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“What next after the war?” Coping strategies among LRA war survivors: Case of Lukodi

Massacre Site, Gulu District

NONO Denis14/U/0267/MMA

Master of Medical Anthropology and International HealthStudent

Faculty of Medicine, Department of Mental Health

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Thursday, 14th August, 2014

Table of contents

1.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………….3

1.1 Brief history of the LRA War……………………………………………………………………………...3

1.2 The Massacre of 2004………………………………………………………………………………………..4

1.3 Literature review………………………………………………………………………………………………..4

1.4 Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………………………..5

1.4.1 Participants…………………………………………………………………………………………………….6

1.5 Ethical considerations…………………………………………………………………………………………7

1.6 Findings……………………………………………………………………………………………………………8

1.7 Coping strategies………………………………………………………………………………………………..8

1.7.1 “What next after the war?” - Individual ways ofcoping…………………………………………9

1.8 Voices from the field………………………………………………………………………………………….9

1.9 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………….10

2.0 References ………………………………………………………………………………………………………11

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1.0 Introduction

This fieldwork report contains information on a field visit heldat Lukodi Massacre Memorial (site), 17 kilometers North of Gulutown, Bungatira Sub County, Gulu District. The Lead ResearchersProf . Thomas Wenzel and Dr. Loum Constantine did a prior visiton Tuesday, 12th August, 2014 where they consulted and negotiatedentry with potential gatekeepers including Mr. Wilson Cayamoi andOgwang Morris (Teacher at Lukodi Primary School). On August 14th,a team of Masters of Medical Anthropology students of the Facultyof Medicine, Department of Mental Health did a field visit toLukodi Massacre Site to find out the coping strategies among LRAwar survivors: Case of Lukodi Massacre Site. Dr. Loum made abrief on the issues of confidentiality, and a means for a unitedcourse of actions towards helping people affected by the war inNorthern Uganda. He made ground rules of the meeting, ethicalconsiderations, consent and so forth. One of the participantsnoted that;

“Many people especially researchers have come here. We as a committee of LukodiMassacre Memorial Site are open to share what happened, has been happening and is

still happening in our lives.”

This assertion gave us the ‘green light’ to continue with the fielddiscussions with the war survivors.

1.1 Brief history of the LRA War

The conflict in northern Uganda has both spiritual and politicalroots. In 1988, a spiritual leader named Joseph Kony assembledthe extremist remnants of several failed insurgent groups fromthe Acholi region of northern Uganda into a new guerrilla force,the LRA. Locally Kony is believed to possess great spiritualpowers, and a stated goal is to seek a spiritual cleansing of thenation. Kony’s movement, however, is also rooted in alongstanding political grievance. In 1986, rebels from the

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southwest of the country led by Yoweri Museveni overthrew anAcholi dominated government. Several guerrilla forces in thenorth initially resisted the takeover, but for the most partsettled for peace or were defeated by 1988. The handful offighters that would not settle for peace gathered under Kony tocontinue the fight. Kony and the LRA are often portrayed in themedia as an irrational religious group inflicting sense-lessviolence on the Ugandan populace. A closer look at the rebelgroup, however, yields a more nuanced view; the LRA appears to bea political and rational organization, however evil and crueltheir actions. The group’s political messages have beenrelatively consistent and coherent, although poorly articulated.Moreover, violence against the citizenry has often beenselectively and strategically employed to discouragecollaboration with government forces. Finally, forciblerecruitment and the torture and terrorization of abductees appearto have been a highly criminal yet effective means of recruitingan armed force in the absence of material resources and popularsupport. Allen (2005), Behrend (1991, 1998, 1999), Doom andVlassenroot (1999), Finnström (2003), Lamwaka (2002), and Olara-Otunnu (1987)

1.2 The Massacre of 2004

On the 19th May, 2004, the LRA attacked. Prior to the attacks,respondents recall various events in Lukodi that hinted at thedanger at hand. One woman remembers how in the morning hours aboy came to warn her that he had seen some unfamiliar uniformedmen around River Unyama. The boy’s fear had been heightened afterhe climbed a hill and saw the rebels heading in the direction ofLukodi. All this had led him to believe that the rebels were

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about to attack. 'Mama Olony,' he said, ‘pinye nen tin garo garo’1,loosely translated as: ‘the atmosphere today appears tense and full ofuncertainties’. The detach commander is also said to have receivedintelligence of the LRA’s presence, and passed it on to the localleaders, who were in the process of warning the people justbefore the LRA attacked. The residents of Lukodi however wentabout their daily routine, oblivious to the catastrophe that wasabout to befall them. At around 4pm, Laloyo, a local leader inLukodi, received two unexpected visitors under the mango tree athis home. One of the two, a young boy, had just escaped from theLRA and wanted to surrender. He reported to the local leader thathe had escaped from Paicho, a village close by, and noted thatthe LRA were just around Atoo Hills. The young boy wanted toreturn to his parents. Following standard procedures of handling returnees by the localleaders at the time, Laloyo notified the army detach in the campthat a boy had returned. He was lucky to find the boy's aunt atthe trading center. Together with this aunt and another soldier,they went to deliver the boy to the detach. At the detach, thehome-guards were just performing their evening parade. ‘Little did weknow that the rebels had also lined up and were observing us from Lukodi hills,’mentions Lamony. The LRA had already reached Lukodi, and werecarefully observing the movements of the Government soldiers, asthe local home-guards organized themselves to return to the camp,where they would spend the night. At about 6pm, as sunset neared,the rebels advanced towards Lukodi from the east and caused nastyatrocities to the people of Lukodi.

1.3 Literature reviewAccording to data obtained from VIVO, a Germany-based agencyproviding treatment to traumatized IDPs and ex-LRA rebels inGulu, Kitgum and Amuru areas, the rate of post-traumatic stress

1 “Pinye nen tin garo garo’ – meaning ‘the atmosphere today appears tense and full ofuncertainties’

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disorder among IDPs in the three district is 48 percent,depression 24 percent and suicidal tendencies 24.8 percent.Elisabeth Schauer, the director of VIVO, said the agency hadconducted a survey involving 1,140 respondents between the agesof 12-25 years and found that mental illness like PTSD anddepression were high in the community. Schauer said people suffermore from trauma as they return to their villages their old homestrigger off memories of the war. The villages where these IDPsare returning are the places where a number of people witnessedbrutal killings, saw their relatives being abducted or wereabducted (themselves), others forced to kill or tortured,” shesaid. “This explains why there has been a slow return of IDPs totheir villages because they fear getting into places theyexperienced some of the bad occurrences.” She said PTSD anddepression could contribute to a cycle of violence and hinder therecovery of the region. Increasingly, the troubled ex-abducteesand a number of war-affected persons are turning to crime, localofficials said, with some ending up in prison for homicide andother criminal offences. “We are receiving a number of cases ofattempted suicide and drug abuse in villages and towns in theregion,” the police spokesman for northern Uganda, JohnsonKilama, told IRIN, adding that domestic violence, arson andassault were also on the rise. He said some IDPs had been foundgrowing marijuana and sniffing substances such as petrol and glueas a way of relieving mental stress. Rising awareness of theproblem has highlighted the need for access to treatment and anevaluation on whether people with mental illnesses have beenreceiving adequate help in northern Uganda. Dr. James Okello ofGulu Hospital’s psychiatry unit said mental disorders were amajor factor for non-adherence to health programmes. “We needscientific, beneficial, traditional and religious means ofaddressing mental problems in the region,” he said.

1.4 Methodology

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The method that was used in the fieldwork was FGDs. It is quitenotable that surveys assume that people know how they feel. Butsometimes they really don’t. Sometimes it takes listening to theopinions of others in a small and safe group setting before theyform thoughts and opinions. Focus groups are well suited forthose situations. In the Lukodi experience, the focus grouphelped to reveal a wealth of detailed information and deepinsight about the traumatic experiences of the war. The FGDconstituted 8-12 members for a period of 1 ½ hours.

Fig 2: A section of some of the participants during the FGD

1.4.1 ParticipantsThere were a total of 11 committee members who participated inthe FGD. The participants were from the Lukodi Massacre CORETeam. It constituted 6 (54.6%) men and 5 (45.4%) women. Thediscussions were open-ended and results covered a wide spectrumof information concerning traumatic experiences of people livingin the aftermath of the war.

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Picture 1.4.1: Students and CORE Members

Picture 1.4.2: Group of Lukodi Massacre CORE Team and students

1.5 Ethical considerationsPrior to their visit, Prof. Thomas Wenzel and Dr. C.S Loum madesure they consented with the gatekeepers. On the fieldwork day,

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it was necessary for all students to negotiate entry into thesite. Consent involved the procedure by which an individual maychoose whether or not to participate in a study. The researcher’stasks were to ensure that participants have a completeunderstanding of the purpose and methods to be used in the study,the risks involved, and the demands placed upon them as aparticipant (Best & Kahn, 2006; Jones & Kottler, 2006). Anyresearch at Gulu University that makes use of living humanparticipants, or the collection and/or study of data derived fromliving human participants requires approval from theInstitutional Review Board and the Uganda National Council ofScience and Technology unless it falls into one of theirexemption categories. The study was approved by the ethics committee of GuluUniversity, Institute of Graduate Studies and the InstitutionalReview Board that represents an accredited arm of the UgandaNational Council of Science and Technology. The Lukodi fieldworkentailed data protection of all recorded materials. Students ofMaster of Medical Anthropology and International Health gainedpermission from other Lukodi authorities and officials of theMassacre site in order to recruit research subjects or collectdata from them.

1.6 FindingsThere were a number of findings from the field. One of theparticipants noted that ‘In my opinion, what I witnessed a resultof the war is poverty because in the past, we used to havelivestock that we kept, but the war came in and our animals wererustled. So, now we are left in real problems. The reason why theyouth nowadays are not living a normal life is because thepotential and capacities to help them is no longer with us asparents’. Milton one of the participants asserted that what he iswitnessing as a result of the war in the community is laziness.“People are so lazy in the community he says.” Most of them have resorted to

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over drinking that in turn culminates into violence between menand the women and as well the children. George noted that what he sees in our communities is that theAcholi have lost their culture. The war made our culture tovanish. If you see what children nowadays do, their behaviors arenot right. They always do the “opposite”. Even what they speakand do or in between men and women are always the opposite. Forinstance if you try to advise them or caution them they say theyare living in a developed world because their time has come.Nowadays they are living in a changed world. So, in this era theyare doing things that are not right. This is how I perceive it.Culture has vanished completely he stated.

A female participant also noted that in her own view, the warincapacitated people’s lives. This incapacitation was broughtforth by the inhumane treatment, killings; some homes have nocapacities at the moment. Coupled with that, this war brought inimmorality among parents, making the children to even learn fromthem. Opira (59) stated that when the group of the Lord’sResistance Army rebels descended on the Lukodi displaced people’safter overpowering a nearby military unit they murdered over 50people. The rebels also destroyed property, abducted scores ofthe IDPs, while others managed to escape with bullet wounds. Henoted that he lost his 3rd brother in the course of the war; hepersonally has an injury scar on the right leg. Opira he as wellis much traumatized and even made worse by the fact that hissister (36) got insane though she has 3 kids. He (Opira) istaking care of the children.

Mary (53), another victim who lost her husband and five childrenin the attack, explains that she is haunted by memories. The onlychildren who survived is even affected by epilepsy. “I can’t forgetthis experience, she explained”. Akot explains that her only relief iswhen she meets with the village mates to share experiences. Akot

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says she wants the murderers to be prosecuted and government tocompensate people who lost their relatives and property or gotwounded. Although the Juba peace agreement between the governmentand LRA rebels provides for reparations for war victims, thegovernment is yet to implement the resolution. Concy (55), whogave birth to her first child in 1986, asserted that hertraumatic experiences are overwhelming. She noted that she losther husband and she was left with 6 children to cater for.Besides she noted that she can hardly fend for their school feeand to make it worse some of the elderly children bring to hergrandchildren to cater for adding on her life burdens.

1.7 Coping strategies The community through the support of Ker Kal Kwaro2 enabledcommunities to follow Acholi traditional ways to coping after atraumatic experience including traditional healings, exhumingbodies for reburial in a ‘proper’ way, performing Acholitraditional rituals in order to have a mental ill health freeenvironment. The challenge that the community faced though wasthat some returnees didn’t tell the truth to local elders ofwhether they killed while in captivity or not. In this case thepractice of a traditional healing session of Cul lakereket3 the Rwot -Moo does the clarifications in this event. In this event, therequirements include a black goat with spots of white patches.The person who buys the goat is the person who killed while stillin captivity.

Nyono Tongweno4 holistically and not individually, NGOs did thiscomprehensively, JRP. “They didn’t do the right things”. This isdone when a person all of a sudden or under a circumstance

2 Traditional Royal body of the Acholi3 The ritual to compensate a stranger’s life killed during an event e.g. of war4 Stepping on the egg ritual

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disappears and stays out of the family for an extended period oftime. On return, the person steps on an egg before entering thehome surrounding. This is done to enable the returnee to washaway all the bad evil spirits that he or she might have come withto avoid any eventual traumatic experiences in the near future.It was widely pronounced by the Lukodi Massacre CORE teammembers. Betty (40) cited that religious prayers were done afterexperiences of ‘cen5’. In the event of cen, the remedies to such anexperience were cited by Betty as a coping strategy. She notedthat she lives and works closely with her bible in such anexperience. Her divination and exposure would mean that doesinsightful prayers with her colleagues so as to enable her livewithout fears of cen. Ker Kal Kwaro exhumed bodies in both ruraland urban settings and in some instances cen was evident. Moreimportantly, culu kwor6 was cited by over seven (7) participants asan experience of coping in cases of trauma and it was to enablechildren of the new generation understand this because sincetheir parents are gone they have failed to understand some ofthese processes.

1.7.1 “What next after the war?” - Individual ways of coping The communities have concerted their efforts after theexperiences of the gruesome impact of the war by engaging in bothcrop and animal farming. The CORE team members have formedrotational groups working closely to enable them have bumperharvests after doing farm work. One of the ways they cited wasthe fact that they engage in farming both substantially andcommercially. Like no other initiative, social cohesion helps reintegratepeople in societies with shattered fabrics like Northern parts ofUganda. In Lukodi for this matter, the members of the community

5 Evil spirit possession6 Compensation for killing someone during war

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are engaging in social activities including clubs andassociations working to reintegrate and build peace in societies.Rotational Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLA) isevident in the communities hit hard by the effects of the war.The Lukodi communities are involved in VSLA to enable them have asavings culture that can enable them have some of the disposableincomes put into use to enable them live sustainably. One Betty (40) asserted that she lets off steam only if shecries. This she cited helps her release her emotions and forgetabout some of the horrendous experiences of the war that shewitnessed. She said engaging in social gatherings anddiscussions helps her cope after the war experiences. This isvery helpful in enabling her avoid some of the PTSD features inher life. Many of the participants asserted that they turn to religiouscommitments and devotion to God to enable them forget of some ofthe traumatic experiences of the war. In Lukodi, it has beenevident that many of the people have resorted to religious beliefsystems to enable them cope with some of their stresses andtrauma in the community.

1.8 Voices from the fieldThere were a number of voices from the field that caught myattention during the field visit. One of the participants notedthat “Let this writing be published, we have so many traumatic experiences and landissues nowadays is making it worse. If it is published, we can have our voices heard outthere.” She emphasized the need of having their voices heardthrough writing and documentations. In my own view, I guess shehas an idea of having their plight presented in all other spheresof government and other organizations in and around the world.This

“We have a scar in our hearts, as widows we cannot pay fees, we are all miserable, wemay die with lots of thoughts in our minds.” Concy noted. This is a clear

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testimony that the traumatic experiences of people after theLukodi massacre have hit them hard in socio-economic and mentalcapabilities.

7“Ajiji ma wakato ki iye ni dong pat. Gamente bene pe dong oketo tame ka neno wa kiwang matut” loosely translated as “The trauma we have undergone is unbelievable. TheGovernment has not concentrated on supporting us.” This assertion clearlystipulates that the communities affected feel they should besupported though the government is putting on a deaf ear.

1.9 Conclusion In trying to help people of Lukodi, the government should help toimprove mediums of reparation. It has been long since governmentfailed in its cardinal duty to protect their lives and property,the findings of the investigations into the massacre, support forcommunity reconciliation initiatives and a truth-telling processin which the community. As in the rest of northern Uganda,healing can only be successful in war affected communities suchas Lukodi, if the measures undertaken to support these processare based within the community itself, instead of imposed on thepeople from outside. Therefore, community based initiatives, suchas those being undertaken by the CORE team in Lukodi, should besupported. As demonstrated by the case of Lukodi, memorializationof the deceased in many communities across northern Uganda isinadequate, and many places where massacres occurred either lackmonuments, or the existing monuments do not serve their purposeswell, and lack connectedness to victims. To preserve the memoryof the past, there is need for additional support ofmemorialization efforts, to honor the dead and acknowledge past

7“Ajiji ma wakato ki iye ni dong pat. Gamente bene pe dong oketo tame ka neno wa kiwang matut” loosely translated as “The trauma we have undergone isunbelievable. The Government has not concentrated on supportingus.”

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events. This would help to define what is next after the war; acase of Lukodi Massacre community of Bungatira Sub County.