Veget Hist Archaeobot (2005) 14:149–158DOI 10.1007/s00334-005-0066-y

O R I G I N A L A R T I C L E

Rikard Andersson · Lars �stlund · Rolf Lundqvist

Carved trees in grazed forests in boreal Sweden—analysisof remaining trees, interpretation of past land-use and implicationsfor conservation

Received: 12 July 2004 / Accepted: 1 February 2005 / Published online: 17 March 2005� Springer-Verlag 2005

Abstract Culturally modified trees (CMTs) provide un-ique insights into traditional knowledge and uses of theforest ecosystems. In close relation to pre-industriallivestock herding in central Sweden, it was a custom tocarve text and symbols on trees and use them as “noticeboards” in the forest. The main aim of this study was todocument and analyse remaining carved trees in a man-aged forest landscape of 160 km2. The same area wassurveyed twice, once in 1986 and once in 2003. 488carved trees were documented and classified into legiblethemes that were interpreted in the light of past herdingpractices. Name was the most common theme, found in85% of the carvings. Most of the carvings were made inthe period from the 1750s until the early 1900s. Thecustom of carving on trees was closely related to impor-tant grazing areas and the need to establish rights to them.The main losses of carved trees nowadays are due to theirnatural death and decay as most of the carved trees arelocated in areas that are not targeted for management. Aprimary recommendation for preservation is therefore tocontinue documentation of the trees because of the no-ticeable deterioration in readability of the carvings.

Keywords Carved trees · Dendroglyphs · Culturallymodified trees · Scots pine · Forest history · Traditionalland use

Introduction

Past land uses leave typical traces in ecosystems. Underpresent conditions, in which traditionally used forests arebeing transformed into high-yielding silvicultures, cul-

turally modified trees (CMTs) are important artefacts,providing unique insights into traditional knowledge,perceptions and uses of the forest ecosystems (Rhoads1992; Mobley and Eldridge 1992; Prince 2001; �stlund etal. 2002). A modification to a long-living tree, such as aman-made scar or blaze in the bark, can be preserved forcenturies, as has been discussed by various authors fromthe early 19th century (Liljevalch 1829) onwards. In thisway CMTs can transmit information from the past withhigh temporal and spatial resolution concerning specificevents in the forest (Niklasson et al. 1994; Mobley 1999,�stlund et al. 2003). Such knowledge from indigenousand other long-resident peoples is important for the hus-banding of biodiversity and the long-term management oflocal resources (Turner et al. 2000; Zackrisson et al.2000). The amount of information provided by a CMTcan increase dramatically if carvings (letters, signs, pic-tures etc) have been added to the scar. Since they re-present one of the least common types of CMTs (Stryd1997), every carved tree has a very high cultural value.Carvings in trees have been made for many specificreasons. One documented custom was to carve names anddates in trees in connection with funerals, such as thecross-trees in Finland (Vilkuna 1994) and the tree carv-ings of Russia (Formozov 1978). For the same reasonpictures were sometimes carved, such as the Moriori treecarvings on the Chatham Islands and tree carvings byAustralian aborigines (Debus 1999; Jopson and McKibbin2000). Another custom was to carve trees in connectionwith sheepherding, as illustrated by Basque tree carvingsfrom the 19th and 20th century recorded in the Basqueprovince of Europe, and in the US states of California andNevada (Mallea-Olaetxe 2000). A similar custom has alsobeen recorded in central Sweden in connection with pre-industrial livestock herding (Lundqvist 1994). Originallycarved by the herders to record information such as lo-cally important names and years, these tree carvings cannow be used for various research purposes, for instance asmarkers to map the former presence and impact on thelandscape of grazing. Tree carvings expressed people’sexperiences, thoughts and feelings and provided a medi-

R. Andersson ()) · L. �stlundDepartment of Vegetation Ecology,Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences,S-901 83, Ume�, Swedene-mail: rikard.andersson@svek.slu.se

R. LundqvistBox 1300, Kyrkv�gen 12, S-790 26, Enviken, Sweden

um of communication. Today, they offer opportunities forobtaining insights into important relationships betweenhumans and nature that have often been lost followingindustrialisation and the major subsequent changes in landuse (Blackstock 2001).

The boreal forests in central and northern Sweden haveplayed a central role in the subsistence of their nativepeople by providing important biological resources forthem and their livestock (Fr�din 1952). The forests of-fered less scope for traditional agricultural activities dueto their harsh climate, topography and soil conditions.Instead, the farming was based on the raising of livestockand the forests were used as grazing and hay-making ar-eas. This use was intensified through the development ofsummer farming systems, a sustainable adaptation to theclimate that was practised for thousands of years(Emanuelsson 2001). The systems included seasonalmovement of livestock between permanent settlementsclose to large lakes and summer farm settlements in thevast forests (Fr�din 1952; Veirulf 1937). The livestock(cattle, goats and horses) grazed the forests in joint flocksand were often herded. There was great regional diversityin the organisation of land use within this general system(Olsson et al. 2000). In the summer farming system,grazing by the livestock, in combination with mowing forhay and collecting wood for fuel, significantly increasedthe amount of sparsely-wooded forests and grassland ar-eas at the expense of denser forests (Ericsson et al. 2000;Olsson et al. 2000). Such semi-natural ecosystems pro-vide habitats for specialised plant species, many of whichhave become vulnerable today and are objects of specialconcern for conservation (Austrheim et al. 1999).

After an increase in summer farming in the middle ofthe 19th century, leading to possibly the most intensiveperiod of traditional forest use ever in central Sweden, thepractice declined in importance (Montelius 1977b). Withincreasing access to fertiliser and the introduction of anew form of land use, industrial forestry, farmers wereadvised or forced to stop using the forests in their tradi-tional way. The semi-natural habitats were fragmented,most of the old trees were cut and the forest stands weretransformed into high-yielding forests with even-agedstands (�stlund et al. 1997; Andersson and �stlund 2004).Since most of the summer farms have been abandoned foralmost a hundred years few people living today can bearwitness to the traditional forest usage for summer farmingand herding; this is unfortunate given the increasing in-terest in traditional ecological knowledge (Turner et al.2000).

Aims of the study

The main aim of this study was to document and analysecarved trees remaining in a forest landscape in the south-central part of boreal Sweden. The carved trees were in-terpreted in the context of traditional land use practicesfrom the 18th to the 20th century. The loss of carved treeswas evaluated with a temporal and spatial perspective and

the vulnerability of remaining trees was highlighted. Afurther aim was to produce recommendations on how bestto preserve this cultural heritage for posterity. Our spe-cific aims were:

(1)To characterise themes in the carvings and to establishtheir meaning and significance in traditional land usepractices

(2)To analyse temporal patterns in the practice of carvingtrees in the 18th and 19th centuries based on inscribedyears

(3)To quantify the rate of loss of carved trees duringtwenty years of modern forestry

(4)To analyse spatial patterns of the remaining carvedtrees on a landscape scale.

The study area

The study area (Fig. 1), approximately 160 km2 in area,lies mostly in the southern part of Ore parish, within themain boreal zone in central Sweden (Ahti et al. 1968).The area is surrounded mainly by large lakes. Topo-graphically, Ore parish has an undulating and hilly terrain,with landscape elements that generally have a NNW-SSEorientation due to glacial processes. The bedrock consistsmainly of gneissic granite. Close to Ore Lake the bedrockconsists of sandstone, shale and limestone. The soils aremainly gravelly and sandy moraines, in many parts with ahigh content of large boulders. Mires are frequent. LakeOre is surrounded by glaciofluvial sediments of graveland sand. Only about 1% of the area consists of cultivatedland, which is associated with the glaciofluvial sediments.

Fig. 1 The study area in the county of Dalarna, Sweden

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Most of the area is forested (>80%) and the dominant treespecies are Scots pine Pinus sylvestris L. and Norwayspruce Picea abies (L.) Karst. The most common decid-uous tree species are hairy birch Betula pubescens Ehrh.and silver birch, B. pendula Roth., but there are alsoscattered aspen Populus tremula L., grey alder Alnus in-cana L., rowan Sorbus aucuparia L. and goat willowSalix caprea L. The groundcover consists of mosses suchas Hylocomium splendens L., Pleurozium schreberi (Brid)Mitt., macro-lichens including Cladonia rangiferina L.,Cladonia silvatica L., and dwarf shrubs, especially Vac-cinium vitis-idea L., Vaccinium myrtillus L. and Callunavulgaris L. Species diagnostic of pasturage are the herbcommon cow-wheat Melampyrum pratense L. and sedges,Carex spp. L. (Fr�din 1952).

The traditional, pre-20th century form of land-use inthe study area mainly involved farming, combined withsummer farms in the scattered forests. This form of mixedfarming system, including seasonal movements of live-stock, had been present since at least the Middle Ages(Montelius 1977a; Segerstr�m and Emanuelsson 2002).When the number of settlements in the Ore parish dou-bled from the late 17th century, approaching about 360 inthe early 19th century, the number of summer farms alsodoubled to 22 and the number of cows reached about 900(Montelius 1977b). Every household part-owned at leastone summer farm, and the number of households involvedin a summer farm could vary from just one to 36 (Mon-telius 1977b). On a specific day in early June, the herdersmoved with the livestock (cattle, goats and sometimessheep) from the village to a summer farm located up toseveral tens of kilometres away. Here, the livestock weredaily taken via trails and cow tracks to suitable grazingareas in the forests. Goats were often allowed to wandermore freely and only the cows were actually herded. Themain tasks of the herders were to prevent the cows fromgrazing on pasture intended for use by other herds, orareas reserved for hay-making and pasture areas that were“lying fallow”. The most attractive pasture was found onpreviously burned areas because of the long-lasting ben-eficial effects of fire on the growth of grasses and herbs(Fr�din 1952). Increasing the amount of light reaching theground by ring-barking trees and more recently fellingalso promoted the growth of pasture (Levander 1943;Ericsson 2001). Other types of land used for pasture werethe swamp-forests and bush-covered mires in the transi-tional zone between forest and wetland. Tree carvingswere made preferably on pine trees using a small herding-axe to hammer on the back of a knife (Kronestedt 1965).Bark was partly removed from the trunk and then thewood surface was smoothed. Finally notches in the formof letters or signs were carved into the wood.

Traditional burning and herding practices thus shapedthe overall forest structure in the area until the late 19thcentury (Ericsson et al. 2000). The forests were multi-layered with seedlings and young trees that germinatedafter the last fire as well as large, old trees that had sur-vived several fire events (Holmgren 1977; �stlund et al.1997). The forests also contained a large amount of dead,

standing trees and other old-growth components. Parallelwith a progressive diminishing of summer farms after the1870s, sawmill entrepreneurs and forest companiesstarted buying cutting rights and the commercial loggingof large-diameter trees began. This was the beginning of afundamental change in land use that resulted in a majorlandscape change. The forest structure dramaticallychanged during the 20th century (Linder and �stlund1998). Forest fires declined rapidly due to bans and firecontrol measures (H�gbom 1934). Logging of small-di-ameter trees started, due to increased demand for pulp-wood, charcoal, firewood and smaller sawtimber (�stlundet al. 1997). Modern forest management was introduced.Clear-cuts became a dominant felling system, with thesize of clear-cut areas increasing until the 1970s. Wet-lands were drained, soils were fertilised with nitrogen andherbicides were sprayed to reduce the presence of de-ciduous trees in young stands. Dead standing trees wereremoved from the forests, since they were seen as sourcesof dispersal for unwanted wood-living fungi and insects,which might attack living trees. The forests were trans-formed into evenl-aged, high-yielding and “healthy” for-ests. During the course of this process, most of the old,dying and dead coniferous trees in the Swedish borealforest were eliminated (Andersson and �stlund 2004).

Material and methods

Documentation of carved trees in the field

In this study neither a random nor a systematic inventory of po-tential “hotspots” such as former settlements could be made be-cause of the fundamental transformation of the forest landscape thatoccurred during the late 19th and the 20th century, and the corre-sponding losses of old, large trees and old forest. Instead, we sys-tematically inventoried all remnants of old growth tree stands,which are often associated with existing wetlands. The first in-ventory was carried out in the years 1985 to 1986 and the secondre-inventory in 2002 to 2003. The same area was studied in bothinventories. When a tree with an inscription was found, the standwas carefully surveyed for further carved trees. Every carved treewas documented and the following data were recorded:

(1) The location of the tree, measured with a GPS-receiver (coor-dinates within the national grid)

(2) The number of carvings(3) The appearance of the carving (documented by drawings and

photographs)(4) The status of the tree (species, diameter at breast height, whe-

ther it was alive or dead, a standing tree, a stump or fire-wood)(5) Additional notes about the carving, the tree and the environ-

ment, as appropriate.

Analyses of carved trees

Legible information provided by the carvings was classified intothemes. Then a count was made of how many carvings providedinformation related to each of these themes. Some of the themeswere further analysed to extract more information about herdingpractices and organisation. Of special interest were carvings withcomplex messages that included several carved components. Fromthese the meanings of other, scantier carvings were interpreted. Theyears in which the carvings were made, and variations in the in-

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tensity of the carving practice over time were interpreted. The rateof loss of carved trees during the 17-year period between the twoinventories was calculated. The trees were divided into statusclasses and into 5 cm diameter classes. The co-ordinates of thecarved trees were entered in a GIS and their distribution in thelandscape was analysed both for individual trees on a local topo-graphical scale and for the study area as a whole.

Results

Contents of tree carvings

In total, we located and documented 488 unique carvedtrees during the two inventories (Table 1). Of these, 223trees were documented in 1986 and 265 trees in 2003(“First documentation”, Table 1). In 2003, 159 carvedtrees were recognised and stated as previously docu-mented in 1986 (“Second documentation”, Table 1).Since some of the trees had two or more carvings onthem, the total number of carvings documented was 681.

Up to eight carvings could be discerned on a single tree(Fig. 2a). It was possible to read 523 of the documentedcarvings, the rest being problematic because of en-croachment by further growth, erosion or the cutting awayof some of the carving.

During the interpretation, it was possible to classifyinformation provided by 403 carvings into legible themesas follows:

Name (initials and indication of gender), Year, Id-sign(associated with name), “SI” (a word for “attention!”),Stay (cross-characters indicating length of stay in weeks),End of stay (indicating the last day of the season) andEvaluation (words such as “good”, “bad”, “true”).

Name was the most common theme. Of all inter-pretable carvings, 342 or 85% included name initials(Fig. 3). Of these, 50% included two different names and34% gave a single name (Fig. 4). The maximum numberof different names within a single carving was eight(Fig. 2b). After the name initials there was a statement ofthe person’s gender (D for female, S for male, Fig. 2b).Therefore every person named was originally identified asa man or a woman. Of the 632 names with an inter-pretable gender, 97% were women and only 3% men.

A third of the carvings included characters indicating ayear (Fig. 3). Of these, 51% could be determined to aspecific year. The rest lacked important characters due toencroachment, erosion or simply because the century wasnever carved. The series of specified years ranged from1708 to 1905 (Fig. 5). The data also show that the ten-dency to indicate years increased in the late 1700s and inthe 1860s to 1870s. Many carvings included simply

Table 1 Summary of the documentation and interpretation ofcarved trees

1986 2003 1986+2003

First documentation 223 265 488Second documentation 159No. of trees with carvings 488No. of carvings 681No. of readable carvings 523No. of interpretable carvings 403

Fig. 2 Pine trees (Pinus syl-vestris) with: (a) Several dis-cernable carvings where themore recent have been made onthe encroachments that partlycover those carved earlier (b)A drawn carving; line one con-tains four male names (first-and surname initials) endingwith “S” for “son” (back tofront) - “OHS MES JES MMS”;line two contains the word “SI”followed by four female namesending with “D” for “daughter”- “L�D AED MND KUD”; linethree contains personal signsassociated with the femalenames (c) A complex carvingcontaining the word “SI”, threefemale names, the comment“bad” (“LETT”), the year 1905,seven crosses indicating lengthof stay in weeks and the mes-sage “we have lost three cows!”(“VI HAR TRE KOR BOR-TA”)

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crosses or strokes. Some of these were interpreted as thenumber of weeks (crosses) and number of days (strokes)that the herders stayed at the summer farms (Fig. 3). Thisperiodic stay was generally for two to four weeks, ac-cording to 80% of the carvings (Fig. 6). The longestdocumented stay was seven weeks.

Status, rate of loss and spatial pattern of carved trees

As the encroachments and visible cuts showed, thecarvings were generally made in living trees. The treespecies used for carving was Scots pine with only threeexceptions: two birch trees and one Norway spruce. Thetrees were documented 80 to 295 years after the carvingevents. Although alive when carved, 69% of the treeswere dead at the time of documentation (Fig. 7). Of thedead trees, 39% were in the form of stumps or snags. The

median diameter of the carved trees (living and dead) was20 cm. The diameter of the carved trees shows a bimodaldistribution, with peaks in the 10–15 and 20–25 cmclasses (Fig. 8). With increasing diameter beyond 20 cm,the number of carved trees decreased and the distributionresembles an inverted J-shape. Only 12% of the carvedtrees had a diameter greater than 35 cm.

Of the 223 carved trees documented in 1986, 159 werefound again in 2003, implying a rate of loss of 38 carvedtrees per decade. Of these lost trees, nine had stood on thesame mire, within an area restricted to about one hectare.The spatial distribution of the other lost trees was scat-tered, the trees having stood on different mires within thewhole “core” area of carved trees.

Fig. 3 Percentage abundances of tree carvings related to legiblethemes

Fig. 4 Number of names in individual carvings

Fig. 5 Time distribution of trees with interpretable carved years inthe period from 18th to 20th centuries

Fig. 6 Length of stay (weeks)

Fig. 7 Number of trees found in three categories of preservationstatus

Fig. 8 Frequency of carved trees divided into 5 cm diameter-classes

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The documented carved trees were concentrated in thecentre-southeastern part of the study area, close to thesummer farms and the parish border (Fig. 9). In this“core” area the trees were aggregated as groups of up to82 trees with an approximate spacing of 1.5 km. All thetrees were standing close to open areas (i.e. wetland,Fig. 9). In fact 40% of the trees were found on the wetlandwhich covered 8% of the total land area. Consequently,there were 7.5 times more carved trees on wetlands thanin forests.

Discussion

In the traditional use of forest resources, trees were usednot only as raw material, but also for a number of otherpurposes (�stlund et al. 2002). In this study we haveexamined how trees were used as “notice boards” in forestgrazing areas in northern Sweden. This custom helpedpeople to find their way in the forest and to communicatewith each other. Blazes and other man-made markings(cairns, erected barked poles etc.) formed a network andsignage throughout the landscape, indicating routes,boundaries and important places (Etheridge 1918,Campbell 1982; Ericsson et al. 2003). Some of thesemarkings were advanced work of art, including faces andornaments (Lundqvist 1994; Fig. 5b in �stlund et al.2002,), others were simple cuts in trees used as signs,providing informative messages with agreed meanings(Andersson and �stlund 2002; Fig. 2e in �stlund et al.

2002,). The practice of carving characters further ex-tended the potential to inscribe diverse statements andmessages. Irrespective of their complexity, however, thephysical context and the relationship of the carver to thesurroundings were always important parts of the messages(Blackstock 2001). Similar markings to the tree carvingsdocumented in this study are found on logs in the summerfarm buildings (Hallerdt 1957). However these carvingswere made only with knifes and were the work of a higherproportion of male carvers. Although the logs in housesmay seem to have been more readily available for bothcarving and reading, carvings in the forest provided ad-ditional meaning. This was because the location of thecarved trees automatically added information about thecarver, the carvings, the herding routes, the grazing areas,other features of interest and their inter-relationships. Thisadditional meaning was also included in the carved“karsikko” (conifer shorn of branches) and cross-trees inFinland. The locations of these trees were midway be-tween the home of deceased persons and the cemetery.This was a concrete boundary that also symbolised thechange in status of the deceased, and the carving wasmeant to prevent his or her return from the dead (Vilkuna1994). Tree carvings are fixed artefacts, similar to rockcarvings, and both types of carving could be part of thesame customs (Formozov 1978; Blackstock 2001). The“karsikko” markings in Finland were made both on treesand on rocks or outcrops of bedrock (Vilkuna 1994).

Fig. 9 Spatial distribution ofcarved trees. Summer farms andparish border based on the ord-nance survey map of 1910-1911, Lantm�teriet. Wetland,lakes and streams based onGeographic Data for Sweden(GSD), Lantm�teriet

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Distribution of carved trees in relationto summer farms and herding routes

We can consider the distribution of carved trees docu-mented in this study on two different scales. On a regionalscale, considering the whole study area (160 km2), thetrees are highly aggregated within the area of the summerfarms (Fig. 9). On a local scale, the carved trees werefound between the farms along small streams and inwetlands (Fig. 9). This pattern of carved trees on formerpastures and resting places is a remnant of the originallymore extensive network aimed at communication betweenthe herders. Considering the tree carvings as closely re-lated to a valuable biological resource they can be inter-preted as demarcations between different herding groups.The forest grazing areas had no continuous boundariesdelimiting areas of farmland. However, there was nodoubt which herder group had the right to use the pasture(Levander 1943). The marking of paths to, and placesnext to pasture were enough to claim rights to the area,even for the year to come (Campbell 1982; Bradley et al.1994). A tree carving was a personal mark, connected to aspecific herder. The custom of carving trees was a way ofmaintaining the right to pasture.

The people in Ore parish were particularly zealousabout carving trees (Forsslund 1920), in accordance withthe relatively high number of findings in this area com-pared to surrounding parishes (Rolf Lundqvist, personalcomm.). Ore parish was threatened by (and in conflictwith) neighbouring parishes several times over the cen-turies and, consequently, the border also shifted (Veirulf1975). This pressure on territory increased the need fordemarcations and tree carvings, particularly close to theparish border. The practice of carving increased in the late18th century and in the 1860s and 1870s (Fig. 5). Thismay indicate a general increase in the population andpasture requirements at these times. However, the re-maining trees were found in association with only a fewof the grazing areas used because of the loss of carvedtrees during the 20th century. Therefore, the variation incarving intensity may reflect variations in local conditionsand changes in herding routes rather than general trendsfor the whole parish.

Contents of the carvings— identity, gender and herding

The language used in the carvings was generally Swedish,often with a local dialect. Exceptions are the charactersconsisting of simple strokes and other symbols. Carvedrunic characters found in other regions of central Sweden(Rolf Lundqvist pers.comm.) were not found. The pri-mary and most obvious piece of information for a herderto carve was his or her name, the next most importantbeing the year (Fig. 3). This is not restricted to thecarvings of the Swedish herders. In the Basque treecarvings of Nevada and California, eighty percent of thecarvings included the name of the carver (Mallea-Olaetxe2001). However, there are other ways to indicate one’s

identity than by name and, together with almost a third ofthe names, a personal sign was carved (Fig. 3). In a fewcarvings, the origins of the herder were added (e.g. “fromDalbyn village, from S�rboda village”). All of this in-formation; the name, gender, year, personal sign and or-igin; helped to identify the carver. The herders in thestudy area were predominantly women (Levander 1943;Szab� 1970). The preference for women to engage inherding had applied since medieval times in Sweden, butmen predominated in other parts of Europe (Szab� 1970).For example, the aspen carvings of Nevada and Californiashow that the immigrating Basque sheepherders wereexclusively men (Mallea-Olaetxe 2001).

The herders moved frequently. A common custom ofthe herders in the study area was to use a different herdingroute for every day of the week, to avoid overgrazing thepasture (Montelius 1977b). As they returned each week tothe same areas with carved trees, the preceding weekcould easily be scored on a previously made carving.Analysing these carvings shows that the length of stayvaried widely, between one and seven weeks (Fig. 6).This indicates that the way land was used in the summerfarm system could vary substantially, even within a re-gion (Olsson et al. 2000). Special attention was paid to thecarvings made on the last visit, which tended to be morethan usually complex (Fig. 2c). In these carvings, theseason often was stated (e.g. “spring” or “autumn”). Thisindicates a shift between two different summer farms, atradition possibly related to increased competition forpasture (Montelius 1977b). The complex carvings couldalso include expressions of sadness, a longing for home,or indications of pasture conditions. Although the Swed-ish carvings occasionally expressed sentimentality, lone-liness was not common. Even if herding was a solitaryoccupation (Fig. 4), herders met people from otherherding groups when they returned to the houses andbarns in the evening. In contrast, loneliness was the thirdmost common topic in the carvings of the sheepherders inNevada and California, albeit often combined with asense of humour (Mallea-Olaetxe 2000). Usually theherders in the study area went in pairs (Fig. 4), takingchildren, both boys and girls, as helpers (Levander 1943).

End of the carving tradition and loss of carved trees

The practice of carving trees in the studied area increasedin the late 1800s, peaking in the 1860s and 1870s (Fig. 5).Very few trees were found that were carved later thanthis, the last inscribed year being 1905 (Fig. 5). Becauseof the strong relationship with herders and pastures, theloss of this practice was a direct result of the abandon-ment of summer farms. The culmination of herdingpractices at the summer farms in Ore parish occurred inthe 1870s (Montelius 1977b). After this, the farms suc-cessively ceased to function, with a dramatic reduction inherding activities in the 1920s. The last stay, when thesummer farms were used for the very last time by just afew herders, occurred as late as around 1950 (two farms),

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1960 (one farm) and 1970 (one farm) (Montelius 1977b).However, the herding practices changed dramaticallyduring this final period. When the fodder production atthe homesteads increased, the areas used for hay-makingin the scattered forests no longer served any purpose andwere abandoned (Montelius 1977a). As the number ofcows diminished, available pasture increased and thereasons for herding disappeared. The cattle could thenfreely graze on former farmland, hay-making areas andnew clear-cuts. The traditional herding routes wereabandoned and there was no longer competition for pas-ture. Consequently, there was no longer a need to de-marcate the forest resources with tree carvings andcarving associated with traditional herding practicesceased in the early 20th century, the number of carvedtrees decreasing since that time. From the middle of the19th century onwards, forest companies bought cutting-rights for old and large pine trees. The forest companieshad no use for, and no reason to preserve, the carved trees.Consequently groves full of carvings were destroyed.During the 20th century most of the old conifer trees werelogged in northern Sweden (Linder and �stlund 1998;Andersson and �stlund 2004). Most of the carved treesalso disappeared, as they were located on suitable land forforest management, the previously burned areas with thebest pasture. In a similar way the number of carved treeshas decreased in Australia, where living carved trees, inparticular, are extremely rare (Etheridge 1918; Debus1999). The carved trees remaining today, as documentedin this study, are located on less productive areas close towetlands (Fig. 9). These trees are slow-growing, seldomreaching any notable diameter (Fig. 8).

The loss of 29% of carved trees during the 17-yearperiod between the two inventories of this study hasvarious reasons. Today, the losses due to forestry seem tobe a local problem and a factor of minor importance, asmost of the stands of carved trees are located in areas thatare not targeted for management. Unlike in the first halfof the 20th century, the forest companies today are for themost part aware of the preservation value of these trees, afew stands of which have been marked and protected asancient remains. Unfortunately, a threat observed in oneof the surveyed stands is that the carved, dead trees maybe used for firewood. Private forests may also have alarger loss of carved trees, as carvings on logs have beenfound in local sawmills. However, the main lossesnowadays are due to the natural death and decay of thetrees. More than half of the carved trees have died andstarted to decay since the respective carving events(Fig. 7). Among the documented carvings, a quartercannot be read. Many of these have been lost forever,because of the decay and erosion of the wood. However, afew have been encroached on by further growth of thetree and even if not readable, are very safely preservedunder the wood.

Conclusions and recommendations for preservation

Carved trees have the potential to make significant con-tributions to our understanding of past forest use. Theycan document similarities and differences in traditionalherding practices, as well as personal statements from theherders, both through time and across geographic space.Carved tree studies can be combined with archaeologicalinvestigations and historical records to document changesin land use and herding practices over time. This studydemonstrates this potential and shows that even in anintensively managed forest landscape many carved treesremain. It also illustrates the importance of treating theremaining relicts of carved trees as a cultural heritage.

To save the information provided by these trees forposterity, we suggest the following preservation measuresshould be taken. Firstly, as many of the trees as possibleshould be documented. Their readability can noticeablydeteriorate in a few decades. So far, most efforts to surveycarved trees have been performed in Ore parish. Duringthe second inventory in this study 60% more carved treeswere found compared to the first inventory (Table 1). Thisindicates that knowledge of where to search for carvedtrees in the landscape and the skills required to find themincrease rapidly with field experience. Secondly, educa-tion concerning CMTs in general and carved trees inparticular should be provided. Giving people working inthe forest today (foresters, contractors, biologists and ar-chaeologists) and local people a basic introduction tohistorical tree carving practices would promote the dis-covery of new findings. Thirdly, we propose that alldiscovered trees with carvings should be protected in theforest as long as they remain standing. However, con-sideration should be given to moving them to a safer placewhen they fall to the ground. In this way their connectionto their physical surroundings would be maintained aslong as possible. Fourthly, research also offers a way topreserve and further exploit the information provided bythe carved trees. In addition, interpretation of the stillcryptic messages (including unknown signs etc.) posesinteresting challenges for the future. Another valuableapproach would be to connect some of the names found inthe carvings with historical documents of the local people.This would provide further details about the organisationof summer herding as well as the herders involved in thishistorical land use.

Acknowledgements The authors want especially to thank an im-portant link to traditional knowledge, K.-H. Hansson from Len�sen,for directing our initial attention to trees carved by herders. We alsowant to thank P.J. Mudie and one anonymous reviewer for con-structive comments on the manuscript and J. Blackwell for im-proving the language. This study was performed with financialsupport from Centre for Environmental Research in Ume� (CMF)and The Swedish Research Council for Environment, AgriculturalSciences and Spatial Planning (FORMAS)

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