Women's Studies in Communication, 33:34-53, 2010 S"*Copyright © The Organization for Research on Women and Communication | ^ISSN: 0749-1409 print/2152-999X online S Y Taylor S. Francis CroupDOI: 10.1080/07491401003669927

Beauty Queens and Unruly Women in the Year ofthe Woman Governor: Jennifer Granholm and the

Visibility of Leadership

KRISTINA HORN SHEELERDepartment of Communication Studies, Indiana University PurdueUniversity Indianapolis, Indianapolis, Indiana, USA

Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm capitalized on the most viable resources ofthe unruly woman during her 2002 campaign: direct language, action-orientedresponses, public dissemination of policy plans, and strategic use of visibility. Theresult complicated the beauty queen narrative that framed her campaign. This studyunderscores the potency of the beauty queen narrative in our political culture andways to confront it; Granholm's case has explanatory power for others seeking toempower women public officials.

Keywords beauty queen, campaign, executive leadership, gender, governor,Jennifer Granholm, political rhetoric, unruly woman, visibility

In the six years that Democrat Jennifer Granholm has served as Michigan's firstfemale governor, women in this country improved their viability in public politicalroles. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, for example, came closer than any womanto securing her party's nomination for the presidency in 2008. Alaska GovernorSarah Palin was nominated as the 2008 Republican vice presidential candidate.Yet their failure to surmount that final hurdle left many wondering, what happened?As executive-level institutions, the presidency and the governorship are steeped in ahistory of rugged individualism, strength, decisiveness, and heroic expectations thathave defined the offices in masculine terms as long as our country has been on themap. In fact, Karrin Anderson (2002) argues that those expectations may be asstrong as ever. When women aspire to executive-level positions, they challengecomfortable assumptions about women, politics, and the culture in which we live.Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm's 2002 "Year of the Woman Governor"(Mariantes, 2002) campaign illustrates the challenges women face when runningfor executive positions in our political culture. Because she capitalized strategically

A previous version of this essay was presented at the Central States CommunicationAssociation Convention in Cleveland, Ohio, March 31-April 4, 2004.

The author would like to thank Professor Cindy Griffin and two anonymous reviewersfor their helpful comments during the revision process. The essay is much improved thanksto your patience and insights. Thank you also to Kylene J. Baker (PhD Texas A&M) forher patience transcribing the interview with Governor Granholm.

Address correspondence to Kristina Horn Sheeler, Department of CommunicationStudies, 425 University Blvd., Cavanaugh Hall 309, Indiana University Purdue UniversityIndianapolis, Indianapolis, IN 46202, USA. E-mail: ksheeler@iupui.edu

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on the resources of the unruly woman within a context of gendered reporting. Gran-holm commanded attention on her own terms and won the election. She became notonly the first woman to lead Michigan, but she joined an elite group. To date, only29 women have served as governor of their respective state.

Running in the year of the woman governor did not mean Granholm's candi-dacy was any less gendered than previous or subsequent campaigns. As MichèleSwers (2004) points out, 2002 wasn't really a year of the woman governor at all,as the number of female governors increased only from five to six. Swers notesthe structural and political factors that women must surmount when running forexecutive office and claims that "the 2002 elections offered women candidatesneither a favorable political context nor an advantageous structural environment,"the war on terrorism being a primary challenge for women's candidacies (p. 61).Granholm had to establish her executive level credibility in this highly charged mas-culine context.

The narrative that framed Granholm's campaign was one ofthe most debilitatingfor a state executive: the political woman as beauty queen. Our most recent presiden-tial election demonstrates the potency of appearance-focused rhetoric in the cam-paign of Republican Vice Presidential nominee Sarah Palin. However, Granholm'scandidacy differs from that of Governor Sarah Palin in that Granholm did not havethe corresponding pioneer narrative to complicate the imagery. Whereas Palin wassimultaneously "perfectly coifed" with an "ever present smile," who was "an officialcard-carrying member-of-the-National Rifle Association, moose-burger-eating.Valley-dwelling Alaskan" (Horton, 2007), Granholm was not immediately blessedwith such complex characterizations. Instead, she had to create them via the rhetori-cal resources of the unruly woman within her specific political context. KathleenRowe (1995) defines the unruly woman as someone who dominates men and "isunable or unwilling to confine herself to her proper place" (p. 31). She is the "proto-type of woman as subject" (p. 31) and provides opportunities "for rethinking howwomen are constructed as gendered subjects in the language of spectacle and thevisual" (p. 11). While Rowe locates her work in film and television, her frameworkis compelling for political communication scholars because, as Rowe argues,"the unruly woman points to new ways of thinking about visibility as power...[enabling a woman] to affect the terms on which she is seen" (p. 11).

This essay argues that Granholm capitalized on the most viable resources of theunruly woman for her situation: direct language, action-oriented responses, publicdissemination of her policy plans, and, in particular, strategic use of visibility, allof which worked to complicate the beauty queen narrative that framed her cam-paign. Granholm demanded attention strategically, assured her message was heard,and won election as Michigan's first female governor. Granholm's campaign under-scores the potency of the beauty queen narrative in our current political culture andways to confront it; her case has explanatory power for others seeking to empowerwomen public officials.

After discussing the current literature on media representation of women in poli-tics, specifically noting the need for studies that acknowledge the interplay betweenthe narrative context in which a candidate's campaign discourse is situated and thecampaign discourse itself, this study will proceed by assessing the prevalence of thebeauty queen narrative that framed coverage of Jennifer Granholm's campaign forMichigan Governor in 2002. Her Hollywood aspirations and lack of solid-issuescoverage enabled gender to become a compelling story line through which her

36 K. H. Sheeler

competence was questioned. Taking measures into her own hands, Granholmpublicly demonstrated an image that was both personable and demanding, callingattention to the gendered narrative into which her campaign was woven. Finally, thisessay offers critical conclusions on the power of the beauty queen narrative, thelessons learned from the Granholm campaign, and the opportunities the unrulywoman provides for public political women.

Theoretical and Methodological Framework

Recent research in communication, political science, and journalism provides avaluable context for this study of Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm's firstcampaign for governor. Numerous studies consider the challenges imposed by themedia and our political culture on female political candidates as well as thecommunication styles and strategies advanced by political women, but few studiesconsider adequately the complex narrative formed by media coverage, genderedassumptions, and the candidate's own rhetoric through which her public identityemerges. The current study contributes to the existing literature in an effort toaddress this limitation.

Eleanor Clift and Tom Brazaitis (2000) argue that women who are highly quali-fied find it hard to win a top executive job. The White House Project (n.d.) maintainsthat the biggest barrier to positive public perceptions of women's leadership abilityis the lack of visibility of women in leadership positions. This phenomenon reflectsnot only the numbers but also media coverage of female candidates, who are morelikely to be covered for their appearance than the issues for which they stand. JamesDevitt (1999) notes the discrepancy between the numbers of women elected to legis-lative versus gubernatorial positions, suggesting the media may be a prime factorin accounting for the difficulty of seeing more women as credible executives. YetGranholm's campaign demonstrates a competent woman can win in spite of short-sighted media reporting. Visibility is the key, but not just in seeing more women inpublic political roles. Granholm's case illustrates the power of demanding visibilityand orchestrating her public spectacle.

Even with more women in public political roles, media narratives and publicperceptions create additional road blocks. Dianne Bystrom (2006) notes how themedia distort the messages of female candidates toward gender stereotypes, beingmore likely to report on their appearance at the expense of policy issues. Bystrom'sstudy follows a long line of research on the ways in which gender stereotypes framethe narrative surrounding women candidates (Braden, 1996; Carroll, 1994; Dolan,2004; Iyengar, Valentino, Ansolabehere, & Simon, 1997; Kahn, 2003; Kahn &Gordon, 1997), and Granholm's candidacy was no exception. In addition to themedia, public perceptions of female candidates provide a challenge. Kathleen Dolan(2006) summarizes the literature on voter perceptions of female candidates, findingthat the public perceives them to be more compassionate, caring, and passivethan male candidates. These perceptions matter more the higher the office, wherewe assume that executive level authority equates "naturally" with masculinecharacteristics.

Social expectations of femininity and public perceptions of leadership reinforcedby media narratives create seemingly incompatible situations for female candidates.Kathleen Hall Jamieson (1995) argues that political women are plagued by severaldouble binds; one in particular she labels femininity-competence. Double binds

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are those role expectations that place women in paradoxical situations that limittheir rhetorical options and undermine their power. For political women, the socialexpectations of femininity come in direct contrast with public expectations for com-petence and leadership. Jennifer Granholm's personable relationship with the publicand her competent handling of the issues demonstrate the strategic value of paradoxwithin a gendered framework.

In Navigating Boundaries I argue that the beauty queen metaphor is a commonlanguage device used to contain female political candidates who are allowed toperform in public within proper boundaries. While this narrative "appears" to allowfor women's agency, it "underscores women's femininity and attention to beautyand appearance" rather than creating the image of a woman adept at politicalmaneuvering (Sheeler, 2000, p. 22). As a result the public woman finds herself inan object (rather than subject) position that undermines her agency. My researchfinds that beauty queens encompass a constellation of metaphors representing thosecharacteristics the traditional woman may be allowed praise in public: attractiveness,popularity, playing hostess, and caretaking of children. Interestingly, as the meta-phor has evolved to encompass the woman governor, she "must be married," rein-scribing "women's traditional role in a hierarchical family structure" (Anderson &Sheeler, 2005, p. 20).

This assessment of the beauty queen imagery resonates with Laura Mulvey'sdiscussion of the "male gaze" in cinema (Mulvey, 1976). Just as Mulvey arguesmovies are fashioned for and through the male gaze, politics certainly operatesthrough a masculine vantage point. Political reporting of female candidates relieson familiar narratives in which women are objects of the masculine gaze, notedfor their looks, clothing, and sexual allure. The woman candidate as object gains sig-nificance alongside Bonnie Dow's (2003) essay on the media mythology of the MissAmerica pageant. She argues that the media would have us believe that beautypageants empower individual women and that media appropriation of second-wavefeminism has laid the groundwork for accepting this narrative. Yet Granholm's con-sistent assertiveness in the face of gendered reporting reveals not only that a beautyqueen can become governor, but this narrative framing her campaign lacks com-plexity, resonates all too well with cultural stereotypes, and seeks to undermineher agency as a political figure. We learn nothing of her command of the issues,her direct orchestration of her image, or question our reliance on cultural stereotypeswhen Granholm's candidacy is cast in the beauty queen frame.

Each of these studies underscores what Mary Douglas Vavrus (2002) calls an"overriding homogeneity" in the journalistic coverage of political women, thatthere are foundational assumptions and stereotypes in media coverage of the polit-ical woman that each candidate must negotiate. Yet these foundational narrativesthat constitute our political reality are only one side of the story and politicalwomen today are doing much to confound those stereotypes. Murray Edelman's(1988) foundational study on the "political spectacle" is based on the premise that"political objects and events are also discontinuous, sometimes contradictory, enti-ties constituted by the signifiers and contexts that give them meanings" (p. 10). Thespectacle of political image-making is a complicated process defined not simply bypublic perceptions or by the rhetoric of candidates or opponents but all at thesame time in a dynamic ideologically fueled process. The stuff of the political spec-tacle, according to Edelman, is political language: "political language is politicalreality" (p. 104). Political language constructs the political spectacle and the extent

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to which the political woman plays a role in constructing and directing her ownperformance is telling.

Shawn Parry-Giles (2000) examines this complex process in the image-making ofHillary Rodham Clinton, noting how her image is a composite of the candidate'srhetoric, that of her political opponents, and media narratives. Similarly, Anderson(2002) examines the candidate rhetoric and media coverage of both Elizabeth Doleand Hillary Rodham Clinton in their 2000 campaigns, concluding that "gender is acomplex and shifting variable in U.S. politics" that cannot be discounted or easilypredicted (p. 126). This essay furthers the discussion on the relationships betweenand among stereotypical media images and candidate rhetoric, noting the extentto which Granholm's spectacle advances not only her political agenda but a morecomplex understanding of gender and leadership.

To assess the political language that defined the political reality of JenniferGranholm's gubernatorial campaign, this study examined press coverage of JenniferGranholm found in local Michigan news sources (i.e., Detroit Free Press, OaklandPost, Crain's Detroit Business, Traverse City Record-Eagle, The Michigan Daily)adcess^-via each newspaper's Web site, Internet news sites such as msnbc.comand~aHciïews.com, news magazines such as Newsweek and Time, news stories disse-minated Throtfgh the Associated Press,' and local and national coverage accessedthrough LexisNexis. The time frame of this study spans the duration of Granholm'sfirst campaign for governor beginning in March 2001, and selected sources recounther campaign and win as attorney general in 1998.

Analysis of news articles about Granholm's candidacy revealed several clustersof metaphors, with one clearly standing above the rest. This study used Robert Ivie's(1987) procedure for identifying metaphorical concepts as a guide. Ivie explains thatthe critic must familiarize herself with the context in which discourse occurs and thetexts by speakers under study. Next, the critic notes problematic vehicles within theircontexts by performing a series of close readings, marking vehicles in each readinguntil no new images are uncovered. According to I. A. Richards (1936) metaphoris based on the relationship between tenor and vehicle, the relationship betweenthe subject under discussion and the linguistic imagery through which the idea isconveyed. In this case, the subject under discussion is Jennifer Granholm as guber-natorial candidate, but the primary imagery through which Granholm's politicalidentity was conveyed in the media clustered around the beauty queen.

Prevailing themes in the language of media reports were categorized with theresulting gendered framework providing the context in which Granholm's successfulcampaign rhetoric and public identity formation emerged. What this analysisenables, however, is not just discussion of the debilitating metaphoric framesimposed by the media but also the creative ways in which Granholm managed toemploy metaphor strategically. An assessment of her speech texts, public communi-cation, and campaign rhetoric uncover the ways in which metaphor may be a sourceof invention for political women.

The Granholm Campaign, Media Reporting and Gender

Narratives about Granholm's appearance, personality, and femininity led mediareports during her campaign for governor in 2002, creating the impression thatshe was not as knowledgeable on issues or as prepared for the job as her male oppo-nents. This line of reporting was a notable change from her only other election

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victory, that of attorney general in 1998. The gendered reporting during the guber-natorial campaign also provided a useful context in which to situate her fund-raisingsuccess. Each narrative fragment contributed to the overall beauty queen story lineto which the Granholm campaign responded.

Attorney General Jennifer Granholm: A Tough Crime Fighter

Granholm's tough persona while campaigning for attorney general in 1998 is notableas is her time in that office. The viciousness of that campaign, the negative attacksand counter attacks, and Granholm's "impressive background" (Swickard, 1998)in preparation for the office framed the story thematically. Granholm's victorywas "hard-fought," "solid," and "overwhelm[ing]," making her into a "lone state-wide star" (Swickard, 1998; "For Democrats," 1998). In fact, Granholm achievedsuch heroic status that she had barely taken office before speculation mounted abouther run for the governorship. Her victory as attorney general was not without itsquestions as to her inexperience in politics, but her Harvard education also madethe story. Gender didn't have too much to do with it except that she was allowedto demonstrate the [masculine] toughness for the job.

One instance represents Granholm's tough persona and indicates her strategicuse of the unruly woman frame during her attorney general days. As an EasternMichigan federal prosecutor, Granholm boasted a 98% conviction rate and her cre-dentials only became stronger with her experience as a powerful attorney general. Astaunch consumer advocate, she fought hard for citizens' rights on everything fromprescription drugs to the price of gasoline after 9/11, and she survived a Republicanattempt to limit the power of her office in 2000. The front page of the Grand RapidPress reported that she would fight the power play with her own tough rhetoric:" 'It's the Attorney General's office that sets legal policy. A private law firm is notaccountable,' she said. 'I will not be a puppet' " ("Granholm Gives Lift," 2000). Thisexchange would later crystallize her image "as an assertive player in the state'smale-dominated political arena" (Christoff, 2002a). A "steely" Granholm "wenttoe-to-toe" with Republicans and "stared down the old boys' network" (Christoff,2002a). Granholm harnassed the rhetorical resources of the unruly woman by dis-rupting "expectations of femininity and the social hierarchy" (Anderson & Sheeler,2005, p. 28). She was not confined to her "proper" place. Instead she created a spec-tacle of herself by dominating men, claiming public power from her opponents, andmaking visible the social construction of gender as she took on the "old boys club"and won. And then she ran for governor.

Bachelorette Number One

In stark contrast, the beauty queen narrative framed media accounts of JenniferGranholm's candidacy for governor, objectifying Granholm as a woman, a mother,and as a collection of body parts to be gazed on rather than a serious (male) candi-date. The frame also functioned to downplay the toughness Granholm brought tothe political "battle," as her tenure as attorney general had already proven. Scholarssuch as Blankenship and Stelzner (1976) and Kathleen Hall Jamieson (1992) havewritten about the prevalence of battle and sports imagery in political contests. Whilethe Granholm campaign was no exception, the dominant theme was not aboutGranholm's battle experience or athletic prowess. Newspaper reports discussed the

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inevitable "embarrassment of riches" her two male opponents would bring to the"bloody Democratic primary" (Bell, 2001). When Granholm entered the battle zone,she was "a new face and a new generation," "a fresh face," "an exciting new face," a"magnetic and intelligent" mother of three "without political baggage," and "a rela-tive newcomer" (Bell, 2001; Christoff, 2001). While not exactly a newcomer toMichigan politics, Granholm's [feminine] "face" was the focus of the role she wouldplay in the bloody [masculine] battle, a body part standing in for the whole person,typical of media representations objectifying women. Newspaper reports neglectedto mention that this mother of three was also the sitting attorney general (neitheropponent was a current office holder) with an impressive record and a degree fromHarvard who had many battle scars to her credit.

The beauty queen story line became pronounced a year before the election. InNovember 2001, the Washington Post reported that before going to college, JenniferGranholm tried her luck in Hollywood and made an appearance on "The DatingGame" (Babington, 2001). Repeated often in political biographies written duringthe campaign season, the story line provided a useful backdrop to attempts to dis-credit Granholm's public image. As the Detroit Free Press suggested, "No one isovertly suggesting that Granholm's roots disqualify her from office. But they posethe unspoken question: Is hers the kind of life experience that prepares one to bea governor of Michigan?" (Bell, 2002). A Canadian newspaper ran the followinghighlight: "Canadian-born politician is frontrunner in Michigan race, but will voterssay she's 'too pretty' to be governor?" (Walker, 2002).

One important implication of the beauty queen frame is that attractiveness ispositioned in direct contrast to competence. Kathleen Hall Jamieson (1995) notedthis double bind and provided numerous examples of public women who were sub-ject to its power. In fact, a recent study focusing on Governor Sarah Palin's appear-ance and resultant perceptions of competence before she become the RepublicanVice Presidential nominee concluded, "given the media's focus on Palin's appearanceprior to the election, it is possible that people came to see her as less fully human(more robotic) and competent than they would have without this focus, and in turn,that they became even less likely to vote for her as a result" (Hefiick & Goldenberg,2009). Granholm's one-time Hollywood-aspiration, attractiveness, and search fora date define her as a feminine object in direct contrast to competent (male)gubernatorial candidate.

Calling a female candidate by her first name aligns with the beauty queen frameand undermines the credibility of the candidate when compared with her titled maleopponents. Such language choices place the woman candidate in a childlike or objectposition rather than in a power position (Lakoff, 1973). During the primary theWashington Post pointed out that "Bonior and Blanchard were members ofCongress when Jennifer Granholm was still in high school" (Von Drehle, 2002,p. AOl). Granholm's Republican opponent Dick Posthumus similarly used herfirst name, "Jennifer," in an October debate, outraging her supporters. While aGranholm spokesperson said the candidate did not notice, Janet Harris, an Emily'sList spokesperson charged that referring to a woman candidate by her first name"tap[s] into that latent undercurrent of skepticism about women in the top job"(Yardley, 2002, p. 24).

The beauty queen narrative continued to frame Granholm's primary victory:"Glowing at the center table was Jenni the giant-slayer, a former beauty queenturned Phi Beta Kappa lawyer who ran for office the first time only four years

Beauty Queens and Unruly Women 41

ago. On Tuesday, Jennifer N. Granholm, the state attorney general, won a bitterthree-way primary with 48 percent of the vote, beating Mr. Blanchard andMr. Bonior by 20 points" (Wilgoren, 2002). Beauty queen "Jenni" landed a remark-able accomplishment, defeating "Mr." Blanchard and "Mr." Bonior. In an oddcomparison to outgoing Republican Governor John Engler, this article (ostensiblya nod to Buffy the Vampire Slayer) concluded by quoting Bill Ballenger, the editorof Inside Michigan Politics, "She is the perfect un-Engler. Blond, trim, articulate,intelligent. Who could ask for more?" (Wilgoren, 2002).

The dominant theme of the Granholm campaign, as presented in the media,portrayed Granholm as a beauty queen: an attractive mother of three who was onceon "The Dating Game" and tried to make it in Hollywood. "Jenni" is an attractiveobject, subordinate and in direct contrast to her more experienced male opponents.With this fragment of the narrative in place, other pieces of the story fell in line,conveniently reinforcing the dichotomy between attractiveness and intelligence, orJamieson's (1995) "femininity/competence" double bind.

High Marks on Style, Low on Substance

As gendered reports became common, noting that the "blue-eyed" Granholm was"fresh," "comfortable," "tailored" in appearance and personality, she was simul-taneously characterized as "bland and vague" and "cautious" on the issues (VonDrehle, 2002). In meeting the expectations of her gender, the media suggested thatGranholm did not say anything of substance. There was no need; she achievedagency by virtue of her appearance.

Lack of issues reporting consistently disadvantages female executive candidates.When Candidate Granholm received coverage alongside her opponents on the issues,her words were more difficult to find than those of her opponents. For example, anarticle disseminated through the Associated Press wire detailed each Republican andDemocratic primary candidate's stance on the issues ("Gubernatorial Candidates,"2002). Candidate Granholm's opinions were summarized as were the other candi-dates. However, out of the five candidates covered, Granholm was the only onenot quoted directly.

On September 26, 2002, two important interviews with Candidate Granholmappeared in the Detroit Free Press, the newspaper with the largest circulation inMichigan at the time and the 18th largest circulation nationwide {^'Detroit Free PressCirculation," n.d.). The first acknowledged the stereotypical reporting of CandidateGranholm's news coverage but did nothing to change it: "Granholm is probablymiffed that I'm starting today's column this way, focusing on style over substance.She's tired of reading about her looks, her hair, her fiing at trying to be an actressback in the day" (Walsh, 2002). Walsh concluded, "Granholm would lead Michiganwith verve and style. But where would she lead us and who gets to help steer the bus?I'm still fuzzy on that." After admitting to gender-biased reporting, and that Gran-holm and her opponents "say nearly identical things on key" issues, Walsh (2002)concluded that Granholm was not clear on her vision of leadership. He based thison personal style, jobs before entering politics, "the company" she keeps "and themoney [she] take[s]" (Walsh, 2002). The conclusion: Jennifer Granholm was "fuzzy"on the issues, but her opponents who say "nearly identical things" were not.

The second lengthy interview ("Election 2002," 2002) was similarly problematic,but this time Granholm's words were more prominently featured. Instead of asking

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Granholm about her 80-page plan that outlined in specifics a Granholm administra-tion, the reporter asked, "Do you feel like you know more now than you did in theprimary campaign when you were saying there are a lot of things I don't know....Do you have a bit more concrete idea now of where you want to go?" ("Election2002," 2002). The reporter's yes/no question suggested Granholm was undecidedon how her leadership would proceed. Granholm followed with a specific responsedemonstrating her knowledge of state economic issues with an eye to problemsolving, initially countering the reporter's implication that she was unsure of thedirection of her leadership.

Another exchange proceeded in this way:

REPORTER: SO the only thing the people of Michigan should expect inthe early months of the Granholm administration is seriousspending cuts...?

GRANHOLM: Efforts to rein in spending, but also efforts to seekadditional money at the federal level. An example of thisis, the governor vetoed that Quality Assurance Assessmentthat hospitals were willing to provide. That was eighty-threemillion dollars of federal money that was just left on thetable in Washington, DC. What a huge waste of an opport-unity that is. Believe me, I will aggressively go afteradditional federal resources. The Department of Education,Tom Watkins will tell you that there is seven to eight milliondollars that is going to lapse potentially at the end of thismonth because the administration is not pursuing those fed-eral grants. That's crazy. We should be maximizing thereturn on any federal dollar that we get.

REPORTER: I hear qualifiers in your statements, as if you are not rulingout raising taxes—you say you don't want to do that, youdon't expect to do that, you don't see yourself doing that.

GRANHOLM: I have no plans to raise taxes. I do not want to raise taxes.There is nothing in here that says we will raise taxes. I thinkraising taxes would be counterproductive. ("Election 2002,"2002)

Granholm's language throughout the interview was one of action, toughness,being aggressive to secure the state's resources, demonstrating her knowledge of spe-cifics even though the questions asked by the reporter were generally yes/no ques-tions. Granholm spoke no qualifiers as the reporter suggested. Furthermore, thereporter's follow-ups were misleading, indicating Granholm would raise taxes, thatshe was unsure, and that she had no specifics. Even though Granholm's responsesin the interview were generally issue-oriented, the questions suggested otherwise.

Overall, Granholm advocated, repeated, and defended her general positions inthe interview, but the reporter's questions perpetuated the stereotype that womencampaigning for executive positions are not as tough or decision-oriented as theoffice requires, reinforcing the femininity/competence double bind. Granholmdiscussed the economy, education, the budget deficit, taxes, spending, crime, andlocal issues such as water management in Detroit. She had to take charge of theinterview and turn to specifics; the interviewer did not provide an atmosphere in

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which the details of policy fell into place. Granholm's responses demonstrated herclear understanding of the law and the requirements for policy changes; she knewwhat she faced with the economy, the budget, and other major issues that affectvoters. But readers had to read carefully Granholm's statements to learn her plansfor her administration, ignoring the implications of the reporter's questions. Whilethe direct language of this interview provided a glimpse of the unruly woman readerswere familiar with as attorney general and created a more complex image ofGranholm's executive-level fitness, in conjunction with the article on Granholm's"fuzziness," questions still remain about the competence of the beauty queenrunning for governor.

Show Me the Money

The Walsh (2002) interview stated "the money [Granholm] takes" was one reasonthe author was "fuzzy" on Granholm's vision of leadership. The candidate's fund-raising success is noteworthy. Women historically have had difficulty gaining accessto financial resources, and this remains true today especially for nonincumbent can-didates like Granholm (Barbara Lee Family Foundation, 2007). Yet, Granholmraised nearly three times as much as Blanchard, and even more than that of Bonior.Her fund-raising prowess received praise as "outstripping" and "far outpacing" herDemocratic opponents (Hoffman, 2002b). Money means electability. During theprimary Granholm secured endorsements from groups such as the Teamsters andthe Michigan Education Association, each citing her "electability" as a major factor(Hoffman, 2002a).

Granholm's fund-raising success threatened the fundraising ability and the elect-ability of her male gubernatorial opponents, both Democrat and Republican, andprovides another example of her ability to harness the resources of the unrulywoman. Michigan's Republican Governor John Engler signed a law in early January2002, limiting the amount of money that groups such as Emily's List could contrib-ute to Michigan candidates. While Engler claimed the law would enable less out ofstate infiuence on Michigan politics, the president of Emily's List called the law "amost blatant political act" and challenged the meaning of the law ("Engler Signs,"2002). Engler enacted the law when it became clear that Granholm was running acredible campaign for governor. When asked about the new law, Granholmresponded, "Absolutely I thought it was a direct attack on me No other candi-date [in this election] has been endorsed by an organization like this" (Durbin,2002a). This scene also provided momentum for Granholm's "fight back" rhetoric.Just as she did when she went "toe-to-toe" during Engler's attempt to limit thepower of the attorney general's office, Granholm and Emily's List fought back.On its Web site, Emily's List included a link where citizens could contribute directlyto Granholm's campaign.

Granholm's tough performance as attorney general, her appearance on theDating Game, complex or less-than-fair issues coverage, and the threat her fund-raising created to "business as usual" politics each contributed to Granholm's publicidentity formation. While the beauty queen frame provided a potent force keepingher competence in check, Granholm's unruly actions in which she demanded a voiceare notable. Not content to be defined by others, she proactively contributed to con-structions of her public image. She acknowledged she found the gendered reportingcompletely sexist and would call out reporters for it. Instead she committed her

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campaign to relating to people and demonstrating strong credentials (J. M. Granholm,personal communication, July 24, 2003).

Candidate Granholm Has It All

The beauty queen narrative, while potentially debilitating, provided only a fragmentof the possible narratives defining Jennifer Granholm's political biography andfitness for the governorship. Candidate Granholm's early fund-raising success,her credibility as attorney general, and her directness when handling attacks, alongwith her good looks and approachable manner, complicated how leadership istypically recognized in executive level candidates. Michael Duggan, Wayne CountyProsecutor and a member of Granholm's campaign staff, said, "It's like beingaround Michael Jordan. She's in a class by herself (Christoff, 2002a). WashingtonPost columnist David Broder wrote in an opinion piece appearing in newspapersnationwide: "Granholm is a phenomenon." He quoted a high-ranking Democraticlegislator: " 'We haven't seen [such campaign skills] in this state since the last timeBill Clinton ran'" (Broder, 2002). Granholm's skill at campaigning demonstratedshe did not take cultural stereotypes or the media for granted.

The Spectacle of Leadership: I'm Personable, Strong, and Action-Oriented

Murray Edelman (1988), writing on the idea of the political spectacle, notes theactive construction inherent in leadership. As he argues, "leaders point the way,""embrace current fashions and beliefs," and "create an impression that they deserveto be followed" (38, 39). Leaders innovate and reaffirm "accepted ideologies" (39). Aleader must have a vision for the future and give meaning to that vision while reso-nating with followers. This balancing act demonstrates how Granholm negotiatedthe femininity/competence double bind. She used her warmth and energy to connectwith people while capitalizing on the power of visibility to demonstrate hercommand of the issues and executive-level experience. She was both "seen andheard," as Kathleen Hall Jamieson (1995) notes of women "confounding the stereo-types." Jamieson explains that women may use both warmth and toughness strategi-cally, "by sending tough cues in verbal form and caring cues nonverbally or viceversa" (p. 197). She uses the resources of "being seen and heard," both as feminineand as competent. Her message throughout the campaign was as a tough crimefighter and consumer advocate. She anticipated her opponents' moves, knew thestereotypes associated with female candidates, and crafted a consistent, direct,proactive message. As Granholm admitted, "there's nothing I can do about myage, my looks, there's not much you can do about that, but I think credentialinghelps to combat those impressions" (J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July24, 2003). As a result, she actively embodied both attractiveness and competence in apublic performance that secured for her public power.

In our assessment of former Texas Governor Ann Richards, Karrin Andersonand I argue that "public power accrues not only to those who 'look' but also to thosewho are seen" (Anderson & Sheeler, 2005, p. 63). Granholm knew how to commandthe attention of a crowd. Candidate Granholm was frequently reported as dollingout hugs, pats on the back, touching, and giving handshakes, whatever made theaudience most at ease. Chris Christoff (2002b) explained, Granholm's "firm hand-shake draws greeters into her personal space if they are comfortable, or keeps them

Beauty Queens and Unruly Women 45

at a distance if more appropriate." She loved working a crowd, and she was animpressive speaker. Those in attendance at Granholm events used the followingwords to describe her: "Personable. Sincere. Pretty. Smart. Down-to-earth"(Christoff, 2002b). Granholm was popular not only among Democratic womenbut among Republican women (Hoffman, 2002d). Campaigning in traditionallyRepublican strongholds such as western Michigan instead of competing for visibilitywith her primary opponents over Democratic areas demonstrated her political prow-ess and allowed Granholm to define her image statewide and develop supportersfrom whom she would benefit in the general election.

Granholm commanded a good campaign, demonstrating attention to audiencewhile constructing and directing her performance. Before she ever got into the race,her campaign ran focus groups to ascertain whether Michigan was ready for awoman governor and, if so, what sorts of campaign messages would be the mosteffective on which a woman should run. Granholm acknowledged that in the back-ground, voters wanted to know that she was married and a family woman, but usingthat as part of the message would be "counterproductive." Instead, what voterswanted to know were credentials, her experiences as attorney general: "I'm tough.I'm going after bad guys. I'm going after swindlers and stealers and such, all of that"to get the job done (J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003). Sheadmitted that she knew decision-making experience was particularly important for awoman running for an executive position, even more so than a legislative position.She also acknowledged that reporters didn't always give her the benefit of the doubt,and so she "personally called reporters" who focused on image over substance."Educating people" was her solution, making reporters and the public aware ofcultural assumptions about gender and then moving beyond those assumptions(J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003).

Aware that women are less likely to be perceived as credible on issues, Granholmconsistently defied that stereotype and highlighted her executive-level expertise in theprocess. She proactively fashioned her agenda on her own terms without dependenceon the media. In May 2002 she released a 10-page economic plan in which shedetailed the creation of a high-tech corridor that, along with eliminating "unfair"business taxes, would create more jobs and encourage relationships among labor,education, and business to promote job training for the future (Hoffman, 2002c).Candidate Granholm saw the plan as a positive way to "grow the economic base,"earning her praise from local technology companies that displayed their "excite-ment" over Granholm's ideas (Hoffman, 2002c).

Less than two weeks later, Granholm continued to focus strategically on issues.She released her 11-page agenda detailing plans for the environment, citing it as away to "strik[e] a balance" between economic growth and environmental protection(Runk, 2002). Democratic opponent Bonior received endorsements from Michiganenvironmental groups for his long record in support of the environment, but DanFarough, the Sierra Club's political director, called Granholm a "very quick study"(Runk, 2002). While the Democratic candidates agreed on many areas of environ-mental policy, Granholm's agenda distinguished her from the current Republicanadministration, who, she said, did not have "an emphasis on leadership" whenmanaging environmental issues (Runk, 2002).

Granholm gained an advantage by holding a position of power while runningfor office. Her plans alone, while significant, may not have been enough. She wastested when the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, under the leadership of

46 K. H. Sheeler

former New Jersey Governor Christie Whitman, reformed its clean air standards inJune 2001. As attorney general, Granholm opposed the new EPA policy, arguing itwould weaken current clean air standards while allowing increased pollution "with-out simultaneously investing in pollution-control equipment" (Lane, 2002). WhileGranholm's opinion met with agreement from her Democratic primary opponents,as attorney general she was positioned to act, suing to block the EPA reforms.Not only did Granholm's fight with the EPA resonate with her previous plans onthe environment, but she was perceived as proactive. Her rhetoric was consistent,adding to her tough image cultivated as far back as her battle with Engler overthe powers ofthe attorney general's office. This example is significant in Granholm'sstrategy. She ran for office while holding a position in which she could demonstrateher executive-level competence.

Granholm further demonstrated her proactive and action-oriented stance in"Securing Michigan's Future," a nearly 80-page blueprint for her administrationreleased as the general election season began. In it, Granholm discussed her plansfor prescription drug access, technology jobs, corporate responsibility, andMedicare. For those who read it, criticisms were based on the issues. For example,Granholm indicated that she hoped to attract more federal dollars to Michigan forMedicaid spending. She was criticized not because she was a woman but becausefunding was being cut at the federal level, a plausible criticism (Cohn, 2002-"Election 2002," 2002).

Each of these instances demonstrates Granholm's action-oriented politicallanguage driving her agenda and her image formation. She was not content withbeing relegated to the object position of the beauty queen or as part of the crowdof Democratic primary contenders. Instead she demanded a voice as a political sub-ject and positioned herself in contrast to the Republican administration. By takingon the current governor, she located herself squarely in the center of gubernatorialpolitics and as a result demanded to be taken seriously as a candidate and as awoman. In Rowe's words, Granholm provided opportunities "for rethinking howwomen are constructed as gendered subjects in the language of spectacle and the vis-ual" (p. 11). She used her visibility as a state office holder and her active politicallanguage to fashion a political reality in which she was a key political player whoadvanced an agenda consistent with her actions, looked together and approachable,and sounded competent and direct.

As Candidate Granholm identified her stance on the issues in contrast to thebeauty queen narrative of the campaign, she simultaneously created her image asdecisive and action-oriented to everybody listening, including a group of UnitedAuto Workers. According to Celinda Lake, a Democratic pollster, male blue collarworkers are generally not strong supporters of women seeking executive positions.But one UAW member described Granholm as "decisive;" "She's going to fightfor changes to hold down prescription costs." Another added, "she never backeddown from a fight" as attorney general (Cohn, 2002, p. 16). Even though Boniorreceived the support of most of organized labor during the primary, Granholmwon them over for the general election.

Granholm won the election with 52% of the vote to Posthumus's 47%. Posthu-mus congratulated her as "the best Democratic candidate that we've had to runagainst in this state since the 1930s or '40s" (Durbin, 2002b). When asked why theyvoted for her, voters listed numerous issues, from cracking down on gas prices after9/11 and her performance as attorney general, to the way that she "hammered

Beauty Queens and Unruly Women 47

away" at the economy, to her intelligence and approachableness, and to other moregendered comments such as the state needs "a woman's touch." CandidateGranholm successfully confronted the gendered criticism mounted against her.The overtly gendered message of her beauty and appearance were complicated byher approachableness, personality, and visibility. Her direct, proactive,issues-oriented language defined her as a competent leader.

Confronting the Potency of the Beauty Queen Narrative

This essay argued that Granholm's fund-raising prowess, direct language, action-oriented responses, public dissemination of her policy plans and, in particular, herstrategic use of visibility worked to complicate the beauty queen narrative thatframed her campaign. Granholm demanded attention on her own terms, capitalizingon the resources of the unruly woman available in her particular situation while alsodemonstrating her personable and approachable demeanor, and won the election.She competently engineered a public image that was approachable and tough, com-petent and confident, issues-oriented and personable, yet she did so within one ofthe most debilitating frameworks in which to situate women executive leaders: thenarrative of the beauty queen.

Granholm's case illustrates the cultural power of the beauty queen frame. Thisnarrative objectifies the female candidate and reinforces the notion that politics is aman's game. The implication is that women can achieve agency by virtue of theirappearance, that good looks are the way to public success, but not too much success.Beauty also signals the woman's credentials for the job must be kept in check. Thelanguage of the press does nothing to complicate our assumptions about the com-petence of public political women, the areas of expertise they may claim, or the mas-culinity ascribed in executive-level offices. Only when the candidate unmasks thepower of the narrative will we be more likely to see women as capable executiveleaders. In this way, Granholm redefines leadership by her example and providesseveral lessons for female political candidates.

First, as the media allow for more complex reports on female candidates, thedouble bind may be easing its grip. Candidate Granholm contended with potent gen-der stereotypes in newspaper reports assessing her credentials and recounting herbiography, but she also received some issue coverage because she capitalized onthe strength of visibility in fashioning her spectacle of leadership. Not only did theGranholm campaign distribute her policy plans, in particular in the "SecuringMichigan's Future" document, but these plans enabled more productive discussionof her issues than might have occurred otherwise. She didn't rely solely on the mediabut could not avoid it either, realizing that sexist reporting was the norm. Her abilityto orchestrate a competent public persona, active and in charge, rather than pass-ively accepting what the media offered illustrates how power accrues strategicallyto public women.

The fact that Granholm held the office of attorney general when launching hergubernatorial campaign was significant. First, it gave her a forum in which she wasan important state player, demonstrating her toughness, legal prowess, and rebuttalskills. Granholm credits that position as "very important," giving her "credibility inthe area of toughness that was necessary by someone in the executive position"(J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003). Second, it gave her a vis-ible post through which she could bolster her resume. For example, when the EPA

48 K. H. Sheeler

announced new rules for clean air standards, Granholm and her Democratic primaryopponents registered their opposition to the measure. However, Granholm was theonly Democratic candidate in a position to act on that opposition. The movereinforced her stance on environmental issues not only with the public but withenvironmental groups, securing for her their endorsement during the general election.

Another reason for Granholm's success was her fund-raising prowess and hercorresponding "electability." She dominated all of her male opponents in securingcampaign funds. Granholm credited her "great team" for her success and advisedother women to be comfortable "highlighting their accomplishments" in the contextof raising money (J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003).Granholm commanded credibility through the label "electable" along with her activeperformance as attorney general. Granholm had a resume on which to run. As moreand more women attain political office, providing them with decision-making experi-ence, women will become more visible as political leaders with a record on which tobase their campaign message.

Which issues also determines Granholm's success. In the past, women have wonby campaigning on what has traditionally been dubbed "women's issues," such aseducation or the environment. Winning an executive level office requires competenceon a range of issues, especially in 2002 when the national focus was on the war onterror. Thus, Granholm never campaigned as a "woman's candidate" or used thephrase "women's issues." For her, it "was very much a conscious choice" (J. M.Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003). She demonstrated competenceon issues from education and the environment to crime, taxes, and the economy,issues that Clift and Brazaitis (2000) argue are important for executive level credi-bility. In fact, she could explain budget matters by citing exact figures, showingher attention to detail. Thus, her range of issues created an advantage.

Granholm did not play on her appearance, but she did orchestrate an image thatcommanded people to look. She always appeared in public looking together, tail-ored, and confident. She admitted looks cannot be changed, but credentials getthe job done. Furthermore, she was not afraid to call reporters on the genderedreporting. She admitted it would drive her "crazy when people focused on imageand not on substance" (J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003).Perhaps realizing that the media would play up her status as a woman, she didher best to put a formal yet approachable spin to that image. Granholm enjoyedcampaigning, and it showed. She enjoyed touching, shaking hands, and greetingpeople. In addition to an incredible way with details, she could remember people'snames and would frequently use them while giving a speech. People would comeaway from Granholm events noting her personable manner and her ease in public.

Finally, this essay offers critical conclusions on the opportunities the unrulywoman provides for public political women. As a counterpart to the beauty queenmetaphor, the unruly woman frame provides a source of political invention to thepolitical woman, enabling her to take back control of the story line and define herown public identity. However, by its very definition, the unruly woman is locatedat the border and is taboo. As a result she can easily cross the line into excess, ren-dering the metaphor incapable of challenging stereotypes but instead caricaturingthem. In Granholm's case, the unruly woman works in tandem with the beautyqueen, creating a range of options for the political woman depending on location,party, family status, age, or audience. One of Granholm's strengths is that shealways acted with an eye to what was possible and appropriate in her particular

Beauty Queens and Unruly Women 49

context. For example, she defined her identity as a tough political actor, but alwaysin relation to "the bad guys" in her role as attorney general, in contrast to Repub-licans during the election, or even in calling out reporters who were guilty of sexistreporting. She never allowed herself to be lured into a fight with her own partyeven during the primary. Thus, the men she challenged or dominated were clearopponents, not party loyals.

Furthermore, Rowe (1995) explains that the unruly woman fashions a spectacleof herself in order to call attention to the social construction of gender. Two avenuesthrough which the political woman may fashion her spectacle are her language andher visibility. Granholm's action-oriented responses to Engler's attempts to limit thepower of the attorney general's office and to limit the infiuenee of Emily's List aretwo examples in which she refused to be defined or allow her power to be limited.Her language in response was a force for change. Her refusal to be contained by sex-ist reporting is another example of proactive language; instead her campaign publiclydisseminated her policy plans noting her progressive decision making in herown words. Finally, the Granholm campaign demonstrated some astute politicalmoves during the primary in order to establish her visibility as an action-orientedpolitical player. Early on, the primary was expected to be a "bloody" fight. Candi-date Granholm did her best to avoid the most contentious political battlegrounds,choosing instead to create an active presence across the entire state instead ofbattling over traditionally Democratic Detroit. Granholm won the primary thanksto the support of some traditionally Republican areas, securing support from womenand independent voters who would support her throughout the general election.

Finally, Candidate Granholm's spectacle via language and visibility advancesnot only her political agenda but a more complex understanding of gender and lead-ership. Executive level offices are steeped in masculine expectations. Granholmbrought to the table her own brand of unruliness as she called out the old boys club.In Granholm, assertiveness against opponents complemented approachableness withcitizens; as a political subject Granholm demanded to be seen and heard by her audi-ence and she created as many avenues as possible to accomplish that goal. Shestumped across the entire state, seeking women and men. Republicans and Demo-crats. As a female candidate she refused to be contained in the one-down positioneither with reporters or her Republican opposition. And her keen understandingof the stereotypes she faced gave her a strategic edge. While some candidates chooseto ignore gender stereotypes. Candidate Granholm confronted them head on even asshe acknowledged their strength. For example, she knew that being married and afamily woman would have advantages with her Michigan audience, both Democratsand Republican. Choosing not to call attention to the more traditional aspects ofher image, she demonstrated the power of being both a mother of three and a com-petent decisive voice standing up for the people—all people. All of these character-istics worked together to complexify notions of leadership, underscoring therhetorical power of paradox as a strategy for political women. Her campaign enablesmore critical understanding of the cultural expectations that accompany executiveleadership in the U.S.

Jonathon Cohn (2002) specifically attributes Granholm's success to running thesame campaign as a man. This perspective normalizes the experiences of men asdefault-leaders and overlooks important lessons we can learn from successful femaleexecutives. Jennifer Granholm's campaign strategies and overall media reportingillustrate that the double binds may be loosening; in Georgia Duerst-Lahti's

50 K. H. Sheeler

(2006) terms, the governorship is in the process of "regendering" (p. 40), but potentstereotypes remain when it comes to women in executive positions.

Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm's 2002 "Year of the Woman Governor"campaign illustrates the potency of the beauty queen frame when a woman runs forexecutive office in our political culture. Because Granholm capitalized strategicallyon the resources of the unruly woman within a context of gendered reporting, shecommanded attention on her own terms and won the election. Attorney GeneralJennifer Granholm's campaign for governor demonstrates that women executivecandidates benefit when the media allows for more complex depictions of theirpublic image. However, such complexity will not merely appear. Granholm compe-tently defined leadership as a visible, issues-oriented, proactive, and approachablepublic official even in the context of the beauty queen narrative. As more womenenter public office and develop a resume in statewide politics, we will no doubtsee women as more competent and visible in our political culture. As JenniferGranholm declared, seeing a woman governor should be "commonplace"; it shouldbe "boring" (J. M. Granholm, personal communication, July 24, 2003). With morerole models such as Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm, someday it will be.

Note

1. The Associated Press, for example, serves over 1,700 newspapers nationally, with over5,000 radio and television subscribers, and it is a major source of political news nationwide.See Associated Press (2007).

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