological, economic and social functions now and in the future at local,
national, and global levels without damaging the intrinsic values of other ecosystems as well as
creating unwanted effects on the physical and social environment (FAO, 2013)
2.1.11.2. Forest Management Units (FMU)
A forest management unit is a well defined and demarcated land area in a permanent
forest estate managed within a rotation period of at least 30 years having a set of clear objectives
specified in a forest management plan to be prepared within a maximum period of 3 years. The
plan must ensure the sustainable production of forest goods and services, without endangering
the intrinsic values and the future productivity of the permanent forest, and creating unwanted
effects on the physical and social environment (art. 23, 1994 forestry and wildlife law). FMUs
are initially allocated to a company on the basis of a provisional three-year agreement. During
this period, the concession-holder must prepare a 30-year management plan. Following approval
of the management plan by the forest administration, a 15-year renewable harvesting agreement
is made between the concession-holder and the Ministry of Forestry and wildlife.
2.1.12. Environmental management
Purna, (2003) defines environmental management as the management of the interaction
and impacts of human activities on the social and physical environment. In other words,
environmental management aims to ensure that ecosystem services provide by forests and
integrity are protected and maintained for future human generations through considering ethical,
economic, scientific ecological and variables
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2.13. Preservation
Maintain the status quo. Keep it as we found it; leave it as it is. Preservation does not
tolerate change; is against use and thus places an embargo on, prohibiting human use of the
resource in question. Preservation is static and non-progressive (IUCN, 2010).
2.14. Conservation
The various mechanisms put in place by traditional resource users to safe guard sacred
forest and wildlife resources from extinction or depletion so that it may yield the greatest
sustainable benefit to current generations while maintaining its potential (ability) to meet the
needs and aspirations of future generations (IUCN, 2010).
2.15. Conservation of biodiversity (CBD)
The management of the interactions between the varieties of life forms (species and
genes) and ecosystems so as to maximize the benefits they provide today and maintain their
potentials (intrinsic values) to meet the needs and aspirations of the future generations.
Biodiversity also known as biological diversity are the various forms of living organisms
inhabiting the planet such as plants, microbes, animals as well as human beings. It is also the
‘natural capital of two-thirds of humanity who depend on biodiversity as their means of
production in farming, fishing, and health care and craft (Reid, 1989; Dewan et al., 2008).
17
2.2 LITERATURE REVIEW
Various information sources have been consulted to come out with this work. This
permitted the researcher to have additional knowledge and basic experience on the principles and
practices involved in the management of sacred forest. Participation in the management of sacred
forest as an aspect of environmental studies has drawn a wide range of attention in Africa in
particular and the world at large. These works have different points of view concerning the topic
and it would be beneficial to have some precise knowledge of such views.
2.2.1. The roles of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices which can promote
biodiversity conservation in sacred forests
A study carried out by Byers et al., (2001), in the Zambezi Valley of northern Zimbabwe
reveals that traditional institutions, knowledge, practices and spiritual values influence people’s
behavior and contribute greatly in conserving sacred forests for biodiversity conservation
because the rate of forest loss was high in areas where they were disempowered as compared to
areas where they had more power. The government of Zimbagwe must have realised the
importance of traditional institutions in protecting sacred forest biodiversity as it changed its
policy of striping chiefs off their functions and established a House of Chiefs in 1993.
Eyong, (2010), posits that despite the hierarchy of the village institutions, the Ekpe
society remains the most powerful traditional governing institution in all villages of the KNP and
peripheral zone. Sakah (1998) just like Eyong (2010) affirms the vital role of the Ekpe society in
law enforcement, dispute resolution and the contribution of its masquerade in enforcing
customary and local byelaws at the village level. He points out that all the villagers including the
chiefs often respect and abide by the norms of the Ekpe society. The Ekpe masquerade often
contribute in arresting law breakers for prosecution at the village level and has a lashing stick
that is believed to possess magical power that could harm culprits and generations yet unborn.
This structure is clearly democratic but to what extent has it made an impact on the potentials of
sacred forest for biodiversity conservation.
Egute, (2012), revealed that cultural beliefs and traditional practices associated with
totems, taboos and sacred forests exist in the Korup villages and contributed in protecting Korup
forest heritage. The study finds that villages have customary and local bylaws which are binding
on its inhabitants and contribute to rational use of sacred forest resources. This shows that the
18
putting into practice of some aspects of the traditional cultural practices were often without
conservation intention but paradoxically, contributed to sacred forest biodiversity conservation.
In the same vein, Monikang, (2013) identified some local institutions mostly oriented
towards social problems in the Mankon fondom. The report unfortunately did not show how
these institutions function with regards to biodiversity conservation and the management of the
Mankon sacred forest.
2.2.2. Perceptions of local communities towards the potentials of sacred forest for
biodiversity conservation
A study by IMPECT (2006), revealed that, the Hmong believed that Xeeb Teb Xeeb
Chaw (supernatural being) is the Lord of the forest and controls the use of all natural resources
be it soil, water, or even wild animals. Therefore, hunting of wildlife and hewing of trees in
sacred forest was prohibited. It also explored the sources, distribution and availability of these
resources in the forest, their contribution to people’s livelihoods, and the local groups involved.
However, it did not explore the nature of involvement of the local institutions nor did it identify
the local people’s perceptions which are critical for local sustenance of forest resources. Millar,
(2004) pointed out that, the spiritual world is the major driving force that regulates the
performance of all traditional institutions in their quest to manage sacred forests. The study
further indicated that traditional practices are based on a sense of harmony with the natural
environment which has enhanced the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation.
When access is denied by government, local people are compelled to poach. Her study,
however, did not give enough information about how remedial arrangements could be put in
place.
2.2.3. Factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices
Ndenge, (2013), traced the origin and migration of the Mankon people which might
possibly have been the cause of the changes observed in the evolution of traditional institutions
in the Bamenda highland regions of Cameroon. He also examines the significance of the Nusa
Rituals in the Mankon fondom. He highlights the historical and geographical history of Mankon
and also shows the economic activities in pre-colonial and colonial era. This research was
important for the background study of this work, in that, it helped us see how the above cited
aspects influence traditional institutions in the fondom.
19
According to Freddie, (2007), Understanding the relationship between biodiversity and
people outside protected areas is a great challenge to biologists and policy makers. He also found
that gender, age and geographical location were factors found to affect the use of local vegetation
(sacred forests or sacred sites). Although traditional conservation methods are under threat due to
population increase, acculturation and commercialisation of plants with market value, these
practices have substantially contributed to conservation of forest biodiversity. WACameroon
(Women in Action against Gender Based Violence) 2013 also reported poor gender and social
relations in the communities. A study by Appiah, (2007), discovered that the spread of western
education and Christianity has taken a strong hold resulting in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs
and practices on the younger generation in Ghana.
2.2.4. Strategies for the sustainable management of sacred forests
Ndangang, (1997), discusses that the involvement of local communities or forest dwellers
in the management and conservation of forest may be seen by some classical conservationists as
controversial as they argue that local communities lack the capacity to manage or conserve their
forest. To Ndangang (1997), local communities have some traditional institutions, knowledge
and practices which favour biodiversity conservation positively and thus influence the ecological
system of the area. Such is the case of the Mankon sacred forests which constitute some of the
ancient, yet untouched montane sacred forest ecosystems.
Khan et al., (2008) advocate for an inventory of the number, size, and distribution of
sacred forest as well as systematic botanical surveys, predicting that this would lead to the
discovery of new species. In addition, they also recommended that sacred forests should be
included within the legal protected area network. As Dudley et al. (2009) noted, "Bringing a
sacred natural sites into a national protected-area system can increase protection for the site, but
may compromise some of its spiritual values or even its conservation values." Chandrakanth et
al., (2004) argued that sacred forests should not to be classified as state reserve forests because it
would take management control away from community members. Furthermore, government
ownership could cause alienation of local people from their sacred forests. Local residents must
continue to be involved in sacred forest management (Bhagwat et al., 2005; Wild and McLeod
2008). If local management systems are supported, the community tradition of protecting sacred
forests can provide a model way of achieving landscape-level conservation that is implemented
and maintained at a local level.
20
In order developments, this study is also part of the National Biodiversity Strategy and
Action Plan of 2013 with reference to the montane ecosystems which has as objectives i) to
ensure the sustainable management and exploitation of montane biodiversity ii) to build, develop
and strengthen capacity at all levels to manage and protect montane forests ecosystems
biodiversity and its component parts iii) promote traditional knowledge of montane biodiversity
and its component parts and their socio-economic importance and values. Mankon sacred forest
is vital for this research because it is one of Cameroon’s largest and richest montane sacred
forests in biodiversity with over 120 identified interesting bird species.
According to Oviedo et al., “For indigenous peoples, traditional knowledge, innovation
and practices should be seen as a holistic concept, which is inextricable linked to their culture,
traditional territories and lands, nature, customary laws and spirituality.” Holistic models as its
name says take into account all the society sectors - economic, social (cultural patrimony) and
environmental. Therefore, they propose a new scheme of management where finally they
recognize that if the environmental sector is in danger of collapse; all the other sectors will
collapse, too. Furthermore, sacred forests are maintained through traditional methods of
community based conservation that does not require governmental involvement Bhagwat and
Rutte, (2006). Incorporating these sites into conservation networks could enhance the
effectiveness of protected areas by covering a wider variety of habitats and by harnessing the
support of local people.
2.3 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
The analytical tool and a key to understanding how sacred forest resources are used and
managed by traditional institutions has been adopted form the terms of article 10(c) and 8(j) to
show the relationship between its three main components; traditional use of forest resources,
traditional institutions and practices, and compatibility with sustainable management and
conservation as shown in the figure 2 below.
21
Figure 2 : Analytical framework showing traditional management of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation in the Mankon fondom
Source: Adapted from Dewan et al., 2008
Ensure sustainable use of SF and conservation of biodiversity
Traditional
Institutional
Structure
Execution
Decision
making
Formation of
rules and norms
Traditional practices
-Cultural beliefs and taboos,
- Myths
-Cultivation habits and harvesting
methods
-Festivals and rituals
Traditional use of forest
resources
-Fire wood collection
-Watershed management
-Honey collection
- Medicinal plant collection
-Fishing and tourism
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CHAPTER THREE: MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 DESCRIPTION OF STUDY SITE
3.1.1. Location
This study was carried out from June to November 2013 in two sacred forests in Mankon
fondom generally known as the Mankon sacred forests (MSF). These forests; the kwifo sacred
forest and Alankie sacred forest are located between latitudes 10°5’22’’ N and Longitude 10°
6’21’’ E and between latitudes 5o7’21’’ N and longitudes 10°3’13’’ E respectively. With surface
areas of 85ha (Ntomnifor, 2013) and 6ha which form part of the Bamenda montane forests, the
Mankon sacred forest also known as the kwifo sacred forest is the largest montane sacred forest
known to survive in the Northwest region at an altitudinal range of 1300m. Mankon is a
prominent first class fondom which is administratively located entirely in the heart of Bamenda II
council in Mezam Division, Northwest Region of Cameroon. Mankon shares a border with Bafut
to the North; Meta, Ngyenbu and Bali to the West; the Bamenda escarpment (Müshüg) and the
villages of Mendakwe and Nkwen to the East and finally to the South by the Mbatu and Nsongwa
villages. Figure 3 below shows the location of the Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest region
of Cameroon.
23
Figure 3: Map of Africa showing the location of Mankon sacred forest in the Northwest region of Cameroon
Source: Adapted from Ntumnifor, 2013
3.1.2. Climate Mankon Fondom has a tropical montane climate characterized by two main seasons; a
long rainy season which runs from mid March to mid November (8 months) and is characterised
by heavy down pours that corresponded to intense farming activity whereas the dry season lasted
for 4 months (mid November to Mid March) with low precipitation below 10 millimeters. It is
characterised by extreme dryness and dust laden winds which caused environmental discomfort.
The average annual rainfall at the research site averages 2300mm with relative humidity of about
24
83% but it lowers gradually as a result of harmattan (Fa et al., 2006). Daily temperatures ranged
from 14°C in the morning and increased to 23°C at mid day giving a mean annual temperature of
about 21°C. The coolest month is in August, the middle of the rainy season while the hottest is in
March at the end of the dry season (Ndenge, 2013). This special convergence of temperature and
rainfall has led to an impressive diversity in mammals, birds, reptiles, butterflies, and plants.
3.1.3. Relief and Hydrology
The relief of Mankon is very rugged with hills, intermontane plains, plateaus, escarpments
and valleys rising up to the North and South of the fondom (Olayiwola et al., 2011). The village is
spherical in shape and is 1,300 meters above sea level. The study site is much more mountainous
and rugged than the rest of the fondom. The main rock types are mainly basalt (ko’), granite
(ngo’tsoo tsoo) and quartz (ngo’fuwen). Two permanent streams (Nki Nsah and Mafo) passed
through the sacred forest and drains in to the main River Mezam in the south making the forest an
important water catchment. River Mezam together with its tributaries Nki Asa’a, Ashegha, and
Ba’sü take their rise from the Bamenda Escarpment (Müshüg) in the southeast. This uneven
topography has created a range of diversed habitats; including montane vegetations which make
the Mankon fondom unique in its kind. The streams served as source of living water to royal
family, plants domestic and wild animals and as well as a natural boundary between the sacred
forest and the neighboring villages. The enclaved nature of the MSF also ensured the security of
the FO and at the same time reinforcing his power vis-à-vis his subjects.
3.1.4. Soils
The soils in Mankon fondom are mainly well drained, moderately deep to deep, reddish
brown to brown, friable sandy clay loam to clay in places with humus top soil (Hawkins and
Brunt, 1965). They are predominantly Cambisols, with considerable amounts of weatherable
minerals. These Cambisols occur mainly on steep footslopes, hills and high level uplands, while
Lixisols and Arenosols are found in lower level uplands and piedmont plains (Yerima, 2012). The
variations in relief topographical characteristics and drainage in the area have significant
influence the movement and distribution of nutrients. These soils have also resulted in diversed
management practices, diversity of flora and fauna and the different agricultural specialisation in
the fondom as erosion takes place in them at different rates. The valleys and plains stood as the
25
main reception unit of the rich humus eroded from the highlands. The soils were also favourable
for the construction of mud walled houses (Ndenge, 2013). Other packets of fertile loam soils also
occur along the banks of streams and rivers of Ala’mandom, Nta’mbag, Atuakom, Nto’mankon
and Mulang.
3.1.5. Vegetation and Flora
The vegetation of Mankon Fondom is comprised mainly of mixed forest (dense montane
evergreen rain forest located above 1.600m, Secondary or submontane forest with loose
undergrowth located at 900–1.600m, deciduous and gallery forest made of raffia palm bushes)
and savannah grasslands which contains vegetation that are less than 8m in height, including
shrubs, grasses, stunted trees with some of the highest levels of endemism in the Western
Highlands (Letouzey, 1968; Olayiwola et al., 2011). The flora of Mankon is made up of more
than 54 species of trees, 50 species of shrubs, at least 50 species of herbs and 8 climbers. Some
plant species recorded in the MSF are listed in the table 1 below (Nsom et al., 2006).
Table 1: List of plants observed in Mankon sacred forests
Common Name Scientific Name Local Name Uses
Achoh Aframomum ssp.(S) Fechoh Favorite fruit of monkeys & rodents
Achu spice Xylopia africana (S) kieng Achu spices, dizziness, strength
African cherry Prunus africana (T) Ate fever Prostate cancer, pains,
Bitter Cola Garcina kola (T) Nibi Traditional ceremonies
Castor Ricinus communis (H) - Skin ointment
Cola Nut Cola anomala (T) Ati nibi Traditional ceremonies
Eucalyptus Tetona grandis (T) Fusigare Firewood, construction, wind break
Ewa Schefflera mannii (T) Ewa Shade, windbreaks (E)
Fug Adenia cissampeloides (T) Fug Shade, wind breaks, blood tonic
Ifab Phyllanthus spp (T) Ifab Bark, Antipoison
Ighum Ficus natalensis (T) Ighum Medicinal, totems
Lung Ficus vogeli (T) Lung Medicinal, aesthetic,
Maesopsis Maesopsis eminii (T) Afunafun Boundary, windbreak
Mbamufugho Afzelia africana (T) Mbamufugho Fish poisoning
26
Nadze kvung Asythasia gangetica (H) Nadze kvung Night poison, laxative
Ndob Dracaena arborea (T) Ndob Windbreak, anti-poison, luck
Ndzeng Ficus thonningii (T) Ndzeng Send away witchcraft and evil spirit
Ngaah Dissotis bamendae Ngaah Yellow fever, and Hunting luck (E)
Peace Plant Dracaena diesteliana (S) Keng Traditional dances, Boundary
Peace tree Ficus sur (T) Wume Peace tree, boundary,
Pilosa Curculigo pilosa (H) - Open dog's eyes for hunting.
Red stick Agelaea paradoxa (T) Amvu'oh Sends away evil spirits, Side pain
Rhapia Rhapia mambillensis (T) Ndengn Palm wine, poles for construction
Sisal Sisal hemp (S) Attaché Firebreaks, robes, boundary plant
Swizzle Stick Rauvolfia vomitoria (T) - Vomiting and Apollo
Umbrella Tree Polyscias fulva (T) Akakwen Anti-poison, luck
Voacanga Voacanga africana (T) Mambohne Scrutom swelling, boundary,
Zaghe Terminilia glaucescens (T) Zaghe Antipoison, Miscarriage and Cough
NB
- = Could not be identified E= Endermic
T= Tree S= Shrub H= Herb
Nearly 50% of the species in the montane zone are typical of both submontane and montane
forest; about 30% are typical of lowland and submontane forest and about 23% are mainly limited
to the submontane zone making the area very unique (Nsom et al., 2006; Olayiwola, et al., 2011).
The extensive forest had come under the pressure of exuberant farming population. The grasses
served as thatch for traditional architecture dwellings, and also pasture for domestic animal
grazing; the trees constituted the major sources of material for construction, furniture and
decoration of houses. The vegetation, especially the forest is also being exploited for many
purposes, especially for fuel wood and traditional medicines.
27
3.1.6. Fauna
The Northwest Region appears to have the lowest populations of large and charismatic
mammal species (Birdlife International, 2000). However, the area is an important biodiversity
hotspot and endemic bird area of the world. Some animals species observed in the MSF are listed
in the table 2 below (Nsom et al., 2006).
Table 2: List of animals observed in Mankon sacred forests
Common Name Scientific Name Local Name MINFOF Classification
MAMMALS
Allen’s galago or Bush baby Galago alleni Ngara B
Blue duiker Cephalophus monticola Angab C
Porcupine Phatagions tricuspic - B
African Civet Vivera civetta Atsob B
Cane rat Thryonomys swinderanus Njibnu -
Flying Squirrel Anomalurops beecrofti Kang A
Preuss’s guenon Monkey Cercopithecus preussi Nkan B
Preuss’s Monkey probocolobus preussi Nkan B
REPTILES
African Rock Python Python sebae Mboma A
Bell’s Hinged Back Tortoise Kinixys belliana Tsimanko’o A
Grass snake Coluber constrictor Nyui C
Lacertid lizard Adophus spp - C
Slender Chameleon Chamaeleo eisentrauti Mbog'oku B
AMPHIBIANS
Frog Trichobatrachus robustus Samkyeh B
Toads Werneria tandyi Teto'oh B
BIRDS
Bamenda Apalis Apalis bamendae (E) Akamengoh A
Banded Wattle-eye Platysteira laticincta - A
Bannermans Turaco Tuaraco bannermani (E) Ngü A
Bannermans Weaver Ploceus bannermani Sare ngü A
Black-headed Weaver Ploceus melanocephalus Sarekegi -
Cameroon Olive Pigeon Columba sjosledti - A
28
Elliot’s woodpecker Dendriopicos elliotii Füngag B
Francolin Bushfowl Francolinus squamatus Atù'uh ntsò A
Green turaco Turaco persa Ngü A
Hornbill Buceros bicornis Füfah B
Mountain Robin chat Cossypha isabelle Fünendzangne C
Red-headed Picathartes Picathartes oreas Münangteburé B
NB
A = integrally protected species EW = Extinct from the wild
B = non-integrally protected species E= Endermic
C = partially protected species - = could not be identified
3.1.7. Socio-Economic Activities
The wonderful culture of the Mankon people is characterised by its language, arts and
craft, songs and dances, loyalty to his highness the FO, strong beliefs in witchcraft, many festivals
and ceremonies.
3.1.7.1. History of the Mankon People
According to Ndefru, (1985), the Mankon people are believed to have descended from a
people whose origin is said to be the semi-Bantu race from the East (sa’anyom) around China.
Mankon legend tells of a FO' (King) who ruled their kingdom in ancient period. The FO's
developed principality and autonomous authority in their place before the invasion of the dynasty
in the sa’anyom. Their fist settlement in Cameroon was around Ndobo in Tikari near Banyo in the
Adamawa Region. This was between the 14th and 15th centuries under the leadership of FO'
Ndemagha’a, I. Cultural and linguistic legends suggested that the Mankon people migrated as a
result of rampant and fierce inter-tribal wars heightened by Fulani raids, food, shelter, trade and
commerce as well as harsh weather conditions (Swiri, 1998). They then migrated to the fertile
spots in the North-Eastern part of the Mbam plains in the Northeast of Foumban. Pressure from
the Fulbe tribes of Tibati forced them out of the plains. They then moved West-wards from the
Mbam plains to present day Wimbum of Donga Mantung Division where they were believed to
have been stopped by other powerful Fulbe tribes of Northern Nigeria.
29
The Mankon people left the land and began a more than 100 years journey South-wards to
Bamunkumbit in the Ndop plains. They stayed in the Ndop plain for some time before crossing
the Bamelike region from Babadju to Bangwa, Fontem through Dschang and then reached the
Ntarinkon forest in Widikum. This accounts for the reason why the Mankon dialect is similar to
those of Bamunkumbit, Babadju, Bangwa, Dschang and Fontem but not any to Meta, Moghamo,
Ngie and Widikum. Ntarinkon forest was hostile, no hunting grounds and too many Mosquitoes.
In pre-history, the first settlement of the Mankon people in the South slopes of Northwest Region
was at Ala’nkyi (city in water), under the leadership of FO' Tsemagha I. Ala’nkyi was very a
fertile area and also rich in wildlife.
Today Ala’nkyi is a heritage site containing the tombs and shrines of seven FO's (kings).
Still searching for a safe area to settle the Mankon people again migrated to Fumndvu under
Angwafo I and finally to Fozan under FO' Fomukong, the land they have occupied for centuries
right up to present date (Notue and Bianca, 2005). The forefathers carried with them the Mankon
language known as “Ngamba Makune” meaning “I say Mankon”, a language said to have
developed in Asia, specifically in China. Though the settlement of the Mankon people in the
sa’anyom (East) is not known, the closest evidence to prove this legacy from China is in some
coincidental Chinese names like: Che (tsay), Chi (tsi), Tsetu, Nchang, Ntseh, Su, kien which
resembles Chinese names like Mao Tse-tung, Kuo feng, Suchen, Chiteng, Chang and Chitang
(Swiri, 1998). The connotation of the Chinese words is relevant to today’s Mankon as seen in the
names Tsimanko’o (tortoise), Tsitankora (cricket species). Ndefru, (1985) also holds the view that
Mankon means mother wave because the Mankon people in one of their migratory movements
under their first ruler FO' Ndemagha’a I moved in a large Ma (mother) - nkon (wave).
Kingmaker and traditional virtuoso, pa Anye Che Ndi (late) holds that at one point of the
migration FO' Ndemagha’a I turned and exclaimed ma-nkon. Ma means mother but in this
context it means large animal while nkon means tail. He was so much excited by the large crowd
behind him that he considered himself a very big animal whose tail was the large crowd and
hence the name MANKON. In this culture the greatness of someone is known by the large family
he has. Figure 4 below shows the routes of migration of the Mankon people from the sa’anyom in
the 14th and 15th centuries.
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3.1.7.2. Demography, language and Religion
Mankon has a land area of about 315km2 and an estimated population of 350,000
inhabitants with population density of 158p/km2 (NIS, 2010; OCOTONAP, 2013). Annual
growth rate stands at 1.5%. The sacred forest zone is characterised by low to medium population
growth rate of 1.5 % and population density which range from 5 to 25 persons per Km2. About
48% of the population lives in the rural areas while 52% lives in urban and sub-urban areas.
Mankon is still under the process of infrastructural development; however, there is an access of
ungravelled road to the quarters. A big change for the better has been Cameroon´s free primary
education policy since 2003 (UNICEF, 2005). Families can now better afford to send their
children to school. Access to information has become better during the last years. Local post
offices have internet connections and the coverage of mobile phone service has widened. The
literacy level exceeds 80%. About 90% of the literate population falls within the 15– 45 age group
(NIS, 2010; OCOTONAP, 2013).
Mankon is one of the 250 ethnic groups in Cameroon with a distinct cultural heritage, and
defined territory. They speak the Ngemba indigenous language (dialect) with French and English
being the official languages. Pidgin English is also spoken especially in the market while dialect
is also spoken during festivals and ceremonies. Their staple food is Achu and yellow soup with
mushroom, kander or meat. Other Ngemba ethnic groups are their sister tribesmen of Bafut,
Chomba, Nsongwa and Mbatu. These Ngemba ethnic groups were originally one people from the
historical and socio-cultural points of view. These appellations and their present sites were as a
matter of migratory movements triggered by either the search for a fertile arable land, hunting
grounds or war (Swiri, 1998). The slight difference between them was the period of separation
from one another.
Most of the Mankon people are Christians nowadays (Presbyterians, Catholics, Baptist
and Pentecostals) and Muslims. Some people still practice the ancient traditional religion, which
is Shamanistic and animistic in nature. The belief in a higher being, called kwifo and in ancestor
spirits, played an important role in the lives of the Mankon people. They also belief in the
veneration of ancestors and that spiritual power is bestowed on people, animals and natural
objects. As such they set aside holy places such as sacred forests or trees, rocks, and burial sites
because they were used in many traditional ceremonies and as such, these sites are highly
respected. Some of these sacred forests (Kupfrufo) still exist in the area treasuring indigenous
32
plant and animal species. The traditional belief systems influence the ways of Mankon people in
interacting with nature as will be seen in chapter four.
Some social rites of Mankon include Ndamon (childbirth and to give a name to a newly
born baby), Ndimon (first feeding ceremony to babies), and Mufang (birth of twin babies).
Similarly, Marriage, Mboumala, Nukwi and Abuin-Afo, are also significant cultural rites. Nuvü
(funeral ceremony), Nusah, Alankie and Nushwim are some religious rites of the community. The
Mankon people have their own beliefs and zodiac systems defining inauspicious days based on
their methods of cosmology, which is known as Nzenkane. They follow the lunar calendar system
in which the 12 alom (years) are represented by different animals and birds.
3.1.7.3. Trade
Trading and tourism were also regarded as the second most important contributors to the
Mankon economy besides subsistence agriculture, tapping, animal husbandry, artisanal activities
(carving and weaving), and hunting which were the mainstays of the Mankon economy. In trade,
there were many cooperative credit unions that helped in marketing. Many retailers bought stuffs
from Nigeria and Baffoussam to retail in the Bamenda and Ntarinkon main markets.
3.1.7.4 Farming
The financial and economic backbone of Mankon is agriculture. It is the main source of
livelihood for 78% of people in the region. The local traditional methods of shifting cultivation
such as slash and burn (Ankara) were still common in the area. Other traditional farming methods
identified were; local agro-forestry system of farming; spot-buming where grass or trees with lots
of shades were bumt on the spot to avoid wild fire from destroying the forest. Such bumt trees
could later be used as fuel-wood. The main food crops produced include; Cassava (casara),
Collocasia (Aku’u), Pepper (Tsutarh), Maize (Nchwi), Beans (Fukon), Yam (Azu’), Cocyam
(Makaba), Groundnuts (Mandzu), Egusi (Nge’), sweet potatoes (Mafen) and vegetables (Nzah).
These comprise the staple food items of the local community. Generally, most of these crops were
for household consumption than marketing. Important cash crops are plantains (Nungom), Oil
palm (Mumvuru), coffee and bananas (Ambow). The main forest products are timber, construction
materials and herbal drugs. More interestingly, the local communities still mainly depend on
compost manure for agriculture, which is produced by poultry, pig and goats.
33
3.1.7.5 Livestock Rearing
Though the vegetation favored the existence of varieties of flora and fauna, at present
livestock rearing does not make a markable contribution to the economy of the people living
around Mankon sacred forest. Though most if not all farmers, kept some livestock. It was rare,
however to come across individuals who were solely livestock rearers or breeders. Animals reared
included goats (Mbyindong), pigs (Kakvunyam), sheep (Mbyindzu), fowls (Ngub), dogs (Ngvo)
and cats (Munyangvu).
3.1.7.6. Handicraft Production
Common handicrafts included; weaving, embroidery of traditional Mankon cloth (tog),
which is a special skill of the women in this community, carving, and blacksmithing (Warnier,
1975). Work in these areas was divided according to gender. Women weaved cloth and skirts for
the family, and men weaved baskets and bags from cane and raffia as well as make agriculture
tools such as machetes, spades, axes, and shovels, and traps to catch birds, mice and sh. This
reduces family expenditures and pressures on the beautiful sacred forest and at the same time
preserved the beautiful art and culture of the Mankon people (Notue and Bianca, 2005).
3.1.7.7 Fishing
Fishing activities was inland and usually carried out during the dry season. It was done by
both men and women in the R. Mezam. The main species caught were tilapia and mud fish.
Fishing by women was for household consumption while about 80% of fish caught by men were
for marketing showing the fishing potential. Fishing gears were hooks and lines, baskets and nets.
The use of gamalin to harvest fish was prohibited in the entire survey area and the law was
enforced using the Kwifo sacred society.
3.1.7.8 Hunting
The gregarious position of the blacksmithing among the Ngemba group suggests the
possibility of the earlier hunters. Hunting success in the sacred forest was extremely low, partly
because of the strong ban against hunting in the sacred forests, and the general low availability of
wildlife in the study area. Hunters trap and shoot small forest animals such as birds; bush fowl
(Francolinus spp) Atù'uh ntsò, cane rat (Thryonomys swinderanus) Njibnu and squirrels
34
(Anomalurus spp) Kang. Hunting is preceded by hunting rituals and the animal caught is
equitably shared among the hunters in accordance with the customs and traditions.
3.1.8 Other activities
These include; the production of building materials such as sand collected from the river
Mezam and its tributaries and stones from queries containing reserves of basalts (ngo’fuwen) and
sandstones (ngo’tsoo tsoo). Clay deposits form potential raw materials for pottery, brick and tile
industry. Iron ore extracted from mines in Akum were used to produce hunting tools, hoes and
cutlass as well as cartridges for Dane guns.
3.1.9 Traditional Governance
In Mankon fondom, the spiritual world is the driving force that regulates the performance
of the Mankon people. The spiritual world has a strong link with institutions such as the kwifo and
the Ngangfo (association of herbalist, soothsayers and diviners) that has a spiritual role to play in
sacred forest management issues. Figure 5 below shows the organisation of the traditional
governance structure in the Mankon fondom.
Figure 5: Traditional governance structure in Mankon fondom
Clan heads
Quarter heads
Notables Ngangfo
Family heads
FO' (king) of Mankon fondom
Spiritual world: God, Ancestral Spirits
Kwifo sacred society
Common Initiative Groups (CIG)
Government Officials and NGOs
Past
Norms, Values
and Practices
Present
Norms, Values
and Practices
35
3.1.9.1. The administrative institutions
In Mankon fondom, the FO' is the most signi cant leadership role. He is responsible for
decision-making in matters of community ceremonies and for settling disputes regarding culture
and customs. The title of FO' is hereditary and succession is partrilineal i.e. father to son. He
represent the fondom in all traditional and government matters, speak for their people and
interpret government policies in the fondom in relation to natural resource as well as sacred forest
issues. Due to the initiatives of the FO' of Mankon as a forester, the fondom has the largest sacred
forest in the region which the Mankon people hold in high esteem.
The Mankon traditional Council (MTC) is a council of nobles appointed by the Fon or the
kwifo. It is headed by an elected chairperson known as the Chief Councilor. The Chief Councillor
presides over all council sessions and takes all-important decisions in consultation with the Fon
who is the general adviser to the council.
The clan heads (Tat-Tsey), quarter heads (TA-Nuikvu) and family heads Tarui (men) and
Ma Tarui (women) resolve disputes at the clan, quarter and family levels respectively.
3.1.9.2. Magico- religious institutions
The regulatory role of kwifo involves making decisions and judgments in cases of stealing,
destruction of property and offensive behavior. Punishment was usually dealt out in terms of a
ne which is then divided out between the village elders. In cases where the leader is incapable of
making a decision on his own, there is discussion among the community elders
Ngangfo refers to those institutions promoting traditional medicine, purification from evil
spirits and healing. Members are drawn from herbalists throughout Mankon to prevent
misfortunes and bring good harvest to all.
3.1.9.3. Common Initiative Groups
These are socio-cultural organisations with a sense of purpose that show their commitment
to the course of conservation, management and development of the fondom. They include;
MACUDA (Mankon Cultural and Development Association), the umbrella and most
reputable Mankon tribal development association as it touch all the Mankon people within and
outside the survey area.
36
MASA (Mankon Students Association), the moving force of all youths of Mankon
towards the promotion of the Mankon culture and development.
Nkah Ni Kwi Ni Mankon (the light of maturity) is a women’s group with the goal of
empowering women/girls for a better future, advocate political, social, economic and cultural
rights of women/girls in Mankon.
Traditional dance groups such as Mbagalum, Meukomeundzang (juju dance), Bottle
dance, Asamba, Ngang, Bombe Sanyom, Akyanti, Asuk, Makongey, Nkom awodo (women only),
Muwatsu and Mandere royal dance respectively are commonly used to create awareness and
support during traditional festivals.
3.1.9.4. Governmental and Non-Governmental Organisations
Down the structure are service providers, both from governmental and non-governmental
organisations (OCOTONAP, WACameroon) as well as researchers who can work with any of
these traditional institutions in the area of advocacy, policy influencing and formulation in
relation to natural resource management issues as indicated by the linkages. The arrows in figure
5 above indicate the values, norms, and practices of the people and serves as the guiding
principles and framework upon which all the institutions operates within the management of
forest resources in the past and present.
3.2. METHODOLOGY
3.2.1. DATA COLLECTION
Field data collection began with a recognisance visit to the study area in order to ascertain
the possibilities of carrying out the study, the difficulties anticipated, and the availability of
information. Pre-investigations by open discussions were conducted with the FO' of Mankon, his
secretary and my supervisor in order to select appropriate study sites and key informants. A
1:100.000 topographic map of Mankon was used to delimit the study area and to guide the
sketching of the sacred forest concept map (figure 2). Two research assistants were equally
selected and trained on the subject matter. Data for the study was obtained from secondary and
primary sources.
37
3.2.1.1. Secondary data
Secondary data were obtained from the archives of the Mankon fondom in the keeping
with the FO', NGOs such as OCOTONAP and WACameroon that has been working in the
Northwest of Cameroon in the domain of conservation, as well as from review of works from the
Mankon library, FASA and University of Dschang. Documents related to the 1994 Forestry and
Wildlife Law, and decrees of applications were also consulted. Additional documentary sources
such as books, journals, magazines, and the internet were also consulted.
3.2.1.2. Primary data
This study employed a participatory rural appraisal (PRA) approach (IMPECT, 2006;
Himberg, 2006; Tchamou, 2007), which consist of participating in activities related to natural
resource management organised by the villagers. The advantage of PRA was its strength to build
the trust and friendliness with participants which are keys in sacred forest research as the
management of these forests is based on taboos and myths that local communities are often
reluctant to share.
Twelve (12) closed ended test questionnaires and semi structured interview guides were
designed and shared to 2 research assistants and 10 students at the University of Dschang campus.
The purpose was to identify difficulties in order to fine-tune the questions for easy understanding
by respondents. After testing and fine-tuning, 100 closed ended questionnaires (Annex 2) were
administered randomly to 23 farmers, 12 traders, 20 students, 18 teachers, and 27 ordinary
members of the community from 7 quarters out of 67 quarters in the fondom. The 7 quarters
which comprised of Ntaw, Ntingkag, Kikvung, Bagbenong, Bagmande, Alakoro, and Ala’nki were
purposively selected due to their proximity to the sacred forests, low population density, have
sacred forest in relatively intact status and emphases on traditions. The questionnaires were
serially distributed (after every third household) according to the population size of age groups
which ranged between 15-35, 35-55, and more than 55 years old. Coloured papers of the colours
pink, green and yellow were used respectively to multiply the questionnaires and enhance their
response.
Twenty eight (28) semi structured interviews (Annex 3) were conducted with the FO of
Mankon (1), 8 notables (comprising of 2 clan heads, 3 quarter heads, and 3 family heads), 2
palace retainers and 5 women, 2 NGO’s, 2 youths, 2 pastors, 2 herbalist, 2 lawyers, 2 delegates
38
from the divisional delegations of MINEPDED and MINFOF. These key informants were
selected on the recommendation of the community during participatory rural appraisal (PRA)
based on their local and scientific knowledge of sacred forests, Mankon culture and the laws
governing forests and local communities in Cameroon. 128 people were successfully sampled out
of a population 20.000 inhabitants in the study area. In general, the questionnaires and semi
structured interviews were administered on Sundays after church services and Nzenkane (Main
traditional Sunday) which were off days with restricted activities. The interviews were done with
the help of a translator at the palace, homes, church and schools. Some of the interviews were
recorded using phone tapes of mark Itel BL-5c, videos and digital camera (cannon 1500 PX) to
which the interviewees had consented and were useful in spatial analysis.
Five (5) focus groups discussions (annex 4) were conducted with meeting groups (Ngang,
Bombe Sanyom, Asuk, Asamba and Akyanti) in each of the seven quarters. The aim was to make
the communities proposed practical intervention measures (logical framework) for the sustainable
management of the Mankon sacred forests. Other method used in this study to collect data were
personal observations and physical con rmation of the communities’ way of life and usage of
natural resources and recording the different types of species present in the sacred forest. Adobe
Illustrator and M.S Picture Manager were used to draw maps and treat photos, respectively.
3.2. DATA ANALYSES
The processing of data began with coding by assigning numbers (1, 2 and 0) to all data
collected from the field in to the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) soft-ware Vs. 17.
The SPSS data were then exported in to M.S Excel in which tables, histograms and charts were
generated. Traditional institutions were analysed using institutional analysis. Detailed analyses
were made to define the role of each of them. The two sets of data were also used to analyse the
Mankon people’s perception in relation to the sacred forest, customary governance, knowledge
and practices in sacred forest management. Strategies proposed for the sustainable management of
the Mankon sacred forest were analysed using logical framework analysis. During the eldwork
period, information was continually analyzed with the participation of the communities. The data
collected for this study was mainly qualitative in type and therefore, analysis and interpretations
was largely based on descriptive statistics.
39
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
4.1. THE ROLES OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE SUSTAINABLE
MANAGEMENT OF SACRED FORESTS IN MANKON FONDOM
Seven (7) traditional institutions were identified to be involved in the management of
Mankon sacred forest for biodiversity conservation as shown in table 3 below.
Table 3: The roles of traditional institutions in the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests
Traditional
institutions
Potential role in sacred forest conservation
KWIFO
(sacred society)
Use supernatural powers to;
-Reinforce injunctions on over exploitation in the sacred forest,
-Reinforces laws for maintenance of peace;
-Discipline and enforces the payment of fines
-Enforce customary rules and regulations over sacred forests
-Control over exploitation of sacred forest resources
The FO'
(King of Mankon)
-The FO' is an agronomist thus has a wealth of knowledge on
forest conservation;
- Ensure effective and efficient management of the sacred forest
-Works in collaboration with the traditional council to enforce
modern and customary laws on the use of SF resources
-Pass local byelaws and ensure their enforcement and above all
ensure proper administration of the village
-Has control over sacred forest resources and is the only person to
authorize timber harvesting for social services.
Mankon Traditional
Council (MTC)
- Made up of king makers, elders who are mainly clan, quarter and
family heads of each quarter
-Serve as traditional courts at the village level by resolving land
40
and other disputes between individuals
-Make rules and regulations to protect the sacred forest
-Ban the hunting of all endangered and flagship species in the SF
-Enact laws which help in controlling deforestation
(Ngangfo)
-Herbalists
- Naturopaths
-Soothsayers
-Promote sustainable methods of medicinal plant harvesting by
- Using leaves, roots and one side debarking of medicinal plants
thereby preserving the intrinsic values of the plants
-Purification from evil spirits by invoking supernatural powers
Notables
(Clan, Quarter and
Family heads)
-Enforce sacred forest resources management policies at clan level
- Decree tree planting among members.
-Keep sacred shrines around trees, water and forest thus
alternatively protect the trees and forests
-Plant peace trees to settle disputes
-Restrict utilisation and cultivation in/ around shrines and sacred
forests
Women union
-Keep trees in farms for shade; Plant trees for polinisation and
honey production; surveillance by reporting cases of encroachment
-Compose songs that regulate the over exploitation of forest
resources, pass on experience to children
-Work farms on communal bases to raise money for the common
interest of the group, hence they reduce pressure on the SF
Youths Groups of the
age 15-35 years
- Provides general labour for community development,
-Casual labour for operation such as clearing and pruning of trees
and grass around the sacred forest boundaries to prevent bush fires
From the foregoing institutional analysis in table 3 above, the main reason for the success
of the MSF until now is due to the conservation efforts of the FO'' of Mankon. As an agronomist,
his knowledge in forest preservation as well the strong leadership over his subjects has also
41
influence his efficiency in the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests as well as
the sustenance of the culture and tradition of the Mankon people. In close consultation with local
people through the notables (clan, quarter and family heads) and with the views from the MTC
(judiciary), the FO' administers the general governance of the Mankon fondom.
In Mankon fondom as discussed in section 4.1, MTCs serve as traditional courts at the
village level, even though this institution is not legally empowered to perform such functions
(Feh, 2009). Chapter 1-3 of Law No. 2004/017 of 22 July 2004 on decentralisation stipulates that
decentralised local councils entitled to devolution of power in Cameroon are made of 10 regions
and 339 councils. The government councils provided in the law include city and rural councils.
Rural councils refer to councils whose jurisdiction is an entire sub-division. Article 4 (1) of 2004
Law on Decentralisation provides that councils are in charge of promoting economic, social,
cultural, health, educational and sports development. Rural and Urban/City Councils are legally
recognised as the local government institutions but the village traditional councils have no status
in the decentralisation process. This study also shows that in Cameroon, Land tenure and
conservation lands are governed by both the statutory (written law) and customary law but
customary law is not recognised to give land property. There is therefore a need to reform the
justice system and legally recognise the village traditional council as part of the local government
institutions which deliver some of the above basic services and also in protecting sacred forests.
Traditionally, the Mankon people say that the kwifo (the gods of Mankon) is the owner of
Mankon, its trees and animals, as well as the people, though all land and natural resources in
Mankon is entrusted to the FO. This saying emphasises the importance of kwifo as the giver of
material wealth and the importance of the Fon as the leader of the fondom. The kwifo juju is
believed to possess magical powers that could harm anyone who sees it physically and
generations yet unborn (Eyong, 2010). The fear of the Kwifo juju’s beatings and ill lock
contributed in law enforcement enabling culprits to cooperate.
The situation where Ngangfo (herbalist, soothsayers and diviners) manage forest resources
is not new, not at least in Africa. A study by Ongia and Epilla (1993) in Atabu parish, Lira
district, noted that clans and herbalist in the villages preserved special tree species such as
Ndzeng (Ficus spp) and Ewa (a thorny tree) which were used for casting away diseases that
commonly attack twins, and as such, these plant species could also not be cut.
42
These five cornerstones of the Mankon traditional governance system has been in
existence since the beginning of the fondom. Their conservatory prescriptive regulations for
sacred forest management have ensured the co-existence between humans and plants, animals,
mountains and rivers (Bonye, 2006). As Freddy (2006) puts it “resource degradation in
developing countries, actually originates from the dissolution of local level institutional
arrangements whose very purpose was to give rise to resource use patterns that were sustainable.
Traditional institutions enforce rules, incentives and penalties for eliciting behavior conducive to
rational and effective forest conservation and use”. Eyong, (2010) also describe the MTC
institution as the most democratic institution at the village level as decisions are taken
democratically even though it is not empowered under the Cameroonian law (Feh, 2009). This
study is also in line with Byers et al., (2001) that forest degradation is low in areas where
traditional leadership is strong and effective as compared to forest where traditional rulers were
stripped off this function. This study has indicated that traditional knowledge and proximity to
natural resources is of prime importance in forest biodiversity conservation goals. The persistence
nature of certain species can be attributed to the level of conscientiousness among the people
about conservation. This knowledge of conservation is closely linked with traditional lifestyle that
encourages sustainable utilisation of biodiversity (Sherpa, 2011). Thus in order to fulfill
Cameroon’s obligations under international environmental agreements such as the CBD, the
potentials of traditional institutions ought to be identified and strengthened by the state
government as it contributes in limiting access and rampant exploitation of sacred forest resources
thereby contributing to the conservation of biodiversity.
43
4.1.1.2. FORMAL INSTITUTIONS AND SACRED FOREST MANAGEMENT
In Cameroon, the national institutional framework is characterized by cohabitation
between a variety of public institutions and the many traditional institutions, which have limited
or no recognition by the State. Table 4 below highlights the formal institutional framework which
could be relevant for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests.
Table 4 : The roles of formal institutions on the sustainable management of sacred forests
Formal Institutions Potential Roles
MINFOF
(Ministry of Forestry
and wild life )
-Control general use of forest resources, forest inventory, and
forest management programs;
-Oversees the legal compliance of forest exploitation
-Control misuse of forest resources; Collect revenue from forest
resources;
-Issue permits and licenses for exploration, exploitation, and EIA
approbation; Levy tax on forest products;
-Plans and supervises tree planting through subcontractors
(communities, municipalities and private companies).
MINEPDED
(Ministry of
Environment, Nature
Protection and
Sustainable
Development)
- Ensure management plans for forests, protected areas, wildlife
and biodiversity, -Clean Development Mechanisms, and
biosafety,
-Safeguarding Cameroon’s biological wealth
NGOs
-OCOTONAP,
-WACameroon
-Encourage the planting of environmental friendly trees
-Education on forest degradation
-Promote community tourism and environmental protection
-Capacity building, advocacy for community control
-Create awareness on forest and environmental issues sensitisation
-Provides tools for improving water supply for the community
-Contribute in improving the status and livelihood of the poor
especially women and other disadvantaged groups in Cameroon.
44
(MINAGRI)
Ministry of Agriculture
and Livestock
-Teach farmers on sustainable farming practices for improved food
production
-Promoting agricultural and livestock activities, and resolving
conflicts regarding the use of land; Approves land-use
management plans and defines criteria to use land
Schools
(Primary, secondary and
Universities)
-Educating pupils on sustainable use of forest resources
-Educate pupils on the disadvantages of deforestation and
mismanagement of forest resources
The Church
(Presbyterian, Catholic,
Baptist, Islam)
-Moral development, rehabilitation, unity, spiritual leadership,
care and awareness; Teaches good morals to people; helps keep
families together; Engage in offering tree planting messages as
support for tree planting programs
From the institutional analyses in table 4 above, it is seen that, though MINFOF is playing
a central role in the protection of the green environment, mainly forest ecosystems and the
wildlife therein, MINEP has partial responsibility for the management of the environment and the
protection of nature. In Mankon fondom the influence of these institutions were generally high.
Some NGOs such as OCTONAP with interest in conservation are cooperating with the Mankon
traditional institutions for the purpose of protecting the MSF. Egute, (2012) gives an example
where NGOs in Korup signed Memorandum of Understanding (MU) with the chiefs to use their
traditional village councils and Ekpe sacred societies to ban wanton exploitation of the park’s
resources. Article 2 of the M U states that, the village traditional council and Ekpe society of each
village shall ban the hunting of endangered species in the forest The fine for defaulters will be
determined by respective traditional council concerned. By initiating a MU as such, these NGO
recognised the potentials of these traditional institutions to pass customary rules and regulations
and also ensured their enforcement thereby supporting the potentials of the sacred forests for
CBD. Another example is in Fossimondi, were respondents testified that taboos protecting great
apes were already dying out but were reinstituted due to the influence of a local conservation
organisation known as ERuDeF (Ndeloh et al., 2007). This is an excellent example where the
presence of conservationists leads to the revival of taboo systems that were almost lost and also
45
shows that the protection of sacred forests can be at best when the traditional and modern
approaches are combined.
4.1.1.3. Relationship between Traditional and Formal Institutions
Figure 6 below shows the relationship between formal and traditional institutions in SFM
in Mankon fondom.
Figure 6: Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions in SFM in the Mankon fondom
Majority (60%) of the respondents indicated very good working relationship with formal
institutions for the reasons that, formal institutions such as NGOs are involved in sensitization
workshops and providing training on forest management skills (table 4). Eleven (11)% and 8%, of
the respondents were also of the view that, their relationship with the formal institutions
were good, and average respectively. In this light, i agree with Ostrom (1999), that where
traditional institutions are given the necessary training skills, opportunity and resources to
develop their own management systems, they well be able to do so effectively.
However, 46% of respondents elucidated poor or no relationship with formal institutions
in the management of natural resources in the fondom which was attributed to the fact that they
were not consulted in the planning and formulation of forest management policies. These findings
agree with Runge (1996) attribution of poor management of natural resources to intrusive state
policies which undermines traditional institutions in the management of community resources.
This was attributed to the total lack of consultation in the planning and formulation of forest
management policies. Thus NGOs, researchers and the state should coorporate with traditional
010203040506070
Poor/no relationship
Average Good Very good
perc
enta
ge o
f res
pond
ets
Relationship between traditional and Formal institutions
PoorAverageGoodVery good
46
rulers and the local communities in order to achieve the objective of improving the potentials
sacred forests for biodiversity conservation.
4.1.2. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE
Traditional knowledge has been defined as the mental capacity and innovations developed
by the local people from experience gained over the centuries and transmitted orally from
generation to generation to understand and relate forest issues to practical use, about the
relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment
(CBD, 1997). It tends to be collectively owned and takes the form of stories, songs, folklore,
proverbs, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language, and agricultural
practices, including the development of plant species and animal breeds (Cho, 2004).
Mankon people have lived close to nature for centuries or millennia and as such have wide
environmental knowledge about ecosystems as well as the plants and animal species inhabiting
them acquired through informal experimentation. The rich and intact nature of the unique
Mankon sacred forest has been maintained through traditional environmental knowledge by;
Identification varieties of plants and animals
Selective harvesting,
Conserving the potential, ritualistic and socio-culturally valued species (Ormsby, 2013)
Planning of development programs,
Knowledge of distribution of most species, which are difficult to investigate by means of
scientific studies (Lykke et al., 2004).
Development of many of the traditional practices.
Berkes et al, (2000) defines traditional environmental knowledge as a cumulative body of
knowledge and beliefs about the relationship of living beings with one another handed down
through generations by cultural transmission. Observations by local people are central in getting
information on aspects of long-term vegetation change. For example in a study done in the
Philippines, it was found that an average adult in a group of shifting cultivators could identify
around 16,000 varieties of plants. An earlier systematic botanical survey had recorded only
12,000 species (Castro et al., 2001). Another example is a soil survey in Africa where a local
agriculturist could generate perfectly usable soil maps much quicker than the soil scientist
(Michaelidou et al., 2002). Mankon people also have extensive cultural knowledge about local
47
history, customs, beliefs and mythology (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004).
Unfortunately, as Himberg, (2006) describes, “The loss of traditional knowledge within
cultures undergoing rapid change, is a problem which is at least as serious for humanity as is the
loss of species”. Thus, traditional knowledge should not only be incorporated into ecosystem and
community viability efforts, but should also be maintained. Linkages between modern science
and traditional knowledge need to be recognized and acknowledged (Ormsby, 2013). For
example, the Mankon people value forest for the spiritual values while science appreciates the
economical and biological values. Thus, avenues through which the environmental and cultural
knowledge can be passed to new generations should be established since traditional knowledge
appears to be a key element in the development of many of the traditional practices.
4.1.3. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL PRACTICES
The responses from key participants and focus group interviews reveals a variety of
traditional conservation practices for sacred forest and natural resource management compatible
with biodiversity conservation in Mankon fondom. These practices are also interrelated,
coordinated and executed by the traditional institutions. These practices have been put into
categories for discussion purposes as shown in figure 7 below.
Figure 7: Traditional practices for SF management in Mankon fondom
Traditional practices refers to the activities carried out by local people to control, use and
manage natural resources such as land, forests, soils, and water according to traditional systems or
0 20 40 60
Cultural beliefs and taboos
Customary rules and regulations
Cultivation habits and …
Traditional festivals and Rituals
Traditional protected sites
Myths
Percentage (%)
Trad
ition
al p
ract
ices
Myths Traditional sitesTraditional festivalsCultivation habits
Customary rulesCultural beliefs
48
customary laws developed by the local community over time in their daily interaction with the
environment (CBD, 1997).
From figure 7 above, 37% of respondents indicated that cultural beliefs and taboos as
traditional conservation practice, 49% indicated customary rules and regulations, 16% cited
cultivation habits and harvesting methods while 7% cited traditional festivals and rituals, 9%
indicated traditional protected areas and 10% also mentioned myths as conservational practice.
Detailed information on these methods uncovered through interviews and focus group discussions
are explained below.
4.1.3.1. Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people
Cultural beliefs and taboos were considered as practices that relate to socially accepted
unwritten rules, or social prohibitions, without tangible explanations (Freddie, 2007). Indept
interviews revealed that cultural beliefs and taboos contributed in regulating Mankon people’s
behavior towards the use of sacred forest especially its wildlife resources as indicated by 37% of
respondents in figure 7 above. Table 5 below shows some cultural beliefs and taboos of the
Mankon people.
Table 5: Cultural beliefs and Taboos of the Mankon people
OFFENSE SANCTIONS
Gathering and use of firewood from
the sacred forest
The children of the offenders are burned if firewood
taken from the sacred forest is burned
Slash and burn around the sacred
forest for agriculture
The family is subjected to ill fate in which certain
family members can be burned by fire
Encroachment in to traditional
protected sites e.g. sacred forests
Bad luck, sudden illness, or even death, amputation of
a member of the offender or abortion in the case of a
pregnant woman
Violation of sacred days as defined
by the tradition
Poor crop yield
Sacrilege in the sacred forest (getting The offender gets lost in the sacred forest and can
49
in with unclean mind such as sorcerer
practices)
spend several days in the forest without finding his
way back home until he confesses.
Beat a thief or criminal after the
branch or leave a sacred tree
Ndzengewa (Ficus thonningii) is
placed on the person
Strong self-enforced sanctions. Sacrifice of sheep,
goats, and gallons of palm wine can be demanded by
the kwifo.
Killing sacred animals such as
python, monkeys and Bannermans
Turaco
Strong self-enforced sanctions, bad luck, sudden
illness, or even death
These restrictions and taboos were laid down by the ancestors and form the basis of the
Mankon society. Thus no Mankon man would dare to violate them. Most people (47%) still
observe the clan and individual taboos, just as the Muslims interdict pork. Tumnde, (2001)
reported, similar practices in the Mount Cameroon area as well as Ndeloh et al., (2008) in
Bechati, and Besali in Southwest Cameroon. They reported that it was a taboo for a pregnant
woman to eat Monkey (Cercopithecus preussi), bush baby (Galago alleni) Ngara, Chimpanzee
(Pan troglodytes) and cross river gorilla (Gorilla gorilla diehli) because they are the closest
relation to man of all the animals, some are totems and also because of the belief that her child
will likely resemble these animals. As a result some hunters may not be willing to kill any animal
that will not be eaten by their wives Mboma (Python sebae) was also considered as taboo by 37%
of respondents. The reason for this was that the bile of python is believed to be poisonous. Thus,
any hunter that kills python would have to sacrifice a goat. In addition, the python will brought to
the village centre where the bile would be removed and destroyed in the presence of everybody in
order to be certain that no one would have access to it for negative use (Saka et al., 2012). In all,
58% of the animals mentioned by villagers were forbidden by taboos, 31% due to personal dislike
while 8% were for religious and totem reasons.
Furthermore in the study area, certain trees such as Ndzeng (Ficus sur) and Ighum (Ficus
natalensis) were also considered sacred and were not supposed to be felled without performing
rituals (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2007). It is believed that they harbour the spirits of the clan
ancestors and as such these trees were not exploited. The belief in the consequences of entering
50
the sacred forest prevented the villagers from exploiting its resources and this unintentionally
contributed in conserving biodiversity (Saj et al., 2006; Saka et al., 2012). This also shows that
taboos may contribute to the conservation of vulnerable wildlife habitats, flagship, endemic and
keystone species (Colding et al., 2003; Tsi, 2006; Veríssimo et al., 2011; Yasuo et al., 2012).
4.1.3.2. Customary rules and regulations
According to 47% of the respondents, customary rules and regulations were set up to
regulate access into sacred forests (Freddie, 2007). Mankon community is governed by customary
laws stating rules and sanctions for those who do not comply or violate the rules stated therein.
The chapter 2 of the statute describes the obligation to conserve, foster and protect natural
resources within the community territory. These included rules regulating the controlled burning
of forests, seasonal harvesting of fruits, trees and wild vegetable products. Access to the sacred
forests was denied to anyone looking for firewood, cropping, hunting, or anyone deemed to be a
sorcerer (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009). Persons who misuse natural resources are applied
sanctions determined by the traditional council. Sanctions range from an oral rebuke to fees, and
even to the loss of the status as community member, thus losing all the rights in the community.
These rules have been reinforced by the village regulatory institutions (kwifo sacred
society) as well injunctions placed at strategic positions around the sacred forests. It is now left
for policy makers to identify and strengthen such practices for effective management of sacred
forest for CBD.
4.1.3.3. Cultivation Habits and Harvesting methods
It was observed that trees such as Ewa (Acacia spp), Nibi (Garcina kola), kieng (Xylopia
Africana), Lung (Ficus vogeli) and Ati nibi (Cola animalis) as well as ornamental trees were
planted around the village, houses, and farms. Sixteen percent (16%) of respondents
acknowledged that the trees served as windbreaks, chase evil spirits, shade and for medicines.
This cultivating habits of the Mankon people has enable the people to be able to produce their
own tress for fuelwood, construction and personal use and as a result has greatly reduced pressure
on the sacred forest resources thereby boosting it potentials for biodiversity conservation. Castro
et al., (2001) also highlighted local knowledge in tree management for shade, pollination and
honey production in the Philippines.
51
Harvesting methods refers to extraction methods such as fruits collection by picking only
without cutting the whole tree, or non-destructive picking. Debarking of medicinal trees during
extraction was done on one side only, unlike ring debarking. This was done in order to allow the
survival of the tree because the cambium on areas left with barks continues to function in
transporting nutrients from the roots to other parts of the plant.
4.1.3.4. Traditional Protected Areas
These included sacred forests, sacred caves (mbue) at Ala’mandom, and burial sites at
Ala’nkyi and sacred trees (Ndzeng ewa and wume) where shrines may be located. These areas had
spiritual values which were confined either to a certain clan, family or individual’s attachment to
the forest resource. Information about specific knowledge of forest or tree values is passed on
through unique experiences of parents and family members (Cho, 2004; Appiah, 2007). For
example, if an ancestor of a clan was buried in a forest or a certain medicinal plant had healed
somebody from a chronic illness, or was used to induce fertility in a barren man or woman, family
members look at that tree as a spiritual medium for healing. Consequently, such a tree species will
be of spiritual value to that family or clan. Although the initial idea was not for conservation, the
activity could be appreciated from a conservation point of view because this helps maintain
species diversity and abundance thereby the functioning of the ecosystems.
According to Dudley et al., (2009) and Ormsby, (2013), these sites survived over several
years and acted as reservoir for biodiversity despite the religious battle against them. This
practiced also greatly favoured the total protection of certain vulnerable species and wildlife
habitats. Similarly, the practice of protecting streams and riverine vegetations helped in
preventing the soil erosion and eutrophication. This type of watershed-based management
practice should be encourage and included into SF management programmes (Purna, 2003). The
MSF is a treasure to be preserved jealously by both the royal family and the natives respectively
4.1.3.5. Traditional Festivals and Rituals Festivals and rituals as indicated by 7% of the respondents where used as a strategy to the
revival of traditional knowledge and practices that were previously marginalised and as such were
useful for the management of sacred forests and biodiversity conservation (Bonye, 2006). The
most prominent among others in the study site was the Nükwi festival which occurs once in the
life time of a FO (Ntomnifor, 2013). The Mboumala and Abuin Afo festivals are performed
52
annually and are considered a unifying ceremony as every household in the community
participates in it. These festivals enhances the relationship between the community members,
nature (soil, water, forest, wildlife), and the supernatural (gods and ancestors of the land) so that
ecological balance is maintained (Foncho, 2013).
In Mankon, the main rituals performed include; Nüsa, Ala’nkyi, Ngangfo and Nushwim
rituals and are clear reflection of the Mankon people’s beliefs. These ceremonies are done to
ensure economic returns, peace and blessing in the community and families (Ghamoti, 2013). The
Ala’nkyi rituals and Nükwi festivals are performed in the Ala’nkyi sacred forest which is one of
the watershed sources in Mankon fondom. Ngangfo ritual is performed to prevent any accidents
or misfortunes during the festivals. In conducting these rituals, guardian spirit of kwifo, the gods
of land, forests, water, and animal is invited. The purpose is to give thanks and to propitiate the
gods of the fondom who protects and keeps the forest lush and the watershed source flowing for
the entire year for the benefit of the community (Ylhäisi 2006). These rituals are performed every
year and are particularly important for communities where water is scarce, so as to ensure a
yearlong supply. As a result of these rituals, the sacred forest cannot be disturbed. There can be
no hunting, collecting of herbs, or cutting of trees for any reason. The spirit will punish any
offenders by making them fall sick and when this happens, the person must perform a ritual
propitiating the spirit in order to recover (Ghamoti, 2013). Figure 8 below illustrates the roles of
festivals and rituals in SFM and community development.
GOs and
NGO
Festivals and Rituals
Accountabilit AdvocacyPreservation and maintenance of
culture
Contemporary roles
Action plan
Traditional roles
Sacred Forest Management Action Plan
Action plan Action plan Action plan
TAs
53
Figure 8: Roles of festivals and rituals in sacred forest management in Mankon fondom
Source: Adapted from Bonye, (2006)
According to Nold (2004), during these celebrations, traditional authorities (TAs) and
people use these fora to appeal for funds for development projects such as schools, libraries,
health centers, provision of streetlights, and festivals also attract tourist into the community and
may earn some income for local development in the area. Politically, chiefs use the festivals as a
means to achieve the principle of governance by consent. In addition festivals create forums to
invite and engage dialogue with government officials (GOs), non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and politicians through advocacy for development, plan actions for NRM, appeal for
stakeholders’ support and disseminate local bye-laws, policies and programmes.
Religiously, Foncho, (2013) posits that festivals served as a period for thanksgiving to the
Supreme Being (God), and pacification of the gods as well as the ancestors residing in sacred
forests thereby conserving the potentials of sacred forest as home of the ancestors. In sum, the
festival and rituals are also meant to strengthen the peoples spiritually and to enable them to be
successful in the coming year. The occasion also offers citizens of the area the opportunity to visit
home at least, once in a year to join their families and as a result, in the course of these visits,
outstanding disputes and misunderstandings could be settled. This therefore, promotes unity and
peace within the family system and the community as a whole.
Culturally, the occasions helps to transmit, conserve (maintain), and project the culture of
the traditional area. The occasion is also used to learn the traditional dances, songs, drumming,
and art of the area which is very important because no society can forget its culture (Foncho,
2013). They provide an opportunity for elders to pass on traditional knowledge and the meaning
of customs to younger generations useful in the preservation and management of sacred forests
and community resources (Sheridan and Nyamweru, 2007).
Mankon people believe that if they do not honor the pact with the supernatural, they will
endanger their home and their community. Some taboos and totems, forms of music and art
that have been privilege over the years and used for sacred forest as well as natural resources
management are increasingly been marginalised, thus festivals and rituals are therefore used in
Mankon fondom as a strategy to revive these traditions (Bonye, 2006).
54
4.1.3.6. Myths
The Mankon people have developed interesting myths regarding their beliefs on the sacred
forest and forest-dwelling supernatural powers. Based on Oates, (1999; Sherpa et al., 2013) and
Tchamou, (2007) findings, myths are secrets transmitted from generation to generation
highlighting victories due to sacred forests during tribal wars or the misfortunes that had befallen
the violators of the laws and injunctions of the sacred forests. Myths instilled traditional fear
which has grown from age to age and has gone a long way to guarantee the protection of sacred
forests and other natural resources in Mankon fondom.
A good example is the case when the Mankon people were confronted with the onslaught
of tribal conflicts. According to Eballa and Angamo, (2013) and Ghamoti, 2013) Mankon
warriors took refuge in the sacred forest during tribal wars between Dr Eugene Zintgraff
“Singere” and the Bali punitive expedition against the Mankon people in January 1891. It was
alleged that the spirits of the forefathers (Kwifo) caused whirlwind around the sacred forest to
protect them against their enemies and also the gods directed them into dangerous places where
they were taken hostage. The Mankon warriors then lodged a massive counter attack and four out
of 5 Europeans were killed right in the battle field.
Another informant reported a case where young girl was declared missing and found dead
4 days later in the Mankon sacred forest by the kwifo juju halved buried with her head in the
ground and legs in the air. She was reported to have been stroked by thunder in the course of
fetching fire wood in the central part of the sacred forest. These myths were also similar to
Bahouan village in west Cameroon (Tchamou, 2007) where a newly converted Christian catechist
entered the sacred forest without permission with the intent of undermining what he deemed to be
the trumped-up sacred character of the forest. He got lost in the forest for several hours and only
found his way out after loudly proclaiming his guilt in the forest.
Since then, the entire community strongly believed in the supernatural power of kwifo and
they believe that they should not enter, yell, whistle or speak in loud voices in the sacred forest,
let alone fell trees since these would annoy the sacred forest gods. Oates, (1999) and Sherpa et al.,
(2013) posits that myths did not only reinforce human beliefs on the spiritual aspects of life on
supernatural powers, it has also contributed to the maintenance of the potentials of sacred forest
for biodiversity conservation.
55
4.1.4. Explaining the traditional practices in Mankon using scientific views
The traditional practices stated in this study are by no means exhaustive but merely a
starting point for further research in the socio-cultural and ecological linkages as well as their
contribution to the use of local ecological knowledge for biodiversity conservation. Table 6 below
summerises the traditional practices and their likely implication on the overall conservation goals
of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation in scientific terms.
Table 6 : Explaining the traditional conservation practices in Mankon using scientific views.
Traditional practice Scientific implication on Biodiversity Conservation
Traditional rules and regulations -Increase regeneration, breeding and improve
resilience of a species
-Avoid over exploitation of natural resources and also
to allow regeneration and
-Preservation of trees with longer rotation period to
avoid extinction
-Controlled burning of forest
-Seasonal harvesting of natural resources
-Preservation of certain species of trees
for royal use e.g. for making royal drums,
Cultural beliefs and Taboos
Enables people to conserve biodiversity out of respect
of traditional norms where forest and wildlife laws
cannot be enforced to regulate over exploitation
Dos and don’ts without tangible
explanations e.g. Pregnant women should
not eat certain animals e.g. monkeys
-Do not cut whole medicinal plant lest the
disease come to you
Cultivation habits and harvesting
methods
-Reduces competition among people, birds and
fruitvores thereby balancing the ecosystem
-Reduces deforestation
-Reduces the drying rate of trees after debarking
-Reduces on harvesting frequency and thus enhances
regeneration
-Planting trees for shade and pollination;
for firewood, cut only dead wood
-No cutting of fruit trees
-Debarking of medicinal plants should be
done only on one side where sun does not
shine directly
Myths -Reduces human induced negative disturbances on
forest biodiversity -Forest are considered spiritual spaces
56
-Sacred forest are homes to ancestral
spirits -A dense forest is synonymous to
“bring rainfall”
-Promotes water cycle and sustainability of an
ecosystem
-Promotes sustainable ecosystem functioning through
reduced human impact. -Knowledge of nature induces
intrinsic respect for conservation
Traditional protected areas (TPA) -Ethno forest refugia for threatened species
-Breeding sites for fauna species
-Promotes corridors and dispersal zones
No harvesting near grave sites to give
respect to the dead
Traditional festivals and rituals -Engage dialogue with government officials (GOs),
non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
- Advocacy for development issues,
-Action plan for NRM,
-Appeal for stakeholders’ support and
-Disseminate local bye-laws, policies and
programmes
Preservation and maintenance of culture
and tradition
4.2 PERCEPTIONS OF THE LOCAL PEOPLE ON SACRED FOREST
This section hinges on how traditional institutions perceive sacred forests as well as their
attitudes towards the sustainable management and conservation of SFs. Generally, a higher
percentage of respondents (95%), including Christians, expressed positive sentiments about
sacred forests especially the Mankon sacred forest. Analyses were made on; ownership, access
and control over the natural resources are perceived by the respondents. The perceived touristic
values (20%), cultural and spiritual potentials (75%), and ecological importance (33%) of the
sacred forests in Mankon fondom were also analyzed and presented in figures and tables.
4.2.1. Awareness, Ownership and Control of the Mankon Sacred Forest The Mankon people have their own understanding and perspectives on their sacred forest
and surrounding environment. What the local people perceive as to who has the right of
ownership or decision making and what the sacred forest represent for their life is very important
for the sustainable management of the sacred forest. Figure 9 below shows findings concerning
Mankon people’s perceptions on awareness, ownership, and control to the Mankon sacred forest
57
Figure 9: Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF in Mankon fondom
As can be seen from the figure 9 above, majority of respondents (75%) were aware and
believed that the sacred forest is owned by kwifo but controlled by the FO' of Mankon. They also
indicated that they have access to and do not control the sacred forest. In addition, they also knew
and respect the boundaries, traditional rules and injunctions as well as cultural beliefs and taboos,
which prohibit entering and hunting in the sacred forest. They were also aware of the presence of
animals such as monkeys, rare and endermic birds in the sacred forest. However, only 38% of
respondents could accurately describe the activities taking place in the forest such as harvesting of
medicinal plants, rituals and worshiping of ancestors because no one was allowed by tradition to
enter the SF. However, 48% of the respondents said they were not aware and as such do not have
access and control over the sacred forest and resources while 5% chose the option No idea.
Focus group discussions further revealed that ownership of the sacred forest was
perceived as vested in the kwifo sacred society and the FO (king). This perception is in line with
the Hmong beliefs that a supernatural being (Xeeb Teb Xeeb Chaw) is the Lord of the Forest and
controls the use of all natural resources be it soil, water, or even wild animals (IMPECT 2006).
Therefore, hunting of wildlife and hewing of trees in sacred forest was prohibited. Interviews with
key informants also revealed that the forest department played supervisory advisory roles, making
the MSF a blending model for traditional wildlife conservation.
A respondent in semi structured interviews said the following concerning access and
control of sacred forests in the fondom. “There are gods in the sacred forest you see ahead of me,
and we offer sacrifices to them yearly, yet we do not have absolute control over the resources
01020304050607080
Yes No No idea
perc
enta
ge o
f res
pond
ents
Awareness, ownership, and control of the MSF
No IdeaNoYes
58
because there are strong taboos, beliefs and injunctions that prohibit the cutting of life or dead
trees and hunting of game. We are not also allowed to fetch herbs, harvest fruits and thatch for
roofing as well as dry sticks for cooking. So you see! We are totally prevented from utilising
sacred forest resources in this area”.
The beliefs of the Mankon people are integral to their way of thinking about ownership
and sustainably using forest resources for the community. As a result, if the Mankon people want
to use sacred forest resources, they must perform a ritual to request permission to do so. As for
traditional protected areas, the Mankon people regard such areas as private property that, although
others can go there for food, herbs, firewood, or for hunting, they cannot use theses area for
farming unless they are permitted to do so by the owner.
4.2.2. Perceptions on the Spiritual and Cultural Potentials
The traditional belief in the spiritual properties and uses of sacred forest has effects on the
protection and improvement of the environment as perceived by 75% of the respondents. Figure
10 below presents the spiritual relevance of the MSF as perceived by respondents in Mankon.
Figure 10: Spiritual relevance of the MSF in Mankon fondom
From figure 10 above, nine percent (9%) of the respondents had no idea about the
relevance of the MSF while 36% of respondents acknowledged that the sacred forest was
irrelevant to their livelihoods. Nevertheless, 55 out of 128 respondents indicated that sacred forest
was very relevant for their socio-cultural and spiritual performances.
According to Appiah, (2007), the spread of western education and Christianity has taken a
Very relevant 55%
Irrelant 36%
No idea 9%
Spiritual relevance of the MSF
Very relevantIrrelevantNo idea
59
strong hold resulting in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs and practices on the younger generation.
Some Christian informants advanced reasons such as worshiping of idols in the forests which
were completely against the will of God (Saj et al., 2006); while others said they benefit little or
nothing from the SF. These perceptions are also line with Millar (2003) and Ormsby (2013)
argument, that once the natives could not use forest resources freely, they would not see much
value in the forest and wildlife and as a result, will not support any conservation efforts let alone
protection. Cultural change over time has led to the weakening of traditional authority and sacred
forest protection and as such, sacred forests are disappearing due to changing beliefs
(Chandrakanth et al., 2004).
Follow up interviews revealed that from the spiritual and cultural perspectives, the
Mankon people have a strong belief that the sacred forest is a traditional heritage as home of the
village gods (kwifo) and royal ancestors as well places where special species of trees for carving
representing of the gods are found. These findings are also in line with Lentz, (2003) in the study
of “Spirituality and land” which established that every creature (plants and animals species) have
vindictive soul which lives after death. This shows that, the spiritual world is the major driving
force that regulates the performance of all traditional institutions in their quest to manage sacred
forests (Millar, 2004). Traditional practices are therefore based on a sense of harmony with the
natural environment which has enhanced the potentials of Mankon sacred forest for biodiversity
conservation.
4.2.3. Perceptions on the Ecological Potentials
Thirty three percent (33%) of key respondents totally agreed (Yes) that the MSF is
important because of the ecological services it provides and a means of conserving biodiversity.
The ecological services of the MSF mentioned by respondents in the 7 quarters of the study area
are listed in table 7 below.
60
Table 7: Ecological services perceived by respondents
Ecological Services Number of respondents Percentage
Source of seeds for reforestation 29 22
Trees as attractors of rain 20 15
Providing wildlife habitats 22 17
Wind breaks 11 9
Carbon sequestration and storage 4 4
regulating the climate 12 9
Soil enrichment (land rehabilitation) 18 14
Pollination 9 7
Habitat for seed dispersing organisms 3 3
Total 128 100
In-depth interviews and focus group discursions revealed that the Mankon people have
precise ecological knowledge about the ecological potentials of sacred forests as listed in table 8
above. Studies elsewhere in many areas of Africa (Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009; Berkes et.al.,
2000), argue that though sacred forest are disappearing as a result of changes in religious
traditions, belief systems, rural economies and weakening of traditional institutions, habitats
protected by sacred forests may be recruitment areas, for example, for populations of seed-
dispersing birds and bats, that are of importance for renewal of surrounding ecosystems. They are
also important for birds controlling insect outbreaks on adjacent crop fields, and may serve as
seed banks for locally adapted crop varieties and medicinal plants. Kassilly and Tsingalia (2009)
also confirmed that the Tiriki sacred grove was seen as source of oxygen, fresh air.
Even though Mankon sacred forests are small in size, with a surface area of only 85ha,
these forests may be surprisingly effective in conserving biodiversity. It provides habitat for two
monkey species, the Preuss’s guenon (Cercopithecus preussi), and Preuss’s red colobus
(probocolobus preussi); endemic plants (Newtonia camerunensis and Dissotis bamendae) as well
as birds species (Tauraco bannermani) which are also protected under IUCN and MINFOF
classifications (IUCN, 2004; MINFOF, 2013). These monkeys and birds are protected and
revered as “children of the gods” by historic cultural beliefs and taboos. Indiscriminate killing of
the monkeys drastically reduced their numbers. This prompted traditional authorities to seek help
61
from the ministry of forestry and Wildlife. Designating the forest as a protected area such as
national herbarium and wildlife sanctuary with accompanying bye-laws will go a long way to
protect these critically endermic and endangered species.
4.2.4. Perception on Touristic Potentials
There are numerous touristic attractions in the MSF that can boost the development of
tourism. These include; famous waterfalls and cascades in highlands, a rich unique and diversed
cultural heritage in neighboring quarters and flagship species. According to Veríssimo et al.,
(2011), flagship species are species that can be used as the focus of a broader biodiversity
conservation marketing campaign based on its possession of one or more traits that appeal to the
target audience. Though ecotourism flagships are frequently charismatic megafauna, which are
aimed at attracting tourists such as the giant panda (Ailuropoda melanoleuca) and the African
elephant (Loxodonta africana) (Leader, & Dublin, 2000), Mankon people tend to appreciate
species that have strong cultural or local use values. These include; birds such as Oriental dwarf
kingfisher (Ceyx erithaca), Banded Wattle-Eye (Platysteira laticincta), Barnamans tauroco
(Tauroco bannermani) and green tauroco (Tauroco persa); large primates like Preuss’s guenon
monkey (Cercopithecus preussi) as well as trees such as Lung (Ficus vogeli), Ndzeng’ewa (Ficus
natalensis) which can also be used in marketing ecotourism. However, these flagship species are
perceived differently by local communities and tourists, which could undermine the touristic
importance of flagship species in the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation
(Yasuo et al., 2012). Statistics from the Mankon Museum also revealed the about 200 tourists
visit the sacred forest yearly. Figure 11 below shows the differences between the perception of the
local communities and tourists about birds and tree species that are found in the Mankon sacred
forests in the Northwest region of Cameroon.
62
Figure 11: Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree species for Ecotourism
A higher percentage (69%) of respondents from the local community prefered birds and
trees species, 22% preferred the trees while only 2 respondents (8%) dislike the birds. This
contrasted with the preference of tourists who selected birds (79%), trees (13%) and (8%) for both
the bird and tree species. The remaining 28% of the local communities valued medicinal uses of
trees, which many tourists (13%) also appreciated.
In-depth interviews revealed that the more species-speci c reason for the preference of
bird and trees by the 69% of the local communities are touristic, cultural, medicinal values, and
shade while the majority (79%) of the tourists appreciated the rareness, beauty and behavior of
birds such as Banded Wattle-Eye (Platysteira laticincta), Great hornbill (Buceros bicornis) and
Barnama tauroco (Tauroco bannermani), Oriental dwarf king sher (Ceyx erithaca), which could
be interpreted as the aesthetic aspects of the birds. Similar studies in Tanzania and India have
supported the conclusion that rural villagers prefered wildlife species because of their specific
uses and cultural beliefs about each species (Kaltenborn et al., 2006; Yasuo et al., 2012). It should
also be noted that some youths appreciated more of aesthetic and consumptive uses. The
differences in the likeness for birds and trees between locals and tourists could be as a result of
the differences in their knowledge about the species. Locals would have more information about
the given birds and trees, because they see the species regularly than tourists. On the other hand,
tourists are generally not familiar with these species, and as such prefer the species because of
their beauty and stories told about them. This shows that ecotourism tend to capture payments
from tourists who primarily appreciate the beauty of wildlife, and add economic values to the
01020304050607080
Local community
Touristperc
enta
ge o
f res
pond
ents
Perception on preferences of Bird and Tree
Bird and treeBirdTree
63
species to which villagers have also traditionally associated cultural, religious, or use values.
Thus, local communities need to play a major role in conserving sacred forests for their
ecotouristic potentials.
4.2.5. Perceptions on the Environment
As stipulated in the statutory law, traditional rulers were also supposed to stimulate and
accelerate rural development and to serve as communication channels between the government
and the people. Moreover, the study placed people’s knowledge of the environment in its broader
context. In the study area a large proportion of respondents (54%) admitted being aware of
environmental policies. Interviews revealed that they were aware of the general environmental
issues than clear-cut policies. However, 43% acknowledged they were not aware while 3% did
not know their position in respect to knowledge of environmental laws and policies. The views of
the Mankon people concerning the environmental are listed in the table 8 below
Table 8: The views traditional institutions concerning the environment in Mankon fondom
Environmental Awareness Number of respondents percentage Preserve wetlands 16 12
Avoid cutting trees along the slope 14 10
Don’t cultivate along the slope 10 7
Plant nine trees to replace one (9:1) 14 10
Avoid deforestation/felling trees 15 11
Follow modern farming methods 9 9
Don’t overgraze land 22 16
Prohibit waste/garbage disposal in rivers 13 10
Don’t catch premature fish 3 3
Control Pests and diseases 3 3
Construct pit latrines/home hygiene 9 9
Total 128 100
64
From the analyses in table 8 above, it can be deduced from the 43% of respondents were
not aware that there is indeed; scarcity of literature about knowledge dissemination, awareness
building and integration of information on the environment and forest related laws in the study
area and ignorance contributes to noncompliance with the law. When laws are enacted by the
senate and parliament, in Cameroon, they are transmitted to the public through print and
audiovisual media or published in English and French languages (Art.1 (3) of 1996 Constitution)
that majority of local people in rural areas do not understand. Most citizens especially in rural
areas like Alakoro are not aware of the country’s laws. Egute and Albrecht, (2011) also support
this view that there is limited communication strategy to disseminate information on forest laws
to citizens in the country. The communication network of the country is poor. People living in
urban areas may have access to radio, television and internet. Thus due to limited or no access to
radio, television and internet, information on statutory laws rarely reaches the rural areas and as
such majority of people in the country are not aware of laws primarily because of poor
communication strategy. There is a need to improve upon the strategy of disseminating
information on modern laws in order to facilitate compliance with the laws.
Focus group discussion further revealed that the 54% of respondents received this
information through their traditional institutions and practices such as traditional councils, FO,
cultural association as well as during festivals. This shows that, since rural people have limited
knowledge about formal written laws, they largely adhere to customary laws and taboos. Chiefs,
Fons and lamidos often rule according to customary laws and in local language or Pidgin English
that the people can understand (Ongia and Epilla, 1993; Egute and Albrecht, 2011). It can also be
asserted that traditional institutions can also contribute greatly in raising awareness on the
environment and forest related laws and therefore there is a need to encourage these institutions to
play this role.
65
4.2.6. Attitudes and Willingness to Participate in Sacred Forest Conservation
Mankon people like other rural indigenous people have various attitudes towards sacred
forest and the environment (Thomas and Simon, 2011). Figure 12 below highlights the attitudes
of k respondents towards conservation of sacred forest in Mankon fondom.
Figure 12: Attitudes and willingness to participate in the conservation of the MSF in Mankon
fondom
About 35% of the respondents had negative sentiments and claimed that the cultural
beliefs and customs in the Mankon fondom are harsh and do not allow them to discuss problems
of sacred forest resource use. Despite this and other problems such as crop damage by forest
wildlife the majority (55%) of the respondents said SF should still be managed under the
traditional setting. They also indicated that they would participate in sacred forest management
but their roles must be clearly defined to avoid conflicts in future.
To the Bantus, sacred forest is both an obstacle to agriculture around the villages, and a
natural asset that provides goods and services e.g. medicines and cultural ceremonies. The use of
sacred forests for economic purposes is not incompatible with this view as long as it generates
benefits for the Bantu people in recognition of their traditional ownership (Thomas and Simon,
2011; Enchaw, & Njobdi, 2013). By contrast, Mankon people consider sacred forests as a living
environment and a source of life of which they are the custodians. Those who were unwilling to
participate argued that they did not have sufficient knowledge of sacred forest management
although others felt that this would not be a major problem if collaborative forest management
was introduced and local people were adequately educated about their roles. Interviews also
0
20
40
60
Yes No No ideaperc
enta
ge o
f res
pond
ents
Attitudes and willingness of respondents
No IdeaNoYes
66
revealed that apart from educational background all the other demographic and socio-economic
characteristics of the respondents did not significantly influence their decisions to participate in
the management of the MSF as well as their attitudes towards forest management practices.
Generally, education tends to increase awareness of the importance of the environment and
natural resources. Based on the findings of this study, it can be said that educated people are more
informed and confident about participatory forest management than the uneducated.
The concept of sacred forest was also common in Bafut which is in the same region like
the MSF. According to Simo (2013), it was generally believed that any exploitation of plants and
animals species in the shrine bushes which is not in consonance with the wishes and authority of
the traditional council was likely to lead to some sanctions inflicted by spirits on the victim. The
concept of sacred forest is also prevalence in African countries. A study carried out by Byers et
al., (2001), in the Zambezi Valley of Northern Zimbabwe reveals that forests loss was less in
sacred forests because traditional beliefs and customs influence the behaviour of people towards
sacred forests and played a vital role in biodiversity conservation. The Zimbabwean government
must have realised the importance of traditional authorities in protecting sacred forest biodiversity
as it changed its policy of striping chiefs off their functions and established a House of Chiefs in
1993 (Byers et al., 2001).
In Ghana, taboos and cultural beliefs safeguarded by the traditional institutions greatly
contribute in protecting the sacred forests (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2007). To ensure adequate
protection, the Anweam sacred forest is now legally protected by the federal government of
Ghana (Campbell, 2004). In 2005, the Osun-Osogbo sacred forest in the Southern region of
Nigeria was designated as a World Heritage Site (WHS). It is clear that the cultural values
associated to sacred forest largely contributed to the site’s inscription on the World Heritage List
(UNESCO, 2011). The government of Cameroon should recognise the notion of sacred forests
and their potentials in biodiversity conservation like the government of Zimbabwe, Ghana and
Nigeria.
67
4.3 FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS, KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE
Even though trends in developments acknowledge the virtues and capabilities of
traditional institutions, knowledge and practices in sustainable sacred forest management (SFM),
traditional institutions are still significantly faced with challenges which include;
4.3.1. Disrespect for Traditional Institutions and Sacred Forests
The major factor affecting the efficiency traditional institutions in SF management was
disrespect for traditional management system as indicated by 40% of the respondents. The
Cameroon government has not given indigenous communities a significant role in the
management of local biodiversity resources and has not taken appropriate steps to implement
these two articles (8j and 10c) of the CDB, due to the existence of obstructing policies, laws and
regulations. These include the Forest Act, which defines as “forest” any land to which no
individual has laid legal claim. This greatly extended the boundaries of the forest throughout the
country. Since the highland areas where tribal people lived had not been surveyed and no title
deeds had been issued, they were now considered forest and state property, negating the land and
resource rights of the tribal peoples. Subsequent laws and the promulgation of the Land Code of
have had no effect in addressing the definition of forest areas. Legal protection of sacred forests
could be a major step that can influence the local people to participate in conserving sacred forests
for CBD, REDD+, carbon sequestration and climate change mitigation.
4.3.2. Modern Religion and Westernisation
Changes in the society’s structure and composition, as well as economic status and
religious values, pose another challenge. In Mankon, tribal religion and culture has been replaced
by Christianity. Kassilly and Tsingalia (2009), interviewed residents near Tiriki sacred groves,
and 95% of respondents attributed degradation of sacred forest to change in religious beliefs.
Sacred forests have been destroyed by fundamentally thinking Christians (Himberg, 2006;
Appiah, 2007) which has taken a strong hold in some communities in Mankon fondom resulting
in the loss of socio-cultural beliefs and practices on the younger generation. Christians believed
that God does not reside in sacred forests and that these forests harbor witches and wizards.
According to them God is suppose to be worshiped in churches, temples and mosque and not in
68
sacred forests. A good example is a pending case in the Bamenda high court concerning the FO'
of Bafut versus Afanwi Franklin and his church members. Afanwi Franklin and his church alleged
that a sacred tree Ficus natalensis (600 years old) which served as a shrine in the Bafut sacred
forest was bringing illuck to the people of Bafut and as a result, they destroyed the sacred tree. Saj
et al., (2006) also reported a case in Ghana where the Saviour Church of Ghana, encouraged their
members to hunt olive colobus monkeys (Procolobus verus) and Diana monkey (Cercopithecus
diana), which was a taboo among the Ghanaian people.
Also, due to economic, social, and cultural changes in society, local people’s perception
about their culture has drastically change causing them to abandon certain cultural practices and
instead copying the western cultures (Godbole & Sarnaik, 2004).
4.3.3. Poor institutional capacity
The sustainable management of forest has been accompanied by lots of problems. For
instance, Forestry Law 94/01 of 20th January, 1994 is complicated firstly in that it is not
simplified to the understanding of the local people, secondly there is no legal pronouncement of
sacred forests and, last but not the least, the notion of customary laws and beliefs in community
forest management is omitted in the law. This explains why the local people are still not
convinced about the effectiveness of the application of a community forest for instance. Poor
institutional and legal framework characterised by inadequate or lack of human, material,
logistical resources has negatively influence the management of sacred forest and the capacity of
traditional institutions to enforce unwritten laws, regulations and implement policies vis-a-vis
outsiders if they do not comply with the rules (Ndeh, 2000; Feh, 2009). Also the absence of clear
demarcation of responsibilities between formal and traditional institutions has often created
conflicts of roles set up to manage forest resources resulting in reduced community mobilisation
spirit for the promotion sacred forest management systems (Ormsby, 2013). If sacred forest
continues to be ignored by conservators as is the case today, then within a few years it is certain
that the biodiversity it harbours will be lost to the world or will be significantly more threatened
than before due to the lost of an important site (Ndangang, 1997). Thus, strong institutional and
organisational framework is very critical for the sustainable management sacred forest.
69
4.3.4. Demographic Factors
The demographic factors affecting the efficiency of traditional institutions, knowledge and
practice and thus the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation in the Mankon
fondom are age, gender, educational level and occupation of respondents as shown in table 9
below.
Table 9: Age, gender, and educational level of respondents
Demographic Factors Frequency Percentage
A. Age
15-35 years
35-55 years
55 years +
21
58
49
16. 4
45.3
38.3
B. Gender
Male
Female
78
50
60.9
39.1
C. Educational Level
No Formal Education
Primary School
Secondary
School University
Others
Total
12
23
59
15
19
128
9.4
17.9
46.1
11.7
14.8
100
4.3.4.1 Age
Table 9a above gives a picture of age status in the study area. The population surveyed
ranged in age between 15 and 55+ years. The age groups of 15 to 35 years constituted 16.4 %,
45.3% of the respondents were of the 35-55 age groups while 55 and above age group constituted
38.3%. These age groups revealed that the study area has an active population that may greatly
influence the potentials of the SF to provide ecosystem services.
In further follow up discussions to find out how aged effects the structure of the traditional
authorities, the study revealed that with the way of life tied to nature, the Mankon people have
70
customs, knowledge, rituals, beliefs, teachings, and proverbs about sacred forests, their usefulness
and how they should be managed for biodiversity conservation. The older generation transmits
these teachings to the younger generation by not writing it down but through the thought
processes and cultural practices of the community in carrying out their daily lives, by means of
stories, proverbs, songs, ceremonies and the most important way of learning by doing. Cho (2004)
recalls that this is done because natural resource management will not be sustainable unless the
younger people are brought into the learning network, ensures that rituals are more carefully
practiced and also helps the younger generation lead their life in an appropriate way. In the
present time, Children and youth have forgotten their culture and local bodies of knowledge. The
younger generations are losing interest in the sacred forest traditions, the rising western culture
has affected the youths as they no longer respect local knowledge and as the older generation is
dying, without these knowledge and customs transmitted, cultural beliefs and taboos used in the
preservation of sacred forest and other natural resources are also being lost leading to the loss in
the potentials of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation (Chandrakanth et al., 2004).
4.3.4.2. Gender relations in sacred forest conservation
As can be seen from table 9b above, majority of the 128 respondents sampled were males
(60.9%); while 39.1% were females. The discrepancy in the male to female ratio was because
most of the respondents targeted were the quarter, clan and household heads who were mostly
men. This shows that majority of traditional governance structures in the fondom did not have
women occupying positions such as clan and quarter heads and led us to conclude that men
dominate the rural scene in the leadership and decision making structures and generally exclude
women (Appiah, 2007; WACameroon, 2010). This also indicates that more males manage sacred
forest than their female counterparts. This is a hindrance to sustainable management which entails
that all partners be involved in the decision making. This was because women and young adults,
for example were presumed to be represented by their husbands and fathers, respectively, and are
customarily excluded from participation in the decision-making assemblies.
Women have developed different expertise regarding the management and use of forest
resources (table 3 above). Yet women capacity in natural resource management remains largely
low and insignificant in both the formal and informal institutions in natural resources
management (Bonye, 2006; Lelewal, 2011). The partrilineal systems are particularly weak in
protecting gender equality in decision-making on issues of natural resources. Other challenges
71
faced by women are strengthening of women leadership structures and male dominance in natural
resource ownership and control (WACameroon, 2010). The gendered nature of their cultural
rights and taboos limits the extent to which they can use land. They lack recognition and
representation at institutional levels on NRM decisions and hence, their interests and demands in
forest management are given inadequate attention.
4.3.4.3. Level of Education
Concerning the level of education in the study area, table 9c above shows that, 17.9% of
respondents attended primary school, and 11.7% attended university while 14.8% of the
respondents chose the option others which include other forms of education such as technical and
professional education. However, 46.1% of the key respondents attended secondary school, while
respondents with no formal education represented 9.4%.
These results revealed that education level in the study area was high and affects sacred
forest conservation in that the most educated people in the study area tend to be employed by the
government in other services than forest conservation or have other business activities in town
and so do not use or bother about sacred forest and practices. As a result, in case of destruction,
illegal exploitation and encroachment, traditional authorities lack adequate technical capacity and
expert knowledge to evaluate, valorise natural resources and award cost of damage.
As Himberg, (2006) explains, knowledge about traditional use of plants has diminished
during the past decades, as people seem to find it easier to buy the cure for an illness from a
pharmacy and lack of proper knowledge about herbalism makes them unsure of how to treat
certain diseases especially those affecting children. These findings however, support the recent
call for traditional rulers to have some level of education so as to effectively manage sacred forest
like the FO' of Mankon. Hence, i agree with Georg & Wolf, (2004) that traditional institutions like
in Ghana need a high level of environmental and forest education for the sustainable management
of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation and community development.
72
4.3.4.4. Occupation of Respondents
The nature of occupation of respondents may influence the way sacred forest are managed.
Figure 13 below shows the analysis of respondent’s occupation in relation to sacred forest in
Mankon.
Figure 13: Occupation of Respondents in Mankon fondom
The data in figure 13 above shows that, majority of the respondents (39%) reported
farming as their major occupation. This shows that farming is an important economic activity in
the study area. Farming is followed by teaching 26%. Through follow-up interviews, it was
revealed that they were all primary, secondary school teachers as well as university lecturers from
the sampled quarters. 12% said they were traders. This implies that petty trading is an essential
economic activity since it serves as a supplementary source of income for the upkeep of some
families in the area. Eighteen percent (18%) of the respondents acknowledged they were students
while 5% of the respondents reported hunters and 7% chosed the option others. These were
probably retired civil servants, artisanship and the unemployed. The low percentages (3%) of
hunters were due to the strict ban on hunting, absence of game, the customary rules and
regulations in forced and the fear of the kwifo juju. According to Eyong, (2010), the fear of
making expensive sacrifices before hunting sacred animals or cutting trees deters many hunter
from killing the animals. These results also indicates that due to the lack of access to sacred
forests resources, the Mankon people were forced to search for other income generating activities
to sustain livelihoods thereby reducing pressure on the SF and consequently, in the intact nature
05
10152025303540
Farming Hunting Teaching Trading Student Others
perc
enta
ge o
f res
pond
ents
Occupation of Respondents
FarmingHunting TeachingTradingStudentOthers
73
of the MSF. But however, the reported degradation suggests that sacred forest also offers a wide
range of resources which could generate income such as medicinal plants, honey, NTFPs, fuel
wood and bush meat. For the poor, sacred forest resources are part of a non-farm rural economic
activity to those unable to obtain employment.
4.3.5. Poverty, Alcoholism and Land Selling Attitudes
Poverty, alcoholism and land selling were vices also identified by the respondents (20%)
to affect traditional institutions, knowledge an practices in SF management. These vices were
alleged to be exploited by immigrants, who easily convince these people to sell off their ancestral
lands resulting in the lost traditional knowledge and practices. Enchaw and Njobdi (2013) also
noted that alcohol consumption and poverty situation of the Baka were alleged to be exploited by
urban poachers, who easily convince these indigenous peoples with a high mastery of the forest
and its resources, to take them to forest compartments where they could kill protected wildlife.
However, only small minorities of the residents of the area are immigrants, and yet about 85% say
it is good to respect sacred forest. Interviews also revealed that immigrants would usually respect
sacred forests if they knew about them. In several cases, old immigrants now appear to play
strong roles in protecting sacred forests and upholding traditional rules governing their use.
Realisation of the Impacts of Biodiversity Loss
The local communities in the study area have realised the negative effects of biodiversity
loss on their lives such as climate change, loss of species and cultural ethnocide. They are
confronted with erratic weather patterns, among others. They mentioned that new harmful
species, such as water jacinth and Banmara, have appeared in the forest. These species cover and
kill indigenous plants. Women mentioned that their crops have been damaged by these harmful
weeds. They have also observed that water level of rivers such as Nki Nsah and Mafo have
decreased. Table 10 below shows several species that have disappeared from their area listed by
informants during the focus group discussion.
74
Table 10 : Species extinct from the MSF
Extinct Species Significance
Cam wood (Baphia massaiensis) Used as medicine
Alchonea cordifolia To Treat Toothache
Lion (Panthera pardus ) Afon Totem, symbol of power skin used for decoration
Leopard (Panthera leo) Sambang Totem, symbol of power for the Ngangfo
Hayna (Crocuta crocula) Angwaba Totem
Elephant (Loxodonta africana) Usen Tusk used for decoration
Anjwa (Hyemoschus aquaticus) Rituals
Mankon people have also felt fluctuations in temperature rising beyond normal of about
(28 oC). As temperature rises, disease spreading insects such as mosquitoes and other insects that
damage crops also increase. A disproportionate change in the pattern of rainfall has also been
noticed in the study area with intense rainfall for several days, which have been affecting their
agricultural production. In 2013, a longer rainy season from early March to mid December was
observed. Dependent on tropical rain for cultivation, the women of this community experience
reduced food production. Last year, they planted food crops such as maize and cocoyams but very
low amount was harvested. The members of the community, both men and women, then went to
the agriculture office from where they got the seeds, to inquire about the problem. The office
personnel said that the problem was not on the seeds but with their soil and the climate. A 68
year-old woman recalled “In our time, we used to sell corn, beans, and other seeds in the market,
but now we have to buy extra food for ourselves from the market.” She added, “Our agricultural
production is rainfed, but for last few years, the rainfall has become erratic.
4.3.5.2. Adaptation strategies against the loss of biodiversity
In order to replace the degradation and loss of biodiversity of the MSFS, the Mankon
people of the study area have been adopting their own adaptation strategies. There has been
constant guarding from poachers, strong traditional ban of human activities and conspicuous
notices put at strategic places to remind the local communities.
Five hectares (5ha) of deforested land have been reforested with tree species such as
Mambohne (voacanga) and Ate fever (Pronus Africana). Trees that need less water have also
been planted, e.g. Raphia palms and those that require much water discouraged such as Fusigare
75
(Eucalyptus). For higher production of trees, improved seeds have been brought and planted.
In order to manage water for cultivation, a dam has been constructed on the Nki Nsah
which will also serve as a fish point. Farmers who have farms near rivers have diverted some of
the river flow to irrigate their crops. Some families have started organic farms, and mushroom
farming the produce of which they sell in the market.
At least one local organisation has been working in awareness-raising initiatives and eco
tourism in relation to the sacred forest in this area as an alternative way of generating income. The
Organisation for Community Tourism and Nature Protection (OCOTONAP) has been involved in
educational programs about the MSF for many years, for example, producing posters about the
sacred forest on the need for preservation targeting especially, the younger generation. This could
be one element of a larger educational program, at both the school and community levels.
However, despite these efforts, interviews with a group of 50 students aged 12-25 during
the Mankon students association cultural week festival in Ntingkag 2013, only 23 students had
heard of a sacred forest, despite the fact that there are thousands in Cameroon. Therefore, it seems
that a comprehensive, nationwide awareness campaign related to the conservation of sacred forest
is still needed on regular basis. Working with local community leaders, whether religious or from
non-governmental organisations, can help build alliances and support for future sacred forest
management thereby boosting their potentials for biodiversity conservation.
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4.4. PROPOSED STRATEGIES FOR THE SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF THE
MANKON SACRED FOREST
The success for a community to sustainably manage natural resources is based on secured
access rights to the resource, the institutions governing, decision-making, management
regulations in place, and the resource exploitation techniques. The strategies proposed in this
study have the advantage to respond to both the needs and aspirations of local communities and
the state as well as improve the forests condition now and in the future at the community and
national level. The general objective of this proposed strategy is to ensure the conservation and
sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forest for its potentials to provide vital support to
biodiversity conservation and human population, in partnership with all institutions for the benefit
of the Mankon people in particular and Cameroon in general.
The specific objectives will be to:
To reduce the rate of deforestation in sacred forests,
To reduce the rate of poaching for posterity in sacred forests,
To strengthen traditional leadership in sacred forest management.
After the analysis of the opportunities and constraints of traditional institutions,
knowledge and practices that can contribute to the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred
forest for its potentials for biodiversity conservation, the strategies proposed to further enhance
this success are in the areas of
Legal and institutional capacity,
Conservation education and awareness, and
Research and monitoring.
4.4.1. Legal and institutional capacity strategy 4.4.4.1.1. The Notion of Community Forest
When a forest does not offer any opportunity for timber exploitation or produce tangible
benefits such as the case of the MSF, the status of that forest cannot guarantee the long-term
conservation of the biological resources. Thus in order to improve on the potentials of the MSF,
the priority action to be undertaken will be to provide the site with an adequate legal status.
77
According to Article 3(11) of the 1994 Cameroon forestry law and decree No 04/436/PM of
August 23, 1994, fixing the modalities of application of forests regime, the status of a community
forest will be more appropriate for the conservation of this fragile ecosystem and that of endemic
and threatened species amongst which are monkeys and some birds (table 1 above). The main
idea behind this is to change the status from sacred forests to protected area. Community forest
empowers local communities to own and manage 5000 ha of forest land and makes provisions for
local people to be involved in decision-making. Benefits from community forest such as NTFPs,
timber exploitation and tourism development equally goes directly to the local communities.
According to interviews, 70% of the respondents have no idea about the notion of
community forest. Participation in the management of such a forest when created at this level still
remains a myth. Thus new sensitisation and awareness campaigns, to educate the local
communities needs to be introduced like using photographic slides, visual aids and group
meetings on areas where community forest is already functional in the country, such as the Kilum
Forest in Oku Northwest Region.
4.4.2. Participatory Forest Management strategy
Sakah (1998) defines participation as a process whereby people act in groups to influence
the direction and outcome of development programmes that will affect them. Participation though
diverse in form, may be thought of as the deliberate action of the local people and the government
to respond jointly in the formulation, planning, and implementation of a strategy to satisfy a
particular need. Communal action is beneficial as it creates a sense of belonging and proof of
ownership on the part of the people concerned. The top-down and autocratic approach has proven
to be more destructive. Participatory co-operation by the local communities can be seen briefly as
follows:
Traditional rulers banned the use of industrial chemicals for fishing during the 1994
Chiefs' Conference at Ekondo Titi.
Local communities also cooperate to report illegal forms of hunting in and around their
sacred forests.
Local communities use sacred societies such as kwifo and Ekpwe juju to enforce the ban
on over exploitation of sacred forest resources.
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Furthermore, anti-poaching committees such as Village Development Committee (VDC),
Village Cultural groups (VCGs), have been created in some villages control the over
exploitation of sacred forest resources especially NTFPs (Egute, 2013).
Communities express good relations by inviting the Government authorities and project
personnel to participate actively village events such as festival and rituals.
Further, communities support infrastructural community constructions such as road
clearing, water and class rooms.
4.4.3. Research and Monitoring strategy
A good understanding of ecological processes, socioeconomic needs and cultural practices
of the people living around and relying on the MSF is required for the sustainable management of
the SF. The design and development of research program to meet the various and priority needs is
another important aspect of management. A research and monitoring strategy that can contribute
to the sustainable management of the MSF is therefore necessary. Research will contribute to
generate necessary data and information. Similarly, a monitoring is needed to detect problems and
evaluate the management objectives. The national structures in charge of research in Cameroon
are IRAD (Research Institute for Agriculture Development) which focuses on livestock and very
little in Wildlife and the Ministry of scientific research and innovation which also focuses on
academic research driven by academic priorities. This situation has made wildlife research to be
only the concern of University researchers directly or through students and foreign Universities
and International NGOs. Although this research approach can significantly contribute to a better
knowledge of the SF, it often makes a very limited contribution in terms of managing critical SF
problems. Thus there is a need to couple fundamental research with research on subjects that can
assist the management of the MSF.
4.4.4. ZONING
Zoning is necessary because it defines where and what activities may be or may not be
carried out in the concerned SF. To be pertinent, zoning requires a good knowledge of the area,
available resources both in quality and quantity and especially the dynamics of the resources in
terms of the rates growth and extraction that may secure a sustainable management of the
resources. Given the scanty knowledge, taboos and cultural beliefs of the MSF, zoning may be
required. Five main zones with management objectives and stakeholders have been proposed
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considering the need to ensure a balance between conservation and sustainable use of
biodiversity. However, this strategy will be to reconcile the various objectives and partners based
on the fact that the SF and its periphery must provide wide range of goods and services to meet
the requirements of present and future generation. They include:
The Multipurpose use zone (MUZ) or Peripheral zone where the local communities can
carry out activities that provide livelihood benefits as well as contributing to forest conservation
such as Community forest and sustainable agricultural practices.
Agroforestry use zones (AUZ) which include forest lands that have already been
encroached and occupied by plantations. However negotiation will be made to reduce tree density
and encourage the plantation of some useful trees such as mysopsis, Xylopia etc. A memorandum
of understanding (MU) will be signed for no extension of the surface area of this zone.
Limited Resources exploitation zones (LREZ), which consist of areas within the SF
reserved for cultural purpose. It will be defined based on scientific studies to controlled extraction
of NTFP by the local communities.
Ecotourism zone (EZ). It is an area carved out and managed for visitors to facilitate the
development of activities such as, monkeys and chimpanzee habituation, bird watching, mountain
ascension etc. The selection criteria will be the presence of beautiful scenery, wildlife sites, bird
watching sites and monkey camps. The objectives are to conserve and protect biodiversity,
generate revenue for sustainable management and improvement of communities’ livelihood.
Management activities will include infrastructure development, awareness raising, study and
research etc.
Biodiversity conservation zone (BCZ) which consist of the most sensitive and important
ecological areas where access will be more restrictive and authorized research and studies only.
4.4.5. Conservation Education strategy
As Dudley et al. (2009) noted, "Bringing a sacred natural site into a national protected-
area system can increase protection for the site, but may compromise some of its spiritual values
or even its conservation values." if no proper measures are taken, changing the status of a sacred
forest into a community forest may result to a series of problems that generally occur between
managers and local communities. Results from questionnaires revealed that 82% of respondents
from the study area did not have adequate technical capacity and environmental forestry
knowledge to evaluate, valorise and award cost of damage of forest resources to defaulters. Thus
80
an awareness campaign has to be set up with the use of better teaching aids such as conservation
calendars, short-course training and seminars as well as modern conservation films on
environmental education. It is also important for local communities to be aware of the regulations,
their rights and obligations binding to the existence of the concerned forest. This can be done
through various means such as cultural dramas, brochures and signboards just name a few. The
objectives this strategy is to “Ensure that the local communities and other stakeholders have
adequate technical capacity and environmental knowledge to evaluate, valorise and award cost of
damage of sacred forest resources to defaulters, are actively involved in the management of the
MSF and that the benefits accruing are equitably shared among the various partners”.
Table 11 below is a summary of the proposed practical intervention measures (logical
framework) for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests.
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Objectives Expected results Indicators Means of verification Activities
Main objective:
To contribute on the
sustainable
management of sacred
forests
The sustainable
management of sacred
forests improved
1. Number of traditional institutions
aware and respecting customary laws
and taboos
2. Encounter rates of flagship species
in the sacred forest
-Reports from the
palace,
-Field visits
Specific objective 1
To reduce the rate of
deforestation in sacred
forests by 90%
Result 1
1.1 Illegal exploitation of
NTFPs reduced by 90%
1. Number illegally exploited species
2. Number of inventory and ecological
monitoring.
3. Number of daily patrols and check
points
4. Income generated from livelihood
activities
5. Number of energy substitutes
(stoves, solar panels, electricity)
adopted by the population.
-Ecological survey
report
-Reports from the
palace,
-Field visits,
1.1.1. Establish a baseline
inventory study of all SFs
1.1.2. Establish the socio-
economic study of the SFs
1.1.3. Implement an
environmental impact study for
SFs
Result 1.2
1.2. Encroachment in
critical wildlife corridors
reduced
1. Percentage of sacred forest area
(hectares) encroached
2. Number of farms inside the forest
-Palace reports,
-Field visits
1.2.1. Develop and implement an
effective micro-zoning plan for
the MSF
1.2.2. Identify and rehabilitate
fragmented zones
1.2.3. Reinforce follow up around
Table 11: proposed practical intervention measures (logical framework) for the sustainable management of the Mankon sacred forests
82
the SF.
Result 1. 3
1.3. Agricultural practices
improved
1. Soil, water & species
conservation policies
2. Percentage of farmers trained on
sustainable agricultural practices
-Palace reports,
-Field visits
1.3.1. Train women and youths on
alternative income generating
activities.
1.3.2.Train farmers on
domestication of animal species
e.g. cane rats, bee farming
1.3.3. Educate farmers on best
soil and water conservation
methods
1.3.4. Sustain production of
medicinal plants
Result 1. 4
1.4. Alternative sources of
Medicine are developed
1. Number of doctors recruited and
trained
2. Number of hospitals/health centers
constructed and equipped
-Palace reports,
-Field visits
1.4.1. Construct hospitals/ health
centers
1.4.2. Sensitization campaigns for
preventive measures and
vaccination against epidemic
diseases
1.4.3. Discourage the use of
endangered animals in traditional
medicine
Specific objective 2 Result. 2 1. Number of traps and guns seized -Palace reports, 2.1.1. Identify and record all guns
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Reduce the rate of
poaching for posterity
2.1.The rate of poaching
for posterity reduced
2. Quantity and diversity of bush meat
seized
3. Quantity of bush meat in local
markets
4. Number of defaulters captured
-Field survey reports
owners and notorious hunters
2.1.2. Integrate poachers in patrol
teams
2.1.3. Promote Participatory
patrolling system
Result 2.2
2.2. Access through roads
reduced
1. Number of patrol executed
2. Number of defaulter captured per
week
-Field survey reports
-Market survey reports
2.1.1 Organise daily patrols along
logging roads
2.1.2 Identify and record all guns
owners and notorious hunters
Result 2.3
2.3. Wildlife
habituation promoted
1. Number of wildlife habituation
programs
2. Number of wildlife conflicts
observed and mitigated
3. Number of persons trained on
wildlife conflict mitigations
Palace reports,
-Field visits
2.4.1. Carry out survey to
identify status of wildlife species
2.4.2. Assess the possibility to
undertake wildlife habituation
2.4.3. Initiate a pilot program
of wildlife habituation to the
villagers
2.4.4. Study the different possible
wildlife conflicts and how to
mitigate them.
2.4.5. Train local population on
how to mitigate wildlife conflicts
84
Results 2.4
2.4 Alternative sources of
protein are developed
1. Number of flagship species present
in the SF
2. Quantity of alternative sources of
protein consumed
3. Market price of bush meat
-Evaluation and
monitoring reports
2.4.1. Train youths/Women on
mushroom farming
2.4.2. Train local population on
domestic animal rearing
2.4.3. Train on fish rearing
Results 2.5
2.5 Eco-tourism improved
1. Number of touristic promotions
organised yearly
2. Income generated from tourism
3. Proportion of local communities
visiting the SF
-Palace reports,
-Field visits
-Observations.
2.5.1 Develop bird watching
programs
2.5.2 Promote SF excursions
2.5.3 Facilitate Community
Tourism Initiatives (CTI)
Specific objective 3
To strengthen
traditional leadership
Traditional leadership is
strengthened
1. Laws revised and implemented
2. Percentage of activities on
sustainable practices in the
communities
3. Number of criminal cases handled
by traditional institutions
Palace reports,
-Field visits
3.1.1.Organize refresher courses
for traditional rulers and
magistrates
3.1.2.Sensitize populations on the
laws on biodiversity
conservation
3.1.3. Provide suitable legal status
to sacred forests
3.1.4. Provide SFs with an
adapted organigram
85
Results 3.2
3.2. Representation of
women in decision
making structures
increased
1. Number of women in decision
making positions.
2. Number of women in leadership
positions.
-Palace reports,
-Field visits
-Observations.
-Radio programs
3.2.1.Train women on decision
making processes,
3.2.2. Train women on leadership.
Results 3.3
3.3. SFs incorporated into
the protected area system
of Cameroon
1.Number of SFs incorporated into the
protected areas system
2. Laws revised and implemented
3.Number of SFs with management
plan
-Reports from the
palace,
-Field visits
-Court judgments
-Observations,
3.3.1. Promote sustainable uses of
natural resources around SFs
3.3.2. Sustain production of
medicinal plants and materials
Results 3.4
3.4.Conservation and
development Programs
promoted
1. Percentage of people aware of
biodiversity conservation
2. Number of job opportunities and
facilities created
-Reports from the
palace,
-Field visits
-Observations
3.4.1. Train and sensitise the local
population to increase their
knowledge and sense of
ownership
3.4.2. Support farmers with
knowledge of biodiversity
conservation
3.4.3. Develop a partnership
A2.3.3. Increase access to
information on forest
management
86
A2.3.4. Conduct regular sacred
forest monitoring
Results 3.5
3.5. Research and
Monitoring improved
1. Number of research carried out
yearly
2. Number of research committees
3. Proportion of researchers carrying
research in the sacred forest
4. Number of research results
published in the internet
Research and
monitoring reports
3.5.1. Set up an advisory
scientific, technical monitoring
and research committee
3.5.2. Provide practical help to
researchers
3.5.3. Communicate the results of
Research
3.5.4. Involve a wide range of
researchers
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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1. CONCLUSION This investigation shows contribution of traditional institutions on the potentials of sacred
forests for biodiversity conservation. This study hopefully, brought out pertinent and useful
issues relating to the matter of sacred forests management for biodiversity conservation. The
study revealed that, for centuries, the Mankon people have established traditional governance,
practices and endemic knowledge systems that have been managing, nurturing the integrity and
complexity of sacred forests in a sustainable and culturally diversed ways. The cultural beliefs,
taboos and myths have proven to be ecologically sustainable and efficient. Through these
systems, the Mankon people have been able to conserve and sustainably manage sacred forests
and other natural resources thereby conserving biodiversity.
Traditional institutions play vital roles in enhancing the resilience of sacred forest
through their traditional knowledge and sustainable management practices. In addition, they
interpret and react to the impacts of not only the loss of biodiversity, but also climate change in
creative ways, drawing on traditional knowledge, practices and other skills to find solutions that
society at large can replicate to counter these imminent changes. Their contributions are,
however, largely ignored. More efforts are needed to document and educate the larger society on
the role traditional institutions play in protecting, conserving and sustainably managing sacred
forest, as based on their traditional knowledge and practice. This study therefore reveals that the
role of traditional institutions to sustainably manage sacred forests depends significantly on the
knowledge of sacred forest conservation practices.
The findings of this study also revealed that majority of local people heavily rely on
sacred forests for their socio-economic, ecological, spiritual and cultural wellbeing and
performances. The local communities regard forests as God’s natural gifts. Spiritually, sacred
forests are regarded as a spiritual home for the ancestors and more importantly a place where
special species of trees for carving representing of the gods are found. Ecologically, sacred
forests provide habitats for wild life sequestrate carbon, regulate climate, pollination and trees as
attractors of rain. Socio-economically, SFs provide the basis of a wide range of income sources
from medicinal plants, straws for mats and baskets, poles, fuelwood and fruits. Aside economic
benefits from SFs, local people also derived their socio-cultural identity from the resources
88
around them. Hence people’s perceptions in sacred forest conservation are determined by the
benefits they derive from the sacred forests.
The study reveals that unsustainable traditional practices such as poaching for posterity,
illegal tree felling and slash and burn agriculture are still being practiced in the study area. This
according to field investigations are due to the following reason: disrespect for traditional
institutions, low levels of environmental education, gender bias and poor institutional and legal
framework. This has weakened the spirit of community voluntarism and the uniting roles of
traditional institutions as well as knowledge and practices. For local communities, the loss in the
potentials of sacred forest poses threats and dangers their very existence. They are confronted
with long droughts, un-seasonal heavy rainfall, food and water insecurity, spread of new diseases
and cultural ethnocide (destruction of cultures and traditional livelihoods). Local communities
have, been adapting to changing weather patterns through their traditional knowledge and
practices for centuries. However, due to the time, money and experts required to process
documents to obtain a community forests, this study disagree with the hypothesis that
community forests are more effective forest governance system preferred by the local
communities than sacred forests.
Forest in general provides multifunctional roles that provide various ecosystem services.
Their traditional forest management practices have directly led to the conservation of sacred
forest and biodiversity. Through their age-old sustainable practices, Mankon people have, in
reality, been fighting against biodiversity loss as a result of sustainable sacred forest and natural
resource management practices. Thus a management strategy that links the conservation of
culture and nature is more effective in conserving forests than a strategy that ignores traditional
institutions, knowledge and conservational practices.
5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed:
5.2.1. Local Communities
• Take initiatives to transfer traditional knowledge and practice to younger generations by
documenting these knowledge systems,
• Traditional rulers should facilitate the process of gazeting sacred forests,
89
• Participate actively in biodiversity conservation programs such as CBD and REDD plus,
• Establish tree planting programs be in each homestead, schools and communities. This
will encourage the spirit of responsibility towards environmental management in general,
• Carry out sensitisation on sustainable sacred forest resource management,
• Develop more substitutes to forest resources such as solar power, stoves and electricity to
reduce dependence on wood for fuel and livestock breeding to provide meat instead of
hunting wild game.
• Engaged in education especially the education of the girl child
5.2.2. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
• Support the needs local people for capacity building, networking, education and training
on the potentials of sacred forest for biodiversity conservation,
• Influence national governments to implement the rights of indigenous and local peoples
as stipulated in ILO 169,
• Identify and finance alternative income generating activities that will benefit the local
communities.
5.2.3. The Church
• Preach on proper use of gift of nature,
• Preach on the importance of sacred forests for biodiversity conservation,
• Preach on the need for tree planting and sensitize the community on forest resources
management.
5.2.4. The Government
• Develop programs to document, strengthen and promote traditional knowledge and
practice in the educational system,
• Educate local communities on the essence of Environmental protection,
• Recognise the roles and importance of traditional institutions, knowledge and practices of
indigenous people and local communities,
• Facilitate the gazettement of sacred forests into community forest
90
• Logistics (e.g. personnel, equipment, finances and technical skills) for managing forest
resources should be improved.
91
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ANNEX
Annex 1: Problem Tree Analyses
Unsustianable management of sacred forests
in Mankon Fondom
Poaching for Posterity Deforestation
Effects
High demand for traditional Medicine
High Demand for bush
meat
Poor Agricultural
practices
Absence of micro zoning
Overexploitation of TFP and
NTFPs
Encroachment in critical Corridors
High demand for
agricultural land
Cause
Modern religion and
Westernisation
Demographic pressure
Poor institutional
capacity Increased
access through roads
Weakening of Traditional Leadership
Disrespect for traditional Institutions
Figure 14: Hypothetical diagram showing problem tree analysis
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Annex 2 : Questionnaires
UNIVERSITY OF DSCHANG
FACULTY OF AGRONOMY AND AGRICULTURAL SCIENCE
DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
QUESTIONNAIRE
Dear Respondents,
I am Billa Samuel Fru, a student from the University of Dschang, Faculty of Agronomy and
Agricultural Science, Department of Environmental management. I am carrying out a research
with the aim of contributing to discover appropriate mechanisms for the conservation and
management of sacred forests by assessing the potentials of both traditional and government
institutional systems as instruments for effective management of the Mankon sacred forest. I
therefore wish that you kindly answer the following questions whose answers will be used for
academic purpose only. I hereby assure you that any information provided about yourself will be
treated with confidentiality. Thank you very much for your cooperation.
1. Name ………………………………………………Sex: Male…………female……….
2. Community of residence:
3. Educational level; (a) Primary, (b) secondary, (c) University, (d) No formal education
4. Age group: 15-35; 35-55; 55+
5. What is your occupation? (a) Farming (b) Student (c) Trading (d) Teaching (e) Hunting
(f) others specify
6. What is your religion? (a) Christianity (b) Islam (C) Traditional religion
7. Have you ever heard about sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No
8. If yes, what is a sacred forest according to you? (You can tick more than one answer
(a) A place where rituals and ceremonies are performed
(b) A forest located behind the palace of the Fon/Chief
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(c) Community land under the control of the traditional council
(d) Land where there are no activities
(e) Other (specify) _____________________________________________
9. How many sacred forests do you know in Mankon? (Number)
10. Who owns the sacred forest?
(a) The Fon of Mankon (b) kwifo (c) Ngangfo (herbalist) (d) Clan/Quarter Heads (e) Mankon
traditional council (f) Others (specify
11. Do you have access and control over the sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0)No Idea
12. Do you respect the sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea
13. How do you know about the sacred forest?
(1)Radio (2) Television (3) Newspapers (4) Books (5) Internet (6) Parents (7) Schools (8)
foresters (9), village/town criers
14. Do you know the restricted activities related to sacred forest? (1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea
15. If yes, name some of them (a) No direct entry (b) No collection of NTFP or exploitation
of wood (c) No farming (d) No hunting (e) others (Specify)
16. What are the reasons for restricted access to the kwifo sacred forest?
(a) Cultural beliefs and Taboos (c) Customary laws and injunctions (d) Moral sanctions and fines
Traditional edicts (e) festivals (f) Others (specify
17. Under which institution (s) in Mankon is the sacred forest placed?
a) The Fon; b) Kwifo; c) Ngangfo (herbalists); d) Traditional council; e) Notables
(clan/quarter/family heads)
18. What are the roles of the different traditional institutions?
19. Which government institutions are implementing forest and wildlife laws in Mankon
fondom?
(a) Ministry of forestry and wildlife (b) NGOs (c) Ministry of Environment (d) Bamenda
city council (e) Others specify
20. Are the government /NGOs involved in the management of the sacred forest?
Traditional Institutions Potential role
103
(1) Yes (2) No (0) No Idea
21. If yes, what are the roles of the different government /NGOs (formal) institutions?
22. How are resources obtained for management?
(a) Fines from offenders (b) Community contributions (c) Proceeds from sale of community
resources (d) Support from GOs and NGOs (e) Others (specify)
23. How do you know about Cameroon’s forestry and wildlife laws?
(1) Radio (2) Television (3) Newspapers (4) Books (5) Internet (6) Parents (7) Schools (8)
foresters (9)
24. What are the problems faced by traditional institutions in managing sacred forests?
(a) Disrespect for traditional management systems
(b) Demographic pressures
(c) Migration of youths
(d) Traditional institutions are not recognised by the formal management systems
(e) Modern religion and westernization
25. What are the problems faced by women in sacred forest management?
(a) Male dominance in sacred forest ownership and control
(b) Lack of strength of women leadership
(c) No access to resources
(d) Low representation of women in sacred forest management decisions
(e) Others (specify)
26. How could sacred forest be managed sustainably?
a) Conservation development, education and awareness, attitudinal change
b) Eco-tourism improvement;
c) Integrating traditional management systems into formal management systems
d) Research and monitoring
e) Strengthening of traditional authorities for effective sacred forest management
27. What are the causes of loss of plants and animals in the Mankon sacred forests? (You can
tick more than one answer)
Formal Institutions Potential role
104
(1) Hunting for posterity (2) bushfire (3) illegal harvesting of non timber forest products (4)
other reasons (specify)
28. What are the consequences of loss of plants and animals in the Mankon sacred forests?
(You can tick more than one answer)
(1) (2) Loss of biodiversity (3) Loss of valuable forest products (4) loss of culture (5) Local and
global climate change (6) other reasons (specify)
29. List different plants and animal species that you know from the forest
Plants Animals Common name Name in the
dialect Common name Name in the dialect
30. What is your perception about the kwifo sacred forest? (1) Positive (2) Negative (0) No
Idea
31. If your answer is positive, give reasons to justify it.
(1) Tourist attraction (2) Ecological (Protection of environment) (3) Cultural and Spiritual
(Represent gods and part of heritage) (4) other reasons (specify)
32. If your answer is negative, give reasons to justify it.
(1) Animals are destructive (stealing) (2) Rituals (3) Worshiping of idols (4) Need to acquire
land /resources (5) Others specify
33. What is your point of view about the relationship between government and traditional
institutions in the management of natural resources? (1) Very good (2) Good (3) average
(4) Poor /no relationship
34. What are the benefits gained from sacred forest as touristic site? (a) Financial (b)
Development projects (C) Increased trade (D) Others specify
35. How many people (Cameroonians, foreigners) do apply to visit the forest each year?
Cameroonians……………………..foreigners…………………………country…………………..
36. What do the visitors want to;
a) See in the forest. A) Birds, b) monkeys, c) shrines, d) others (specify)
b) Know about the forest, A) history of the forest, b) plants and animals, c) Others (specify)
c) Collect from the forest. A) Pictures, b) Names of plants and animals, c) Others (specify)
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37. What are the birds and tree species you prefered most from the sacred forest?
Birds Trees Animals
38. What reasons can you advance for your preference of the birds and tree species?
a) Touristic, b) endemic, c) rareness, d)cultural importance, e) medicinal, f) others (specify)
39. Which types of plants and animals are no longer found in the forests?
Local name English name Local name English name
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Annex 3: Semi-structured Interviews
1. How is access to sacred forests regulated?
2. Which institutions are used in managing sacred forest/natural resources in the Mankon
village?
3. What role do traditional institutions play in Sacred Forests Management?
4. What are the sanctions often given by traditional council to people found guilty of
carrying out illegal activities in the Sacred Forests?
5. What are the cultural and beliefs taboos that are highly respected in Mankon?
6. Which beliefs are associated to unauthorized exploitation of resources in the sacred
forest?
7. Are there some animals in Mankon that people are not allowed to kill?
8. Are there some trees in Mankon that people are not allowed to cut?
9. What are the consequences if someone cuts a forbidden tree or kills a forbidden animal?
10. What are the customary laws in Mankon that are important for sacred forest
management?
11. How does the Mankon community benefit from Sacred Forests?
12. Describe the customary requirements for hunting and fishing.
13. Should the land owners around the Sacred Forests be relocated?
14. Should local communities in and around the Mankon Sacred Forests be involve in the
forest’s management?
15. Are there any guards are employed to work at the Mankon Sacred Forests?
16. What are the main problems faced in protecting the forest?
17. What management challenges are often faced with respect to Sacred Forests Management
in Cameroon?
18. How are sacred forest classified?
19. How does the Divisional Delegation of Forestry and Wildlife cooperate with Sacred
Forest authorities in managing the forests?
20. What are the obstacles to relocating land owners?
21. Can effective management be realised with people living around the forest?
22. What efforts are being made for the conservation of sacred forest?
23. Can customary law be invoked in the court in course of prosecuting wildlife crime?
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Annex 4 : Topic Guides For Focus Group Discussions
1 Institutional structure and sacred forest management
Traditional institutions and Roles;
2 Knowledge and practice on sacred forest management
Traditional knowledge & practice
Induced technical knowledge
Checklist for Participatory Rural Appraisal
Day 1: Institutional structure and sacred forest management
Methods:
Institutional (Venn) diagrams;
Resource maps; Social maps;
Transect walks and semi-structured interviews;
Group discussions
Day 2: Knowledge and practices on sacred forest management
Methods:
Seasonal calendar;
Historical profiles;
Transect walks and semi-structured interviews
Day 3: Benefits out of sacred forest management
Methods:
Pair wise ranking;
Seasonal calendars;
Daily activity profile
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Annex 5 : List of National Legal Instruments Relevant For Forest Conservation and
Management in Cameroon
Decree No. 69/DF/544 of 19 December 1969 to appoint the organisation and procedure
before the traditional courts of Eastern Cameroon, modified by Decree No. 71/DF/607 of 3
December 1971
Law No. 79/4 of 29 June 1979 to attach the Customary Courts and the Alkali Courts of the
former Western Cameroon to the Ministry of Justice
Law No. 91/8 of 30 July 1991 on the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage of Cameroon
Law No. 94/01 of 20 January 1994 to lay down Forestry, Wildlife and Fishery Regulations
Decree No. 95-531-PM of 23 August 1995 to determine the conditions of implementation of
forestry regulations
Decree No. 95-466-PM of 20 July 1995 to lay down the conditions for the implementation of
wildlife regulations
Decree No. 96-237-PM of 10 April 1996 to define the conditions for the functioning of special
Funds provided for in Law No. 94-1 of 20 January 1994 to lay down forestry Wildlife and
fisheries regulations
Order No. 0565/A/MINEF/DFAP/SDF/SRC to set the list of animals of class A, B and C,
distributing animal species whose killing are authorised as well as the rate of their killing per
type of hunting permit
Law No. 96/12 of 5 August 1996 Relating to Environmental Management Joint Order No.
000122/MINEFI/MINAT of 29 April 1998 sets the terms of use of logging revenue intended for
local village communities from companies benefitting from concessions and small-scale logging
titles
Law No. 2004/017 of 22 July 2004 on the Orientation of Decentralisation
Decree No. 2005/0577/PM of 23 February 2005 laying down the modalities to carry out
environmental impact assessment
Decree No. 2005/481 of 16 December 2005 amends the regulations for obtaining land
certificates and the procedure for registering land
Law No. 2006/015 of 29 December 2006 on judicial organisation
Decree No. 2013/249 of 14 October 2013 amends structure of traditional chiefdoms
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Annex 6 : List of Multilateral Forest and Environmental Agreements Ratified by Cameroon
• 1968 African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources adopted
in Algiers. Its Article IV provides that member states are supposed to protect flora and ensure its
best utilisation; manage forests and control burning, land clearance and overgrazing.
• 1971 Convention on Wetlands (ILM 11 (1972), 963) adopted in Ramsar. The objective of the
convention is to halt the worldwide loss of wetlands and to conserve and ensure their wise use.
Specifically as provided in paragraph 4 of its preamble, the convention aim is “to stem the
progressive encroachment on and loss of wetlands now and in the future.”
• 1972 Convention on the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (ILM 11
(1972), 1358) adopted in Paris establishes a World Heritage List and provides in Article 4
that the duty to identify, protect, conserve and transmit to future generations of the cultural
and natural heritage belongs primarily to the State where properties of outstanding universal
value are located.
• 1973 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora
(ILM 12 (1973),1085) adopted in Washington, D.C. seeks to protect endangered species from
over-exploitation by regulating international trade in endangered species of flora and fauna,
whether dead or alive.
• 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (ILM 31 (1992), 818) adopted in Rio de Janeiro
offers the widest range of legal tools for promoting biodiversity conservation. Cameroon signed
the CBD in June 14 1992 and ratified it on 14 October 1994
1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Rio de Janeiro) (ILM 31
(1992), 849)
• 1992 Non-legally Binding Authoritative Statement of Principles for a Global Consensus on the
Management, Conservation, and Sustainable Development of All Types of Forests (Rio Forest
Principles) (Rio de Janeiro) (ILM 31 (1992), 881)
• 1994 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Countries Experiencing Serious
Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa (Paris) (ILM 33 (1994) 33480)
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