Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μέγας

ARIAN 1

A SYNOPSIS OF"Arrian The Campaigns of Alexander The Great"

(356 -323 BC)

CONTENTS

Autumn 336 - Winter 334 | Europe and Western Asia 4

THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGNS ! 5

THEBES 9

THE BATTLE OF THE RIVER GRANICUS - Spring 334 BC 11

Leaving Cert Question 2000! 14

THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACIES | ALONG THE AEGEAN SEABOARD!19

The Costal Campaigns! 19

Miletus! 19

Leaving Cert Question 1998 20

Halicarnassus! 20

The Gordian Knot! 22

2

3

AUTUMN 336 - WINTER 334 | EUROPE AND WESTERN ASIA

Autumn 336 MACEDONIA Philip II is assassinated, Alexander becomes king.

Spring 335 NORTHERN CAMPAIGNS Alexander puts down revolts of subject peoples.

DANUBE Alexander crosses the river, defeats Getae. DANUBE Triballoi offer surrender; Celts send envoys. ILLYRIA Rebellious Taulantians and other Illyrians are subdued.

GREECE A lexander destroys Thebes, receives submission of major Greek cities with the exception of Sparta.

Spring 334 HELLESPONT Alexander leads his army into Asia and visits Troy.

GRANICUS The Macedonian army defeats Persian forces led by western satraps.Summer 334 WESTERN ASIA Alexander takes control of Sardis and Ephesus.

THE SIEGE OF MILETUS Alexander takes Miletus by siege and disbands most of his navy. HALICARNASSUS Halicarnassus is captured, except for its citadel.Autumn 334 CARIA-LYCIA A l e x a n d e r a r r a n g e s n e w administrators, sends for new recruits.

Winter 334/3 LYCIA Cities of Lycia surrender to Alexander.

4

THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGNS

On Alexander’s succession to the throne, he assembled all Greeks in Peloponnese and asked for the command of the campaign against Persia, which had been previously granted to his late father Ph i l ip o f Macedonia. In Athens, there was disquiet, but resistance collapsed the m o m e n t A l e x a n d e r approached. In fact, on arrival in Athens, he was granted greater honours than his father Philip.

In the spring of 335, he marched with his army towards Thrace, where the Triballi and Illyrians, w h o s e t w o p e o p l e s bordered Macedonia, were attempting to take advantage of what they saw as political instability in the wake of Philip’s death. Consequently, Alexander undertook to march to Mount Haemus in ten days where he intended to secure his b o r d e r s b e f o r e e m b a r k i n g o n h i s campaigns in Persia.

5

However, on the mountain he met a large opposing force of natives. The Thracians were well positioned and intended to use carts as a sort of defensive palisade. They hoped to send carts crashing down upon the Macedonian phalanx, as the men were climbing the steepest slope of the mountain. Alexander, who quickly realised that this could prove very dangerous to his army, came up with a plan that demonstrated his ingenuity. Considering that he would have to cross the ridge, he told his troops to break out of formation and go to either side. The others were to lie on the ground close together and lock shields. In this manner the carts could pass over them without causing any harm. The manoeuvre was very successful and there were no casualties. On witnessing this display of discipline and self belief, the Thracian troops flung down their weapons in a sauve-qui-peut action and fled down the mountain. According to Arrian, 1,500 were killed and only a few were captured. The remaining men, women and children fled to the “Pine Tree,” an island on the Danube.

Alexander heard of the Triballians’ escape and set out to engage them. Retracing his steps, he found them pitching camp and attacked. The tribesmen were caught napping and were completely unprepared for the oncoming Macedonian onslaught of archers and slingers. The Thracians held their position as best they could, but could not hold off the Macedonian infantry which kept coming in close order. Instead of shooting the Thracians, the cavalry began to ride them down in a series of fierce assaults all over the battlefield. Arrian claims that 3,000 Thracians died in this battle. Of the Macedonians, he says that a mere eleven cavalry and forty infantry perished.

Three days after the battle, Alexander reached the Danube, where he found warships awaiting him: they had come up and across the Black Sea from Byzantium. Alexander manned these ships with heavy infantry and sailed for the island to which Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. Fortunately for the Thracians and Triballians, he could not put ashore. Therefore, he withdrew his ships and sailed across the river to the Getea who lived on the other side. This was of course an enormous achievement for anyone and certainly left an impression on other tribes and leaders. On approach, they saw 4,000 cavalry and 10,000 on foot were awaiting his arrival (and were preparing to resist). Arrian points out that the sight of this opposition enticed Alexander all the more. He decided to cross with only 1,500 cavalry and 4,000 infantrymen. They crossed at night and concealed their landing.

They held their spears parallel to the ground in order to flatten the fields as they marched forward. Frightened by the fact that Alexander had managed to cross the Danube in one night without a bridge, and now confronted with the force of his attack, they fled to their town. However, Alexander maintained his pursuit so that the Getea now fled their town taking with them as many children and women as possible. Alexander then cleared the town of all valuables and razed it to the ground.

6

On the Macedonian’s return to camp, they met the representatives of the Celtic tribes who all wished to maintain Alexander’s friendship. Alexander, fully aware now of his power, decided to seek further recognition. He asked the representatives what they were most afraid of wanting to hear “You, my lord,” however, the answer he got was perhaps not to his liking: They were afraid “that the sky might fall on their heads.” Alexander later found out that the Autariates were planning to attack him. He embarked immediately to meet this challenge. Langaros (king of Agrianes) respected Alexander greatly, and offered to keep the Autariates occupied, as they were not much of a war-like tribe. Langaros was successful and as a result earned Alexander’s favour.

He then proceeded along the river Erigon on his way to Pelium, a town occupied by the Illyrian chieftain Cleitus, which was the most defensible town in the district. He halted at the river Eordaicus intending on attacking the following day. Owing to the position of the fortress, Cleitus’ troops were able to attack Macedonian forces from all sides. Cleitus, seeing Alexander’s approach, sacrificed three boys, three girls and two rams and moved to attack at close quarters. However, as the Macedonians looked like they were about to counter, Cleitus’ troops abandoned their defences. As the Macedonians approached, only the victims of sacrifice were left lying where they fell. At this point, Alexander sealed off the town with the troops still inside and made ready to attack – but the following day Glaucias (another Illyrian leader) appeared with a very large contingent of troops. Alexander decided to abandon his project of taking over the town. The Macedonian force was considerably smaller than Glaucias’. Glaucias then seized the high ground. Alexander marched with a force consisting of the Agrianes, the Archers, the Guards, and a squadron of cavalry 400 men strong. Glaucias retreated on Alexander’s approach. It still seemed however, that Glaucias and Cleitus had caught Alexander in an awkward position. Their commanding position on the heights was strong, with both mounted troops and other detachments armed with javelins and heavy infantry.

When Alexander withdrew, those confined within the town were all ready to attack. The country, through which the Macedonians would have to withdraw, was very narrow. The river to one side and the arduous foothills to the other meant that Alexander’s men could not even pass four abreast. Alexander therefore decided to draw up the main infantry in mass formation at 120 deep, posting on either wing 300 cavalrymen with instructions to make no noise and to obey orders smartly. He then ordered the heavy infantry to erect their spears, and at the word of command, swing them from right to left. The whole phalanx then moved smartly forward whilst swinging their spears causing it to execute various intricate movements. Alexander then ordered his left to form a wedge and advance to the attack. The enemy, shaken by the discipline of his troops abandoned their positions on the lower slopes. At that moment, Alexander ordered his men to clash their spears against their shields and release a war cry, thus frightening the Taulantians (dominant Illyrian tribe) who quickly abandoned the town. A

7

small party of enemy troops was still in possession of a hill by which Alexander would have to pass. He therefore ordered the Companions and the men of his personal guard to prepare for action and ride to the attack. Their orders were that if the enemy who had occupied the hill should still hold ground, half should dismount and fight on foot in close support with the mounted troops. The hill, however was not held, the enemy went off at a tangent towards the mountains.

Alexander then ordered the Agrianes and archers (a force of about 2,000 men) together with the Guards, to cross the river along with the other Macedonian units. At the other side, they were instructed to form up towards the left. Alexander remained on the hill to keep careful watch on enemy movements. On seeing the Macedonian troops crossing, the natives moved down with the intention of falling upon Alexander’s party, which would form the rear of the army as it withdrew. The main body of the Macedonian army raised a war cry, attacking by passing through the river. The enemy, under the combined onslaught, broke and fled. Alexander then ordered the archers and the Agrianes to advance to the river. With orders to launch a heavy onslaught of missiles, Glaucias’ men refused to venture within range, and the Macedonians crossed the river safely.

After three days, Alexander heard that Cleitus and Glaucias’ troops were encamped very insecurely, and decided to take advantage of it. In darkness, he took the Guards, the Agrianes and the archers along with the troops of Perdiccas and Coenus back to the river, and ordered the rest of the army to follow. Alexander immediately sent in the Agrianes and the archers to mount a surprise attack on a narrow front. Most were killed on the spot and very few were captured. None escaped. Cleitus’ first move was to retreat to the town, which he then set on fire and later he made his way to the Taulantians, where he sought refuge with Glaucias. Having defeated Glaucias and Cleitus, he received news of the insurrection of Thebes.

Question:

(i) Outline the events of Alexander’s northern campaigns. (30)(ii) What do you believe we can learn about Alexander’s ability as a leader

from these events. (20)

8

THEBES

No sooner had Alexander concluded operations in the north than news reached of the Theban revolt. The Thebans were holding the Cadmeia (the Macedonian garrison) and were urging resistance to Macedonian rule. Alexander knew he had to act swiftly if his rule in Greece was not to be challenged. He marched at lightening speed to Pelinna in Thessaly, and from there to Onchestus (6 miles from Thebes).

Outside the city, he halted and resisted the urge to attack, he moved around the gates and finally occupied the area around the Cadmeia. Perdiccas moved into an attack position from his battalion not far from the enemy’s palisade, without Alexander’s consent, and got inside the walls. On seeing this, Alexander ordered a general advance to prevent Perdiccas from being cut off and placed at the mercy of the Thebans. Perdiccas was wounded. His men, joined by Alexander’s archers, boxed the Thebans up in the sunken road, which runs down by Heracleum. 70 archers were killed (incl. their leader Eurybotas the Cretan). Alexander launched an infantry attack at close order and drove the enemy inside the gates. The rout became such a panic that they failed to shut the gates behind them – many Macedonian’s passed in with the general scramble. For a short time, the Theban forces stood firm at the Ampheum, until, attacked by Macedonians from every side the failed to offer any organised resistance.In what followed, it was not the Macedonians as much the Phocians and Plataeans and other Boeotian towns who indiscriminately slaughtered the Thebans. They burst into houses and killed their occupants; sparing neither women nor children. The violence and unexpected nature of the attack, together with the importance of Thebes shocked and the rest of Greece. Many Greeks felt Thebes had paid the penalty for her betrayal of Greece in the Persian war. The sight of surviving refugees ,who streamed in to Athens in the hours and days following the devastating fall of the city, particularly disturbed the Athenians. Immediately, Athens sued for peace and reaffirmed its commitment to Alexander’s hegemony over Greece.

The Macedonians garrisoned the Cadmeia and razed Thebes to the ground. Any surviving women, men and children were sold into slavery. The other powers hurried to prove their friendship to Alexander. Athens began to prepare to resist a siege, while at the same time, assuring its allegiance to the young king. They did however refuse to surrender the Athenians, Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and several other supporters of the revolt (Alexander had previously declared that they were more responsible for the revolt

9

than the Thebans themselves.) He then returned north to Macedonia where he offered thanksgiving to Zeus, and celebrated the Olympian games at Aegae.

News reached Alexander that a statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus of Thrace had been sweating profusely. Aristander the soothsayer interpreted this as a sign that writers and poets would have much work celebrating the young king’s exploits and achievements.

Alexander left Macedonia under the care of Antipater and made for the Hellespont with about 30,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry. Passing Mount Pangaeum he passed through Abdera and Maroneiand from there on to Hebrus. Within 20 days, he arrived at Sestus. Numerous merchant vessels were required to get the men from Sestus to Abydos. On arrival, Alexander dedicated an altar to Zeus, Athena and Heracles.

He then travelled inland to Troy, offered sacrifices to Athena, and gave his armour as a gift – in exchange taking some weapons that remained from the Trojan War. From Troy, Alexander marched to Arisbe where his entire force had taken up its position after crossing the Hellespont. He then travelled onwards to Percote and the following day passed Lampsacus and halted by the river Practius.

The town Priapus, which lay on his route, surrendered to him, and he sent a party under Panegorus to take it over. Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, and Niphates who were in command of the Persian forces had taken up position near the town of Zeleia. They possessed Persian cavalry and Greek mercenary troops. They met to discuss the situation after hearing that Alexander had crossed into Asia. Memnon of Rhodes advised the burning of all crops and gutting the towns so that Alexander could not remain in the country - Arsites said he would not condone this slash and burn policy; the other Persian agreed. Memnon being Greek was not fully trusted. He was however, the only one who appreciated the danger that Alexander represented. Meanwhile, the Macedonians were advancing in battle order upon the river Granicus.

10

THE BATTLE OF THE RIVER GRANICUS - Spring 334 BC

Parmenio was placed in command of the left wing, while Alexander moved over to the right along with Philotas and the Companion Cavalry, the archers and Agrianes. The Guard's Battalions, under the command of Nicanor, were also present along with the infantry battalions of Perdiccas, Coenus and Amyntas and the troops under Amyntas' son Philip.

The Macedonians were slightly outnumbered by the Persians, who had about 40,000 men altogether (20,000 cavalry and 20,000 foreign mercenaries on foot) compared with the Macedonian's 30,000 infantry and just 5,000 Calvary. But the Persians had committed a grave, and ultimately fatal error in positioning their mounted troops, at the front of their army, on the banks, while the infantry were forced to stay at the rear.

The Persians were waiting for Alexander to cross first so that they could fall on his men as they were struggling up out of the water. After an awed hush on the banks, Alexander led the charge forward. First were Amyntas with the advanced scouts and the Paeonians, along with Ptolemy's infantry battalion and Socrates' cavalry squadron. Alexander himself then followed at the head of the right wing, shouting encouragement to his men. The Persians desperately flung missiles at the first Macedonians out of the water, namely the men under Amyntas and Socrates; but they could not keep them back and so engaged them in hand to hand combat, with the Macedonians furiously trying to push themselves out of the river and on to the land, and the Persians trying equally hard to prevent them. Alexander's men had a hard time contending with the dexterous Persian lances as well as the horses of the cavalry, who were perched at an advantageous height on the shore. Memnon and his sons were there, fighting in the thick of the battle.

11

The Macedonians Prepare to Cross the Granicus

Arrian describes the battle as a cavalry battle with infantry tactics. Alexander himself charged straight across for the Persian commanders and a violent struggle ensued around him, in the course of which his spear was broken. He was unable to obtain another from Aretes, who had the same problem, but Demaratus, one of his personal bodyguards, gave him his. Alexander knocked Mithridates, Darius' son-in-law, from off his horse, killing him. In the heat of battle Rhoesaces struck off part of Alexander’s helmet in an effort to take his head; Alexander immediately thrust his spear into Rhoesaces’s chest. While this was going on, Spithridates was poised behind Alexander with his sword raised, but Cleitus (whom Alexander later murdered in a drunken brawl) hit him from behind before he could strike the fatal blow.

12

Army Dispositions

At this stage, the Persians began to weaken, their light lances proving inferior to the long cornel wood spears of the Macedonian Sarissa. Moreover, their Cavalry at the front were susceptible to the more mobile, lightly armed Macedonian troops. Soon, the Persian centre gave way, and both wings thereafter collapsed. The Persians began to flee in panic from the victorious Macedonians. According to Arrian, about 1000 of them were killed before Alexander abandoned his pursuit. He now turned his attention to the Greek mercenaries who were still standing about in a bewildered cluster on the Persian side. Alexander had them surrounded and massacred. About 2000 of the survivors were taken prisoner.

Many Persians of high rank and distinction perished in the carnage, amongst them; Spithridates the satrap of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes governor of Cappadocia and two men close to Darius himself: Arbupales his son, and Mithridates his son-in-law. Arsites, who had been Governor of northern Phrygia, fled into Phrygia where he committed

13

suicide. Only about 120 Macedonians were killed; of these, about 25 were of the Companion Cavalry and 60 other mounted troops, and about 30 infantrymen. All the dead were buried with their arms and equipment on the day after the battle. The Persian dead were also buried. Alexander visited the Greek wounded and sent the Greek prisoners back to Athens as slaves along with 300 suits of Persian armour.

Alexander now appointed Calas to Arsites' satrapy of northern Phrygia and pardoned all the natives who surrendered to him. Parmenio was sent to Dascylium, which fell without a problem. Alexander then made for Sardis, and while he was still eight or nine miles away he received word that it had surrendered. The bulk of the Macedonians then halted at the river Hermus and Amyntas was sent to occupy the fortress in the city. Alexander treated Mithrines and the Sardinians well and gave them their freedom. At the acropolis at Sardis he built a temple to Olympian Zeus, a thunderstorm confirmed his opinion that it was a good site for doing so.

Leaving Cert Question 2000

(i) The Persian leaders, including Memnon of Rhodes, met to decide how to deal with Alexander shortly after his arrival in Asia Minor

(a) What options did they discuss, and why did they decide to meet Alexander in battle at the river Granicus?

(b) Give a brief outline of the course of this battle.

14

Mistakes by Persians before the battle:

The Persian forces were commanded by Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, and Niphates

who were helped by Spithridates the Satrap of Lydia and Ionia. Arisites governor of

northern Phrygia was also present, as was the Greek Mercenary, General Memnon of

Rhodes. Their intelligence reports had confirmed that Alexander had indeed crossed

the Hellespont into Asia. Memnon of Rhodes, who had a good strategic understanding

15

of the situation, advised against any military engagement of the Macedonian forces.

Instead, he suggested a scorched earth policy. His reasons for doing so were as follows:

a) Alexander was present in person where Darius was not

b) The Macedonian lines of supply were at best shaky, and as they were relatively

isolated in a foreign country, it would have been easy to starve Alexander back

across the Hellespont.

Arisites the Phrygian governor rejected this proposal, insisting that not one house

belonging to his subjects should be destroyed. The other commanders concurred and

were no doubt mistrustful of Memnon’s Greek nationality.

The Battle:

As Alexander advanced in battle order upon the river Granicus he was advised by

Parmenio not to force an engagement at this point. Characteristically, Alexander ignored

his cautious general’s advice, claiming that he would have been ashamed if a trickle of

water the seize of the Granicus should stop him. Alexander placed Parmenio in over all

command of the left wing of the army. On Alexander’s right were Philotas, Parmenio’s

son, the Companion Cavalry, the Archers and the Agrianians. Attached to Philotas’

divisions were those of Amyntas, who commanded the Paeonians, the Lancers and

Socrates‘ squadron. On the left of these divisions were; the Guards battalions,

commanded by Parmenio’s son Nicanor, the infantry battalions of Perdiccas and the

infantry. The advance position of the left wing was held by the Theslian Cavalry under

Calais’ son Harpalus, these were supported by the allied cavalry. Immediately on their

right, the infantry battalions extended to the centre of the army as a whole.

Tactical errors by Persians during the battle:

16

The banks of the river Granicus were extremely steep, and the Persians decided

to take advantage of this by placing their cavalry along a very broad front with the

infantry in the rear. This was a serious tactical blunder, because the cavalry were

prevented from being able to charge. Furthermore, the Persian infantry units, who

according to Arrian numbered 20,000, were prevented from gaining access to the battle

by the mounted troops. In the first onslaught, the Macedonians suffered severely owing

to their difficulty in securing a foothold on the other side of the river. Alexander led the

attack on the right, but such was the slow pace of advance that Arrian describes the

battle as being a cavalry engagement with infantry tactics. The tide slowly turned in

favour of the Macedonians, their discipline combined with the sheer weight of their

attack, and the advantage of the long cornel-wood spear over the light lances of the

Persians, began to tell. During the engagement , Alexander caught sight of Darius’ son-

in-law Mithridates. He struck him in the face with one of his spears and hurled the

Persian to the ground. Rhoesaces then charged at Alexander and struck him on his head

with his scimitar, slicing off part of his helmet. While Alexander was dealing with

Rhoesaces, Spithridates came up behind Alexander and was just about to kill him when

Cleitus severed Spithridates arm at the shoulder. Meanwhile, the Macedonian units were

streaming across the river. The lightly armed Macedonian troops had managed to force

their way in-between the Persian cavalry and were inflicting heavy losses on the

Persians. As a result, the Persian centre collapsed, both wings of the Persian cavalry were

the routed with about 1,000 men killed.

Alexander checked his pursuit of the fleeing Persians in order to turn his attention

to the remaining units of foreign mercenaries. Numbed and shocked by the rapidity of

the Persian collapse, these Mercenaries had failed to react, and as a result, had

maintained their position and not taken part in the battle. Alexander had them

surrounded by horse and infantry and ordered that they be butchered. According to

Arrian, the Macedonian losses numbered a mere 25 of the Companion cavalry.

17

Consequences of the Victory:

1. Alexander now had a foothold in Persia.

2. He had secured his lines of supply.

3. Huge boost in morale for his men.

The Macedonians Phalanx of 256 fighting men, the Syntagma

18

THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACIES | ALONG THE AEGEAN SEABOARD

He then left Sardis, leaving Asander the son of Philotas as Governor of Lydia with

an adequate supply of troops. It was around that time that Amyntas the son of Antiochus deserted with the mercenary garrison of Ephesus, Alexander's next destination. He reached the city in three days and took it without any substantial resistance. He restored democratic institutions, displacing the old Persian autocratic system, and transferred taxes previously paid to Persia to the temple of Artemis. However he had to make sure to pacify the people when they tried to kill everyone who had been sympathetic to Persian rule. He acted in a fair, moderate and statesmanlike manner as a result of which, according to Arrian, "his popularity never stood higher than it did on this occasion” by his handling of the situation at Ephesus.

Immediately following this the Macedonians spread out and took over large sections of the surrounding countryside, Parmenio being dispatched to Magnesia and Tralles and Alcimachus to the Aolian and Ionian towns. No great resistance was experienced at any of these places, the Macedonians being welcomed since they restored democratic governments and gave the people their freedom. Alexander himself sojourned at Ephesus for a while, where he sacrificed to Artemis and paraded his troops in full armour, and then marched for Miletus. That city's Persian Governor Hegisistratus had already offered to surrender to Alexander ,but had changed his mind at the promise of Persian naval aid and was holding out, in spite of the fact that the garrison had deserted the city's outer defences. Alexander occupied this area with ease. Before the Persian fleet could get there to salvage the doomed city, Nicanor arrived with 160 ships.

THE COSTAL CAMPAIGNS

Miletus

19

In spite of the fact that Nicanor's fleet was anchored at Lade, just off Miletus, he decided not to risk a naval engagement with the numerically superior Persians. Instead, he besieged Miletus itself, attacking the walls with his siege engines and battering rams. Meanwhile, Nicanor's fleet surrounded the city from the harbour, and when the city fell, they prevented anyone from escaping by boat. The Persians were still proving troublesome to Alexander from Mycale, so he sent Philotas by land to take the town. The Persian ships made just one brief attack on Alexander before retreating.

Following this Alexander disbanded his navy, which was costly to maintain and moreover was no longer of any real use to him since he was firmly established on Land. He was also concerned that Athenians, whom he felt that he could not trust, manned the navy.

Leaving Cert Question 1998

(i) (a) Why did Alexander dismiss his fleet after the capture of Miletus and put his trust instead in his coastal policy?

(b) What risks do you consider he ran by leaving himself without a fleet?

HALICARNASSUS

His next major move was to Halicarnassus, which was heavily occupied by Persian troops including Memnon of Rhodes himself. After beating back a Persian sortie at the gates, he was diverted to Myndas, acting on information that that city was ready to surrender to him. However, the defenders of Myndus put up a fight and Alexander, who had brought no rams, artillery or ladders with him, in the mistaken belief that they were ready to give the city up, was unable to take it. Instead he returned to Halicarnassus, where he filled in a huge trench outside the walls and mounted his artillery there. After nightfall, the Persians attempted to set fire to the Greek machinery, but they were beaten back and lost 170 men in the process.

Shortly after this the city was very nearly taken after two drunk soldiers from Perdiccass's battalion attacked the walls of the town alone one evening, drawing out the

20

Persian defenders who were soundly beaten back by the rest of the same battalion who had rushed out. The Macedonians managed to destroy two towers and almost succeeded in taking the city; the incident showed how precarious the Persian defence really was. Philotas and Helanicus deftly repelled another Persian raid on Alexander’s machinery the following day

A few days afterwards, Alexander attacked a breach in the wall, diverting the enemy's attention and drawing them out, while another division under Ptolemy, the Captain of the Royal Guard, attacked the Trypylium. Both these offensives caused massive damage to the Persian side; many of the men who came out against Alexander were unable to get back inside, the gates having been shut too soon; they were promptly slaughtered outside the walls. Those who went out against Ptolemy at the Trypylium, perished when the bridge over the dyke, which they were all crowded on, collapsed. Those who survived the fall were shot to death from above. Ptolemy himself was also killed in this incident. All in all, over a thousand Persians died.

Following this, Memnon fled the city, having had key sections of it burnt. The Macedonians poured into Halicarnassus and put out the fires. Alexander then transferred his machinery into Tralles and had it razed to the ground. In preparation for a move into Phrygia he established a base camp in Tralles, and appointed Ada to the governorship of Caria. (This is the first instance in Arian of what could later be called a policy of integration or orientalism.)

Having sent all the newly married men home for the winter ("No act of Alexander's", says Arrian, "ever made him better beloved by his native troops."), Alexander pressed on to Phaselis where he overwhelmed a Pisidian fortress. He then received word that Alexandros the son of Aeropus had been plotting against him with the aid of Amyntas who had previously defected to Darius. An omen - a sparrow landing on Alexander's head - was interpreted by Aristander, the seer, to confirm Alexandros’s treachery and he was promptly arrested.

Following this, Alexander continued along down the coast, through Perga where then the city of Aspendus offered to surrender to him. He accepted this and also occupied Side and Scyllium. Then the town of Aspendus turned on him. The city was surrounded by a high wall and was situated atop a hill, but Alexander managed to get over the wall and the city fell without much difficulty. The inhabitants of Aspendus were forced to give him horses, 100 talents and to surrender their leaders as hostages.

21

Alexander had some trouble getting past Telmissus, which lay atop a narrow pass and was heavily guarded. However, he halted near it and made as if to stop for the night, whereupon most of the guard was withdrawn and the Macedonians quickly marched through the pass. Alexander made an alliance with nearby Selga and conquered Sagalasus, though with difficulty because this city too was perched on top of a steep hill. The Agrianes and archers led the assault, followed by the Macedonian infantry, and in this way over 500 Pisidians were killed and Segalasus taken. Alexander then took Gordium where he was rejoined by the troops who had earlier gone home. The Athenians sent a request to release some of their prisoners of war, but he turned them down asking them to return when things had calmed down.

Darius appointed Memnon the supreme commander of the Persian navy, responsible for the defence of the whole Asiatic coast. Memnon’s plan was to divert the war back to Greece and Macedonia. After obtaining the island of Chios he sailed to Lesbos, he took charge of the whole island except Mitylene, which refused to treat with him. He then blockaded the town and was thus in complete control of the whole island, he also sent part of his fleet to Sigrium; the most westerly point of Lesbos this stopped any aid reaching Mitylene. Before he could complete his work, Memnon died and on his deathbed he handed down his command to his nephew Pharnabazus, Artabazus’ son. The people of Mitylene found themselves cut off completely. They accepted the terms set down by the Persians; firstly, to send away the mercenaries sent by Alexander; secondly, to abandon the alliance made with Alexander and to form a pact with Darius. Lastly to allow their exiles to return. Once inside the town, Pnarnabazus erected a garrison and imposed a tax. Pharnabazus now set sail for Lycia while Autophradates proceeded to the other islands.

Meanwhile, Darius sent for the mercenaries under Pharnabazus’ command and formally appointed him to take over Memnon’s command. Pharnabazus rejoined the rest of his fleet. On his arrival they dispatched ten ships under command of Datames to the Cyclades islands and sailed with a squadron for Tenedos.

The Gordian Knot

Alexander travelled to Gordium; he wanted to take on the challenge of the famous knot of the wagon of Gordius. This wagon was said to have come down from King Midas. It was said that who ever could loosen the knot would rule Asia. Alexander was compelled to loosen this knot, contrary to advice; Arrian describes this burning desire of his to accomplish very difficult or near impossible feats as his pothus.

There are two conflicting legends to this tale. One says that upon inspecting the knot he took out his sword and slashed the knot open. The other suggest that Alexander

22

removed the peg that was going through the centre of the knot holding it together. Many people believed that the legend would come true and that night there was thunder and lightening which was thought to be an omen of affirmation.

Next day he started for Acrya in Galotia. He placed Acrya under the jurisdiction of Calas of Phrygia. Alexander passed through the Cilician gates previous to mounting a sudden attack under the cover of darkness. As he approached Tarsus, Arsames fled in panic. When Alexander reached tarsus he fell seriously ill and many of his physicians could not cure him. But his trusted soldier and physician Philip came to him with a draught. Previous to receiving this draught, Alexander was handed a note it suggested that Philip was plotting to kill him. Alexander handed the note to Philip and subsequently gulped back the draught the note was proved to be wrong.

Feeling better Alexander now made for Anchialus and then on to Soli. Soli had supported the Persians and they were fined 200 talents for their co-operation. The Macedonians now marched against the Cilicians holding the hills, they removed them from their positions and were soon back Soli where he heard news that Ptolemy and Asander had won a battle against Orontobates the Persian. He held the Acropolis in Helicarnassus with other towns: Myndus, Caunus, Thera and Callipolis. Orontobatess lost 700 infantry 50 mounted troops and 1000 prisoners. In celebration Alexander held games and made a sacrifice to Asclepis. Soli was allowed to keep its popular government.

The Battle of IssusAlexander now started for Tarsus, he ordered cavalry under command of Philotas

across the plain of Alea. He then went to Magarsus and offered sacrifice to the local Athene, then to Mallus for more ceremonial sacrifices. At Mallus he found Political unrest and settled it. While at Mallus he received a report that Darius and the whole Persian army were camped at Sochi in Assyrian territory. He called a meeting and was advised to advance immediately. Next day Alexander marched with the intention of attack, two days later he reached the Assyrian Gates. He took up a position near Myriandrus and was forced to remain there due to tropical storms. Darius had no apparent intention of making a move. His position was good flat open country suited to his army. But he grew impatient as Alexander was delayed with illness, celebrations, sacrifices and bad weather. Darius ignored the warnings of a Greek deflector Amyntas son of Antiochus. and was beginning to grow in confidence. He began to believe the grovelling courtiers who said that Alexander had no intention of moving further into Asia. Amyntas stood by his convictions but Darius believed what he wanted to hear. He abandoned his position and marched to Issus, passing Mount Amanus he established himself without being seen in Alexander’s rear. When he reached Issus he slaughtered any Macedonians left behind. The following day he moved on to the river Pinarus. Alexander did not believe that Darius could be in his rear. He sent men back to Issus to check the reports out. The reconnaissance party confirmed that Darius had indeed cut Alexander’s lines of communication.

23

Alexander assembled his troops and appealed for their confidence in the coming battle. He pointed out that they had the advantage of close fighting quarters. He

stated that the Macedonians were far superior fighters to the Persians, he also remarked that the Mercenaries’ hearts would not be in the fight and that the foreign soldiers fighting on the Macedonian side were the best in Europe. Finally Alexander said “ of the two men in supreme command? You have Alexander they…. Darius”.

The Macedonians also had everything to fight for and nothing to loose. Alexander reminded them of everything they had achieved. He gave specific examples of great acts of courage and named the soldier in question. Alexander drew parallels between themselves and the men of Xenephon, who with a far inferior force to the Macedonian managed to defeat the Persian King at the Gates of Babylon. With this rousing speech his commanders came forward and clutched his hand in support.

Alexander ordered a small party to check out the road by which they would have to return. At nightfall he moved with his whole army to take possession of that gateway. They rested there and just before daylight they moved to the coast road. He spread his men out so the right was right at the foot of the mountains and the left was beside the sea. The mounted troops were kept in the rear and as soon as open ground was reached he ordered battle stations. Three battalions of the guard under Nicanor were sent to the right. With Coenus’ battalion on their left the whole forming a line right wing to centre. Amyntas’ troops held the outside left and next in were Ptolemy’s battalion, then Meleager’s. Craterus was in command of the infantry on the left. Parmenio was in command of the left wing as a whole. His orders were to leave no gap between his left and the sea.

When Darius learnt of the Macedonian advance he sent 30,000 mounted troops and 20,000 light infantry across the river Pinarus. This gave him a chance to get his army into position unhindered. He had some 30,000 infantry and 60,000 heavy infantry, known as Kardakes. These troops were drawn up in line as there was no space for any other formation. Facing Alexander on his right was a division of about 20,000 strong which actually managed to work itself around to Alexander’s rear. Behind the Greek mercenaries and the Kardakes was the rest of the Persian army; a great mass of light and heavy infantry; arranged in a greater depth than would probably prove useful. His army was said to be 600,000 strong.

When Alexander saw the space open out in front of him he brought the Thesallian and Macedonian cavalry divisions under his command on the right. He sent the Peloponnesians and other allies over to Parmenio. Darius recalled the mounted troops from the other side of the Pinarus and sent some to his right to combat Parmenio, on the seaward side, where the terrain was more suitable for cavalry battle. The others he sent to the opposite which was futile cause they would prove to be useless in the rough ground. He soon recalled them and sent them to the right. He himself took the usual Persian King position in the centre. Nearly all the Persian cavalry

24

was on the seaward side facing Parmenio, Alexander now sent his Thessalian cavalry with speed across to Parmenio with orders to keep their movements hidden behind the

massed battalion. He sent his advanced scouts forward under Protomachus' command with the Paeonians under Ariston and the archers under Antiochus. The Agrianes under Attalus were ordered out towards the high ground at an angle to his main line of advance. this split the right wing into two separate prongs, one designed to engage Darius and the main body of the Persians on the further side, the other the units which had worked around the hill in the Macedonian rear. Cretan archers and the Thracians with the cavalry in advance of them; all units had a proportion of foreign mercenaries appointed to them.Alexander observed a certain weakness on the right, he also feared being outflanked at the end of his line. So he withdrew two squadrons of Companions from the centre and ordered them to the right with every

precaution to conceal their movement; he further strengthened the right by a contingent of Greek and Agrianes mercenaries drawn up in line and so outflanked the Persian left. The Persians on the hills remained passive; indeed they were easily dislodged when they were attacked. They retreated further up the mountainside, this meant that Alexander could use the men originally intended to fight against them for the main attack. 300 men kept an eye on them.

Every now and again during the advance Alexander halted his troops, giving the impression that time was on his side. Darius made no move. In many places the river bank was steep and the places which were less steep were re-enforced with stockades. All this suggested to Alexander’s troops that Darius did not have the stomach for a fight. The two armies were now almost in striking distance. Alexander began to rouse his troops to action, calling them by name, rank and distinctions; he even called out to the mercenaries. His army replied with the roar "Wait no longer.... forward to assault"

Alexander advanced at a deliberate pace for, too rapid an advance would cause a loss of formation. However, once in range of missiles he himself on the right wing. All the while Alexander was conscious of the need to cross the open ground quickly as the slower they went the more damage would be done by the Persian archers. The Persian left collapsed as soon as Alexander and his Companion cavalry came on top of him. However, the centre was not fairing too well, here some troops had moved over to the right and left a gap in the line; plus in contrast to Alexander who was already crossed the stream, they found the steep bank extremely difficult to climb. With Alexander's

25

triumph plain in their eyes they endeavoured to equal his success. The age-old racial rivalry further embittered the fight. It was here that Ptolemy, son of Seleucus lost his life with about 120 other Macedonian men of distinction. Alexander’s right wing now swung in towards the centre, they forced Darius' Greeks back from the river and then, outflanking the broken enemy left, delivered a flank attack on the mercenaries and were soon cutting them to pieces.

The Persians facing Alexander's Thessalins refused to remain inactive, but charged across the in a furious onslaught. The cavalry fighting was desperate and the Persians only broke when they new the Greek mercenaries were cut off by the Macedonians and Darius himself was in flight. That was the signal for a rout, and in the slaughter that ensued almost as many were trampled to death by their friends as were being cut down by their enemy. The Persians had equally severe losses in infantry and cavalry. Darius fled the moment he saw Alexander crush the Persian left, he raced away staying in his chariot for as long as possible. He was forced to abandon it when the terrain became unfavourable, he dropped his shield stripped off his mantle and even left his bow in the chariot. He leapt on his horse and rode for his life. While daylight held he was relentlessly pursued by Alexander, however in the darkness called off the chase to the next day; but not before taking possession of Darius' possessions.

The Persian losses were huge, 100,000 were killed, including many men of distinction, Arsames, Rheomithres, Atizyes also Sabaces governor of Egypt. Ptolemy, son of Lagus states that in their pursuit of Darius the Macedonians actually crossed a ravine on the bodies of the dead Persians.. Alexander captured Darius' mother, wife (who was also his sister) and his children, he also took a few

26

Persian noble ladies. However, he did not find much wealth in Darius' tent as he sent most of his treasure to Damascus. In fact he only found a mere 3,000 talents, he subsequently sent Parmenio to retrieve the treasure at the headquarters in Damascus. In the battle Alexander was injured by a sword in the thigh, nevertheless he visited the wounded men the day after the battle. He also gave a splendid military funeral to the dead. He also gave awards for acts of distinction during the battle.

After this he appointed positions to various men: Balacrus, son of Nicanor became the governor of Cilicia; Menes, son of Dionysius took Balacrus' position; Polysperchon, son of Simmias took command of Ptolemy's battalion, who had been killed. Alexander also showed great compassion towards Darius' family, allowing them to keep their status and returned to them Darius' mantle and bow reassuring them that their kinsman was still alive.

Darius himself made the best of his escape by riding through the night and met with Persians and mercenaries, in the end they were a group of about 4,000. They pressed on towards Thapsacus and the Euphrates they intended on putting the river between themselves and their enemy. Four men who had deserted to Darius; Amyntas son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes son Pherae, and Bianor theAcarnanian all fled to the hills with their 8,000 troops and reached Tripolis in Phoenicia were their boats were hauled ashore. They dragged as many out as they thought would serve their purpose burnt he rest and sailed for Egypt via Cyprus.

27

28Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μέγας

ARIAN 1I

The Siege of Tyre! 31

Egypt! 38

ALEXANDER VISITS THE TEMPLE OF AMMON! 39

The March Into Syria! 42

The Euphrates and The Tigris! 42

The Battle of Gaugemela! 43

Meanwhi le Pharnabazus and Autophradates were st i l l on Chios they g a r r i s o n e d t h e i s l a n d a n d s e n t p a r t o f t h e i r f l e e t t o C o s a n d Hel icarnassus and they themselves put to sea. At Siphnos they were met by the Spartan King, Agis, who told them the news of Issus. Fear ing trouble might start in Chios he returned to the is land. Agis dispatched Hippias to Taenarum to del iver to his brother Agesi laus ten ships and thir ty ta lents of s i lver which he had received from Autophradates, adding instruct ions that he should te l l Agesi laus to pay the seaman in fu l l and sai l immediately to Crete. Agis himsel f remained for a t ime in the is lands but soon jo ined Autophradates at Hal icarnassus. Leaving Menon, son of Kerd immas, as governor o f Lowland Syr ia A lexander marched fo r Phoenicia. On his way he met Straton the son of Gerostratus who was the pr ince of Aradus. Gerostratus had sai led with Autophradates so this lef t

29

Part II Table of Contents

Straton to present Alexander wi th the sovereignty of Aradus together wi th the large town of Marathus on the mainland opposi te, and Sigon, Marr iame, and everything else under his control .

W h i l e a t M a r a t h u s A l e x a n d e r r e c e i v e d e n v o y s f r o m D a r i u s request ing the release of h is mother, wi fe and chi ldren. They also brought a let ter f rom him, of which the substance is as fo l lows:

Philip and Artaxerxes were on terms of friendship and alliance, but when the accession of Artaxerxes’ son Arses, Philip was guilty of unprovoked aggression against him. Now, since Darius’ reign began, Alexander has not sent a representative to confirm the former alliance; with this, Alexander has crossed into Asia and caused much damage, so in return Darius has defended himself for his country and throne. The battle was fought fairly, and Darius the king asks Alexander the king to restore from captive his wife, mother and children. He is willing to make friend and ally of Alexander.

With this Alexander replied with his own letter stating;

As Greek supreme leader Alexander invaded Asia to

simply punish Persia. Darius’ ancestors had invaded Macedonia and

Greece. He went on to accuse Darius of corrupting the state of Greece,

saying that Alexander was not a good leader and finally accusing Darius

of ordering assassination of Philips. He belittled Darius’ pointing out that

he didn’t want Darius to address him as an equal. Alexander went on to

point out that he expected to be called king of all Asia from now on. To

finish Alexander Promised Darius that; “Where ever you may hide

yourself, be sure I shall seek you out.

!Fol lowing this arrogant reply Dar ius t r ied everything, even sending

him valuables and money, but Alexander sent al l of them back. The envoy from Greece, who had vis i ted Darius before the batt le, had also fa l len

30

into Parmenio’s hands, they were immediately sent to him. They were Thessa l i scus , son o f I smen ius who was la te r re leased a longs ide Dionysidorus, whom he fel t sorry for af ter what he had done to Thebes. Iphicrates was also released. However, the f inal man Euthycles, who Alexander didn’ t l ike was placed under arrest , but was later released.

The Siege of Tyre

Alexander now resumed his advances from Marathus. Byblus and

31

Sidon surrendered to him ( the people of Sidon hated Darius and the Persians.) He then proceeded in the direct ion of Tyre, and was met on the way by representat ives f rom the town, who had been sent by i ts government to say that they had determined to abide by any instruct ions Alexander might give. He sent the envoys back to te l l the people of Tyre that he wishes to enter the town and of fer sacr i f ice to Hercules. The People of Tyre were wi l l ing enough to accede to Alexander’s wishes, but they f i rmly refused one thing, and that was to admit any Persian or Macedonian within the wal ls of the town. This was reported to Alexander, and he was outraged and immediately cal led a meet ing. With th is he descr ibed the Macedonian posi t ion and told them what they had to do and that was to prepare to make an at tempt on Tyre. He himsel f had further encouragement as he dreamt that he was approaching the wal ls of the town and Heracles greeted him and invi ted him to enter.

However, Alexander had to be real ist ic, despite his dream, i t was obvious that the s iege of Tyre would be a t remendous undertaking. The town was an is land, and surrounded by strong and lof ty wal ls and as th ings were, wi th Persia in command of the sea and Tyr ian f leet st i l l s t rong, any at tack by sea would have been unl ikely to succeed. However Alexander’s decis ion to at tack was accepted. His plan was to bui ld a mole or cause across the stretch of shal low water between the shore and the town. In-shore there were patches of mud with l i t t le water over them, the deepest part of the channel , about three fathoms, being close to the town. There was a constant supply of stones, which they used for the foundat ion of the mole, and plenty of t imber, which they packed down on top. The pi les of mud i tsel f acted as a binding mater ia l to keep the s t o n e s i n p l a c e , w i t h t h e g r e a t t e a m s p i r i t a n d A l e x a n d e r ’ s encouragement, the men worked wel l and got the job done.

Li t t le di f f icul ty was encountered in construct ing the inshore port ion of the mole, because the water was shal low and there was no opposi t ion; but as they got out into the deeper water near the town, and within range of missi les f rom the lof ty wal ls, their t rouble began. The Tyr ians used their super ior i ty at sea to make constant raids on var ious points along the

32

mole, thus rendering the cont inuat ion of the work impossible. To counter these raids, the Macedonians bui l t two towers on the mole and mounted art i l lery on them. The Tyr ians however soon found an answer; they f i l led a catt le boat wi th dry brushwood and var ious sorts of t imber which would burn wel l , set up twin masts in her bows, and as far as they could, ra ised her bulwarks al l around in order to make her hold as much inf lammable mater ia l as possible, including pi tch, sulphur, and anything which would burn f iercely. Across the twin masts they r igged a yard double the usual length, and slung from i t cauldrons ful l of any mater ia l which could be poured or f lung on the f i re to increase i ts fury and f inal ly, they heavi ly bal lasted the vessel af t in order to l i f t her bows as high as possible.

The towers were soon caught in a fur ious blaze; the yards burned through and col lapsed, pour ing into the f i re the contents of the cauldrons which has been designed to increase i t ’s intensi ty. Once the towers were wel l a l ight , the Tyr ians in the town came swimming out, leapt into boats which they ran upon the mole at var ious points, and soon succeeded in wrecking the pal isade bui l t to protect i t . The resul t of a l l th is was that Alexander gave orders for work to start again on the mole f rom the in-shore end; i t was made broader, to give space for more towers, and the engineers were to set about the construct ion of f resh engines. In the meant ime, he himsel f wi th guards went to Sidon, in order to assemble there al l the warships he possessed. The Tyr ians were masters of the sea, and in order to defeat them he would have to muster most of h is warships.

With th is, Gerostratus and Enylus, upon receiv ing a report that Arodus and Byblus were in Alexanders’ hands, lef t the f leet which was under Autophradates’ command and sai led with their own cont ingent to jo in Alexander. The Sidonian warships accompanied them, so that Alexander received a reinforcement of about 80 Phoenician vessels. At the same t ime he was jo ined by the patrol ships f rom Rhodes and nine other vessels, three from Sol i and Mal lus, ten f rom Lycia, and a f i f ty-oared gal ley f rom Macedon under the command of Proteas, son of Andronicus.

33

Soon af terwards, the Cypriot k ings with their f leet of 120 ships sai led for Sidon in order to jo in Alexander. The alarming news of Dar ius’ defeat at Issus, and the fact that a l l of Phoenicia was in Alexander’s hands had caused them to reassess their a l legiances. With th is extra support , Alexander had gained a f leet . However, he was aware that i t was by necessi ty rather than choice that al l of them had used the naval strength in support of Persia, and was qui te wi l l ing to over look the past.

Whi le the war engines were st i l l under construct ion, Alexander and some of his t roops made an expedit ion to mount Ant i l ibanus in Arabia. W i th in t en days he made h imse l f mas te r o f t he coun t r y i n t ha t neighbourhood. On his return to Sidon, he found out that Cleander, son of Polemocrates, had arr ived from the Peleponnese with about 4000 Greek mercenar ies. Once the f leet was put together, he embarked an adequate number of men for the task in hand, that is , the engagement of c lose f ight ing rather than naval tact ics. The f leet sai led to Tyre wi th Alexander on the r ight wing to seaward, supported by the Cypriot k ings and Phoenicians with Pnytagoras and Craterus leading the lef t wing.

The Tyr ians had decided to f ight i f Alexander at tacked by sea; now, however the s i tuat ion was very di f ferent: Alexander th is t ime had a much more powerful f leet than they had expected.

Their f leet la id at sea a l i t t le way of f the town as a chal lenge to Alexander. At th is moment Alexander’s men were coming in at fu l l speed; therefore, the Tyr ians decided not to r isk engagement; instead, they blocked the harbour wi th as many ships as they could. On the refusal of the Tyr ians to accept his chal lenge, Alexander cont inued towards the town. He didn’ t intend to force an entry into the harbour on the Sidon side of the is land at th is t ime, because the entrance was narrow and blocked by a number of warships. In spi te of th is , however , the Phoenicians rammed into the three outermost vessels and sank them. After th is, the f leet was brought up in-shore, not far f rom the mole.

34

The next day Alexander gave orders for the blockade of the town. The Cyprians were to take stat ion of f the northern harbour facing Sidon, and the Phoenicians of f the southern harbour on the outside of the mole. By th is t ime Alexander had assembled a considerable amount of workmen from Cyprus and var ious parts of Phoenicia, and many war engines had been constructed; some on the t ransport vessels, some on the slower sai l ing tr i remes. When everything was ready everybody including those on the mole, and those from the ships which were ly ing of f the wal ls of the town began their assaul t .

On the batt lements over looking the mole, the Tyr ians erected wooden towers for defensive act ion. Every threat f rom Alexander ’s art i l lery was met wi th missi les and f i re arrows against h is ships wi th such ef fect that Alexander’s crews were afraid to approach within range of the defenders. The wal ls of the town were 150 feet high and strongly bui l t . However , there was a fur ther reason why i t was d i f f icu l t fo r the Macedonian transport ships and tr i remes to work wi th in range of the town with their ar t i l lery. Large blocks of stones in large numbers had been thrown into the water and these obviously obstructed their advance. Alexander was determined to remove them, but the task proved di f f icul t , not only because the men only had the unsteady ship’s deck to work f rom, but also because the Tyr ians in certain special ly armoured vessels kept dr iv ing at the bows of the Macedonian tr i remes and cutt ing the anchor cables, so that i t was impossible for them to remain in posi t ion.

In order to repel the Tyr ian at tacks, Alexander f i l led a number of th i r ty oared gal leys wi th s imi lar defensive armour and moored them broadside on ahead of the t r i remes’ anchor ropes. However, the Tyr ians not to be out done by, sent down divers to cut the cables as before. To counter th is, the Macedonians had subst i tuted chain for rope, and against that , the divers were useless. F inal ly, f rom the mole, they managed to pass ropes round the blocks of stone and to haul them out, af ter which they l i f ted them with cranes and dropped them again into deep water, where they were not l ikely to cause any further obstruct ion. Once the water by the wal l was clear of obstacles, the ships could l ie there wi thout any di f f icul t ies.

35

Consequent ly, the Tyr ians were in ser ious t rouble now and decided to at tack the Cyprian cont ingent which was blockading the northern harbour. Having manned, three quadriremes and seven tr i remes behind a sai l across the harbour, act ing as a screen, which went undetected by Alexander, they s l ipped quiet ly out of the harbour in s ingle f i le. They rowed in s i lence unt i l just before they turned to come within s ight of the Cypriots, when the shout to at tack was cal led, they la id to their oars and bore down upon the enemy at speed. The Tyr ian surpr ise at tack proved successful . The resul t was that Pnytagoras’ quinquireme was rammed and sunk at the f i rst encounter. The ship commanded by Androcles of Amathus and Pasicrates of Cur ium suffered the same fate.

As soon as Alexander found out that Tyr ians had been out, he ordered most of the ships on the south s ide of the town, to lay of f the south harbour entrance, in order to prevent another sort ie happening. Then, wi th his quinquiremes and f ive t r i remes, he sai led round to the north s ide of the town in search of the Tyr ian squadron, which had made the a t tack . When the Tyr ians on the bat t lement found ou t about Alexanders’ plans, they indicated to their comrades the importance of wi thdrawing to shel ter . Al l hope of protect ion by the f leet was now gone, and this was the moment when the Macedonians began to br ing the art i l lery into act ion. After Alexander’s at tempts on the north s ide once more were unsuccessful , he turned his at tent ion to the southern sector of the defences, and i t was here tha t he had h is f i rs t success . A considerable length of the wal l began to give under the assaul t , and an actual breech was made though not a large one.

Three days later, when Alexander had the weather he wanted, he ordered the ship borne art i l lery into act ion, great damage was done to the defences, and as soon as he thought that a breach of suf f ic ient breath had been made, he withdrew the art i l lery carr iers and ordered up two other vessels equipped with gangways which he proposed to throw across the breach. One of these vessels, commanded by Admetus, was taken over by a battal ion of the guards, and the other by Coenus’ battal ion of heavy infantry. Alexander himsel f was with the guards ready to mount the breach wherever i t was pract ical . On the chance that they might succeed in forcing an entrance whi le the enemies at tent ion was

36

engaged in t ry ing to repel the assaul t e lsewhere; other vessels which had archers on board or carr ied ammunit ion for the art i l lery were instructed to cruise round the is land. Wherever they could, they were to close in wi th the wal l , so that the defenders might be threatened from every point and caught, so to speak, in a r ing of f i re.

No sooner were Alexander’s ships in under the ci ty wal l , than the troops under the command of Admetus were in the th ick of th ings. Even Alexander fought bravely “playing a soldier ’s part according” to Arr ian. The sect ion of the defences where Alexander had chosen to take command was, in fact , the f i rst to fa l l . Admetus, leading the assaul t and cal l ing to his men to fo l low, was ki l led by a spear - thrust whi le st i l l upon the shel tered wal l , but Alexander, however seized the breach and, having establ ished control of some of the towers, passed on through and went towards the roya l quar ters , th is way appear ing to o f fer the most pract icable descent into the town. The Phoenicians who were ly ing of f the southern harbour smashed a way in through the defensive booms and made short work of the shipping inside, ramming some vessels where they lay af loat and dr iv ing others ashore; and the northern harbour presented no di f f icul ty to the Cypriots, because i t was not even protected by booms. They sai led straight in and quickly gained control of that posi t ion of the town. The main body of Tyr ians abandoned the wal l once they real ised that i t was in the enemies hands, and withdrew to the shr ine of Agenor, where they faced the Macedonians. Alexander and his guards were soon upon them. The slaughter was terr ible - for the Macedonians, s ick as they were of the length of the s iege, went to work wi th a v indict ive and savage rage. There was another reason, too, which contr ibuted to the v io lence of their assaul t ; the Tyr ians had taken some pr isoners on their way from Sidon; these men were brought up on to the batt lements and their throats were cut in fu l l v iew of the Macedonian army.

The Tyr ian losses were about 8000; the Macedonians, in the actual assaul t , lost Admetus and 400 men. Al l the pr isoners f rom Tyre were sold into s lavery, but not the k ing of Tyre, Azemilcus, who was granted a f ree pardon. Whi le Alexander was st i l l occupied with the s iege, he was vis i ted by envoys from Daruis, who of fered him 10,000 talents in exchange for his mother, wi fe and chi ldren, they also proposed al l the terr i tory west of

37

the Euphrates r ight to the Aegean sea should belong to Alexander, who should sea l h is bond of a l l iance wi th Pers ia by marry ing Daru is ’ daughter. However, Alexander did not accept Daruis ’ proposal . Upon receiv ing this reply, Daruis abandoned al l thought of a l l iance and began once more to prepare for war.

Egypt

Alexander’s next object ive was Egypt. Al though Gaza accepted, Alexanders’ control , their k ing refused to y ie ld and already had raised a force of mercenary Arab troops. The town of Gaza was encircled by a strongly bui l t wal ls. Once within str ik ing distance, Alexander took up posi t ion opposi te that sect ion of the defences which seemed easiest to at tack. The plan of campaign was to get the s iege engines up to bear upon to defences by r inging the town with a raised earthwork up to the level of their base, and mount ing the engines upon i t . Whi le of fer ing sacr i f ices, a bird f lew over Alexander dropped a stone on his head. Ar istander read this omen as indicat ing that Alexander would capture the town, but would have to take care for h is safety. So, because of that Alexander in i t ia l ly kept away from the act ion.

Batt le commenced as the defenders of the town made a sort ie, a lmos t succeed ing i n t h rus t i ng t he Macedon ians back down the earthwork. In act ion, a missi le f rom a catapul t pierced Alexander’s shoulder. According to Arr ian, Ar istander, had been r ight - he had foreseen the wound. Alexander was del ighted, for he bel ieved that the other prophecy would also be ful f i l led, and that the town would fal l . And the town did fa l l , despite heavy resistance. Alexander brought into act ion the main body of h is heavy infantry, on al l s ides of the town, the wal l , was battered down where the art i l lery had done i t ’s work, so that i t was an easy matter now to get the ladders onto the shattered wal ls, and thus force an ent ry . Once the ladders were up, the Macedonians had penetrated the defences and Gaza was captured. Every defender was ki l led, and their women and chi ldren were sold as s laves.

38

Alexander now made for Egypt, af ter a week of t ravel l ing they arr ived at Pelusium. Mazaces, the Persian governor of the town, had no nat ive t roops, and the fact that Alexander already had Phoenicia, Syr ia, and most of Arabia in his hands, he of fered no obstacle to his f ree entry into Egypt and i t ’s c i t ies. Alexander garr isoned Pelusium, af ter giv ing orders to the f leet to proceed up the Ni le to Memphis.

ALEXANDER VISITS THE TEMPLE OF AMMON

According to Arr ian Alexander was seized by an ardent desire to v is i t Ammon in Libya, part ly in order to consul t the god, because the oracle of Ammon was said to be exact in i ts informat ion, and Perseus and Heracles were said to have consul ted i t both of whom he was said to be related to.

By v is i t ing the temple he hoped to learn his own or igins more certainly, or at least that he might be able to say that he had learned i t . A c c o r d i n g t o A r i s t o b u l u s , h e a d v a n c e d a l o n g t h e s e a s h o r e t o Paraetonium through a country which was a desert , but not completely wi thout water.

From there he turned into the inter ior , where the oracle of Ammon was located. The route is desert , and most of i t is sand with l i t t le

39

avai lable water. But there was a copious supply of ra in for Alexander, a th ing which was at t r ibuted to the inf luence of the god Ammon. According to Arr ian whenever a south wind blows in that distr ict , i t heaps up the sand upon the route far and wide, render ing the tracks of the road invis ible, so that i t is impossible to discover where one ought to direct one’s course in the sand, just as i f one were at sea; for there are no landmarks by which travel lers might be able to determine the r ight

course. Consequent ly, Alexander’s army lost the way, and even the guides were in doubt about the course to take. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that two serpents went in f ront of the army and Alexander ordered the guides to fo l low them, t rust ing in th is div ine portent.

But Ar istobulus says that two ravens f lew in f ront of the army, and that these acted as Alexander’s guides.

.

The place where the temple of Ammon is located is ent i re ly surrounded by a desert of far-stretching sand, which is empty of water. The fert i le spot in the midst of th is desert , is not extensive.

40

Alexander then was struck with wonder at the place. Having consul ted the oracle and heard what he wanted to hear he set out on the journey to Memphis.

At Memphis, many delegat ions f rom from Greece were await ing his arr ival . Here he of fered sacr i f ice to Zeus, led his soldiers fu l ly armed in solemn procession, and celebrated a gymnast ic and musical contest . He then sett led the af fa i rs of Egypt, by appoint ing two Egypt ians, Doloaspis and Pet is is, governors of the country, div iding between them the whole land. He appointed two of the Companions to be commandants of garr isons: Pantaleon the Pydnaean in Memphis, and Polemo, son of Megacles, a Pel laean, in Pelusium. He also gave the command of the Grecian auxi l iar ies to Lycidas, an Aetol ian, and appointed Eugnostus, son of Xenophantes, one of the Companions, to be secretary over the same troops. As their overseers he placed Aeschу ̆ lus and Ephippus the Chalcidean.

In general he strove to maintain the Egypt ian system of government as much as pract icable as long as the customary t r ibutes were paid to him.

He appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son of Amyntas, generals of the army which he lef t behind in Egypt; and he placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, over the f leet as admiral .

Alexander decided to div ided the government of Egypt among so many, because he was surpr ised at the natural strength of the country, and thought i t unsafe to entrust the rule of the whole to a s ingle person.

41

The March Into Syria

As soon as spr ing came, he went f rom Memphis to Phoenicia, br idging the stream of the Ni le near Memphis, as wel l as the canals issuing from i t . When he arr ived at Tyre, he found his f leet a l ready there.

The Euphrates and The Tigris

Alexander arr ived at Thapsacus1 in the month Hecatombaion, in the archonship of Ar istophanes at Athens; and he found that two br idges of b o a t s h a d b e e n c o n s t r u c t e d o v e r t h e s t r e a m . H o w e v e r D a r i u s ’ commander Mazaeus was guarding the r iver wi th about 3,000 cavalry 2 , 0 0 0 o f w h i c h w e r e G r e c i a n m e r c e n a r i e s . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , t h e Macedonians had not constructed the complete br idge as far as the opposi te bank, because they were afraid that Mazaeus might make an assaul t upon the br idge. But when Mazaeus heard that Alexander was approaching, he f led. Soon af ter , the br idges were completed as far as the further bank, and Alexander crossed them into the heart land of the Persian empire. From the crossing point , he marched up into the inter ior through Mesopotamia, wi th the r iver Euphrates and the mountains of Armenia on his lef t .

He captured some of Dar ius’s reconnaissance scouts and they reported that Dar ius was encamped near the r iver Tigr is and was determined to prevent Alexander f rom crossing. They also said that he had a much larger army than that wi th which he had fought in Ci l ic ia at the batt le of Issus. Hear ing this, Alexander went wi th al l speed towards

42

1 Thapsacus (Ancient Greek: Θάψακος Thapsakos; Hebrew: תִּפְסַח‎ Tipsah) was an ancient town along the western bank of the Euphrates river that would now lie in modern Syria or Turkey. Thapsacus was the Greek and Roman name for the town. The town was important and prosperous due to its river crossing, which allowed east-west land traffic to pass through it. Its precise location is unknown and there are several different locations identified as the site of Thapsacus. One possibility is a location close to Carchemish, which now lies in Turkey, on its border with Syria. Karkamış and Jarabulus are the closest modern towns in Turkey and Syria respectively. More recently it has been suggested that Thapsacus was renamed to Seleucia at the Zeugma, which lies further upstream on the Euphrates.

the Tigr is; but when be reached i t he found nei ther Dar ius himsel f nor any any Persian troops. However, he exper ienced great di f f icul ty in crossing the stream, on account of the swif tness of the current, though no one tr ied to stop him. He decided to rest the army at th is point army and whi le here, an ecl ipse of the moon occurred.

The Battle of Gaugemela

Aristander fe l t that th is ecl ipse of the moon was a powerful portent that was favourable to Alexander and the Macedonians; he also insisted that there would be a batt le that very month, and that v ictory for Alexander was further conf i rmed by sacr i f ices to the gods that had been made. Having broken camp at the Tigr is, near Atur ia, keeping the mountains of the Gordyaeans on the lef t and the Tigr is i tsel f on the r ight; Alexander went in search of Dar ius. And on the fourth day af ter the crossing the r iver, h is scouts brought word to him that the enemy’s cavalry were v is ible along the wide plain that stretched out before them.

On hear ing this Alexander drew his army up in order and advanced ready for batt le. Other scouts again r iding forward and taking more accurate observat ions, to ld him that the cavalry did not seem to them to be more than 1,000 in number.

When Alexander rece ived th i s news f rom captured Per s ian scouts he remained where he was for four days . He gave h i s army a rest a f ter the i r march and strengthened the camp with a d i tch and pa l i sade . For he had dec ided to leave the baggage an imals and those of the so ld ier s who were unfi t for bat t le , and to advance into act ion wi th h i s combat t roops car r y ing noth ing but the i r weapons . Accord ing ly he assembled h i s force at n ight and led them out at the second watch , intending to meet the enemy at dawn. When Dar ius was to ld that Alexander was a l ready approach ing he drew up h i s army for bat t le , whi le Alexander s imi lar ly cont inued to advance in bat t le format ion . The armies were

43

fu l ly seven mi les apar t and cou ld not yet see each other, for there were h i l l s ly ing in between them.

Alexander was less than four mi les away, and h i s army was a l ready coming down f rom the h i l l s , when he caught s ight of the enemy and ha l ted h i s pha lanx . Ca l l ing together the Companions , gener a l s , cava l r y commander s and sen ior of f i cer s of the a l l ies and fore ign mercenar ies , he d i scussed whether he should lead the pha lanx into act ion at once . Most of them to ld h im to do th i s , whi le Parmenio thought i t best to encamp there and to scout out the whole area , in case there was any susp ic ious deta i l or any problem such as d i tches or h idden stakes f ixed in

the ground, and a l so to get a better s ight of the enemy format ion . Parmenio's adv ice was accepted and they encamped there , in the format ion in which they were go ing to f ight .

A lexander took the l i ght-armed troops and Cava l r y Companions and rode out on a complete sur vey of the area where the batt le was l i ke ly to be fought . On h is return he aga in ca l led together the same of f i cer s . He sa id that they d id not rea l ly

44

need h i s encouragement to f ight ; they had long ago been insp i red by the i r own courage and by the i r f requent g lor ious deeds a l ready accompl i shed . But he expected each of them to encourage h i s own men, the company, squadron , br igade or sect ion of the pha lanx which he commanded. For in th i s bat t le they would not be f ight ing for Lowland Syr ia or Phoenic ia or Egypt , as before , but for the whole of As ia , to set t le at that ver y moment who the r u l ing power must be .

He had no need to rouse them to br ave deeds by a long speech , for cour age was in the i r hear ts f rom b i r th . He pointed out that each one must be respons ible per sona l ly for d i sc ip l ine in danger, for tota l s i lence when they had to advance qu iet ly, for a rous ing war-cr y when i t was the moment to cheer, and for the most ter r i fy ing cr y when i t was the t ime to r a i se i t . They must themselves be fu l ly a ler t for the i r order s , and must see that the order s were passed smar t ly to the r anks . Each man, and the army as a whole , remember that in h i s own conduct lay danger i f he were s lack and success i f he d id h i s duty re l iably.

Af ter these and s imi lar br ie f words of encouragement Alexander was assured by h i s o f f i cer s that he cou ld re ly on them. He then gave order s for the army to eat and rest . The s tor y goes that Parmenio came to Alexander 's tent and adv ised h im to at tack the Per s ians dur ing the n ight ; for h i s at tack would take them by surpr i se and catch them in d i sorder, ter r i fy ing them more in the dar k . But other s were a l so l i s ten ing to the conver sat ion , and so Alexander answered that i t was d i sgr acefu l to s tea l v ic tor y, and that an Alexander must win openly and without t r icker y. Th is h igh-sounding dec lar at ion d id not look so much l i ke mere van i ty, but r ather showed how confident he was desp i te the danger ; and i t seems to Ar r ian that he was showing s imple common sense . For at n ight many unexpected events happen both to those who are bad ly prepared for bat t le and to those who are fu l ly prepared . These can cause the better s ide to lose and g ive v ic tor y to the weaker, contr ar y to the expectat ion of both s ides . A l though Alexander of ten took r i sks in bat t le , n ight act ion seemed too r i sky. At the same t ime i f Dar ius were beaten aga in he would not have to admit that he was a poor gener a l wi th weak t roops i f he had been unexpected ly at tacked at n ight . But i f any unforeseen d isaster befe l l the Macedonians the enemy would be in f r iend ly countr y which they knew wel l , whi le they themselves would be unfami l i a r wi th the countr y and ent i re ly sur rounded by enemies . A cons ider able number of these were the pr i soner s of war who would at tack them, not on ly a f ter a defeat but even i f they

45

did not appear to have won dec is ive ly. For these reasons Ar r ian approves of Alexander 's dec i s ion , and he equa l ly suppor ts h i s bo ld intent ion to act openly.

Dar ius was meanwhi le p lann ing for a dec i s ive batt le . He seems to have been qu i te content to choose h i s s i te and wai t , confident that Alexander would come to face the cha l lenge . A better gener a l might have done more to har ass Alexander 's suppl ies or to block h im at the cross ing of the T igr i s . But Dar ius was not a great gener a l , and natur a l ly any r at iona l man compar ing the armies would have been sure that Alexander had no chance .

Ar r ian now sets out the batt le format ion of the two armies .

Darius Darius Darius Left to Centre Centre Right to centre

Bactrian cavalryDaae and ArachotiansPersian cavalry & infantry

Albanians & Sacesinians

DariusIndiansCariansMardian archersUxians, BabyloniansTroops from the Persian GulfSetaceians

Lowland Syrian contingents

MesopotamiaMedesParthiansSacaeTapwrianHyrcanian

46

ALEXANDER ALEXANDER ALEXANDER Right wing - centre: The left of the Macedonian

infantry line consisted ofThe right side, forming an angle with the main body, were the:

Companion cavalryRoyal SquadronSquadrons under: -GlauciasAristonSopolisHeracleidesDemetriusMeleagerHegelochusInfantryCavalryNicanorCoenusPerdiccasMeleagerPolysperchonAmyntasSimmias

CraterusErigyiusThessian cavalryPharasalus

Reserve formations were posted to have a solid core of infantry to meet possible attack from the rear.

ThraciansAllied cavalry under CoenusOdrysian cavalry under AgathonForeign mercenary cavalry commanded by Andromachus

When the armies were c lose together Dar ius and h i s per sona l squadron , the Per s ian 'Golden Apple ' Company — so ca l led f rom the go lden apples on the i r spear butts — the Ind ians , A lban ians , immigr ant Car ians and Mard ian archer s cou ld be c lear ly seen , dr awn up to face Alexander h imse l f and h i s roya l squadron . Alexander led h i s men at an ang le to the r ight , and the Per s ians moved to counter h im, far out f lank ing h im with the i r le f t wing . The Scyth ian cava l r y, r id ing par a l le l to h im across the f ront of the batt le l ines , had a l ready made contact wi th the t roops p laced in f ront of Alexander 's main force , but he s t i l l led of f towards the r ight , and was now near ly c lear of the ground prev ious ly leve l led by the Per s ians . At th i s Dar ius was a f r a id that i f the Macedonians reached uneven ground h is char iots would be use less to h im, and so he ordered the t roops who were r id ing ahead of the le f t wing to wheel round the enemy r ight , led by Alexander, to

47

prevent them extend . . ing the i r l ine any fur ther. When th i s happened Alexander ordered h i s mercenar y cava l r y, commanded by Menidas , to char ge them. The Scyth ian cava l r y and those of the Bactr ians who were posted wi th them made a counter char ge , and as they were much super ior in number s they drove Alexander 's force back . He then ordered Ar i s ton's squadron , the Paeonians and the mercenar ies , to char ge the Scyth ians , and the enemy gave way. However the remain ing Bactr ians came to gr ips wi th the Paeonians and mercenar ies , r a l l ied the fug i t ives on the i r own s ide , and brought about a c lose cava l r y act ion . More men fe l l on Alexander 's s ide , under pressure f rom the super ior number s of the enemy, and because the Scyth ians and the i r hor ses had better protect ive armour. But

even so the Macedonians wi thstood the i r char ges , and fa l l ing upon them squadron by squadron broke up the i r format ion .

At th i s po int , the enemy launched the i r scythe-char iots in the d i rect ion of Alexander h imse l f in order to d i s r upt h i s pha lanx . But in th i s they fa i led bad ly ; for as soon as they approached, the Agr ian ians and jave l in- thrower s commanded by Ba lacr us , dr awn up in f ront of the Cava l r y Companions , met them with vo l leys of jave l ins . They a l so caught ho ld of the re ins , pu l led down the dr iver s , and sur rounded the hor ses and cut them down. Some of the char iots d id get through

48

the r anks , but these par ted , as they had been to ld to do, where the char iots at tacked , and the resu l t was that the char iots were undamaged and those whom they had at tacked were unhur t . However the grooms in Alexander 's army and the

Roya l Guard captured them.

Dar ius now launched h i s whole pha lanx , whi le Alexander ordered Aretes to at tack the enemy cava l r y who were r id ing round to enc i rc le h i s r ight wing . For a whi le he h imse l f led on h i s army in co lumn; but when the cava l r y who had r idden to he lp h i s endangered r ight wing had to some extent broken up the f ront of the Per s ian pha lanx , he wheeled towards the gap. Then forming a wedge of the Cava l r y Companions and of the pha lanx posted there he led them at the double , r a i s ing h i s war-cr y, s t r a ight at Dar ius h imse l f . There was a br ie f hand-to-hand str ugg le ; but when the cava l r y wi th Alexander h imse l f , pressed forward v igorous ly, thr ust ing and cutt ing at the Per s ians ' faces wi th the i r spear s , and the Macedonian pha lanx in c lose format ion and br i s t l ing wi th p ikes fe l l upon them, Dar ius , who had a l l a long been ner vous , saw noth ing but danger. He h imse l f was the f i r s t to

49

turn and f lee . Those Per s ians who enc i rc le the Macedonian r ight were a l so thrown into a pan ic when Aretes ' men launched a powerfu l a t tack .

Here the Per s ian rout was tota l and the Macedonians pressed them c lose ly, k i l l ing the fug i t ives . But S immias ' s ta f f and h i s detachment were unable to jo in Alexander in the pur su i t , had to ha l t the pha lanx and f ight where they were , s ince the Macedonian le f t wing was repor ted to be in d i f f i cu l ty.

In fact the i r l ine had broken there and some of the Ind ians and Per s ians broke through the gap and pressed on to the Macedonian baggage an imals . The s tr ugg le at that po int was f ierce ; for the Per s ians at tacked bold ly as most of the i r opponents were unarmed and had never expected anyone to cut through the double pha lanx and at tack them. The nat ive pr i soner s of war a l so jo ined in the Per s ian at tack on the Macedonians . However the commander s of the t roops posted as reser ve to the f i r s t pha lanx , learn ing what was happening , qu ick ly turned about as they had been ordered and appeared in the rear of the Per s ians , k i l l ing many of them as they crowded round the baggage an imals . However some Per s ians turned and managed to escape .

Meanwhi le the Per s ians on the r ight wing d id not yet know of Dar ius ' f l i ght , and r id ing round Alexander 's le f t they launched a f lank at tack on Parmenio's t roops .

As the Macedonians were at f i r s t caught between two f i res here , Parmenio sent an ur gent message to Alexander that h i s force was in d i f f i cu l ty and needed he lp. When Alexander rece ived the message he at once broke of f the pur su i t , and wheel ing round with the Cava l r y Companions he led them at the double aga inst the enemy r ight . F i r s t he at tacked the enemy cava l r y who were a l ready in f l i ght , the Par thyaeans , some of the Ind ians , and the s t rongest and best of the Per s ians . Th is was the most v io lent cava l r y act ion of the whole batt le . For the Per s ians who had been dr awn up by squadrons now wheeled in co lumn and c lashed with Alexander 's men head-on . They d id not throw jave l ins nor manoeuvre the hor ses , as i s usua l in a cava l r y bat t le , but ever y man drove aga inst whatever faced h im, press ing on as i f th i s were the on ly hope of sa fety. They hacked at one another wi thout mercy, no longer f i ght ing for someone e l se 's v ic tor y but for the i r own l ives . About s ixty of Alexander 's Companions fe l l there , whi le Hephaest ion ,

50

Coenus and Menidas were wounded. But Alexander was v ic tor ious at that point a l so. Those of the enemy who broke through Alexander 's t roops f led at fu l l speed .

Alexander was now on the point of c lash ing wi th the r ight wing of the enemy. But there h i s Thessa l ian cava l r y had fought br i l l i ant ly and were not at a l l in fer ior to Alexander in the act ion . For the enemy r ight wing was a l ready in f l i ght when Alexander approached. Accord ing ly he turned away and aga in began the pur su i t o f Dar ius , which he cont inued as long as day l ight las ted . Parmenio's men a l so pressed on in pur su i t o f those who had faced them. Alexander crossed the r iver Lycus and encamped there , to rest h i s men and hor ses br ie f ly ; but Parmenio captured the enemy camp, baggage an imals , e lephants and camels .

A lexander rested h i s cava l r y unt i l midn ight , and then pressed on r ap id ly towards Arbe la , hoping to capture Dar ius there wi th h i s money and the rest o f the roya l possess ions . On the next day he reached Arbe la , hav ing r idden seventy- f ive mi les s ince the batt le . However he d id not catch Dar ius at Arbe la , for the k ing had cont inued h i s f l i ght wi thout a rest ; but h i s money and a l l h i s possess ions were taken , inc lud ing h i s char iot , sh ie ld and bow for the second t ime .

About a hundred of Alexander 's men had been k i l led , but over a thousand hor ses , o f which ha l f be longed to the Cava l r y Companions , d ied f rom wounds and f rom exhaust ion in the pur su i t . The Per s ian dead were reckoned at three hundred thousand , and many more than that were taken pr i soner, whi le the e lephants and those char iots which had not been broken up in the batt le were a l so captured . Such was the outcome of th i s bat t le , fought in the month of October in the archonsh ip of Ar i s tophanes at Athens [331 B .C . ] . Ar i s tander ' s prophecy had come tr ue , that in the same month in which there was an ec l ipse of the moon the batt le would take p lace and Alexander would win .

Af ter h i s v ic tor y Alexander 's f i r s t tar gets were the great and wea l thy c i t ies of the Per s ian empire . Apar t f rom the i r t reasures the i r occupat ion would set the sea l on the campaign which had set out to avenge Per s ia ' s occupat ion of Greece , and par t icu lar ly of Athens , in 480 B .C . At Baby lon and Susa Alexander was welcomed by the f r ightened populat ions , and in return he behaved proper ly in ever y way. In

51

f act he conducted h imse l f as a new k ing might be expected to do on tak ing over a throne which had become h is .

However at Per sepol i s for some reason the resu l t was d i f ferent . The c i ty was looted r uth less ly by the so ld ier s , and the pa lace was burned by Alexander h imse l f . Ar r ian repor ts th i s as an act of po l icy, the f ina l symbol ic destr uct ion of Per s ian power. Other s less char i tably te l l o f i t as the thought less resu l t o f a dr unken or gy.

But occupy ing c i t ies was not enough ; Dar ius a l so had to be tr acked down. Accord ing ly the spr ing of 330 B .C . saw Alexander head ing nor th to Ecbatana and so into Media on h i s t r a i l . Dar ius had hoped to r a i se fur ther forces , but h i s per formance thus far was not l i ke ly to at t r act cont inued suppor t , and h i s own companions soon turned aga inst h im. To h is cred i t Alexander 's t reatment of Dar ius ' body and fami ly was ent i re ly appropr ia te for the r u ler of a great empire , and Ar r ian adds a sympathet ic ob i tuar y of the k ing .

At th i s po int Bag i s tanes , a Baby lon ian noble f rom Dar ius ' camp, and Ant ibe lus , one of Mazaeus ' sons , came to Alexander. They brought news that Nabarzanes , the commander of the cava l r y who had f led wi th Dar ius , Bessus , the governor of Bactr ia , and Bar saentes , the governor of Arachos ia and Drang ia , had ar rested Dar ius . When he heard th i s , A lexander pressed on wi th s t i l l g reater eagerness , tak ing wi th h im only the Companions , the scout cava l r y, and the toughest and most l i ght ly equ ipped of h i s in fantr y, care fu l ly chosen . He d id not even wai t for a par ty wi th Coenus to return f rom a for ag ing expedi t ion . He put Crater us in command of those le f t beh ind , wi th order s to fo l low, but not by forced marches . His own par ty had noth ing but the i r weapons and food for two days . Af ter t r ave l l ing a l l n ight and unt i l midday next day he gave h i s t roops a shor t rest and aga in pressed on a l l n ight . At dawn he reached the camp where Bag i s tanes had come f rom. He d id not catch the enemy there but learnt the facts about Dar ius ; he had been ar rested and was be ing taken away in a c losed waggon , whi le Bessus had assumed power in h i s p lace and had been acknowledged as the i r leader by the Bactr ian cava l r y and the other Per s ians who had f led wi th Dar ius , except for Ar tabazus and h i s sons and the Greek mercenar ies . These were loya l to Dar ius but were unable to prevent what was happening , and so had turned of f the main road and were head ing for the h i l l s on the i r own, tak ing no par t in the act iv i t ies

52

of Bessus and h i s suppor ter s . Those who had ar rested Dar ius intended to hand h im over, i f they found that Alexander was pur su ing them, and so obta in good terms for themselves . But i f they heard that Alexander had turned back they p lanned to co l lect the lar gest army that they cou ld and combine together to preser ve the i r power. For the t ime be ing Bessus was in command, because he was re la ted to Dar ius and because i t was in h i s prov ince that they had ar rested the k ing .

When Alexander heard th i s i t was c lear that he should pur sue them with a l l speed . His men and hor ses were a l ready becoming exhausted by the i r constant exer t ion , but even so he led them on, and a f ter a long journey a l l n ight , and unt i l midday on the fo l lowing day, he reached a v i l l age where the par ty wi th Dar ius had encamped the day before . When he heard that the Per s ians had intended to cont inue the i r journey dur ing the n ight he asked the inhab i tants i f they knew of a shor ter route to catch the fug i t ives .

They sa id they d id , but the road was through un inhab i ted and water less countr y. He to ld them to gu ide h im that way ; and rea l i s ing that h i s in fantr y cou ld not keep up with h im i f he pressed on at speed , he d i smounted about f i ve hundred of the cava l r y, and choos ing the f i t test o f f i cer s of the in fantr y and other un i t s he ordered them to mount the hor ses , armed in the i r usua l in fantr y fash ion . He ordered Nicanor, the commander of the Guards , and Atta lus , the commander of the Agr ian ians , to lead the remainder a long the route which Bessus ' par ty had taken . They were to t r ave l as l i ght ly equ ipped as poss ible , wi th the rest o f the in fantr y fo l lowing in the i r normal format ion . He h imse l f set of f a t dusk and pressed ahead at speed . Af ter cover ing f i f ty mi les in the n ight he came upon the Per s ians at dawn. They were t r ave l l ing in d i sorder and unarmed, so that on ly a few of them turned to res i s t ; the major i ty f led wi thout coming to gr ips as soon as they saw Alexander. Those who d id turn to f ight a l so f led when a few were k i l led . Bessus and h i s suppor ter s s t i l l had Dar ius wi th them in the waggon, but when Alexander caught up wi th them Nabarzanes and Bar saentes wounded Dar ius and abandoned h im there , themselves f lee ing wi th s ix hundred cava l r y. Dar ius d ied f rom h is wounds a l i t t le before Alexander ar r ived to see h im.

Alexander sent Dar ius ' body to Per sepol i s , wi th order s for i t s bur ia l in the roya l tombs as the prev ious k ings had been . He appointed Amminaspes , a Par thyaean ,

53

as governor of the Par thyaeans and Hyrcan ians ; he was one of those who, a long wi th Mazaeus , had sur rendered Egypt to Alexander. T lepolemus , the son of Pythophanes , one of the Companions , was appointed a long wi th h im to super v i se a f fa i r s in Par thyaea and Hyrcan ia .

Such was the death of Dar ius , in the month of Ju ly when Ar i s tophon was archon in Athens [330 B .C . ] . In matter s of war fare he was the weakest and most incompetent of men, but in other ways he d id noth ing unreasonable , or at any r ate he had no chance to do so, because he happened to come to the throne at the ver y t ime when war was dec lared by the Macedonians and the Greeks . Even i f he had wished , h i s i t was never poss ible for h im to behave tyr ann ica l ly towards sub jects , for he was in greater danger than they.

In h i s l i fe t ime he su f fered one d isaster a f ter another, and he had had no resp i te f rom the f i r s t moment when he came to power. At once there befe l l the cava l r y defeat of h i s governor s at the Gran icus , and s tr a ight away Ion ia , Aeol ia , both Phr y. g ias , Lyd ia and Car ia except for Ha l icarnassus fe l l in to enemy hands . A l i t t le la ter Ha l icarnassus was taken too and the whole coast as far as Ci l i c ia . Then fo l lowed h is own defeat at I s sus , where he saw h is mother, wi fe and ch i ldren taken pr i soner. Af ter that Phoenic ia and a l l Egypt was lost ; he h imse l f was the f i r s t to f lee , shamefu l ly, a t Gaugamela , and he lost the greatest army of the whole Per s ian nat ion . Thereaf ter he wandered as a fug i t ive f rom h is own k ingdom, and was at las t ut ter ly betr ayed by h i s own companions . K ing and pr i soner at the same t ime he was led of f in tota l d i shonour, and at las t was k i l led by a consp i r acy of those most c lose ly assoc iated wi th h im. Th is i s what happened to Dar ius in h i s l i fe t ime . But when he was dead , he was bur ied in the roya l tomb, and h i s ch i ldren rece ived the upbr ing ing and educat ion f rom Alexander which they would have had i f the i r fa ther had remained k ing , whi le Alexander mar r ied h i s daughter. He was about f i f ty year s o ld when he d ied .

54

Plots and intr igues at cour t

Alexander ' s campaign had now reached a tu r n ing po in t . W i th Dar ius dead and the

g reat Per s ian c i t ies taken , h i s men may have fe l t that the exped i t ion was over. But

A lexander now saw wider v i s ions befo re h im. He wou ld secure h i s r u le permanent l y,

and that requ i red the conquest o f the more easte r l y a reas o f the empi re and the

defeat o f the remain ing Per s ian gover nor s . At the same t ime he had to make p lans to

r u le the lands recent l y conquered . He saw we l l enough that he cou ld not ho ld down

such an empi re by fo rce . He d id not have the manpower to cont ro l so vas t an area .

He must rather wor k w i th h i s new sub jec ts , use the i r nobles , and w in the i r loya l t y.

F rom th i s po in t s t ra ins beg in to show in h i s re la t ionsh ip w i th h i s o ld comrades . I f he

promoted a nat i ve they were jea lous , i f he showed respect fo r nat i ve t rad i t ions they

were puzz led and hur t . F rom now on th i s problem of gover n ing such d i f fe rent peop les

becomes a fundamenta l par t o f the s to r y. Befo re long the f i r s t c r i s i s a rose . A f te r

operat ions to the south o f the Casp ian Sea A lexander pushed on to the f r inges o f

Bact r ia on ly to lear n o f a p lo t aga ins t h i s l i fe , invo l v ing one o f the h ighest o f f i ce r s in

h i s a rmy, Ph i lo tas , the commander o f the Cava l r y Compan ions . I t appear s that

Ph i lo tas had been to ld o f a p lo t wh ich he d id not revea l to A lexander. H is in fo rmant ,

f ind ing that the s to r y was not passed on , found other means o f get t ing word to the

k ing . The p lo t te r s were l iqu idated , and Ph i lo tas ' s i l ence natura l l y b rought h im under

g reat susp ic ion too. He was put on t r ia l and found gu i l t y. But h i s death cou ld not end

the a f fa i r. H is fa ther, the veteran genera l Parmen io , was at Ecbatana , w i th a fo rce

near l y as la r ge as A lexander ' s own . Had he chosen to rebe l , as the news o f h i s son 's

death might have provoked h im to do, the s i tuat ion wou ld have been desperate .

A lexander unhes i ta t ing l y a r ranged h i s death , o r more accurate l y h i s murder. We can

on ly guess at the t remor s wh ich ran th rough the army. Some la te accounts are lu r id

indeed ( the Roman wr i te r Cur t ius devoted seven chapter s to i t ) , but Ar r ian remains

ver y b r ie f and matte r-o f - fac t .

At Zar ang ia , A lexander learnt of the p lot of Ph i lotas the son of Parmenio. Pto lemaeus and Ar i s toboulus say that he had prev ious ly been to ld of i t in Egypt , but he had thought i t imposs ible , because Ph i lotas was an o ld f r iend and because Alexander had g iven honour to h i s fa ther, and had shown h is per sona l f r iendsh ip to h im.

55

Pto lemaeus , the son of Lagus , says that Ph i lotas was brought before the Macedonians ; A lexander accused h im v igorous ly and Ph i lotas made h is defence . Those who had exposed the p lot came forward and brought var ious c lear proofs aga inst Ph i lotas and h i s assoc iates . In par t icu lar they showed that Ph i lotas h imse l f admit ted knowing of a p lot formed aga inst Alexander, but he was proved to have made no ment ion of i t to Alexander, a l though he v i s i ted h i s tent twice a day. Ph i lotas and the other s who were impl icated in the p lot wi th h im were shot down with jave l ins by the Macedonians . A lexander sent Polydamas , one of the Companions , to dea l wi th Parmenio, wi th a let ter to Cleander, S i ta lces and Menidas , the gener a l s in Media ; for they had been appointed to ser ve wi th the army which Parmenio commanded. Parmenio was k i l led by them, because Alexander was conv inced that i f Ph i lotas were p lot t ing , Parmenio would have had a share in h i s son's p lans . Moreover even i f he had not been invo lved , had he sur v ived Parmenio would have been a threat , s ince h i s son had been executed and he h imse l f was a man of h igh prest ige , both wi th Alexander and with the rest o f the army, not on ly the Macedonians but a l so the mercenar ies . For he had of ten commanded them, both in the cour se of duty and on spec ia l miss ions , appointed by Alexander and with Alexander ' s fu l l approva l .

Alexander ' s ta r get now was Bessus , the usurper o f Dar ius . In the spr ing o f 329 B .C .

the army pushed on th rough Bact r ia and across the r i ve r Oxus . I t was not long befo re

Bessus was in A lexander ' s hands , but even Ar r ian i s roused to c r i t i c i sm by the fate o f

the pr i soner.

After cross ing the r iver Oxus Alexander led h i s men at fu l l speed to where he had heard that Bessus and h i s force were . Meanwhi le messenger s ar r ived f rom Spi tamenes and Dataphernes to say that i f an army, even i f i t were on ly a smal l one , and a respons ible of f i cer were sent they would ar rest Bessus and hand h im over to Alexander ; even now they were keeping h im under open ar rest . When he heard th i s Alexander rested h i s army, lead ing i t on more s lowly than before ; but he sent Pto lemaeus the son of Lagus wi th three un i t s o f the Cava l r y Companions , a l l the mounted jave l in- thrower s , Ph i lotas ' in fantr y br igade , one reg iment of the Guards , a l l the Agr ian ians and ha l f the archer s . The i r order s were to press on wi th a l l speed to f ind Sp i tamenes and Dataphernes .

Pto lemaeus went as he was ordered , and a f ter cover ing the journey in four days he reached the camp where the Per s ians wi th Sp i tamenes had been encamped the

56

day before .

There he learnt that Sp i tamenes and Dataphernes were not f i rm in the i r dec i s ion to g ive up Bessus . Accord ing ly, he le f t the in fantr y wi th order s to fo l low h im in proper format ion , and h imse l f rode ahead with the cava l r y unt i l he came to a v i l l age where Bessus and a few so ld ier s were . Sp i tamenes and h i s par ty had a l ready le f t the p lace , as consc ience had made them shr ink f rom g iv ing up Bessus .

Pto lemaeus posted h i s cava l r y a l l round the v i l l age , for i t was a wa l led set t lement wi th gates , and made an announcement to the inhab i tants that they cou ld go away unharmed i f they gave up Bessus . Accord ing ly, they admit ted Pto lemaeus and h i s men into the v i l l age , and he ar rested Bessus and withdrew. He then sent to Alexander to ask how he should br ing Bessus into h i s presence . Alexander to ld h im to s t r ip h im naked , put a wooden co l lar on h im, and s tand h im on the r ight of the road where he and the army were go ing to pass ; and th i s i s what Pto lemaeus d id .

When Alexander saw Bessus he s topped h is char iot and asked h im why he had f i r s t ar rested Dar ius , h i s k ing , re la t ion and benefactor, then led h im away in cha ins , and eventua l ly k i l led h im. Bessus answered that he had not done i t on h i s own in i t ia t ive a lone , but in agreement wi th Dar ius ' par ty at that t ime , to win sa fety for themselves f rom Alexander. At that Alexander ordered h im to be f logged , and dur ing the f logg ing a cr ier was to repeat the same words of reproach which Alexander had used when he was quest ion ing Bessus . Af ter th i s degr ad ing pun ishment Bessus was sent to Bactr ia to be executed . Th is i s Pto lemaeus ' account of the t reatment of Bessus ; but Ar i s toboulus says that i t was the fo l lower s of Sp i tamenes and Dataphernes who brought Bessus to Pto lemaeus and handed h im over to Alexander naked and wear ing the co l lar.

A l though th i s descr ipt ion suggests that Bessus had a l ready been sent of f for execut ion th i s may not have been so. A few chapter s la ter another ver s ion of h i s death i s recounted , and the manner of i t leads Ar r ian to express h i s doubts about the way Alexander had begun to behave .

Alexander then ca l led a conference of those wi th h im and brought Bessus before them. After accus ing h im of h i s betr aya l o f Dar ius he ordered h i s nose and the

57

t ips of h i s ear s to be cut of f . He was then taken to Ecbatana to be executed there before the assembled Medes and Per s ians .

Ar r ian te l l s us he does per sona l ly do not approve of th i s excess ive pun ishment of Bessus and regards mut i la t ion of the extremit ies as a barbar ic pr act ice , and admits that Alexander was led to copy Median and Per s ian extr avagance , and the hab i t o f barbar ic k ings of t reat ing the i r sub jects as in fer ior be ings . Nor does he at a l l approve that he , a descendant of Herac les , began to wear Median instead of t r ad i t iona l Macedonian dress .

S imi lar ly Ar r ian points out that he fe l t no shame in assuming the head-dress of the defeated Per s ians instead of what he , the i r conqueror, had a lways worn .

Near l y two year s o f dangerous campaign ing fo l lowed aga ins t the t r ibesmen o f Bact r ia

and Sogd iana . The count r y was d i f f i cu l t , supp l ies hard to come by, and the enemy not

easy to p in down . Guer i l la war fa re had to be the order o f the day. But i t was at

Samarcand in the autumn of 328 B .C . that there occur red one o f the most d i sg racefu l

ep i sodes in A lexander ' s career, h i s k i l l i ng o f C le i tus , now jo in t commander o f the

Cava l r y Compan ions , in a dr unken rage . Ar r ian does h i s best to f ind a bet te r s ide to

the s to r y.

I t wi l l not be out of p lace here to te l l o f the death of Cle i tus , the son of Dropides , and how Alexander reacted a f ter i t , even i f i t d id happen a l i t t le la ter. The Macedonians used to keep a day holy to Dionysus , and ever y year on that day Alexander sacr i f i ced to th i s god . But they say that on th i s occas ion he neg lected Dionysus and dec ided for some reason or other to sacr i f i ce to the Dioscur i . When the dr ink ing had been go ing on for a long t ime ( for Alexander had a l so been conver ted to barbar ic excess in h i s dr ink ing hab i ts) there was some d iscuss ion of the Dioscur i , and how the i r parentage was no longer at t r ibuted to Tyndareus but to Zeus . Then , in f l a t ter y of Alexander, some of those present , the sor t of people who have a lways harmed the interests of k ings , and wi l l never cease harming them, sa id that they thought there was no compar i son between Alexander and h i s ach ievements and those of Castor and Pol lux . In the i r dr unken state some d id not even stop shor t of cr i t i c i s ing Herac les . They sa id that on ly envy prevented l i v ing people f rom rece iv ing the honour they deser ved f rom the i r contemporar ies . Now Cle i tus had obv ious ly been upset for a long t ime by

58

Alexander 's change to more barbar ic hab i ts and by what h i s f l a t terer s were say ing . He too was under the in f luence of dr ink , and he sa id that he cou ld not let them of fend the d iv ine power s nor be l i t t le the deeds of heroes of the past s imply to do Alexander a favour which was in fact no favour at a l l . Nor were Alexander 's ach ievements as great and wonder fu l as the i r exagger ated remar ks suggested . In fact , he had not ach ieved them on h is own, but for the most par t they were the wor k of the Macedonians .

What he sa id upset Alexander, and Ar r ian says he cannot approve of h i s words . He goes on to say that in a dr ink ing par ty of th i s sor t a man should s imply keep qu iet about h i s own opin ion and not jo in in the same f la t ter y as the other s . But when some reca l led Ph i l ip ' s ach ievements and sa id , aga in t r y ing to p lease Alexander, that they were not par t icu lar ly remar kable — a v iew which was qu i te un just — Cle i tus , no longer in contro l o f h imse l f , spoke up on Ph i l ip ' s beha l f and be l i t t led Alexander and h i s ach ievements . Under the in f luence of the wine he was fu l l o f cr i t i c i sm of Alexander, and added that he h imse l f had saved Alexander dur ing the cava l r y bat t le aga inst the Per s ians on the r iver Gran icus . Proudly ho ld ing up h i s r ight hand he sa id , 'Th is i s the hand that saved you then , Alexander. '

A lexander cou ld no longer bear Cle i tus ' dr unken insu l t s and jumped up in h i s anger to s t r ike h im, but was he ld back by the other s in the par ty. However Cle i tus d id not s top abus ing h im. Alexander shouted out , ca l l ing for the Guards ; and when no one pa id at tent ion he cr ied that he had come to the same state as Dar ius , when he was led of f by Bessus and h i s f r iends , and that he had noth ing le f t o f h i s k ingsh ip but the name . His f r iends were no longer able to hold h im, but some say that he leapt up, se ized a spear f rom one of h i s bodyguard , and wi th i t s t r uck Cle i tus dead . Other s say that he snatched a p ike f rom one of h i s bodyguards and used that . Ar i s toboulus does not record the c i rcumstances of the dr ink ing par ty, but he puts the blame on Cle i tus a lone . He says that when Alexander lost h i s temper and jumped up to k i l l h im, Cle i tus was taken out of the door and over the wal l and d i tch of the c i tade l where th i s was happening by Pto lemaeus , son of Lagus , one of the bodyguard . But he could not contro l h imse l f and went back , and he met Alexander just as he was ca l l ing for h im. 'Here I am, Alexander. I am Cle i tus , ' he sa id , and at once was s t r uck dead with the p ike .

59

Arr ian says that he s t rong ly blames Cle i tus for h i s insu l t ing behav iour towards h i s k ing , and he sympath ises wi th Alexander for what happened, because he showed that he was sub ject to two v ices , anger and dr unkenness . I t i s o f cour se not r ight for any se l f - respect ing man to be overcome by e i ther of these . But Ar r ian says that he admires Alexander for what happened next , for he at once recogn ised that he had done a ter r ible th ing . Some say that he leaned the p ike aga inst the wal l and intended to throw h imse l f upon i t , because i t was not r ight for a man who had k i l led h i s f r iend through dr unkenness to l i ve . Most most wr i ter s do not g ive that s tor y ; they say that Alexander went and lay weeping on h i s bed , ca l l ing Cle i tus ' name and the name of Cle i tus ' s i s ter, Lan ice , who had been h i s own nur se . What a f ine return had he repa id her for her nur s ing when he had grown up. She had seen her sons d ie f i ght ing for h im, and he had k i l led her brother wi th h i s own hand ! He repeated ly ca l led h imse l f the murderer of h i s f r iends , and for three days went wi thout food and dr ink , pay ing no at tent ion at a l l to h i s bodi ly needs .

Some of the pr iests sa id that th i s had happened because Dionysus was angr y wi th Alexander for neg lect ing h i s sacr i f i ce . Eventua l ly Alexander was per suaded by h i s f r iends , though with d i f f i cu l ty, to take food, and he re luctant ly began to pay at tent ion to h i s bodi ly needs . Then he made the sacr i f i ce to Dionysus , s ince he was not sor r y to see what had happened blamed on the god r ather than h i s own wickedness . But in a l l th i s Ar r ian says that he admired Alexander ver y much , because he d id not t r y to just i fy h i s cr ime , nor make i t wor se by defending and excus ing the gu i l t , but admit ted that be ing an ord inar y human be ing he had done wrong .

Ar r ian fo l lows th i s s to r y c lose l y w i th an account o f fu r ther d i sputes over A lexander ' s

inc reas ing tendency to encourage Per s ian cus toms , and the s to r y o f another p lo t on

h i s l i fe . Th i s probably occur red a year la te r, but Ar r ian t reats i t out o f o rder because

o f i t s s imi la r i t y o f sub jec t . Ca l l i s thenes was A lexander ' s o f f i c ia l h i s to r ian , and a pup i l

and nephew of the g reat scho la r Ar i s to t le , but c lear l y a tact less and foo l i sh man . He

i s recorded as hav ing sa id that but fo r the h i s to r y wh ich he wou ld wr i te , A lexander

and h i s wor k wou ld soon be fo r got ten . Rather, Ca l l i s thenes h imse l f wou ld have been

fo r got ten but fo r h i s own s tup id i t y in provok ing A lexander. And yet the i s sue over

wh ich they quar re l led , whether o r not men shou ld bow down befo re A lexander, d i v ided

60

the cour t . To a f reedom- lov ing Greek i t was an in to le rable s ign o f o r ienta l despot i sm,

to A lexander ' s new easte r n sub jec ts a man who d id not accept i t was hard ly wor th

the i r respect as a k ing .

The fo l lowing s tor y i s to ld of how Cal l i s thenes opposed Alexander on the quest ion of bowing down to h im. Alexander had agreed with the scholar s and the most d i s t ingu ished of the Per s ians and Medes at h i s cour t that th i s sub ject should be ment ioned dur ing a dr ink ing par ty. Anaxarchus began the conver sat ion by say ing that i t was much more reasonable for them to regard Alexander as a god than Dionysus or Herac les . Th is was not just because of Alexander 's many remar kable ach ievements , but a l so because Dionysus was a Theban , who had no connec t i on w i t h t he Macedon i an s , and Her ac l e s wa s an Ar g i ve , equa l l y unconnected wi th them except by a fami ly l ink through Alexander ; for Alexander was a descendant of Herac les . The Macedonians would be more just i f ied in t reat ing the i r own k ing wi th d iv ine honour s . Of cour se there was no doubt that when he le f t the wor ld of men, they would honour h im as a god . How much more reasonable i t was to honour h im when he was s t i l l a l i ve , r ather than when he was dead and would f ind no benefi t in i t .

When Anaxarchus had spoken in th i s way for a whi le those who were in the know suppor ted h im, and in fact were anx ious to set the example of bowing down. Most of the Macedonians d i sagreed and kept qu iet , but Ca l l i s thenes inter r upted and sa id , Anaxarchus , I do not th ink that Alexander i s unf i t for any honour that i s proper for a man. But we have a lways d i s t ingu ished in many ways between honour s su i table for men and those su i table for gods . We bu i ld temples for gods , set up the i r s tatues , set as ide sacred ground, o f fer sacr i f i ces and dr ink of fer ings , and we compose hymns to them. For men we wr i te words of pr a i se . But the main d i s t inct ion i s in the custom of bowing down. Men rece ive a k i ss f rom those who greet them, but a god i s set far above us and i t i s not permit ted to touch h im, and so he i s honoured by our bowing down to h im. S imi lar ly, dances are he ld in honour of the gods and hymns are sung to them. Nor i s th i s surpr i s ing , s ince among the gods themselves d i f ferent honour s are gr anted , and d i f ferent ones aga in for heroes , qu i te d i s t inct f rom those for gods . So i t i s not r ight to confuse a l l these , r a i s ing men to an excess ive leve l by exagger ated honour s , and degr ad ing the gods , in so far as one can , to an improper humi l ia t ion , by honour ing them in the same way as men. Alexander would not to ler ate i t i f some pr ivate c i t i zen

61

were admit ted to roya l honour s by an un lawfu l e lect ion or vote . With much more reason ot l r l s thoer gods be angr y i f men promote themselves to d iv ine honour s , br avest of a l low themselves to be promoted by other s . `Alexander i s , and i s known to be , incomparably the br avest of men, the most k ing ly of k ings , the most wor thy of gener a l s to hold command.

You, Anaxarchus , i f anyone , should have taken the lead in say ing what I am say ing and in ar gu ing the oppos i te v iew, for you are in Alexander ’s company spec i f i c . a l ly to gu ide h im in wisdom. I t was not r ight for you to s tar t the conver sat ion as you d id . You should have remembered that you are not the at tendant or adv iser of a Cambyses or a Xerxes , but of a son of Ph i l ip, a descendant of Herac les and Aeacus , whose ancestor s came f rom Argos to Macedonia and mainta ined the i r r u le not by force but by law. Not even Herac les h imse l f rece ived d iv ine honour s f rom the Greeks when he was s t i l l a l i ve , nor even when he was dead , unt i l the god at Delph i proc la imed that they should honour h im as a god .

`On the other hand , i f we must th ink l i ke fore igner s because our d i scuss ion i s tak ing p lace in a fore ign land , I s t i l l th ink that you should remember Greece , Alexander. For her sake you under took the whole expedi t ion , to add As ia to Greece . Th ink of th i s too ; when you go back home wi l l you even force the Greeks , the greatest f reedom- lover s of a l l , to bow down to you? Or wi l l you let the Greeks of f but s t i l l impose th i s shame on the Macedonians? Or wi l l you make a gener a l d i s t inc t ion in the mat ter o f honour s , so tha t by Greeks and Macedonians you wi l l be honoured as a man, and on ly by fore igner s in the fore ign way? I t may be sa id of Cyr us , the son of Cambyses , that he was the f i r s t man to a l low other s to bow down to h im, and that as a resu l t th i s shamefu l way of behav ing became normal among Per s ians and Medes . But you must remember that the Scyth ians , a poor but independent people , humi l ia ted Cyr us . Other Scyth ians d id the same to Dar ius , the Athen ians and Spar tans humbled Xerxes , Clearchus and Xenophon with the i r ten thousand men brought down Ar taxerxes , and Alexander, wi thout men bowing down to h im, has now humi l ia ted these and s imi lar remar ks Ca l l i s thenes upset Alexander a great dea l , but what he sa id p leased the Macedonians . A lexander rea l i sed th i s and to ld the Macedonians not to th ink of bowing down to h im in future . S i lence fe l l a t these words , and then the sen ior Per s ians s tood up and bowed down in turn before h im. Leonnatus , one of the Companions , thought that one of the Per s ians bowed in an unga in ly way

62

and laughed at h i s und ign i f ied at t i tude . At the t ime Alexander was angr y wi th h im, but they were reconc i led la ter.

Another s imi lar s tor y i s recorded as wel l . A lexander passed round a go lden cup, f i r s t to those wi th whom he had made the ar r angement to d i scuss the quest ion of bowing down. The f i r s t dr ank f rom the cup, rose f rom h is seat , bowed down to Alexander and rece ived a k i ss f rom h im. Al l the other s in turn d id the same . But when i t was Ca l l i s thenes ' turn to dr ink he s tood up, dr ank f rom the cup and went forward , expect ing to k i ss Alexander wi thout f i r s t bowing down. Alexander happened to be ta lk ing to Hephaest ion at the t ime and d id not not ice whether Ca l l i s thenes had car r ied out the act of bowing down. But Demetr ius , the son of Pythonax , one of the Companions , commented as Ca l l i s thenes came forward to g ive the k i ss that he had not bowed down. At that Alexander d id not a l low h im to k i ss h im, and Ca l l i s thenes remar ked , 'Then I sha l l go away a k i ss wor se of f . '

Ar r ian says that he cannot approve of these s tor ies at a l l , as they re f lect upon the ar rogance of Alexander at that t ime and the r udeness of Ca l l i s thenes . But he a l so mainta ins that when a man has under taken to ser ve a k ing he should behave in a proper manner, whi le advanc ing the k ing 's cause as far as he can . In th i s respect Ar r ian does not be l ieve that i t was unreasonable for Alexander to be angr y wi th Ca l l i s thenes for h i s misp laced outspokenness and h i s foo l i sh conce i t . For the same reason he imag ines that people were ready to be l ieve those who accused Ca l l i s thenes of be ing invo lved in the p lot which was made aga inst Alexander by h i s boy at tendants . Some even say that Ca l l i s thenes h imse l f put them up to i t .

63

Page 167

Alexander’s army was of a total strength of 7,000 cavalry and about 40,000 foot soldiers. The two armies were now close together. Darius and his troops were in full view. Alexander inclined slightly to his right; the Persians countered this move, the left outflanking the Macedonians by a considerable distance. Alexander continued right until he was almost clear of the levelled Persian ground. The Darius ordered the mounted troops in advance of his left to encircle the Macedonian right under Alexander. Menidas and his mercenary cavalry were ordered by Alexander to attack at once. This was counter-attacked by the Scythian cavalry and Bactrians drove them back. Alexander moved forward, the scythe chariots pressed against him but were met by missiles. Darius brought the main body of his infantry into action; Alexander forced a gap in the Persian front and headed for the fleeing Dairus, who was followed by the rest of the Persians.

Page170

The Macedonians pressed ahead, cutting down the fugitives as they rode. News reached Alexander that the Macedonian left was in trouble and the baggage trains were under attack. The phalanx worked over- time, prisoners joined in the attack and many of the Persians were killed or made off. The Persian right, not yet knowing that Darius had fled, delivered a flank attack on the left where Parmenio fought. The Macedonians were caught and Parmenio sent an urgent message to Alexander. At once Alexander broke off and charged into battle against the right hand side of the Persians.

Page 171

Soon it was every man for himself; blows were given and received; survival was the only thought in each man’s mind. About sixty of Alexander’s Companion’ s were killed. Alexander was once again victorious and he rode off to engage Darius, continuing as long as the sun allowed him. Once across at Lycus, Alexander rested his men and took control of the Persian camp and contents: baggage, elephants and camels. Alexander pressed on to Arbela at midnight in hope that he would capture Darius here. After a seventy- five-mile chase, Alexander failed to find Darius but managed to capture the treasures he had been carrying with him, including his chariot, shield and bow.

64

Page 172

Alexander’s losses were about 100 dead men, over 1,000 horses. The Persian losses were supposed to be about 300, 000 dead and many taken prisoner. The Macedonian side took the elephants and war- chariots, which escaped. The battle of Gaugamela 2 ended at the end of October. All of Aristander’ s prophecies had been full—filled, making him according to Arrian a true prophet. On leaving the field, Darius had fled to Media with the Bactrian cavalry, the Royal Guard, his kinsmen and a small amount of Persians. He was joined by about 2,000 foreign mercenaries along the way under Paron of Phocis and Glaucus of Aetolia. Darius was of the belief that, with the battle over, Alexander would head for Babylon and Susa, obvious prizes for a victorious army; the route to Media was awkward for a large force. Page 173

Their guess turned out right and Alexander headed from Arbela to Babylon, which was handed over to him as he entered the city. He appointed Maraeus governor of the city and instructed the people to restore the temples destroyed by Xerxes. Apollodorus was put in charge of the troops and Asclepiodorus was entrusted charge of the tributes collected. Alexander came into contact with the Chaledaeans and offered, by their advice, sacrifice to Bel. The Macedonian objective switched to Susa, who sent a letter to welcome Alexander into the gates.

Page 174

The march from Babylon took twenty days. Alexander here found a treasure amounting to 50,000 talents of silver and many other valuables. He offered sacrifices and celebrated games in the traditional form. He appointed Abulites (a Persian) in charge of the province, Mazarus—garrison commandant of the city, Archelaus—general of the forces. Menes was sent to the coat to pay Antipater as much of 3,000 talents as he should need for the expenses of the Lacedaemonian war.

Page 175

Here he was joined by Amyntas with fresh troops from Macedonia, both horse and foot. He also formed two companies in each cavalry squadron and put them under officers such as the Companions who had distinguished themselves.

Pages 175—200

65

2 After the Darius' death there was no obstacle to Alexander's claim to be Great King, and a Rhodian inscription of the year 330 BC. calls him "lord of Asia", in sense of the Persian Empire; soon afterward his Asian coins have the title of king.

Page 175Alexander set out for Persia, the Uxians surrendered along the way but the native

hill tribes refused his right to pass as they expected to receive the same payment that they had received from the Persian King. Alexander dismissed the messengers but met them at the pass. He declared he would give them what he asked. Then with a force consisting of his personal guard, the Guards, about 8,000 other troops, guides from Susa, he set out under the cover of darkness. The route was not a likely one: it was rough, and difficult. Within a day he swooped down and plundered and captured the villages and their people before they had woken; some survived and others fled to the hills where Craterus was sent to seize.

Page 176

Alexander seized the pass; many Uxians were killed. According to Arrian these were the ‘dues’ paid by Alexander to the Uxians. They were allowed to keep their homes if they paid a fee of 100 horses a year, 500 mules, and 30,000 sheep. Parmenio was given orders to march with the Thessalian cavalry, the allied and mercenary contingents, heavily armed units and baggage trains to Persia. Alexander headed with a force consisting of the Macedonian infantry, the companion cavalry, the Agrianes, archers, advanced scouts set off through the hills.

Page 177At the gates of Persia he encountered Ariobarzanes, the satrap of the province,

who already built defences across the pass and with a force of about 40,000 foot and 700 horse to block Alexander’s way. Alexander began his assault; it was a hard task as the enemy was in a commanding position. The Macedonians were attacked by missiles and Alexander was compelled to take a route shown to him by his prisoners; this route was rough and narrow so Craterus was instructed to remain behind with his own troops, Meleager and his troops, a few archers and about 500 mounted troops

Page 178Under the cover of darkness Alexander started off entering the province of

Persia. He was on the top of the first enemy outpost before daylight, took the second as well and most of the third got away and fled to the hills. This gave Alexander a chance to attack Ariobazarnes’ main position as the deserting troops failed to return to their army and foretell his coming. Alexander launched a surprise attack before dawn; Craterus accordingly moved for the assault of the outer defences on the other side. The Macedonians surrounded the town; the enemy was forced inside its inner defences as an only means of escape or hope of saving themselves. However, these defences were in Macedonian hands too; Ptolemy was left there with 3,000 infantry; the enemy was cut down. Ariobazanes got clear away to the hills. Alexander pressed with full speed to the river and crossed without difficulty, as there was already a bridge. He marched to Persepolis in such quick time he did not give the garrison time enough to plunder the city’s treasure.

66

Page 179On the urging of an Athenian named Thais, Alexander burnt the Perian palace as

an act of retribution for their previous destruction of Athens, the burning of temples, and all the other crimes they had committed against the Greeks. It must however be noted that it is said the burning of the palace was part of a drunken dare and not initiated by Alexander himself.

Page 180Having learned that Darius was in Media, Alexander made that country his next

objective. He remained there hoping that Alexander would stop in the neighbourhood of Susa and Babylon. On hearing a report of Darius’ plan to outwit him, (Darius was supposedly to head for Bactria and scorch the earth on the way to impede Alexander’s advance). Alexander headed for Media without delay. Within twelve days Alexander reached Media, where he learned that another rumour of Scythian and Cadusian troops joining Darius was false. In fact Darius had a weak army and would not be able to risk battle. Darius had with him 7,000 talents and a force of 3,000 cavalry and about 6,000 infantry.

Page 181At Ecbatana Alexander dismissed his Thessalian cavalry and other allied

contingents with a sum of 2,000 talents gratuity and their fee. Parmenio was ordered to transfer the captured Persian treasure of about 180,000 talents to Ecbatana. He then headed through Cadusia to Hycrania with the mercenaries, the Thradians and the cavalry. Alexander headed for Parthia with the Companion cavalry, advanced scouts, mercenaries under Erigyius, Macedonian heavy infantry, the archers and the Agrianes at a very fast rate. Some men dropped out and horses were worked to death. Alexander carried on regardless.

Page182Alexander marched approx. 44 miles per day and reached the Caspian gates in around 12 days. It was here that Alexander learned of Darius’ arrest by Nabarzanes through Bagistanes and Antribelus. Alexander carried on with greater rapidity than before, taking only the Companions, the advanced scouts, and the toughest of his light infantry.

Page183The others were to continue at their own pace with Craterus. Alexander reached the camp where Bagistanes had been before he told of Darius’ arrest. It was empty.Darius would only be handed over if the captors heard that Alexander himself was after them. Bessus was in command.The Macedonians pressed the pursuit without delay. Stopping at a small town he heard that Darius and his captors had passed through the previous day, Alexander ordered some of the locals to guide him by way of a short cut through uninhabited country with no water to catch up with them.

67

Page 184Alexander dismounted about 500 cavalrymen and mounted in their place the toughest and fittest men of the infantry and other units. Nicanor and Attalus were to follow Bessus on the easier route. Alexander covered some 50 miles in the course of the night and caught up with the Persians as dawn was breaking. Only a few offered resistance. Nabarzanes and Barsaentes struck down Darius. They left him and made off with 600 horsemen. Darius died shortly after before Alexander could see him. The body was sent to Persepolis to be buried in the royal tombs, like the kings before him.

Page 185 & 186

In his overview of Darius3 Arrian points out that

• he was the feeblest and most incompetent of men• his career was an unbroken series of disasters: -• he suffered defeat at Granicus• Lost Ionia and Aeolis, Phryias, Lydia, Caria and Halicarnassus• his Mother, wife and children were taken prisoner• he lost Phoenicia and the battle of Arbela• he made a shameful flight from the field • he was betrayed by his own guards• he died at the age of fifty in July of 330B.C

Page 186

Alexander’s troops regrouped and they advanced into Hyrcania.On the way he divided his force into three. He took charge of the largest and proceeded by the most difficult but shortest route. Craterus was sent against the Tapurians with his own and Amyntas’ contingent, some of the archers and a small amount of mounted men. Erigyius had orders to take the mercenaries and the rest of the cavalry by the better longer route, accompanied by the baggage carriers and non-combat units. Alexander halted after the first crossing of a range of hills. He went on with some of the guards, some of the archers and the Macedonian infantry. Parties of men were left to guard areas of the route from attack. He halted at level ground by a small river.

683 See essay handout for essay on Darius

Page 187Nabarzanes and Phrataphernes gave themselves up. Alexander stayed here for four days. All the men rejoined him. Alexander thrust forward to Zadracarta in Hycania. Alexander met up with Darius’ mercenaries here.

Page 188Alexander marched for Mardia. The people of the province were ill equipped and

did not expect attack. Some escaped to the mountains and the others surrendered. Returning to the spot where Alexander had commenced his expedition on Mardia he found the Greek mercenaries awaiting him. They were all arrested apart from the envoys from Sinope.

Page 189Alexander went in to Zadracarta. There he remained for fifteen days, sacrificed to

the gods, celebrated games, and then moved on to the frontiers of Aria. Susa, a town in the province, he was visited by the Satibarzanes. Alexander sent one of the companions and 40 mounted javelin to save the people of Aria from any troops passing through. Reports reached Alexander that Bessus was claiming to be King of Asia. He was dressed in the royal garb and had many of the escaped Persian troops and some other Bactrians. With his whole contingent of troops, Alexander marched for Bactria.

Page 190Alexander heard news that Satibarzanes, satrap of Aria, had headed for the

palace. If he heard that Alexander was advancing he was to join forces with Bessus in their fight against him. Alexander changed his plans. Leaving Craterus in command on the spot, he headed for Artacoana with the Companions, the mounted jacelin, the archers, the Agrianes, and Anyntas’ and Coenus’ battalion. Reaching the town in two days and covering a total of seventy miles. Satibarzanes was taken by surprise and fled when he knew Alexander was coming. The troops fled too.

Page 191The troops left in charge of Craterus now rejoined Alexander; they headed for

Zarangia to where the palace was situated. Barsaentes was arrested and sent back to Alexander, who executed him for his treachery to Darius. It was here too that Alexander learned of Philotas’ plot against his life. He refused to believe it at first as Philotas was a life long friend who he trusted and had bestowed great honours on him. Philotas was put on trial and found guilty; he was killed. Any others found to have conspired also suffer much of the same fate.

69

Page 192Parmenio, Philotas’ father was killed also due to his son’s treachery.

Amyntas,Polemon, Attalus and Simmias were put on trial but were acquitted.

Page 193In view of all these events, he felt that too much power over a large group of men

was unwise and Alexander split the Companions into two separate divisions and appointed Hephaestion and Cleitus (who had saved his life). At Ariaspian he treated the people with every courtesy and allowed their freedom. Alexander offered sacrifice to Apollo.

Page 194With all the difficulties settled, Alexander advanced against Bessus in Bactria. He

took Drangae on the way. A report came that Satibarzanes had entered Aria with a force of 2,000 cavalry. The Arians revolted and Alexander sent the Persian officer Artabazus, two of the Companion cavalry and a few others to assist them in their dealing with the Arians. The troops of Erigyius and Carnus fought a brisk engagement with Satibarzanes, the Persians held their ground until Satibarzanes was struck in the face with a spear and killed; they broke and fled in confusion. Alexander led his troops into the Indian Caucasus. Here he founded a city and named it Alexandria. After keeping the religious observances, he crossed the range.

Page 195Bessus did his utmost to prevent Alexander from advancing further. Bessus had

with him the Persians who had taken part in the arrest of Darius, about 7,000 Bactrians and the Daee. With these troops he proceeded to lay waste the country round the foothills of the Caucasus, in hope that if all crops and everything edible between Alexander and himself were destroyed. It was in vain. Alexander continued to advance through the snow. Alexander crossed the Oxus in boats, which he then burned and withdrew to Nautaka in Sogdiana. He was accompanied by the troops of Spitamenes and Oxyartes, together with the mounted troops of Sogdiana and the Daee from the Tanais.

Page 196The Bactrian cavalry dispersed to their homes as soon as they knew that Bessus

had made up his mind to avoid a conflict. At Drapsaka, Alexander rested his men and headed on to Aoronos and Bactria. The two chief towns of Bactria surrendered without resistance. He was met with little opposition from the rest of Bactria.

70

His next objective was Oxus. The river which was very wide and very deep, proved difficult to cross due to its sandy surface. Alexander had all the hides collected which served as the men’s tents and instructed them to be filled with chips and other dry rubbish and then to be tied up and carefully sewn to make them water-tight.

Page 197The floats were filled and sewn and there were enough of them to get the men

across in five days. Here Alexander sent home all Macedonians who were unfit for service and also the Thessalian volunteers who had remained with the army. Arsaces was put under arrest for suspected treason. Once over the river Alexander pressed on with all speed to where Bessus and his army were reported to be. A message arrived from Spitamenes and Dataphernes saying that a body of troops would be sent to arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander. It also said that they held Bessus under open arrest at that moment.

Alexander slackened the speed of advance, stopping frequently. He ordered

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, ahead with some forces. They were to meet Spitamenes and Dataphernes with the least possible delay. Ptolemy covered a ten-day march in four days. Dataphrenes and Spitamenes were in two minds of giving up Bessus. Ptolemy left the infantry and told them to follow in marching order. He rode off to a village where Bessus and a few soldiers were. Spitamenes had already left the place.

Page 198An outer wall fortified the little settlement with gates in it. Ptolemy cordoned it off

with his mounted troops and announced to the Persians inside that they gave Bessus up they would be free to go. Bessus was stripped of his clothes and led in a dog collar. He was made stand on the right hand side of the army as they were passing. Alexander stopped and asked him why he had acted so towards his kinsman and benefactor. He answered saying it was to gain Alexander’s favour and was the decision of everyone close to him at that time. Bessus was sent to be scourged and at every lash his words of reason were to be repeated to him. He was then sent to Bactra to be executed. Many of Alexander’s horses had died as a result of exhaustion in the long climb over the Caucasus and the marches from Oxus. He took new horses taken from the neighbouring country.

Page 199

71

Alexander moved for Marakanda, then moving to Tanais. (Arrian goes into detail about the river) It was on the river- bank, while foraging for supplies that a party of Macedonians was cut up by natives. The attacking natives, 30,000 in number, withdrew to the higher ground. Alexander pressed on with his most mobile troops. The Macedonians found it hard to find a foothold. The enemy’s missiles manage to push them back. Many were wounded including Alexander, who was shot through the leg.

Page 200Of the enemy only 8,000 of the 30,000 survived.

Alexander paused to rest his troops at Nautaka, this being mid-Winter of 327 BC, from whence he replaced Mazaeus, who had died, with Atropates as Governor of Babylon and appointed Stasanor as Governor of the Drangae. He also sent for reinforcements from home. It was then that he received word that Oxyartes the Bactrian had taken refuge with his followers on the Rock of Sogdiana, a sheer and seemingly impregnable stronghold, the last in the region. Alexander and his men arrived there at the beginning of spring, when the Rock was still covered with snow. Alexander became enraged when Bactrian envoys told him to find soldiers with wings if he wanted to take the Rock, and immediately offered extravagant rewards for the first men to scale it. Accordingly a party of about 300 men who had experience in climbing began the ascent, under cover of darkness and on the steepest side to avoid detection, using iron pegs. About thirty were killed in the attempt but they managed to reach the summit and a crier announced to the Bactrians that the men with wings had been found, whereupon the astonished enemy surrendered. Among the prisoners taken was Oxyartes' daughter Roxane, a beautiful young woman with whom Alexander, according to Arrian, fell in love at once. But, as he had with Darius' wife - and so incurred the Persian's blessing - he gallantly respected her and left her alone. Oxyartes, emboldened by this, presented himself to Alexander, who treated him with the utmost respect. Alexander then made for the Rock of Chorienes in the territory of the Pereitacae, where a sizeable force under Chorienes was holding fort. This Rock was 12,000 feet high and surrounded by a deep ravine, but Alexander, spurred on by his earlier success, had men under the Guards, Perdiccas, Leonnatus and Ptolemy the son of Lagus work to fill in the ravine. They worked continuously, filling in about thirty feet a day while large screens protected them from the enemy's missiles and other hindrances. Eventually Chorienes, observing their progress with some alarm, lost his nerve and requested a meeting with Oxyartes. The latter met him and assured him that he, Chorienes, could not hope to hold out against Alexander but were he to surrender he would be treated fairly and well. Oxyartes cited his own case as testimony to this. Chorienes duly agreed to make terms, and Alexander treated him with great respect, allowing him to rule over the same territory as before. Alexander himself then personally surveyed the Rock, accompanied by some guards

72

and then, as the winter had been harsh, Chorienes gave his whole army a gift of two months rations of grain, wine and dried meat. This generous act increased his standing in Alexander's eyes yet more.

Alexander then moved into Bactra, where Craterus defeated and slew Catanes, the last of the Pereitacae to be still holding out, and then rejoined his King. At Bactra Alexander had his unpleasant experience with Calisthines and the boys. He then moved into India, leaving Amyntas in charge of Bactria with 13,500 men. He offered sacrifice to Athene at Nicaea after which Taxiles and the other Indians west of the Indus made terms with him. They were sent along with Hephaestion to Peucelaotis, which was taken after a thirty-day siege, in which its ruler, Astes, was killed. Alexander then approached the territory of the Aspasians, Guraeans and Assacenians. It was an arduous route along the river Choes. At the first town in this region the men took the outer wall of defence without difficulty and as soon as they began to mount the walls of the inner defence the enemy broke and fled. Alexander however was slightly wounded in the shoulder, and in retribution for this injury all the enemy captured were killed, though the majority got away. The city itself was razed. Another city nearby, Andaca, then surrendered and Craterus was left behind with some infantry in charge of affairs while Alexander moved on to the city where the Governor of the Aspasians was. The inhabitants fled for their lives, many being killed before they could reach the safety of the hills, including their chief who was slain by Ptolemy the son of Lagus. Alexander then pulled up at the deserted settlement of Arigaeum and ordered Craterus to fortify it and settle natives in addition to any of his own men who were unfit for service there.

He then came to the foot of a range of mountains where it was understood that most of the native forces had gathered. Although Ptolemy, after sighting the enemy campfires on a foraging expedition, had estimated their force to be very large, Alexander determined to attack. On getting within sight of the enemy fires he split his forces into three with one group under Leonnatus, one under Ptolemy, and one under his own command. The Indians, though initially confident were soundly beaten and driven from the advantageous hills which they had held. About 40,000 prisoners and 230,000 oxen were taken, Alexander wishing to send the best of these back to Macedonia. Alexander then entered the territory of the Assacenians who, though having assembled with over 32,000 men and 30 elephants, fled at his approach and dispersed to their various towns. Alexander's first destination here was Massaga, where he withdrew his troops to high ground in order to draw the enemy out from the protection of the walls. Once they came charging out towards him the Macedonians quickly repulsed them and they fled back inside, about 200 having been killed in the process. Alexander was slightly wounded by an arrow as he pulled his infantry up by the walls. Over the following two days machines and towers from which the archers could strike were used with great effectiveness, but still were unable to defeat the Massagians.

On the third day the Guards advanced along a bridge to a breach in the walls

73

made by the machines, but the bridge collapsed with the men on it and the enemy rained missiles and arrows on them before they could recover. Alcetas was sent to pick up the wounded and regroup everybody.

On the following day however, the Indian chief was killed by a catapult missile and the Massagians almost immediately surrendered. Alexander intended to spare them and incorporate them into his army but when that evening he learned that they planned to desert him under cover of darkness he had them all surrounded and massacred. Only about 25 of Alexander's men had died taking Massaga. Alexander now sent Coenus to Bazira and Alcetas to Ora, expecting these cities to surrender readily after the fate of Massaga, but both offered resistance. Ora was crushed easily but Bazira, which was high and well-fortified, would be more difficult. Coenus was ordered to build a blockhouse outside it; when the natives saw his men moving off they came out, anticipating victory. But the Macedonians turned on them and 500 were killed and 70 captured before the rest got back inside. On hearing that Alexander had taken Ora on the first assault and was now making his way to them, they abandoned the city after nightfall.

Pages 248-253

Shortly after this Alexander's pothus impelled him to attempt the Rock of Aornus, where the other Indians of the district had fled, a huge landform some 8000 feet high and 25 miles round, which it was said even Heracles had failed to capture (this was part of what made it so appealing to Alexander). Hephaestion and Perdiccas left to build a bridge over the Indus, Alexander took over Peucelaotis, and stored up supplies at Embolima with Craterus. He then halted a convenient distance from the Rock and dispatched Ptolemy son of Lagus with some light-armed units to seize an offensive position which some native guides had shown them. Ptolemy reached it and on the following day successfully defended it against the Indians, though Alexander's own advance was less successful. The next day Alexander ordered Ptolemy to advance further while he himself began moving up the same route to join him. The Macedonians pushed relentlessly up the slope, withstanding every native attempt to force them back. They succeeded in uniting with Ptolemy but were unable to take the Rock itself that day.

At dawn the next day Alexander ordered his men to begin building an earthwork stretching from their present position on the crest of the hill to the Rock itself. After four days the men were able to storm and secure another height, level with the Rock. The Indians, seeing this and the fact that the earthwork was making progress and was drawing near, were badly shaken and offered to make terms. They planned to draw negotiations out over the day, and then slip away under cover of the night, but Alexander, being informed of the scheme, surrounded that part of the Rock with some 700 Guards when night fell. Countless Indians were slaughtered as they tried to escape.

74

Alexander then made sacrifice to the gods from the Rock and garrisoned it under the command of an Indian named Sisicottus.

He then entered the territory of the Assacenians, where he found the city of Dyrta empty and abandoned. Nearchus and some light-armed units were sent out to reconnoitre and gather information about any hostile natives which the area might contain and also regarding elephants. Alexander now marched for the Indus, whereupon learning that the Indians of Abisares had fled leaving elephants behind, he had the beasts captured and attached to the army. Trees from the wood by the river were felled and boats built, and these were taken to the bridge which Hephaestion and Perdiccas had by now completed.

THE CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER Book five Pages 255 - 266

The city of Nysa lay in the country on Alexander’s route between the river Cophen and the Indus. It was supposed to have been founded by Dionysus. The people of Nysa, upon Alexander’s approach, sent their chief, Acuphis, to him, accompanied by 30 men, with instructions to ask him to leave their city to it’s god. As they entered Alexander’s tent, they were surprised to find him sitting there dusty and travel - stained, still wearing his equipment. After they prostrated themselves upon the ground, they addressed him and requested that Alexander should show reverence for Dionysus by leaving them free and independent. They further stated that Dionysus on his way homeward after the conquest of the Indians, founded the city of Nysa, which was named after his nurse, as a memorial of his long journey and victory, and that the fact that Alexander will surpass the achievements of Dionysus.

With this Alexander agreed with Acuphis, accordingly he granted the people of Nysa the continuance of their freedom and autonomy. He also expressed approval of the aristocratic government of Nysa and asked that 300 of their mounted troops and 100 of their most distinguished men join him. However, Acuphis, cleverly replied that, he would give Alexander 300 mounted troops, but he questioned about giving Alexander 100 of his most distinguished men, for how would a city be run well without their most distinguished men, so that when Alexander came back to visit Nysa, he may find them as well governed as they are now. Alexander acceded to the request which he thought sensible.

The people of Nysa were very proud of it’s connections with Dionysus and especially of Mount Meros, which was the mountain near the city that Dionysus had founded and which was the only place in India where ivy grows. Alexander was extremely anxious to visit it: to see with his own eyes the ivy and laurel which grew in

75

abundance. There he and his men offered sacrifice on the sacred spot. It was said, that they put the ivy on their head as crowns and with these crowns the gods were invoked, were possessed by his spirit and with cries of ‘Euoi’, ‘Euoi’, lost their wits in the true Bacchic frenzy.

On reaching the Indus, Alexander found that Hephaestion had already bridged it and collected a large number of boats and 30 oared galleys. However, gifts from Taxiles the indians were awaiting him: 200 talents of silver, 3000 oxen and over 10000 sheep for sacrificial purposes, and some 30 elephants. A cavalry contingent 700 strong also came from Taxiles to join Alexander’s forces, and the town of Taxila , which is the most considerable between the Indus and the Hydaspes was given into his hands.

Once across the indus, Alexander offered his customary sacrifice and continued his march to Taxila, a large and prosperous town - the largest between the Indus and the Hydaspes. Here he was received by the governor and some natives, and he granted them, in return, as much of the territory bordering on their own as they asked for. He was also visited by representatives from Abisares, king of the Indian hill-tribes with his brother and other distinguished personages among them, and by representatives from the local governor Doxareus. All of them brought presents. Alexander then proceeded to the Hydaspes.

76

The Battle of the Hydapses

from the bottom of page 266

Alexander heard that Porus along with all his troops, was on the other side of the Hydaspes, determined to prevent his crossing. He sent Coenus, son of Polemocrates, back to the Indus with orders to cut into sections the boats which had been used at the crossing of the Indus and to transport them to the Hydaspes. Later, on the banks of the Hydaspes they were re-assembled, so that the whole flotilla was once again to been seen as it was on the Indus. Then, along with the force he had brought to Taxila and 5,000 Indian troops under Taxiles and the local chieftains, he marched for the Hydaspes.

Alexander then took position on the bank where he could see Porus and his forces, including his massive squadron of Elephants on the opposite side. Porus sent pickets to the various points along the river where a crossing was possible. In return, Alexander kept his force on the move to keep Porus guessing. Alexander then split his troops into detachments, moving them hither and thither, while looking for a place to cross the river. He gave strict orders to keep the detachments on the move. It was clear to Porus that Alexander planned on remaining in the neighbourhood of the river until

77

winter, when a crossing would be made possible. The continual movement of Alexander’s troops, up and down the river – along with the manufacturing of floats filled with hay and the sight of troops, cavalry and infantry constantly massed at the bank, caused Porus to relax.

Alexander openly declared his intention of waiting for the water to fall, if he were prevented from crossing. However he always kept a sharp eye out for the opportunity of crossing. He realised that because of the opposition’s well-equipped army (along with elephants) he could not cross at the point where Porus stood on the bank. The elephants would bring terror to Alexander’s troops and cause the horses to plunge into the water at the sight of these beasts.

Alexander therefore decided to keep his troops moving yet remain on the far side of the river. Every night, the greater part of the mounted troops would move up and

78

down the bank of the river, making as much noise as possible shouting war-cries to frighten Porus’ troops. Initially, this led Porus to order his forces to march parallel with them. This went on for some time, until Porus realised it never went beyond shouts or yells, and dismissed it all as a false alarm. Porus decided to remain in his original position, with look-outs (pickets) posted along the river. Thus Porus, no longer expecting a sudden attempt under the cover of darkness, was lulled into a sense of security.

Alexander noticed, a sharp bend in the river, where there was a projecting spit of land, which was thickly wooded. Just off this there lay an uninhabited island, also well-wooded. This area would conceal his attempt, this was the spot where he determined to make the crossing (some 18 miles form their original position). Alexander stationed pickets up along the river in close enough order, in order to maintain his lines of

communication.

79

Alexander then began the necessary preparations openly. Craterus was left in charge of the original position with his own cavalry regiment, along with the mounted contingents from Arachotia and the Parapamisadae, the battalions of Alcetas and Polysperchon, the local Indian chieftains and the 5,000 troops under their command. Alexander’s orders were, if Porus were to leave the elephants and part of his infantry, while opposing Alexander, they were not to move. Otherwise, he ordered that if Porus should move his entire force they were to lose no time in crossing the river. Between the island and the main camp of which Craterus was left in charge, Meleager, Attalus and Gorgias were posted with mercenary cavalry and infantry, as well as their own battalions. Their instructions were to cross once the Indians were relatively engaged. Alexander selected mounted troops to operate under his command.

The cavalry consisted of: For infantry he chose:

The special squadron of the Companions,The cavalry regiments of Hephaestion, Perdiccas, and Demetrius,The contingents from Bactria and Sogdiana,The Scythian cavalry, and the mounted archers of the Daae.

The GuardsThe archersAnd the Agrianes. The battalions of Cleitus

In order to conceal his march, he moved at some distance from the river, until he reached the proposed point. At this point, the floats had already been conveyed – so, under the cover of darkness, they were filled with hay and carefully sewn up. During this time, the rain helped to conceal the preparations. The clatter of arms and shouting of orders could not be heard across the river.

Just before dawn the rain had stopped. The mounted troops then embarked on the floats, while the boats took as many infantry as they would hold, and the crossing began – screened by the island, to prevent Porus’ scouts spotting them. Alexander was accompanied by three officers of his personal guard Perdiccas, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus and by Seleucus (who later became King).

80

Once they were passed the island and were approaching the riverbank – they were in full view of the enemy patrols, which galloped off to inform Porus. Alexander promptly got them ashore and ready for battle. He then moved forward in battle order. However, this was a unfamiliar country to Alexander, without knowing it, he landed on another island, and not on the mainland at all. The island was of considerable extent.

Alexander later realising his mistake, began second crossing even though torrential rain had raised the river even more. Once the crossing was accomplished, Alexander marshalled his troops. He brought his Royal Squadron and the best of the other mounted regiments round to the right wing, stationing the mounted archers in the van. In the rear of the cavalry, he posted the Royal Regiment of Guards under Seleucus, then the Royal regiment of the heavy infantry, in close touch with the other Guards divisions. The archers, Agrianes, and javelin-men took their position on either wing of the main body of infantry. The infantry, now nearly 6,000 strong (according to Arrian), were ordered to follow in order of march, while he, along with cavalry of 5,000, moved forward rapidly. Tauron, captain of the archers, was instructed to advance in the rear of the cavalry at full speed.

Alexander thought that if Porus’ army should attack in force, he would either settle them straight away by a cavalry charge. Plutarch claims that Alexander anticipated an attack by the Indian cavalry. If this failed, he would fight a delaying action until his

81

infantry come to his support. If, on the other hand, the indians took to their heels, he would be able to press hard on the retreating army.

Arrian dismisses other writers’ accounts of Porus’ actions, however he does accept Ptolemy’s. According to him, Porus sent his son, with 2,000 mounted troops and 120 chariots. Plutarch claims that Porus’ son was accompanied by 1,000 cavalry and 60 chariots. According to Arrian this was highly unlikely as Porus would not send his own son, with such an inadequate force, to meet Alexander and his troops who would have already crossed the Hydaspes.

When Porus’ son reached the spot, Alexander had already effected his final crossing. Alexander first sent his mounted archers against the force. He himself moved on with the cavalry, thinking that Porus was on his way to engage him with the main strength of his army, and that his cavalry contingent, posted in the van, preceded the rest of the Indian troops. As soon as Alexander received an accurate report on Porus’ numbers, he attacked immediately. The Indians, seeing Alexander himself present along with a mass of troops, broke and fled. The Indian’s losses amounted to some 400 mounted men. Porus’ son was among the dead. Their chariots and horses were captured as they fled. Speed was impossible as the muddy ground rendered them useless.

Those who did escape returned to Porus with the news of Alexander’s crossing and his son’s death. Porus then saw that the troops under Craterus who were left in Alexander’s original position, were making their way over the river. Porus decided to leave a small force behind along with a few elephants, with instructions to spread alarm among Craterus’ forces as they landed on the river-bank. He then marched to meet the great King of Macedonia, along with all his cavalry 4000 strong, all of his 300 chariots, 200 elephants, and picked contingents numbering 30,000 men. Plutarch claims his troops massed 20,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry.

Most of the ground was muddy, so he continued until he found a firm and level spot for cavalry manoeuvre. In the van he stationed his elephants, at intervals of about 100 feet, to form a screen among the infantry and to spread terror among Alexander’s cavalry. He did not expect the enemy to venture through gaps between elephants, either on foot or horseback, as terror would make the horses uncontrollable. Behind the elephants were foot soldiers, though not on a front of equal extent, the various units, forming a second line. These were placed here to fill the gaps between the elephants. There was infantry on both wings outflanking the elephants, and finally, on both flanks of the infantry were mounted units, each with a screen of war chariots.

On seeing this, Alexander checked the advance of his own cavalry to allow the infantry to come up with him. Slowly but surely, the force was reunited. Alexander had no intention of making the fresh enemy troops a present of his own breathless men, so he paused before advancing to the attack. Meanwhile he kept his cavalry manoeuvring up and down the line, while the infantry units were allowed to rest until ready for battle.

82

Alexander decided not to attempt an assault upon their centre, where the heavy infantry were massed in the intervals of the screen of elephants. Relying on the superiority in cavalry, he moved the major portion of mounted troops towards the enemy’s left wing to attempt assault there. Coenus was sent over to the Indian’s right wing with Demetrius’ regiment and his own. His orders were to hang on the rear should the enemy’s cavalry move to their left to counter the massed formations. Seleucus, Antigene and Taurom were placed in charge of the heavy infantry. Their orders were not to engage until the Indians, both horse and foot, were thrown into confusion by the Macedonian cavalry.

Once the two armies were in range, Alexander launched his mounted archers, 1,000 strong, against the left wing, hoping to shake it by the hail of arrows and the weight of their charge. Immediately afterwards, he himself advanced with the Companions against the Indian left, intent on making the assault, while they were still showered with arrows, and before their cavalry could change formation form column into mass.

The Indians, meanwhile withdrew all cavalry, and moved it across to meet and counter Alexander’s movement towards their flank. It was not long before Coenus’ men could been seen following close in their rear. The Indian’s thereupon compelled to split their force into two; the larger section containing the best troops, continued to proceed towards Alexander. Meanwhile the remainder wheeled about in order to deal with Coenus. This was of course disastrous to the Indian’s plan of action. Alexander saw his chance; precisely at the moment the enemy cavalry were changing direction, he attacked. The Indians did not even wait to receive his charge, but fell back in confusion upon the elephants. The Macedonian cavalry shot down the drivers, and poured down missiles from every side even upon the elephants. The elephants plunged this way and that, among the lines of infantry. The Indian horsemen, on seeing this, wheeled to the assault of the Macedonian cavalry. The stronger and more experienced , mounted Macedonian troops were too much for them, and they were forced back upon the elephants once again.

By now all the Macedonian cavalry units had concentrated into a single body, and now in successive charges, inflicted heavy losses on the enemy. The elephants were now completely boxed in, and trampled to death as many of their friends as their enemies. The Macedonians could deal with the maddened elephants comfortably, as they, unlike the Indians, had room to manoeuvre. The Indians, as the assault progressed, found the elephants to be a more dangerous enemy than the Macedonians. As the elephants grew tired Alexander surrounded them , and ordered his infantry to lock shields and move in a solid mass. Most died here. The survivor’s, finding a gap in Alexander’s cavalry, all turned and fled. As soon as they saw Alexander’s

83

triumph, Craterus’ troops, still at the riverbank turned to cross. Their fresh troops inflicted more damage to the Indians.

Almost 20,000 of the Indian infantry were killed, and about 3,000 cavalry. All their war chariots were destroyed. Among the dead were two sons of Porus, Spitacles the local Indian governor, all the officers in command of the elephants and chariots, and all the cavalry officers and other commanders of high rank. The surviving elephants were captured. According to Arrian, out of the original 6,000 infantry, some eighty were killed (this estimate is highly unlikely). In addition to these, Arrian claims he lost ten of the mounted archers, about twenty of the Companions, and 200 of the other cavalry.

Porus however, proved himself, not only as a commander but as a soldier too. When he saw his cavalry cut unto pieces, most of his infantry dead and most of his elephants killed, he did not do as the Persian King, Darius did and scramble to save himself. He fought bravely on with any remaining troops. It was only when he was wounded that he withdrew.

Alexander was anxious to save the life of this gallant soldier, and sent Taxiles the Indian to him with a message. Porus attempted to kill Taxiles with his lance but he escaped. Alexander then sent a number of others, the last of whom was an Indian named Meroes. Porus listened to the message, stopped and dismounted – no escape was possible- and so he agreed to see Alexander.

Alexander rode to meet him, accompanied by a small group of Companions. Alexander had great respect for the man, and when they met, his presence and his bearing had lost none of its pride. Alexander was the first to speak:

“What do you wish I should do with you?,” he asked.“Treat me as a king ought,” Porus replied.”For my part your request shall be granted. But is there not something you would wish for yourself? Ask it”“Everything is contained in this one request” said Porus.

The dignity of these words gave Alexander even more pleasure, so he restored Porus’ sovereignty over his subjects, adding to his realm other territory of even greater extent. According to Arrian he did indeed, treat a brave man as a king ought, and from then on found him a loyal friend.

Near the scene of the battle, where he crossed the Hydaspes, Alexander founded two cities. One he called Nicaea, to commemorate his victory, and the other Bucephala, in memory of his horse Bucephalus, who died from old-age and exhaustion in that country. Plutarch however, tells us that the majority of writers maintained that Bucephalus, died of wounds. He was a big black high-spirited horse, a noble creature, and no one but Alexander could ride him. In Uxia once, Alexander lost him, and issued an edict that he would kill every man in the country unless he was brought back – as he

84

promptly was. This story is evidence both of fear, which Alexander inspired and of his devotion to Bucephalus.

When the funeral rights of those who fell in the battle were performed, Alexander offered the customary sacrifices in thanksgiving for victory and celebrated games, with athletic and equestrian contests, at the place of the first crossing of the Hydaspes. Then leaving Craterus with part of the army to superintend the building and fortification of the newly founded settlements, he proceeded against the Indians, across the border of Porus’ kingdom. Alexander entered the territory of a nearby tribe along with half of the Companions, some troops from the heavy infantry, the archers, the Agrianes, and the whole contingent of mounted archers. Aristobulus called this tribe Glauganicae, and Ptolemy called it Glausae, Arrian on the other hand claims that it is irrelevant. The natives – as Arrian calls them - surrendered immediately. Some 37 towns were taken, the smallest having no less than 5,000 inhabitants, and many more than double that. All this territory he handed over to Porus.

Page 287

On the following day Alexander rested his men, then proceeded against Sangala. The Cathei and surrounding allied tribes positioned themselves with carts, forming a triple ring, on a hill in front of the town. Alexander reviewed his tactics and in view of the army’s strength and position, sent his archers ahead to prevent a sortie before his troops were in position.

Modifying of troops positions:

• Right:• Cleitus’ mounted mounted regiment and special cavalry squadron• Guards and Agrianes• Archers• Alexander took charge of this side

• Left:• Perdiccas’ cavalry regiment and • Heavy infantry • archers

Alexander attacked the left front-line of the Indian side where a number of baggage carts were set up as a hindrance.

The cavalry threat did not succeed in drawing the Indians out of their defences.On seeing that the cavalry did not effect them, Alexander dismounted and led the infantry into battle.

85

Page 288

The enemy was driven without difficulty from the first line of carts but falling back on the second line, they were better able to defend themselves. Holding a smaller ring in close order, they managed to hold off the Macedonians, who fought through them. The Indians were forced to withdraw and they fled to the confines of the town.

Alexander did not press his offensive any more that day. Instead, he surrounded the town with his troops but the extent of the defences was too great to manage a complete encirclement. There was a break at one point in the defences, in front of which was a lake. Alexander posted his mounted men here as he could see the water was shallow and an attack likely. His guess proved right: on the second watch most of them slipped out of the town and fell into the arms of the cavalry patrons. Many were killed or escaped back to the town.

Page 289

A double blockade was erected around the town, except for where the lake formed a natural barrier. Alexander wished to bring up his siege engines but news came that the Indians had decided to make their escape that very night by means of the lake (break in the blockade).

He ordered Ptolmely, son of Lagus, to take position at the break in the stockade with the three Guard regiments, all the Agrianes and a brigade of archers. Here he was to look for the first movement by the Indians and notify the others.

Ptolemy collected all the carts he could out of those the Indians had left behind and put them across the line of the Indians’ escape.

At approx. the fourth watch ( The Greeks divided the night watch into three watches, the Romans into four. Arrian writes here as a Roman.) the Indians opened the town gates and sped towards the lake. At once the trumpeters sounded the alarm, Ptolemy led his men fully armed and in good order against the enemy. The Indians lost some 500 people.

Page 290

Porus arrived with his elephants and 5,000 Indian troops. Alexander had his siege engines assembled but he did not need to use them as ,before a breach was made in the wall, the Macedonians scaled the walls and took the town by assault. Up to 17,000 Indians were killed in this operation and over 70.000 taken prisoners. Alexander lost 100 men and a number were wounded. Numerous mounted men and 300 war chariots were captures.

86

Alexander sent his secretary, Eumenes, with 300 mounted men to the two towns, which had joined Sangala in refusal to submit. They were to be told that they could live if they let him enter the town as a friend. The people of these towns had however fled after hearing of the fall of Sangala.

Page 291

Alexander pursued them hotly as soon as he knew that they were on the move; most cleared away before he could reach them, a certain number (around 500) who had been sick and abandoned by their comrades were killed. Alexander broke off the pursuit, returned to Sangala, and razed it to the ground. The land was given to the Indian tribes who had surrendered. Alexander marched for the river Hyphasis.

Arrian describes the wealth of the land beyond the Hyphasis as Alexander had heard about in reports. The men’s moral was low; many did not want to continue and Alexander, shocked, gave a speech to boost the atmosphere and continue his conquest. In this speech he summarised their achievements, gave encouragement and mentioned the achievements of men using their names.

This is the text of the speech.

87

88

Page 295

When Alexander ended, a long silence prevailed, no one liked to risk an unprepared reply. Several times Alexander asked for a response until at last Coenus, son of Polemocrates, plucked up courage to speak.

He spoke of appreciation on behalf of the troops of his leadership and told of how the troops felt it was time to stop. (page 295 ll.22—page 297 ll.27)

Page 297

Coenus’ words were greeted with applause, some even wept, showing their reluctance to prolong the campaign. Alexander was, on the other hand, annoyed at Coenus’ freedom of speech, dismissed the conference and called the same officers to his presence. He expressed his wish to continue angrily. “I will have others who will need no compulsion to follow their King”.

Page 298

Thereupon he withdrew to his tent for three days, refusing to see anyone. His hope was that his sulking would convince his troops (or some of them) to change their minds and continue with him. The silence remained absolute. Alexander offered sacrifice for favourable omens nevertheless. They proved against him and Alexander announced he had decided to withdraw.

This mutiny was the one of the only defeats Alexander ever really suffered.

89

He divided the troops into companies and ordered twelve altars to be constructed as offering to the gods who had brought him so far. On these he offered sacrifice and held games.

Alexander added the territory as far as the river Hyphasis to Porus’ dominions. He then began his withdrawal towards the Hydraotes. Crossing the river, he retraced his steps to the Acesines. Here he settled volunteers from the neighbouring Indian tribes and those of his mercenary troops who were disabled by wounds or sickness, he began preparations for the voyage down – river to the Indian Ocean.

90

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

Arsaces, the governor of the territory which bordered on that of the Abisares, presented himself in front of Alexander. Alexander allowed Abisares to continue to govern his own

91

province. He assessed the amount of tribute they should pay, offered sacrifice and marched to the Hydaspes. Here he made good the damage done by heavy rains and wind to the two settlements of Nicea and Bucephala.

Book Six

Alexander now made the final preparations for bringing his entire army down the Hydaspes, to the Indian Ocean. At this time Alexander thought he had found the source of the Nile. Arrian goes into great detail about the riverbanks’ vegetation at this point (see page 301). Alexander’s notion was that the Nile (under the name of Indus) rose somewhere in that part of India and then flowed through a vast desert tract, and inherited the new name of the Nile, when it reached inhabited country.

He then, in a letter to Olympias on the subject of India, made a special point on mentioning his belief that he had found the source of the Nile, even though he based this belief upon the slenderest of evidence. Later he learned that the Hydaspes ceases to be named this at its junction with the Acesines, just as the latter does at the junction with the Indus, which, in turn, flows out by two channels into the Indian Ocean and has no connection with Egypt at all. On hearing this, Alexander decided to prepare the fleet for the proposed voyage down the rivers to the Ocean. The crews were drawn from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and Egyptians, serving in the forces.

At this time Coenus, one of the most loyal and trusted Companions, fell sick and died. After his funeral, Alexander called together all the Companions and other present at the funeral, and declared Porus monarch of all the Indian territory that he had by that time conquered. This included seven nations and a grand total of over 2,000 towns.

The army for the forthcoming expedition was organised in three divisions:

All the Guards, the archers, the Agrianes and the picked cavalry squadron’s, all went under the command of Alexander. Craterus was ordered to march part of the infantry and cavalry along the right bank of the Hydaspes. The fighting troops along with all the elephants (numbering 200) (page 303) marched along the left bank of the river under Hephaestion, and to proceed to the palace of Sopeithes. Philip, governor of the territory on the west, or Bactrian, side of the Indus, was to wait three days and then follow with his troops. The mounted troops from Nysa were sent home and Nearchus was appointed Admiral of the fleet, while Onesicritus was made helmsman of

92

Alexander’s own vessel. According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the fleet consisted of eighty thirty-oared boats numbering some 2,000 vessels. Arrian accepts this view

The final preparations were made, and the embarkation began at dawn. Alexander offered his customary sacrifice, and of course gave a special sacrifice to the Hydaspes. Stepping aboard, he stood in the bows of his vessel, and from a golden bowl poured a libation into the water, solemnly invoking the river, which he now knew to be the greatest of its tributaries. Then after a libation to Heracles his ancestor and to Ammon, he ordered a trumpet sound to indicate their departure. The natives had never before seen horses on shipboard and were so amazed that they ran along the river-bank following the enormous fleet.

On the third day the fleet stopped where Hephaestion and Craterus had been ordered to halt. After two or three days wait, Philip joined Alexander with the rest of the troops and was sent to the Acesines, with orders to proceed along the bank. Then the descent of the Hydaspes was resumed, and was found to be approximately two and a half miles wide. In the course of the journey Alexander pulled in, in order to deal with natives of the vicinity; some would surrender voluntarily; others, who offered resistance were subdued.

Alexander was keen to hurry on to the territory of the Mallians and Oxydracae. He heard that these people were the most warlike Indians and most numerous in that part of the country. Alexander also heard that they had shut up their women and children in a strongly fortified town and intended on making a stand against him. He therefore decided to increase speed in order to attack before they were ready for him.

On the fifth day he reached the junction of the Hydaspes and the Acesines. Alexander had been forewarned about the treacherous conditions of the river at this junction. As that spot was very narrow, the current was extremely rapid; the surface is roughened and broken and there are dangerous whirlpools in the area. Although Alexander warned his men of the danger ahead, on reaching the point the men at the oars stopped out of sheer panic. They were then ordered to row at full speed to get through the narrow passage. The barges and shorter crafts were spun around in the eddies and whirlpools – luckily no one was injured. The warships, didn’t get through so easily. Their inferior buoyancy made it harder for them to cope with the commotion, it was also very difficult to keep the lower tier clear of water. Many vessels were unable to keep sufficient way on to shoot the rapids. Some were very badly caught and got their oars broken off as they came broadside onto the eddies. Two ships ran foul of one another and sank with the loss of many lives. Alexander landed his men on the right bank of the river, and searched for floating wreckage and remaining survivors. After the necessary repairs were made to the vessels, Nearchus was ordered to proceeded down-stream as far as the territory of the Mallians. In the meantime, Alexander carried out a rapid raid on the natives who had not submitted to him. With that done he returned to the flotilla.

93

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

On being rejoined by Hephaestion, Craterus and Philip, he sent troops to the other side of the river.

94

The troops under Craterus’ command consisted of:

The elephants, The mounted archers Polysperchon’s battalion And Philip’s contingent

The troops under Nearchus were sent to march down the river (they were ordered to keep three days’ march ahead of the main body of the army)

The remainder of the army was split into three divisions:

(i) Hephaestion was ordered to march five days in advance – in order to catch any intercepting native troops, in case of any escape.

(ii) Alexander’s own contingent would be moving rapidly forward.

(iii) Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with another division, had orders to wait three days and then follow. This was in order to catch anyone who intended on avoiding Alexander, by turning back.

Further instructions were that, on reaching the junction of the Acesines and Hydraotes, the leading army should wait until Alexander, Craterus and Ptolemy should arrive and join with them.

Under his personal command, Alexander took

The Guards, The archers, The Agrianes, Peitho’s battalion of heavy infantry, All the mounted archers, Half the Companions.

With these mounted troops he marched for the territory of the Mallians (branch of independent Indians). His route lay over The Sandar-Bar Desert, almost a waterless country. On the first day’s march, he halted at a pond almost half a dozen miles from the Acesines. There he ordered every man to fill any container with water, and proceeded. After fifty miles, marching the remainder of that day and night, until he reached a town where many of the Mallians had taken refuge. The last thing expected was that Alexander would have gone through this waterless region, most of them were therefore unarmed and outside the defences of their walls. This was the reason why Alexander chose this route, though it was a difficult one. He took them completely by surprise, and most that were unarmed were killed. Most locked themselves up in the town.

95

Alexander threw a cordon of mounted troops round the walls as he awaited the arrival of his infantry. As soon as they did arrive, he dispatched Perdiccas, Cleitus’ cavalry regiments, and the Agrianes to another Mallian town, at which large numbers of Indians had concentrated their forces. They were however, ordered not to attack until he himself got there. They were also warned to keep close look out that no one should slip out to warn other natives of Alexander’s approach.

He then launched his own attack. The remaining Indians abandoned their defences, and sought refuge in the inner fortifications, which was difficult to assault. They managed to hold out for a short time, but the strong pressure of the Macedonian force, proved too much for them. The inner defences were stormed, and about 2,000 were killed.

Perdiccas, meanwhile, had reached his objective. He found the town deserted, and knowing it was not long since the natives left, he along with the infantry rode with all speed to pursue them. Some escaped into the marshes but the rest were killed.

Page 309 of Arrian

At about first watch Alexander and his men left. He covered many miles through the night and reached the Hydroates at daylight. Here he heard that most of the Mallians had already crossed to the other side, those who were still on their way were caught and destroyed. When he caught up with the leading Mallians he killed some, and took a number for prisoners, but the majority escaped to a strongly fortified position. Alexander then sent Peitho with his own battalion and two regiments of cavalry against them. The attack was a success, they captured position and reduced every surviving man to a slave. Peitho and his force then returned to the main body of the army.

Alexander then heard that a Mallian force was preparing to defend themselves in one of the Brahmin towns, and made his way there. These Indian towns consisted of mud-huts, and their protective wall was of no great height or thickness. On arrival Alexander stationed his infantry around the outer defences, and moved forward in close formation. On seeing their walls were being sapped, the Indians chose to abandon their defences and take refuge in their inner stronghold. Here they continued to resist, and fell upon a Macedonian party who had forced their way in, the Indians managed to kill about twenty five of the Macedonians.

Alexander meanwhile put the scaling-ladders into position all around the inner stronghold and ordered the sapping to begin. A tower soon fell and he and his men entered, Soon the fortress was in the Macedonian hands. Some of the Indians set fire to

96

their houses or were caught in them and killed; most died fighting. In total about 5,000 Indians were killed/

Page 311 of Arrian

After waiting there a day for rest, Alexander decided to begin his advance against the remaining Mallians. On hearing a report that they had sought refuge in uninhabited country, Alexander made his move. He accordingly sent Peitho and Demetrius, the cavalry officer, back to the river with the troops already under their command. Along with these he sent, some companies of light infantry, sufficient for the task at hand. Their task was to march along the river and keep look out for any enemy who hay have fled to the woods. Their orders were to kill anyone who refused to give themselves up. They did in fact catch and kill a great deal of them.

His next objective was to seize the principle town of the Mallians. He heard that many who had left their towns, had settled there. Nevertheless, on news that Alexander was approaching, this town too was abandoned. The Indians crossed the Hydraotes, and took a strong position on the high ground of the opposite bank. Learning of this, Alexander at once advanced with all available cavalry, telling the infantry to follow, up to the point on the river where the Indians had massed.

On reaching the river and seeing the force on the opposite bank, Alexander, without even waiting for the infantry, for the troops to reform after the march, plunged into the ford. The enemy withdrew when he was half-way over, only they were in good order. Alexander followed them rapidly, however, as soon as they saw he had no infantry in support they checked their withdrawal, turned and offered a vigorous resistance. The Indian’s force was about 50,000 strong, and were massed in close formation, but Alexander’s infantry had not yet arrived. He kept the cavalry manoeuvring and making an occasional probe. (312) The Agrianes and the archers arrived on the scene, and picked up some units of light infantry, while the heavy infantry approached. The Indians, on seeing this onslaught approaching, broke and fled. Alexander followed close in their heels, capturing some and injuring others. When the fugitives had shut themselves up inside the town. Alexander ordered his cavalry to draw a cordon round it; and ordered the infantry to encircle completely the outer defences, and suspend operations for the day. The reasons for the pause were simple: there was insufficient day-light left for an attack, and his men were exhausted.

Leaving Cert Question 2003

97

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

The following day when the attack began, the Indians moved their entire force to the inner fortress. Alexander himself took command of one division, and Perdiccas the

98

other. Alexander and his men penetrated the town by breaking down the gates, well before Perdiccas and his men, who on seeing the wall bare of defenders, began climbing over it, thinking the town was already taken. On realising their mistake, they at once began sapping operations and got scaling-ladders to a part of the wall where they could force their way in. (page 313) The men were not quick enough to satisfy Alexander, and in his impatience, he took the ladder from someone, and with his own hands, reared it against the fortress wall. Peucestas followed him with the ‘sacred shield’ (form the temple of Athena at Troy), he was followed by Leonnatus, an officer of the Guard, and then by Abreas, a picked soldier, mounted by a second ladder.

Alexander now reached the top, and forcing some defenders back into the fortress, he was eventually left standing on the battlements alone, not one of the enemy within his reach. The sight of him filled the men of the Guards with terror for his safety, so they all rushed for the ladders, which then broke under their excessive load. No Indian ventured to approach the King, but every marksman in the neighbouring tower made him their target.

Suddenly, Alexander realised that by staying there he would be killed achieving nothing, so he leapt down into the fortress, knowing he could spread confusion and uproar among the enemy.

(314) Alexander put his back to the wall and made ready to fight. A party of Indians came at him, but he cut them all down; anyone who tried to approach, he stopped with a well-aimed stone. After that, they formed a half-circle around him, out of striking distance, and hurled whatever missiles at him they could find.

By this time Peucestas, Abreas and Leonnatus, got inside the fortress (before the ladders collapsed) and went to the King’s rescue. Abreas was shot in the face and killed, and Alexander too was wounded with an arrow above the breast. He fought on to defend himself, but his pierced lung led to a violent haemorrhage, and he fell forward over his shield. Peucestas stood by the body holding up before him the ‘sacred shield’ from Troy, and Leonnatus stood on the other. Alexander was now, almost unconscious with loss of blood.

315 The Macedonians were now impatient and worried about their leaders safety and found any means to climb the walls of the fortress. Some drove stakes into the clay of the wall and gradually pulled themselves up. Others stood on one another’s shoulders. Each man as he got to the top and flung themselves down into the fortress, saw the King’s body on the ground and with a cry of rage and grief, began a fierce battle. When at last the gate in the curtain wall was opened, the onslaught began. Neither women nor children were spared. Alexander was carried away on his shield, and his condition was so critical that no one thought he could survive.

316 Arrian dismisses other writers’ accounts including Curtius’ account and reinstates his opinion that it was the Mallians who wounded Alexander. Arrian then

99

proceedes to support his claims of other writers inaccuracies with reference to previous battles such as the Battles in Granicus and Arbela.

318 Alexander was kept where he was under medical treatment, however word got back to camp that he had died of the wounds. The men were left in despair, firstly because of grief and secondly, out of wonder about who their new commander was to be. They also feared how they would get home, seeing as they were surrounded by so many war-like tribes, After serious worry, word came that Alexander was alive. He wrote them a letter saying that he would visit them at headquarters soon. But the army’s state of mind was in such a way that they thought that the officers of the Guard had forged it.

On hearing this Alexander decided to go and see them so that their discipline would not breakdown. He travelled on a vessel down the Hydraotes, to where the troops were at camp (the junction of the Hydraotes and the Acesines. When the vessel approached, he ordered the awning over the stern to be taken down, so that they might see him. (319) Alexander raised a hand to great them and immediately there was a shout of joy. A party of Guards then brought him a stretcher, but he demanded his horse, and the crowd cheered again. Near his tent he dismounted, and the men, seeing him walk, touched his knees, clothes and feet in total disbelief and praise.

We are told by Nearchus that he was annoyed with some of his friends, who blamed him for exposing himself in advance of his men and taking risks, which no commander ought to take. Arrian believes that his resentment was because he was well aware of his mistake and that their criticism was justified. According to Arrian, the truth is that he was just fighting mad, and such was his state of mind that he had not the strength of mind to consider his own safety. The sheer pleasure of battle, as other pleasures are to men, was irresistible.

Representatives of the remaining Mallians came to offer surrender to Alexander. A similar offer came from the Oxydracae, the deputation consisted of the governors of their various towns along with 150 other dignitaries, bringing with them the most precious Indian gifts. They urged Alexander to look upon their resistance in the past as pardonable, as all they wished for (as most others) was their freedom and independence. However, as it was generally believed that Alexander was of divine decent, they were willing to accept any governor he appointed and give as many hostages as he would require. Alexander asked for 1,000 of their leading men, who for some time would be kept as hostages, or if they proved more convenient, would serve in the army for the remainder of the Indian campaign. The men were chosen and along with them, as an unsolicited gift, went 500 war chariots and their drivers. Philip was appointed governor of these people and the surviving Mallians. He returned the hostages but retained the chariots.

321 Many new river craft had been built by now, so Alexander sent 1,700 of the companion cavalry, the same amount of light infantry as before, and about 10,000

100

regular infantry, to go down the Hydraotes. Arrian proceeds with great descriptiveness about the Geographical aspects of the Indus and its tributary connections with the Hydaspes and the Acesines. He estimates the width of the Indus, before it splits into its delta, to be about 12 or 13 miles wide. Alexander waited at the junction of the Acesines and the Indus until the arrival of Perdiccas’ contingent. On his way to rejoin the main body of the Macedonians Perdiccas had subdued the Abastani, an independent people. About this time, some new galleys and point cargo vessels reinforced the fleet. He fixed the Acesines and Indus where they converge their point of meeting, as the boundaries of Philip’s province, and left the whole Thracian contingent under his control. He instructed Philip to found a settlement along with dockyards at that junction so that one day it would become a famous town.

322 During this period Oxyartes the Bactrian, father of his wife Roxane, visited him.

They spoke of the Parapamisadae in place of Tyriaspesm, the former governor, who was on a report for mismanagement.

While Alexander set off down-stream towards the royal palace of Sogdia, he sent Craterus over the left-hand bank of the Indus along with the elephants and most of the troops. On arrival, Alexander built a new settlement, with dockyards where he had his damaged vessels repaired. He appointed Peitho to govern the country from the junction of the Indus and Acesines to the sea, together with the whole coastal region of India.

Alexander instructed Craterus to proceed by land. Not only had Musicanus not offered submission to this point, but he in fact ignored him without making any sort of request. Alexander’s voyage down the Indus was so rapid that before Musicanus even knew that he had started, it turned out he was already outside the boundaries of the kingdom. This of course came as a shock to Musicanus, so he hastened to present himself in front of Alexander, with gifts and elephants. (323) He then, offered submission of himself and of his people, and acknowledged the error of his previous conduct. This was a great way to get what one wanted from Alexander-he freely pardoned Musicanus’ behaviour, and with greatest admiration of his country and capital, permitted him to retain his sovereignty. Craterus was then given orders to fortify the inner stronghold. A garrison was then established in order to keep an eye on the neighbouring tribes.

The governor of this district Oxycanus, had not made contact with Alexander,

either in person or otherwise. Therefore, Alexander accordingly set out on an expedition against him. His force consisted of the Agrianes, the archers and the cavalry he had brought down the river, The two largest towns in Oxycanus’ province, he took without much trouble, in one in fact Oxycanus himself was taken prisoner. Other towns surrendered on his approach, it was clear that the Indians had been cowed by the unbroken chain of Alexander’s success.

101

His next move was against Sambus, who he himself made governor of the Indian hill-tribes. Sambus and Musicanus hated one another, and word came that Sambus had fled on learning that Alexander had been lenient with Musicanus and allowed him to retain his kingdom. (324) The gates of Sindimana (the capital of Sambus’ territory) were opened on Alexander’s approach. Here he was met by Sambus’s relatives along with great gifts. They excused Sambus’ abandonment and informed him that Sambus fled out of alarm, in regards to Alexander’s compassion towards Musicanus. Alexander had captured another town in the course of the expedition; it had thrown off allegiance, and he executed the Brahmins (Indian teachers of philosophy) who had been responsible for the revolt.

[Jan 2005 between pages 329 – 350 some pages not summarised]

334Alexander sent Thaos, son of Mandrodorus, towards the coast in order to find out

if there was any shelter for the ships, fresh water or anything else of use to the fleet available there. Thaos returned with news that there was only few fishermen living there, who survived on little fresh water and fish.

Finally Alexander reached and area of Gedrosia with what Arrian terms ‘more or less plentiful’ provisions. These, Alexander had put on baggage trains and sealed them in order to prevent the men from getting at them on the trip to the coast. These seals were not effective however, as the starving men decided to share the goods in desperation. Although, the men were worried Alexander would react badly, he in fact forgave them, realising how desperate their situation had been.

335Alexander gathered provisions for the fleet by scouring the country. Cretheus of

Callatis was put in charge of the transport to the coast. Natives too were ordered to gather provisions.

Alexander now set out for the capital town of Gedrosia, located in an area called Pura. The march took 60 days. This was a long and arduous journey and Arrian tells us that Alexander chose this route, purely because nobody before him, with the exception of Semiramis, had successfully brought an army through it. He bases this fact on the writings of Nearchus. Alexander was inspired to ‘out do than Cyrus and Semiramis’. He also hoped to remain in contact with the fleet.

102

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

336

103

The blazing heat and lack of water on the journey had a disastrous effect both on men and animals. The majority of the animals died of thirst or the side-effects of the burning hot sand. The march was made even more difficult as they never knew when water would be found, and how long into the day they would have to march after already marching through the night. The double distress of heat and raging thirst was almost intolerable.

340-342

Alexander’s army was now lost in the desert. The guides were of little use since the points they had previously marked in order to find their way had been obliterated by sand. Alexander therefore took matters into his own hands. Many of the Horses had succumbed to the heat and so Alexander left his army and headed South with 5 other men. They reached the sea and after scraping away the shingle on the beach found clean fresh water. The rest of the army followed and for 7 days marched along the coast. When they reached the capital city of Gedrosia the troops were allowed to rest. Alexander, realising that the governor, Apollophanes, had not carried out his instructions appointed Thoas as governor instead. Thoas, however died and was succeeded by Sibyrtius, who had recently been made governor of Carmania, Arachotia and now Gedrosia. Alexander, on his way to Carmania, received a report that Philip, the governor of India had been assassinated by the mercenaries. The Macedonian guard executed the assassins. Alexander sent written orders to Eudamus and Taxiles to take control of the area until he sent out a new governor. Once Alexander had reached Carmania he was rejoined by Craterus. A number of officers were brought before Alexander for aving been convicted of disaffection and trouble-making. These included both Cleander and Sitalces, who had committed crimes such as plundering temples and distubing tombs. Alexander had them executed as an example, so as to make it clear that oppression by any government officials in any region was not permitted. Heracon was also convicted of robbing temples in Susa and was executed. Stasanor and Phrataphernes sent camels and mules to assist Alexander in his march through Gedrosia. There addition was very fortunate and Alexander distributed them between each company. It is said that Alexander travelled through Carmania in a sort of double-sized chariot in which he spent his time listening to the music of flutes with his closest friends while the troops wore garlands on their heads as if to imitate the Dionysiac triumphal marches. This is however not clear.

104

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

105

344 -345

In winter 325bc Alexander ordered Hephaeistion to goon with the elephants, baggage train and greater partof the army to Persia.  His instructions were to go along the coastal route, which was warm and filled with supplies. Alexander went with the most mobile unit of the army the companion cavalry and some regiments of archers to Pasargdae.  At the Persian frontier Alexander found a man named Orxines had taken the place of Phrasaortes (governor), who had died in Alex's absence.  At Pasargadae Alexander was visited by Atropates governorof media.  He had brought a man with him named Baryaxes, a Mede, who had worn his cap in the royal fashion (upright) proclaiming himself king of the Medes and Persians.  He and his associate were all executed.  Aristabulus tells us that Alexander found the Tomb of Cyrus broken into and robbed.  This caused him much distress.

. Pages 246-248

Although Alexander had been injured from the previous days fighting, he continued his relentless assault on the stronghold of the Massaga. He brought his artillery into range of the walls and made a successful breach. The Indians however retained a strong front

106

and didn’t allow the Macedonian soldiers into the town. On the same day, Alexander ordered a wooden tower to be brought in. This was used to great affect and inflicted heavy loses on the Massaga, even so, they still couldn’t get into the town.

The next day Alexander led a group of guards across a bridge that one of his siege engines had laid down. His men came charging towards the town but were stopped in their tracks. Due to the heavy weight of the force that Alexander had brought, the bridge collapsed much to the delight of the defenders. Once again Alexander was forced to retreat. On the fourth day this tactic was repeated.

The Indians were confident in the belief that they could repel another attack, however when the chief was killed by a missile from a catapult, the defenders were thrown into disarray. A truce was then initiated and to the delight of Alexander, the Indian mercenaries agreed to fight in his army. This was not the case, as Alexander was soon to find out. The mercenaries left the town at nightfall with the intention of fleeing to their homes. This was brought to Alexander’s attention and the same night he situated his men around the hill were the Indians were currently encamped. The Indians were then caught off guard and slaughtered. The town was then taken into Alexander’s possession.

From Massaga Alexander sent Coenus to Bazira to try and negotiate a surrender from them. Attalus, Alcetas, and Demetrius were sent to Ora to create a blockade around the town and then wait for Alexander to arrive. The locals at Ora gave some resistance but were easily kept at bay. Similarly in Bazira, the locals refused to submit to Alexander’s wishes on light of the fact that their fortress stood in a defensively advantageous position.

ARRIAN (P350 - 375)

In Taxila, he once met some members of the Indian sect of wise men whose practice it is to go naked. He admired their powers of endurance and took it to his fancy to have one of them in his personal train. However, the eldest members among them, Dandamis refused either to join Alexander himself or to permit any of his pupils to do so. After a convincing letter to Alexander, Alexander made no attempt to compel him. However, another of the Indian teachers, a man named Calanus did accept Alexander’s offer. According to Arrian no history of Alexander would be complete without the strange story of Calanus. In India Calanus had never been ill, but when he was living in Persia all his strengths deteriorated from his body. In spite of his enfeebled state, he refused to submit to an invalid’s regime, and told Alexander that he was content to die as he was. Alexander, at some length tried to talk him out of his obstinacy but it all came to no avail, he yielded to his request and gave instructions for the building of a funeral pyre under the supervision of Ptolemy, son of Lagus. Some say

107

Calanus was escorted to the pyre by a solemn procession - horses, men, soldiers in armour, and people carrying all kinds of precious oils and spices to throw upon the flames; other accounts mention drinking cups of silver and gold. He was too ill to walk or to mount a horse, so he had to be carried on a litter, upon which he lay with his head wreathed with garlands in the Indian fashion, and singing Indian songs. At last he mounted the pyre and with due ceremony laid himself down. Alexander looked on, as his troops looked in astonishment to see Calanus give not the smallest sign of shrinking from flames. According to Nearchus’ account, it was said that at the moment the fire was kindled, there was an impressive salute. About this time, Alexander sent out Atropates to his province. Alexander himself had gone to Susa, where he had abilities arrested and put to death for abusing his office of governor. In a lot of countries subdued by Alexander there had been many acts of crime on the part of government officials. The reason is not hard to work out, for Alexander had been away for a long time , and nobody felt that he would return, especially with the difficulties of the Indians. Nonetheless, Alexander had to inflict severe punishment to those who had indulged their position. Here at Susa he held weddings for his companions; he also took a wife himself - Barsine, darius’ eldest daughter and another as well, namely Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus. With Alexander’s generosity, the marriage ceremonies were in the Persian fashion as most of his companions ‘ wives were Persian or Median. After the ceremony, all the men took their wives home, and for every one of them Alexander provided a dowry. This also seemed a fitting occasion to clear off men’s debts. After this, the troops could but not believe in Alexander’s good faith.

This gift to his men is said to have amounted to 20,000 talents. He also made a number of other money awards for distinguished conduct in the field, or in recognition of a man’s reputation for a good service. A special decoration consisting of a gold crown was granted to certain officers for conspicuous bravery . Here in Susa, Alexander received the various officials in charge of affairs in the newly built towns and the governors of the territories he had previously overrun. They bought with them some 30,000 young men, all boys of the same age, all wearing the Macedonian battle-dress. Alexander called them his “Epigoni” - or inheritors - and it is said that their creation caused much bad feeling among the Macedonians, who felt it was an indication of his many efforts to lessen his dependence in the future upon his own countrymen. Most of them already had found the Persian marriage ceremonies by no means to their taste. They also resented, too, the growing orientalism of Peucestas, Governor of Persia . Persian were also introduced into the crack Macedonian cavalry regiment, provided they had some outstanding personal recommendation. Beside this, a fifth mounted regiment was formed; it did not consist entirely of oriental troops, but the total cavalry strength was increased and a certain number of foreign troops were posted to it. All this was cause of deep resentment to the Macedonians, who could not but feel that Alexanders’ whole outlook was becoming tainted with orientalism, and that he had no longer cared for his own people or his own native ways.

108

Hephaestion now received orders to move down to the Persian Gulf with more than half the total number of infantry battalions. The fleet had already come up the Gulf to the territory near Susa, and Alexander embarked for a voyage down the Eulaeus to the sea. He took with him the guards, the special squadron and a few other companions. He left most of his ships, including all which were needed of repair, just inside the mouth of the river, and went on with the fastest he had along the seacoast from the Eulaeus to the mouth of the Tigris; the rest of the fleet returned up the Eulaeus to the canal which joins it with Tigris, and passed through. Alexander then proceeded up the Tigris to the place where Hephaestion and the whole army were encamped. From there he went further up the river to Opis, a town on it’s bank. During the passage up-stream he had the weirs demolished, thus restoring the river to the same continuous level throughout; the weirs had been constructed by the Persians to prevent a victorious naval force from coming up the river to invade their country. Their existence, at frequent intervals, made the passage up-river a very awkward business. At Opis, however, he summoned an assembly of his Macedonian troops and announced the discharge from the army of all men unfit through age or disability for further service; these he proposed to send home, and promised to give them on their departure enough to make their friends and relatives envy them and to fire their countrymen with eagerness to play a part in similar perilous adventures in the future. With this, Alexander was beginning to administer his empire.

Unfortunately, however the men already felt that he had come to undervalue their services, so naturally they resented his remarks as merely another instance of the many things which, throughout the campaigns, he had done to hurt their feelings, such as his belief of “Orientalism”. The result was that they did not receive the speech in respectful silence, but unable to restrain themselves called for a mutiny at Opis. Alexander was furious. He had become accustomed to oriental subservience and had greatly changed his old openhearted manner towards his own countrymen. He leapt from the platform with the officers who attended him, and pointed with his finger to the ringleaders of the mutiny, ordered the guards to arrest them. There were 13 of them, and they were all executed.

With this, Alexander stepped on to the rostrum and addressed his troops. According to Arrian, Alexander first went on and talked about his father Philip, and how they owed him for receiving them from slavery and that he brought them law and civilisation. He then went to point out that he fought hard for the good of Macedonia not just for himself but for his people. According to Arrian, he stressed that considering all that he had won, that he had little left for himself “except the purple and this crown” He then went on to remind the troops that “There was no part of his body but his back which has not a scar;” with examples such as these truly stressed his dedication to his people, including paying off any debts that his troops had incurred.

109

As he closed his speech, Alexander sprang from the rostrum and hurried into the palace. He didn’t eat or wash for the rest of the day. On the following day too he remained closely confined.

On the Macedonians the immediate effect of Alexander’s speech was profound. They stood in silence in front of the rostrum. But when they were told about the Persians and Medes - how command was being given to Persian officers, every man of them hurried to the palace; in sign of supplication they flung their arms on the ground before the doors and stood there calling and begging for admission. They offered to give up the ringleaders of the mutiny and those who had led the cry against the king, and swore they would not stir the spot day or night unless Alexander took pity on them. The moment Alexander, heard of this change of heart, hastened out to meet them, and he was so touched with the bitter lamentations that he could not hold his emotions, and started to cry. Before he stepped forward, Callines, distinguished both by age and rank, anticipated Alexaner. Callines cried to Alexander and “ what hurts us is that you have made Persians your kinsmen”. Alexander replied “I regard you as my kingsmen, and from now on that is what I shall call you.” Thereupon Callines came up to him and kissed him. To mark the restoration of harmony, Alexander offered sacrifice to the gods he was accustomed to honour, and gave a public banquet with both Macedonians and Persians. Alexander and his friends dipped their wine from the same bowl and poured the same libations, following the lead of Greek seers and Magi (Persian Priests). The chief object of his prayer was that Persians and Macedonians might rule together in harmony as an imperial power.

After this all the Macedonians - about 10,000 all told - who were too old for service or in any way unfit, got their discharge at their own request. They were given their pay not only up to date, but also for the time they would take on the homeward journey. In addition to their pay, they each received a gratuity of one talent. Some of the men had children by Asian women, and it was Alexander’s orders that these should be left behind to avoid the trouble among their families at home. This could have obviously been caused by by the introduction of half-caste children; he promised however, to take care of them, which was a somewhat vague and unsatisfactory promise. He did however, give the clearest proof of how warmly he felt for them, and of how much he would miss them when they had gone, by his decision to entrust them on their journey to the leadership and protection of Craterus, one of most loyal of officers. When they left Alexander’s eyes and the eyes of every man among them were wet with tears.

Craterus’ instructions were to take them home, and on arrival there, to assume control of Macedonia., Thrace, and Thessaly and assure freedom of Greece. Antipater received orders to bring out fresh drafts to replace the men sent home; Polysperchon was sent with Craterus as his second command - Craterus was in poor health, and thus Alexander ensured that if anything happened to him during the journey the men should have someone to take charge of them.

110

After the second mutiny at Opis, rumour had it that Alexander was beginning to be influenced by his mother’s sinister rumours about Antipater. Olympias, Alexander’s mother stated that Antipater had no longer remembered who had put him where he was, but claimed absolute pre-eminence among his fellows countrymen and the rest of Greece. After this Alexander did not regard Antipater as highly ever again.

From Opis to Ecbatana

There is a story, according to Arrian, that while Alexander was in Media Atropates, the governor of Media, sent him a hundred women, who he declared were Amazons. They were equipped like cavalrymen, but carried axes instead of spears and light targes instead of ordinary cavalry shield. Apparently it was said that their right breasts were smaller than their left, and were bared in battle. Alexander however, sent the women away to avoid trouble; for they might well have met with unseemly treatment from the troops.

At Ecbatana, Alexander offered sacrifice. He also held the festival with literacy and athletic contests. At about this time, however Hephaestion fell sick. On the seventh day of his illness , Alexander was watching the boy’s race contest. However during the races a message was brought to Alexander that Hephaestions’ illness had become serious; he hurried away, but Alexander was too late, Hephaestion had died. The accounts of Alexander’s grief at this loss are many and various. We are told for instance, that he flung himself on the body of his friend and lay there nearly all day long in tears, and refused to be moved until he was dragged away. Some have said that he had Glaucias, the doctor, hanged for giving the wrong medicine.

All the accounts, however, agrees in telling us that for two whole days after Hephaestion’s death Alexander tasted no food, but lay on his bed crying. He had a funeral pyre prepared in Babylon at a cost of 10000 talents - and ordained a period of mourning throughout the East. Many of the companions, out of respect for Alexander, dedicated themselves and their arms to the dead man. Alexander also made no fresh appointments to the command of the companion cavalry; he wished Hephaestion’s name to be preserved always in connection with it. Alexander’s distress was long drawn out; but at last he began to get over it. Once he was himself again he undertook an expedition against the Cossaeans. These people, neighbours of Uxians, were a warlike tribe of mountaineers, living in village strongholds high in the hills; on the approach of an enemy, their plan was to abandon their positions, either all together or in small parties as occasion offered, and slip away, thus frustrating any attempt by an organised force to get at them; then when the enemy was gone, they would return to their normal life of brigandage . However Alexander easily destroyed them.

111

After these events Aexander sent Heracleides, son of Argaeus, with a party of shipwrights to Hyrcania with orders to fell timber in the hills and build warships. The reason for this was that he wished to explore the Caspian sea, he wished to determine if it joined to another sea or whether it was a Gulf of the Great Indian Ocean to the eastward.(pg376) He had already proven that the Persain or Red Sea was a gulf of the ocean and he thought the case might be the same with the Caspian. The limits or origins of the Caspian sea had never been found despite the fact that its shores are highly populated and many rivers flow into it; the Oxus, the Jaxartes, the Araxes apart from these large rivers many tributaries which join them flow into the Caspian. The Macedonians Discovered some of these rivers.

On his way to Babylon, Alexander was met by some Wise Men of the Chaldaeans, they begged him to go no further. Their god Bel had foretold that if he entered the city at that time, it would prove fatal. Alexander replied by quoting Euripidies " Prophets are best who make the truest guess." The wise men replied " My lord, look not to the west; do not march westward with your army; but turn about and go eastward." The country to the east was impracticable for troops.(pg377) According to Arrian, the truth was that fate was leading him to the spot it was already written that he should die.

Arrian believes that perhaps it was best for him to make his end while he was still loved and before he was taken over by ill fortune which at one time or another is the lot of all men. Hephaestions death was no small calamity to Alexander he would rather have been first to go than to live to suffer that pain.

Alexander believed that the Chaldaeans warning was not a prophecy at all but rather an attempt to curry favour, for in Babylon stood the huge temple of Bel. It had been destroyed Xerxes on his return from Greece and Alexander proposed to rebuild it. The workmen, however, once he was out of the way dawdled over their job, so he decided to set his own troops to complete the work.

378 Despite not believing in their prophecy, Arrian tells that he yielded to their wishes. On the first day he halted his troops on the Euphrates and on the next advanced keeping the river in his right with intention of passing the westerly side of the city before crossing the river. It turned out that the terrain was too difficult for the army they got bogged down in swampy land. Alexander disobeyed the divine command .

Apollodorus one of the Companions was in command of a force which had been left with Mazaeus, the governor of Babylon. Alexander returned from India and he had not been in his company long before observed the severity in which the King was dealing his provincial governors. He accordingly wrote a letter to his brother Peithagoras, a seer who foretold the future by the entrails of animals 379. Apollodorus asked him to foretell whether or not any danger threatened himself. Peithagoras asked in reply who was the principle cause of his worry. Apollodorus stated Alexander and Hephaestion. Peithagoras sent back a message that Hephaestion would cause no worry as he would soon be out of the way, the seer made a second sacrifice this time for

112

information about Alexander, and returned a message to Apollodorus in similar terms. Apollodorus made no secret of these revelations he told Alexander the contents of the letter. Alexander thanked him and on his arrival to Babylon asked Peithagoras the nature of the warning sign, Peithagoras told him and Alexander treated him with all the more consideration. There is a similar story from Calanus the Indian Wise Man. According to this , on his way to pyre where he was to meet his death he said his farewells to Alexander’s friends but refused to speak a word to Alexander saying that he would give him his greetings when they met in Babylon. Nobody paid much attention to what Calanus said. In Babylon he was visited by delegations form Greece he received the envoys graciously and paid them their due honours.

113

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

381 Aristobulus writes that the fleet was in Babylon when Alexander arrived there. Nearchus' squadron had sailed up the Euphrates, the others including the Phoenicians had come over from the Phoenician coast; they had been taken to pieces

114

and transported over land to Thapsacus on the Euphrates from there they sailed down to Babylon. Apparently Alexander was planning on building another flotilla and for this reason was felling the cypresses in Babylonia. Man-power and the crews for for the new fleet were supplied by shell divers and others from Phoenicia and the neighbouring seaboard. He also began the construction of a harbour capable of hoding a 1,000 warships, and equiped with yards. Miccalus of Clazomenae ws sent to Phoenicia and Syria with 500 talents to recruit more men familiar with ships and the sea. Alexander fancied making the Persian Gulf and its off-shore islands as prosperous as Phoenicia. The naval preparations were directed against the Arabs of the coast; they were the only people in that part who had not sent a delegation to him.(pg 382) Alexander believed that the Arabs worshipped only two gods Uranus and Dionysus. Alexander believed that it would not be beyond his merits to be regarded as a third god, as Dionysus had made a famous journey to India. In the view of the fact that his achievements surpassed those of Dionysus; or at least he would deserve this honour if he conquered the Arabs and allowed them to keep their traditions as he had done in India. Arabia was a wealthy country with many riches it was also very large with many harbours along its coast would provide good sites for settlement.

383He was further informed of two islands that lay 15miles from the mouth of the

Euphrates One of them was a sacred and holy island which held a temple in honour of Artemis. Aristobulus tells us that Alexander decreed that this island will be called Icarus after the Agean island of that name upon which the legendary tale of Icarus son Daedalus took place. The second of the two islands, called Tylus was of some size most of neither wild nor wooded but fit to produce all sorts of crops. Alexander recieved this information from Archias who he sent check out the Arabian coast he did not venture further than Tylus. Androsthenes, who went in command of another galley went further, around part of the Arabian peninsula.

384 Hiero, the shipmaster from Soli made great progress. Alexander instructed him to

circumnavigate the whole peninsula as far as the Egyptian town of Heroopolis on the Red Sea. But even he found his courage fail him, he turned back stating to Alexander that the peninsula was of immense size this was confirmed by Nearchus' men as their voyage from India took them near it before they changed course for the Persian Gulf. They were on the point of crossing over to it as Onesicritus the pilot had advised them to do; Nearchus , however refused his permission as after completing his surveys of the Persian Gulf he would have to report to Alexander on the object of the voyage, and that object was not to explore the ocean, but to examine the coast and collect information about its peoples, fertility and resources. And this he adds is what enabled Alexander’s army to come through in safety.

385

115

While the work was been done on the new harbour and fleet, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates to the river Pallacopas. The Euphrates is a shallow river. It rises in the mountains of Armenia, however around the time of the summer solstice it floods its plains with melting of the snow in the mountains. A mass of this water is diverted down the Pallacopas a canal like river and into Arabia . In the Autumn after the snows have melted much of the water still flows down the Pallacopas; thus were the canal closed by a sluice to block the entrance of the river water and allow it to flow along its natural path, it would at this time of year empty the Euphrates completely and so prevent the irrigation of the Assyrian plains. This task was unsuccessfully undertaken by governor of Babylonia though for three months 10,000 Assyrian workmen tried to stop the water percolating through the soil.

116

Α Λ

Ε Ξ

Α Ν

Δ Ρ

Ο Σ

117

385-398

Passing through Assyria Alexander learned that the people of the region were trying, unsuccessfully, to build a sluice across a canal which was diverting large amounts of water from the Euphrates river, and thus preventing much soil from being irrigated during the wet season. Completing the sluice would mean widespread alleviation from famine and drought, but although 10,000 Assyrian workmen were at the job their efforts were proving fruitless, since the soil by the canal was soft and extremely unsuitable for building on. Alexander, observing their plight, offered to build them a sluice out of his own expenses, but at the Pellacopas, a spot some four miles down from the original area where the ground was harder. In this location he began work on a town, in which would be settled Greek mercenaries and men old or unfit for active service.

At this stage, it seemed that all the foreboding prophecies regarding Alexander's death in Babylon had come to nothing, since he had left the city without incident. However an event which took place shortly after this near the ancient tombs of the Assyrian kings in the marshy lake region south of Babylon presented a chilling omen of doom. Alexander was on a vessal with his entourage and was wearing a wide sun hat on which was placed his crown and diadem. At one point a sudden gust of wind blew the hat with the diadem into the water near the tombs. That in itself was a bad omen for the King, but then one of the crew jumped into the water and swam to the hat to salvage it, and was compelled to wear it on his head as he was swimming back with it to prevent it from getting wet. Most historians record that Alexander gave the man a talent for his loyal act of service, and then had him beheaded for wearing his crown; Aristobulus however says that though the man was given money, his punishment was merely a flogging. He moreover believes that the man was a Phoniecian sailor, others that it was none other than Seleucas, who went on to become a mighty king in his own right after Alexander's death.

Following this incident Alexander returned to Babylon where a lavish reception including Peucestas with some 20,000 Persian troops as well as ambassadors from Greece were waiting for him. The Greek delegation placed a golden chaplet on his head, as if they were honouring a god. But in spite of all the pomp and ceremony the end was near for the King.

He thanked the Persian men for their loyalty to Peucestas and then they were split up among various Macedonian units known as decads. Many games and athletic contests were held at this time, there being great rivalry between the various units, particularly in sailing and rowing. Soon afterwards Alexander received news from the shrine of Ammon that pleased him greatly, namely that the dead Hephaestion could be honoured with sacrifices as a hero or a demi-god, and from that day on saw to it that he received a hero's rites. However, he is criticised by Arrian for taking this too far; in a letter written about this time to Cleomenes, an official in Egypt with a shady history and who was known to be a scoundrel, he requested that two lavish shrines be built for Hephaestion in Egypt, one in Alexandria and one in Pharos, and promised that if this

118

were done that he "would grant him free pardon for his former crimes, and henceforth they would suffer no punishment at his hands for anything he would do, however heinous." Arrian claims to find this "shocking".

One more ominous omen occurred hinting at the King's impending death. One day when he was surrounded by courtiers and eunuchs he felt thirsty and got up from his throne to get a drink; as he did so someone, possibly a prisoner under open arrest, sat down on it. Alexander was alerted to this by the startled eunuchs and the fellow was put to the torture, but claimed he had only sat on the throne on impulse, something that alarmed and worried many people. Alexander was aware of this fear and obediently made offerings and distributed wine and sacrificial victims among certain units of the army. A few days after this he was leaving a banquet when he was invited to another party by Medius, a Companion close in his confidence. He went along to this second feast, which ended up going late into the night. Alexander eventually retired with an intense fever already on him.

Over the next few days he was too sick to move about but was carried to his various religious duties and also made preparations with the men for the coming departure. Some of the men were to march and he was to sail a day later. After five days his condition was serious and he became unable to speak. Eventually some of the men, scared and bewildered at the thought of losing their King and desperate to see him one last time came to him; as they filed past Alexander struggled to raise his head and there was a look in his eyes of recognition for each individual as he passed. Peitho, Seleucias, Menidas and some others spent that night in the temple of Serapis and inquired whether it would be better if their King was moved into the temple but the answer was a negative. Shortly after this Alexander died. According to some accounts his high officers had asked him towards the end to name his successor, and he replied "the best man". He supposedly went on to say that he knew there would be funeral games in good earnest after he was dead. He was thirty two years and eight months old, and had reigned as King for twelve years and eight months, at the time of his death.

Stories soon abounded as to the cause of his death. Some said that Aristotle, fearing for his life after the fate of Callisthenes, had concocted poison which Antipater's son Cassander brought from Greece in a mule's hoof; others that Medias, who after all had invited Alexander to the banquet that night he contracted his fever, had a hand in the affair. Medias was the lover of Iollas, the younger brother of Cassander and Alexander was said to have felt a sharp pain in draining a cup at the banquet. Someone else claims that he had planned to commit suicide by throwing himself into the Euphrates and vanishing without trace, thus keeping up the legend of his divinity, only to be found out by his wife Roxane. Arrian however is dismissive of all these stories.

Arrian states the following as a sort of summary of Alexander's life and deeds: "He had great personal beauty, great power of endurance, and a keen intellect; he was brave and adventurous, strict in observance of his religious duties, and hungry for fame. Most

119

temperate in the pleasures of the body, his passion was for glory only, and in that he was insatiable. He had an uncanny instinct for the right course in a difficult and complex situation. Noble was his power of inspiring his men, of filling them with confidence and, in the moment of danger, of sweeping away their fear by the spectacle of his own fearlessness." He praises Alexander as a courageous risk taker, unpredictable in his military manoeuvres and limitlessly generous and unselfish. He makes it clear that the King's few faults were minor and understandable given his youth and the fact that he was always surrounded by flattering courtiers, and insists that he was always ready to admit to making mistakes and to apologise. His claim to divinity was a common practice among Kings in that age, while his practice of Orientalism was merely political tact in making the Persians loyal to a King who was not wholly foreign, and as a result many of them served in his army. His occasional bouts of heavy drinking took place on account of the fact that he enjoyed the company of his friends.

At the end of his book Arrian is adamant that the greatness of Alexander far outweighs the negative aspects of his character and his deeds, and that anyone who attempts to belittle or berate him for these must consider his greatness also. "Never in all the world" he declares "was there another like him" and he concludes that because of Alexander's uniqueness, his greatness as a leader, and the fact that he was always surrounded by prophecies and visions, that some power other than human lay behind his magnificent career.

SECTION TWO

120

Past Questions4

2004Topic 2. Alexander the Great.

Answer any two of the following questions. (Each question is worth fifty marks):-

(i) When Alexander became king of Macedonia on the death of his father Philip in 336 BC, he led his army against a number of enemies (Triballians, Illyrians and Thebans).(a) Give a brief account of how Alexander dealt with any two of these enemies. (35)(b) What qualities that Alexander later showed in his Persian campaigns were already evident in these early successes? (15)

(ii) The siege and capture of Tyre has been described as .perhaps the hardest task that Alexander.s military genius ever encountered.. (Bury and Meiggs)(a) What were the main challenges presented by Tyre and its defenders, and how did Alexander.s genius overcome those challenges? (40)(b) What is your opinion of Alexander’s treatment of the survivors after the capture of Tyre? (10)

(iii) Alexander had a nearly fatal adventure at the fortress of the Mallians in India in 325 BC.

1214 Remember to use this section of the handout in conjunction with your essays handout.

(a) Describe how Alexander was seriously wounded at the fortress. (20)(b) How did Alexander later convince the army that he had not died there? (15)(c) Do you agree with those friends of Alexander who criticised him for his actions at this siege?Give reasons for your answer. (15)

(iv) .In spite of his vehement and impulsive nature, he showed little interest in the pleasures of the senses and indulged in them only with great moderation.. (Plutarch, Life of Alexander)

Discuss this quotation with reference to what you have learnt about the behaviour of Alexander from your reading of the prescribed texts. (50)

Marking Scheme 2004 Topic 2. Alexander the Great.(i) (a) 35 marks. (9,9 ) (9,8 )

• Triballians: most important points include Alexander’s negotiation of the mountain defiles down which the enemy were rolling heavy wagons: the defeat of a Triballian force in the forest: Alexander’s crossing of the Danube which led to the surrender of the Triballians.

• Illyrians (including the Taulantians): Alexander was caught between an enemy in the fort of Pelium and another occupying the steep hills around.

• Candidates should show some appreciation of how he succeeded in extricating his army and then overwhelmed the ill-prepared enemy in a night attack, leading to the flight of the Illyrians and Taulantians.

• Thebans: This confrontation is dealt with at great length by Arrian and Plutarch. Most important points include Alexander’s reluctance to attack at the beginning; the unauthorised attack by Perdiccas; strong resistance by the Thebans; sortie by the Macedonians in the Cademeia; arrival of Alexander with reinforcements; slaughter of Thebans; treatment of survivors.

(b) 15 marks. (8,7)

• Examiners will look for two qualities and the circumstances in which they were shown. Examples could include: tactical ingenuity (Triballians,Illyrians); the lure of the unknown (crossing of the Danube); ruthlessness (Thebes); personal courage (all campaigns); noble gestures (Timocleia, Pindar’s house).

(ii) (a) 40 marks. (14,13,13)122

• The main challenges faced and overcome by Alexander were geographical andmilitary. Tyre was an island, situated a half-mile from the coast, with almost impenetrable defences. Alexander had few ships. The Tyrians were amazingly resourceful and daring in their resistance. Candidates should show knowledge of these challenges and of the various ways that Alexander succeeded in meeting them.

(b) 10 marks.• What is needed here is a knowledge of the savage treatment meted out to

the survivors by the Macedonians, and an opinion on that.(iii) (a) 20 marks.

• Impression mark out of 20 for a clear, accurate account of Alexander’s near suicidal entry into the fort and subsequent events.

(b) 15 marks.• Again, a brief but clear account of Alexander’s trip to where the soldiers

were in camp and his mounting on a horse to let his men see and touch him will suffice.

(c) 15 marks.• In their answers, candidates will be expected to show an awareness that

Alexander, in almost throwing away his life, risked leaving the army leaderless thousands of miles from base in hostile territory. Candidates may still conclude, of course, that he did the right thing.

(iv) 50 marks. Impression mark.• Although Arrian remarks on this aspect of Alexander’s character from time

to time, it is one of Plutarch’s favourite themes and indeed one of the main reasons why he admires Alexander so much. Pleasures of the senses are taken to include sexual indulgence, fine foods, excessive drinking and a luxurious lifestyle. In all of these, with the exception of alcohol, there is plenty of evidence that Alexander was in full control and was in no way a slave to his passions. In the matter of alcohol, Plutarch gives contradictory evidence. On the one hand he assures us that Alexander was a social drinker who lingered long over a few drinks, on the other he records that, after a night’s partying, the king would stay in bed most of the following day. It is clear too that drink played a major part in some of the dramatic events in Asia (including in Alexander’s death). Candidates will not be expected to cover every aspect of the question for high marks. They will, however, be required to be able to discuss the topic from a base of good knowledge of Alexander’s attitudes.

2003Answer any two of the following questions. (Each question is worth fifty marks):-

123

(i) “Memnon was the only first-class general Darius possessed in Asia Minor, and his disappearance from the scene was an extraordinary piece of luck for Alexander.” (Green)Discuss this statement in the light of the contribution made by Memnon of Rhodes to the Persianresistance to Alexander. (50)

(ii) In the space of a few years Alexander was responsible for the deaths of a number of senior figures including Parmenio, Philotas, Cleitus and Callisthenses.What do these deaths tell us about Alexander, and also about the atmosphere in the Macedonian camp at this time?

Candidates should treat these events in a general sense and should not give detailed accounts of the deaths. (50)

(iii) Alexander’s crossing of the Gedrosian desert has been called “the most catastrophic episode of his entire career.”(a) Give an account of the difficulties that Alexander and his army encountered, and of how they finally got through the desert. (40)(b) To what extent would you blame Alexander for this catastrophe? (10)

(iv) (a) What do you think was Alexander’s debt to his father Philip? (25)(b) Based on your reading of both Plutarch and Arrian, discuss Alexander’s ambivalent feelingstowards Philip. (25)

2003 Marking Scheme

(i) 50 marks. Three developed points (17,17,16)Candidates need to show a good knowledge and appreciation ofMemnon’s part in the Persian war effort. Whereas a knowledge of Memnon’s position in the Persian hierarchy would be welcome, it is not necessary.Points could include:• Memnon advocated a scorched earth policy when Alexanderlanded in Asia Minor. The Persian satraps were suspicious of aGreek like him and insisted on fighting at Granicus.• The Persian satraps of Asia Minor put their own positions andpossessions before the correct policy.• Darius then gave Memnon complete control of the navy and ofAsia Minor.• Memnon’s very skilful defence and abandonment of Halicarnassus.

124

• He used the navy to capture Chios and to put pressure on Alexander by threatening Greece. He died of illness before thispolicy could bear fruit.• His death helped to neutralise Darius’ navy. (Arrian, Bk 1)

(ii) 50 marks. Impression mark.The emphasis must be on the character of Alexander and the atmosphere in the Macedonian camp. Candidates who write of the deaths of these men without this focus will receive greatly reduced marks. Important light is shed on Alexander’s growing hatred of being challenged or hindered (especially in public) as the cases of Cleitus and Callisthenes make plain; his temper (Cleitus); his cruelty and ruthlessness (Philotas, Parmenio, Callisthenes); his resentment of the older Macedonians (all examples except Philotas). It is clear that during the interminable trek towards India the atmosphere in the Macedonian camp grew steadily worse. There was obviously a fair amount of heavy drinking which led to the bringing into the open of deep resentments of Alexander’s behaviour among certain officers. Others, such as Hephaestion, were unquestionably supportive of their king. Issues such as prostration, Persian dress, the divinity of Alexander brought out all the fear and hatred that poisoned the atmosphere. Access to Alexander was also difficult. Evidence is in the outburst of Cleitus, the speeches of Callisthenes, the plots of Philotas and of the Pages. The licence given to flatterers is also significant.

(iii) (a) 40 marks. Four points (10,10,10,10 – one for ‘escape’)These difficulties are well documented in Arrian Bk 6. Getting lost and losing thousands through thirst are the most important but flash floods and over eagerness are other factors as well as the loss of contact with the fleet. Candidates must also treat Alexander’s escape from the desert.

(b) 10 marks.He is certainly to blame for undertaking the expedition in the first place, probably from a desire to succeed where others had failed. Once launched, Alexander did everything possible to get the army through.

(iv) (a) 25 marks. Three points (9,8,8)Most relevant points include: his education, military training, (in charge at 16, led cavalry at 18 at Chaeronea), political education. Philip created the Macedonian kingdom and its wealth. He was the architect of the Macedonian army and heplanned and had begun to carry out the Persian invasion. He had also brought the rest of Greece to accept Macedonian hegemony.

(b) 25 marks. Impression mark.A good discussion will show the intensity of Alexander’s desire to outdo his father, his impatience to be in charge and to be the greatest, an impatience that then turned into bitter enmity. Alongside these feelings is an acknowledgement of Philip’s

125

achievements (very clearly stated in Alexander’s address at Opis); other evidence comes in the Cleitus affair where Alexander allows Philip to be downgraded; and in the whole business of his divinity. The role of Olympias might also bementioned. Some of the stories in Plutarch concerning Alexander’s earlylife are also very relevant. (Bucephalos; “Will my father leave nothing for me?”; envoys from Pixodarus; Philip’s wedding and the fall-out from it; the birth of another male heir to Philip).

The best answers will be aware of this almost Freudian relationship and will bring out the ‘ambivalent feelings’ mentioned in the question.

2002

Marking scheme 2002

(i) (a) 35 marks.A clear, connected narrative including the unauthorised attack by Perdiccas, Alexander’s support of this, the stubborn resistance of the Thebans, the eruption of those Macedonians in the Cadmeia onto the

126

streets, the admission of more and more of Alexander’s men, the fleeing of the Theban cavalry and the slaughter of the citizens. Candidates must also provide a brief treatment of the destruction of the city.(b) 15 marks. Two reasons should be given. (8,7)The main reason was to terrify the rest of the Greek city states (especially Athens). Another was the hatred for Thebes on the part of all the neighbouring peoples, and a third could be Alexander’s anger at being resisted (seen more dramatically at Tyre and Gaza).

(ii) (a) 15 marks.Candidates must show an understanding of the movements of the Macedonians and the Persians in the period leading up to the battle and the reasons for these movements.(b) 15 marks. Two points.Answers should take account of Darius’ reliance on cavalry and the mountains and the river.(c) 20 marks.A brief account will suffice but it should cover Alexander’s initial charge, the gap between the cavalry and the phalanx, Alexander’s move inwards towards Darius, the flight of Darius and Parmenio’s holding operation on the left.

(iii) (a) 25 marks. Three points.• Hephaestion was Alexander’s closest friend and probably also his lover. Totally

loyal and trustworthy at all times, he was rewarded with high command. He was Patroclus to Alexander’s Achilles (from the visit to Troy onwards):

• Their friendship dates from their childhood• After Issus, he was mistaken by Darius’ mother for Alexander who brushed this

error aside by saying that Hephaestion, too, was an Alexander• His part in the downfall and death of Philotas whose command of the

Companion Cavalry he partly assumed• Loyal supporter of Alexander’s Orientalism and part of the scheme to

introduce prostration to the Macedonians• Used by Alexander for dealings with the Persians. A bitter enemy of Craterus

and rebuked by Alexander for coming to blows with him.• A competent commander, entrusted by Alexander with many missions

including bringing forces back to Persia from the Indus.• Married a daughter of Darius so that, we are told, his children and Alexander’s

would be related

• Almost certainly seen by Alexander as his heir Seems to have been as heavy a drinker as Alexander himself to judge from the circumstances of his death.

(b) 25 marks. Two points.Arrian and Plutarch give considerable detail about this including Alexander lying all day and night on the corpse, executing the doctor, cutting his hair short (and that of his horses!). He ordered sacrifice to be offered to his friend as a demi-god and even asked Ammon if he could be treated as a god. The costly and extravagant funeral and the campaign against the

127

Cossaeans as well as the letter to Cleomenes are valid points. As regards an opinion of Alexander’s reaction, examiners will look for an appreciation of its excessive nature.

(iv) 50 marks.A good answer will take into account both sides of the struggle. It will look at the weaknesses of the Persian Empire as well as the strengths of the Macedonians. While leadership is obviously important, it is not enough to reduce the question to a comparison between Alexander andDarius. At the same time, all the advantages in wealth, resources and numbers were wasted because of the absence of a really competent and inspiring leader of the Persians, and Darius made many mistakes.Other factors worth mentioning include the fact that Persia had fallen far behind in the art of warfare. She had long depended on Greek mercenaries to supply her infantry needs. Persian commanders rarely took the initiative and usually waited on Alexander’s movements. The Persian Empire, while not hated by its subjects (except in the case of Egypt) was very loosely organised without a strong control from thecentre.

On the Macedonian side, we have, of course, Alexander himself but also a highly experienced, well-trained, well-equipped and well-led army. The infantry with its frightening sarissa, the skilful cavalry andthe excellent siege machinery all contributed. The quality of Alexander’s officers (Parmenio, Cleitus, Craterus, Hephaestion, Perdiccas, etc.) was also very good.

2001Answer any two of the following questions. (Each question is worth fifty marks):-(i) When he [Alexander] made up his mind that an object must be attained, he never hesitated to employ the boldest and most novel means.Discuss this statement with particular reference to Alexander’s success in capturing fortified places.(50)

(ii) ‘According to a number of historians, it was in this way that the palace was burned down, that is on impulse, but there are others who maintain that it was an act of deliberate policy.’ (Plutarch, Life of Alexander)(a) Based on your reading of Arrian and Plutarch, give an account of the burning of the palace ofthe Persian kings at Persepolis. (35)(b) Which of the theories quoted above from Plutarch do you consider more likely? Give reasons for your answer. (15)

128

(iii) In the period after the Battle of Issus, Darius sent two letters to Alexander.(a) In these two letters, what offers did Darius make to Alexander? (17)(b) Outline Alexander’s reply to these offers. (18)(c) What does the tone of these letters tell us about the two men who wrote them? (15)(iv) Compare Arrian’s treatment of Alexander in his Campaigns of Alexander, with that of Plutarch’s treatment of Alexander in his Life of Alexander. (50)

Marking Scheme 2001

129

130

1997

1) "In military matters he was the feeblest and mostincompetent of men." (Arrian, The Campaigns ofAlexander, Book 3, Chapter 22)Do you agree with his assessment of Darius from thisreading of the prescribed text?

2) A) Give an account of Alexander's visit to theshrine of Zeus/Ammon at Siwah from your reading ofArrian and Plutarch.

B) What is Arrians Attitude to the claim thatAlexander was the son of Zeus?

3) A) "Alexander Showed outstanding leadership duringthe march through the Gedroian Dessert."  DiscussB) What cause the failure of Alexander's plans to keepin contact with the fleet under Nearchus?

4) Discuss the view that Cellisthenes brought abouthis own downfall by his self-importance and lack of

131

common sense.

1996 Topic 2Answer any two of the following topics

1) From your reading of Plutarch and Arian, assess theimportance in Alexander's life of his father Philip

2) a) How did Alexander manage to cross the RiverHydapses unopposed? b) Briefly describe the battle with Porus thatfollowed. c) What do we learn of Alexander's character from histreatment of Porus after the battle?

3) a) Outline the events which led to the execution ofPhilotas b) Do you find the case made against Philotasconvincing? Give reasons for your answer.

4) "That his character and temper grew worse as hispower grew greater seems to us clear" (introduction;Plutarch The Age of Alexander)Discuss this comment with reference to the periodbetween his return to Babylon from the east and hisdeath.

1995

1) Write a short note on 3 of the following:Bucephalas, Hephaestion, Parminio, Roxane, Thaïs.

2) What particular skill did Alexander show in hissiege of Halicarnassus and Tyre.

3) Consider the nature of the complaints made againstAlexander by some of his officers and men in the laterstages of his career. i.e. After the death of Darius.                                               

4) Was Alexander interested in anything other than thewarfare? Use evidence from Arrian and Plutarch to suggest youranswer.

132

19941) Why did Alexander invade the Persian Empire?2) What do you consider to have been the decisivestages in Alexander's conquest of the Persian Empire?3) Which aspects of Alexander's character would youmost: A) admire  B) criticise4) Explain how the Macedonian army was organised. Describe its operations in any one battle with whichyou are familiar.

19931) Discuss Alexander's campaign from his arrival inAsia Minor to the battle of Issus.2) Access the importance of Alexander's visit toEgypt. 3) A) Give a brief account of the circumstancesleading to the death of Clitus in 328 B.C. B) What was Alexander's reaction to the killing?

4) Discuss the reasons given in Arrian and Plutarchfor the burning of the palace of Persepolis.

1992

1) A) Briefly show how Alexander won the battle ofGeugemella. B) What were the major consequences of this victory?2) Based on the evidence of the prescribed texts,briefly access Darius asA) an individualB) a leader of the Persians3) What do we learn about Alexander from hisrelationship with Cellisthenes?4) Briefly access Alexander on his treatment of theforeign people including the Persians whom heencountered on his campaigns.

133

19911) A) Explain why the fall and the destruction ofThebes so deeply effected the rest of Greece. B) What importance did this episode have on hiscareer?

2) "Alexander had no difficulty in persuading hisofficers that his attempt on tyre must be made." (Arrian, Book 2, Chapter 8)

A) What arguments did Alexander use to persuade hisofficers?B) What factors made the siege on Tyre "a tremendousundertake?"3) Write an account of the career of Perminio, dealingwith his contacts and relationship with Alexander.4) "It is true that he took steps towards the pomp andarrogance of the Asiatic Kings; but I, at least, donot feel that such errors were very heinous, if thecircumstances are taken fairly into consideration."  (Arrian, Book 7, Chapter 27)

A) What pomp and arrogance in Alexander may Arrian bereferring to in this statementB) What circumstances does he feel should be takeninto consideration in accessing such charges of pompand arrogance?

19901) Briefly Access the battle of the Grenicuse Riverunder the following general headings; A) Alexander'sbehaviour before and during the battle, and theinsight which this gives us into Alexander's characterat this time.   B) The symbolic importance of the battle.

2) Discuss some qualities of leadership with specialreference to Alexander and Darius.3) Briefly discuss the role of flatterers and the roleof those who spoke the plain truth in the career ofAlexander.  (Avoid long accounts of any particularinstance)

134

4) "The mere sight of a statue of Alexander struckCessander with such horror that he shuddered andtrembled in every limb." (Plutarch, The Age ofAlexander, Chapter 74)From your study of Alexander's career suggest reasonswhy Alexander could have struck such terror into afellow Macedonian such as Cessander.

1989

1) According to the prescribed sources in what way didAlexander try to create the impression that he was notmortal? 2) From your study of Plutarch, give your impressionof the nature of Alexander upbringing before heinherited the Macedonian throne. 3) A) Briefly outline the circumstances, whichaccording to Arrian, Alexander met the only defeat heever suffered.B) What insight does this episode of the defeat giveus into the personality of Alexander?4) "Arrian judges with humanity the weakness of a manexposed to the temptation of those who exerciseextreme power."  (Introduction to the Penguin editionof The Campaigns of Alexander) Briefly access this judgement of Arrian's account ofAlexander.(Avoid long accounts of incidents in Alexander'slife.)

19881) What are the qualities in Arrians account of thebattle of Issus that make it so dramatic?2) A) Discuss the background to the crisis betweenAlexander and his Macedonians, which comes to a head with the mutiny at Opis.B) What was the outcome of the mutiny?C) Comment on Alexander's handling of the crisis.

3) A) What was Alexander's motive in crossing theGedrosian Desert? B) Describe some of the difficulties he encounteredand how he coped with them. C) Briefly indicate what insight into Alexander'scharacter we gain from this episode.

135

4) "Power corrupts and absolute power corruptsabsolutely" Does Alexander's career confirm the truth of thisdictum; give reasons for your answer with referencesto Arrian and Plutarch.

19871) A) Give an account of the plot of Philotas as wefind it in Arrian and Plutarch.B) Why was Parminio executed upon the discovery of theplot?C) What does this whole episode between Philotas andParminio tell us about Alexander as a king or ruler? 2) A) Describe the nature of Alexander's orientalism. B) What comments on it do Arrian and Plutarch make?3) C) What do you think Arrian means while speakinggenerally about Alexander's orientalism when he says,"he needs one more victory- a victory over himself."A) What advise did the Indian sages give toAlexander?B) Arrian tells us that Alexander expressed approvalof the sage's words but his conduct was always theexact opposite of what he admired in their words.What aspect of Alexander's character did Arrian havein mind here? C) Briefly indicate what insight this episode givesinto Alexander's character.4) "Alexander will fascinate every Generation"Discuss, referring to Arrian and Plutarch in supportof your views.          

1986

1) Briefly discuss the destruction of Thebes under thefollowing headings- Alexander's motives for allowing the destruction.- The Athenian reaction to the destruction.- The light, which the event throws on Alexander atthe time.

2) A) Apart from "not wishing to steal victory like a

136

thief" what other reasons        may Alexander havehad for avoiding an attack on Gorgamela according toArrian and Plutarch. B) What were the immediate results of the battle?3) A) Describe Alexander's actions at the assault onthe fortress of the Malians. B) What insight do we get into his character from hisactions during the assault?4) "Arrian judges with remarkable humanity the sins ofAlexander whom he recognises as a man exposed toabsolute power."Discuss this statement.

1985

1) Write briefly about the composition of Alexander'sarmy and the tactical rolls of the various sections ofthe army.

2) A) Give Alexander's reasons for besieging Tyre.B) Describe the SiegeC) What does the siege tell us about Alexander'sdeath?3) Describe the circumstances in which the Macedonianswere reluctant to pass beyond the River Hydaspes andsay what happened subsequently.4) From your reading of Arrian and Plutach give yourown assessment of Alexander.You should illustrate your answer by reference to thematerial. 

SECTION THREE THEMES & CHARACTERS FROM ARRIAN/PLUTARCH

SOME THEMES AND POSSIBLE LEAVING CERT QUESTIONS

137

ARISTOTLE

Aristotle played a major role in the shaping of Alexander’s personality and ideology.He was a native of Stageira, a city which Philip had destroyed. Philip however wanted Aristotle as a teacher for Alexander,and as a gesture of goodwill he had Stageira re-built and re-populated. Aristotle agreed to tutor Alexander, and Philip gave them the Temple of the Nymphs near Mieza as a place in which to study and converse. Aristotle instructed Alexander in the principles of ethics and politics, as well as imparting on him more esoteric studies that he would not teach to run of the mill students, but only to a select few.

Plutarch says that Alexander was also introduced to the art of healing by Aristotle, and later came to practise what he had learned on sick friends. He came to see the Iliad as virtually a hand-book of war, and carried with him everywhere a copy annotated by Aristotle.

Though he initially enjoyed Aristotle’s teachings and companionship greatly, Alexander later came to regard him with suspicion, and an estrangement developed between the two. , whom Alexander had had killed, was also a student of Aristotle’s, and it is thought that Aristotle came to fear Alexander following Callisthenes death. Plutarch even hints that he may have played a part in Alexander’s death, preparing a solution for Alexander to drink which was then sent to him by Antipater.

ARISTANDER

Aristander of Telmissus was a seer,who first appears before the expedition proper begins.A statue of Orpheus had been sweating, causing various soothsayers to offer their interpretations. Aristander tells Alexander that the writers of odes and epic poems are having a hard time awarding high enough accolades to Alexander and his men hence the sweating statue, a theory which Alexander readily believes.

At Halicarnassus, Alexander called on Aristander to explain the significance of a swallow landing on his head. Aristander informed him that it meant he was to be betrayed by a friend, but that he would hear about it somehow, as swallows are extremely talkative birds. This theory corroborated the story of Sisines, who had said that another Alexander, son of Aeropus, planned to kill him.

138

Prior to the siege of Tyre, Aristander interpreted a dream that Alexander had had of Heracles opening the gates and welcoming him as saying that Tyre would fall without any great difficulty, which it eventually did.In Egypt, at Gaza Alexander was preparing to sacrifice to the gods when suddenly a bird of prey dropped a stone on his head. Aristander said, “Sire,you will capture the town, but today you must take care for your own safety.” In the subsequent battle,Alexander was wounded, but he was unabashed by this as he was now sure that the town would fall, as prophesied by Aristander.

While in pursuit of Darius, Alexander allowed his men to rest by a river in Tigris. An eclipse of the moon occurred, which Aristander stated meant that Darius would be caught and subdued within the month.Again he would be proved right, and at this point Arrian lauds him as “a true prophet”

He was certainly more than a yes man, something that Alexander was hardly short of at this time. Before he went into battle across the Tanais with the Scythians, Alexander performed a sacrifice. Aristander informed him that the omens portended danger. Undaunted, Alexander performed another sacrifice, but the results were the same. Alexander queried the prophecy but Aristander refused to revise his prophecy merely because Alexander wished it otherwise, proving his integrity as a prophet. At any rate, Alexander did indeed soon fall ill.Throughout his time with Alexander, Aristander of Telmissus proved himself a soothsayer to rival any other.

AdaAda had been governor of Caria, after her husband (and brother) Hidrius had bequeathed it to her on his deathbed. A female governor was not uncommon in Asia. But Pixodarus, her brother, overthrew her and passed the governorship on to Orontobates, his son, after his death. Ada was in charge of a tiny province called Alinda. When Alexander arrived at Alinda's gates, Ada surrendered the town and offered to adopt him. He granted her this wish and gave her back control of Alinda. After Halicarnassus fell, and the whole of Caria was his, he put Ada in charge. This is one of many instances in which Alexander is shown to interfuse two cultures.

Antipater, Regent of MacedoniaAntipater certainly played an important role in the campaigns of Alexander. In order for Alexander to be so successful, he needed a secure and stable Greece. During his absence any one of his rivals could have rose in revolt and many would have done so were it not for the strength and leadership of Antipater. Antipater was the natural

139

successor to Alexander as was seen with the revolt of Thebes, where, after a rumour had been spread that Alexander was dead, and that an army was marching to Thebes, it was widely believed and generally accepted that Antipater was in control. The fact that Alexander left him in control of Macedonia, Thrace and Greece while he conquered the world is extremely important. Indeed at the first sign of defeat Greece would have revolted - thus it was important to leave a strong and able man in control. Antipater was this man. It was at a perilous part of Alexander's campaigns that Antipater acted on his own initiative and ordered Proteas to assemble a fleet of warships to protect the coast and islands of Greece. Proteas then led 15 ships to Siphnos where he ambushed and captured 8 of Datames' 10 ships. Antipater again acted on his own initiative and sent 400 Greek mercenaries and 500 Thracian cavalrymen to Alexander while he was at Memphis in northern Egypt. At Susa Alexander sent Menes to the coast as governor of Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia with 3000 talents of silver with the instructions to give as much as was needed to Antipater to finance the Lacedaemonian War. It was after his stay at Opis that Alexander discharged 10000 Macedonians who were considered too old for service and rewarded them handsomely. Craterus was put in charge of leading them home and on arrival he was to "assume control of Macedonia, Thrace and Thessaly and assure the freedom of Greece," i.e. he was to replace Antipater. Antipater was then sent orders to bring out fresh drafts to replace those who were sent home. Because Craterus was ill, Polysperchon was sent as second in command. It was around this time that relations between Antipater and Olympias were at an all time low. Olympias wrote to Alexander with "calumnious statements" about Antipater. Arrian believes that Alexander's recall of Antipater was not meant to discredit him but merely to prevent the quarrel spiralling out of control. Antipater's letters were full of remarks about Olympias' headstrong character, violent temper and her determination to have a finger in every pie. He remarked that she was "charging him a high price for his nine months lodging in her womb" while she wrote that he had forgotten who had put him in this place of favour where he had gained so much influence and power.

Bessus.

Bessus makes his first appearance at the Battle of Gaugamela where he commanded the Bactrians, Sogdians and Indians from the Bactrian border. He fled with Darius after the defeat. Bessus next appears after Alexander’s conquest of Media, where a delegation of Persians informs Alexander that Bessus, satrap of Bactria, Nabarzanes, commander of the Persian cavalry and Bagistanes, satrap of Arachotia and Drangiana had arrested Darius and Bessus had proclaimed himself king and renamed himself Artaxerxes. Alexander reacted by pressing forward with full haste, he took only his light infantry and cavalry and when that was not fast enough, he mounted his picked infantry on the horses of certain cavalry men. At this point Alexander was distracted by having to defeat Satibarzanes and having to deal with the theft of his horse Beucephalus and the Suppression of Philotas’ conspiracy.

140

Accounts now differ somewhat. Plutarch would have us believe that Alexander pressed forward, found the camp at which Darius had been kept prisoner and that he arrived just in tome to see the Persian king die. He was said then to be so grief stricken that he covered Darius’ body with his own cloak and chased after Bessus with utmost speed until he was captured. Alexander held a trial and sentenced Bessus to be torn limb from limb by having two trees bent down and Bessus’ arms and legs tied to them.

Arrian’s account is somewhat more complicated. He states that Alexander was visited by Spitamenes and Dataphranes and was told that Darius had been killed already by Barsaentes. The two Persians told that they had taken Bessus under open arrest and that they were holding him while waiting for a body of Macedonian troops led by an officer. Alexander had been delayed by Bessus’ scorched earth tactics across Bactria but now Alexander sent Ptlomey, son of Lagus along with three regiments of the Companions, all the mounted javelin-men Philotas’ infantry regiment, one battalion of the Guards, all the Agrianes and half the archers. Ptlomey, Arrian says, covered in four days what normal men would cover in ten, and met up with the lightly fortified installation where Spitamenes and Barsaentes kept Bessus. It turns out that the two traitors had lost their nerve and were in two minds about handing Bessus over, but Ptolmey surrounded the fortress and issued an ultimatum. Bessus was then handed over to Alexander, naked and wearing a dog collar. Alexander asked him why he had dome it and Bessus had replied that the decision had been taken by all those close to Darius in order to curry Alexander’s favour. This was repeated to Bessus during his public lashing before he was sent to Bactria for execution.

BucephalasBucephalas was a horse that Alexander loved dearly. He got Bucephalas after making a bet with his father, Philip. According to Plutarch, a Thessalian tried to sell him to Philip. The horse was unmountable and kept rearing up to any of the stablehands. Philip was furious that Philoneicus tried to sell him an unmanagable horse and was about to send them on their way when Alexander intervened. Alexander turned him towards the sun, as he was afraid of his own shadow, ran with him a bit and then vaulted onto his back. Bucephalas did not throw him off and according to the bet, Philip paid the 13 talents for him.The bond between master and horse was so strong that only Alexander ever rode him, as Bucephalas would let no one else. According to Arrian, in Uxia, Bucephalas went missing and Alexander issued an edict that he would kill every man in the country unless he was returned, which he promptly was. According to Plutarch, this happened in Hyrcania. Bucephalas died after the battle at the Hydaspes. He was thirty and he died of old age, acccording to Arrian. Plutarch suggests that he died of injuries. Alexander's grief was so great that it showed that Alexander considered his horse to be a close friend. He founded a city on the banks of the Hydaspes and named it Bucephalia.

141

CallisthenesCallisthenes of Olynthus first comes to prominence shortly after the murder of Cleitus. He separates himself from the rest of Alexander’s entourage by speaking boldly and freely something that the king had grown unaccustomed to. He states that Alexander's greatest victories would be forgotten if it were not for the histories he himself had written. He had once stated that he come on the capmaigns not for personal fame, but to aid in the spreading of Alexander's. He believed such fame could only be achieved through historical writing, and not in the telling of "absurd storied" (Arrian). He also stated that Harmodius and Aristogeiton held the greatest honour of any Athenian for their killing of tyrants and abolishing of tyranical governments. Callisthenes, it is widely accepted, publically opposed Alexander on the issue of prostration. It was felt by Anaxarchus that it would be better to offer divine honours during Alexander's lifetime, rather than after he was dead and assumed a God by the general populace. Callisthenes stated that there was "a difference betwen honouring a man and worshipping a god". He declared his undying loyalty for Alexander as a war hero and fair leader, but that he could not be considered a God when he was just a man. He also stated that Anaxarchus, the advisor of truth to Alexander, should have been ashamed to fill Alexander's head with such lies. He continued with his draw further contrast between God's and mortal men: the erection of temples and statues, the singing of hymes and the offering of sacrifices, as well as the manner of greeting a man, which is by a kiss, whereas God's are "not lawful for us to touch." He used the example of an ordinary man being unjustly given royal honours, and said that Alexander would never tolerate it.He pointed out that the God's also would never tolerate a mortal man being worshipped and praised as a God. Callisthenes also begged Alexander to think of Greece, the empire for which he was fighting in Asia, and how this would be veiwed at home. He expressed that it was unfair and unreasonable to order his people to worship him above man when he was already the "most kingly of kings". He then contrasted Alexander with Heracles, who never accepted devine offerings during his lifetime, or even in his deth until such a time as the command of Apollo to do so was given. This speech as made by Callisthenes would anger Alexander greatly, though Callisthenes was an honest though perhaps overly blunt man in his ways. Another story of this encounter states that, while a golden Loving-cup was being passed around in prostration, the cup came to Callisthenes. Callisthenes did not prostrate himself and went to offer a kiss to Alexander regardless. When it was pointed out to Alexander that Callisthenes had failed to prostrate himself correctly, Alexander refused the kiss. Callisthenes is then recordered as to having said "Well then, I must go back to my place one kiss the poorer." It is believed that Callisthenes may have had a hand in the attempts on Alexander's life by the servants. If so, it was clearly as a result of Alexander's arrogance and dismisal towards him. This plot to murder Alexander was largely carried out by Hermolaus, who was whipped having killed the wild boar Alexander was preparing to strike. He was determined to exact his revenge and enlisted Sostratus, his adoring friend who was easily persuaded, to help him. They planned to kill him in his sleep that night (as they were on watch duty), but either by pure chance or as a result of heading advice from a Syrian Seer, Alexander stayed late drinking that night. The plot fell through. These boys were caught as a result of

142

information given to Alexander by Charicles, through Eurylochus and Ptolemy. They were tortured and admitted their guilt while implicating others of playing a part in the ploy. According to Ptolemy and Aristobolus the boys both implicated Callisthenes in the attempt at murder. It was easy for Alexander to assume the worst about Callisthenes, as he already held a strong dislike for him, and knew he held close association with Hermolaus. While the boys were arrested and stoned to death immediately, the fate of Callisthenes is reported in various different ways. According to Arrian, Arisobolus wrote that he was dragged in chains until death fell upon him, whereas Ptolemy stated he was tortured and hanged. Either way, such was the end of Callisthenes. The influence of Callisthenes and his death did not stop there, as it is believed Aristotle made up the supposed drug that was to kill Alexander as a result of his ever growing fear of him, a fear that started at the death of Callisthenes at Bactra.

Coenus, son of PolemocratesCoenus was one of Alexander's main commanders during most of the entire Macedonian expansion under Alexander. He controlled much of the infantry on the right, close to the centre. He was very trusted and was at times put in charge of the entire army, for example during Alexander's stay at Gordium.

He proved to be a very successful commander in the battles on the Granicus and Issus. At the siege of Tyre Coenus was the most victorius of the commanders, sacking the city almost single-handedly. At Gaugamela he played his usual role as commander of the right infantry. However, he was wounded here and was out of action for some time.

Alongside Craterus and Alexander he would move armies around and also stamp out remaining strongholds. He built and fortified towns and was sent on foraging expeditions. But he was in battle alongside Alexander more than Craterus. He was always at the front conquering places such as Bazira, Aornus, etc. In Sogdiana and Bactria he had control of the whole force while Alexander was away on other business. The Scythians attacked here, but Coenus swiftly defeated them on his own.

He continued to fight strongly for Alexander up until the battle of the Hydaspes, where he assumed control over one third of the army. He took this part of the army across the river together with Alexander via the wooded islands. All these very intricate manoeuvres were always successfully carried out by Coenus, thus making him one of Alexander's favourites.

But it was his conduct at the river Hyphasis for which he was most famous. Coenus was the one man who plucked up the courage to speak out at the mutiny. Only he could explain to Alexander how the men felt and that he should put an end to his advance, as any great commander should know when to stop. This made Coenus even more popular as a commander amongst the men. But this victory of his was not to last long.

143

While travelling down the Acesines, Coenus already old at this stage, suddenly fell ill and died.

Alexander lost one of his most important commanders and a close friend despite the scene of the mutiny. He gave Coenus a splendid funeral.

Craterus, son of Alexander.Craterus at the beginning of the campaigns played no major role and was, in fact, never mentioned until the battle on the Granicus. It was here that he commanded a small battalion of infantry (on the left side under Parmenio). At Issus he was again on the left side, but with more men under his command. At the siege of Tyre he was in control of the entire left side of the fleet, while Alexander took the right. By the battle of Gaugamela, Craterus was in control of all the infantry on the left side.

Craterus was often given large parts of the army to control and direct in complicated manoeuvres such as at the Persian Gates and also to put areas under control and to found and fortify towns. Craterus was often left behind to take care of these tasks while Alexander went ahead and conquered. Occasionally Craterus himself would be sent to conquer, such as against the Tapurians in Hyrcania, which he always carried out successfully. Against the Scythians, Craterus had a third of the army under his command. At Zariaspa he defeated a scythian army that attacked the wounded men and then , as planned , made contact with and joined the rest of the army at Nautaka. In this episode he himself was wounded by an arrow. Craterus moved around the army that was rapidly approaching India, stamping out the remaining tribes that were unwilling to submit. He supported Alexander here and there, never failing to do his job faultlessly. He even managed once to fortify the town of Arigaeum so quickly that he could send reinforcements to Alexander.

At the battle of Hydaspes it was Craterus who controlled the third of the force which stayed in the original position, waiting for the signal to cross directly. He completed the crossing quickly enough to aid Alexander in the main battle against Porus. Again Craterus stayed behind to bring order to Porus' kingdom and to build and fortify settlements there while Alexander went yet further and conquered again beyond the borders. On his way down the Indus, Craterus moved along the banks together with and opposite Hephaestion. But he left Alexander there and took a large part of the army back around north of the Gedrosian desert, through Arachosia and Carmania, while Alexander himself went by the coast and through the desert. The met again successfully at Alexandria, a town on the Eastern borders of Persia. Craterus himself was opposed to orientalism but nevertheless agreed to marry Amastrine, daughter of Darius' brother at Susa. Because of his views on orientalism, Craterus was very popular among the men and muched loved from all aspects. But at Opis 10.000 men were sent home to Macedonia. "He entrusted them on their journey to the leadership and protection of Craterus, the most loyal of his officers and a man he loved as dearly as his own life" -

144

Arrian. Craterus was to take them home and assume control of Macedonia, Thrace and Thessaly and ensure the freedom of Greece. However, it was not certain if Craterus would reach home, as by this stage he was already old and in bad health. He was last written of around the time of Alexander's death (9 months later), having reached only Cilicia, just west of the river Issus.

Darius III, king of Persia

Darius does not personally intervene in the progress of Alexander until Issus, at which rate Alexander had already conquered a considerable part of his empire. In fact Alexander was everything Darius was not. Alexander led his army from the front line while Darius was an armchair commander. Alexander's men held their leader in awe, something that was just non-existent in the Persian camp. Thus, by the time Issus came around, the money was on a Macedonian victory despite overwhelming Persian odds. We first hear of Darius' personal intervention in the war when Amyntas flees to his court. He was told of a plot on Alexander's life by Alexandros. Darius reacted swiftly, for a change, and sent Sisines to make contact with the young man promising him the thrown of Macedonia if he succeeded in assassinating Alexander. Sisines was however captured by Parmenio and in this way Alexandros was arrested. Darius had by this time taken up a favourable position on wide, flat and open land east of the Amanian Gates and was urged by Amyntas not to move because this terrain was very suited to manoeuvring the vast numbers under his command. However, because of Alexander's illness and his campaigns of Cilicia, Darius was led to believe by flattering courtiers that Alexander no longer wished to proceed further into Asia. Thus, growing impatient he sacrificed his advantageous position and crossed the Amanian Gates into mountainous and enclosed terrain. At Issus Darius mutilated any Macedonian he found there. Moving south Darius eventually faced Alexander's forces at the river Pinarus. Darius certainly entered the battle over-confident of victory and this certainly played an important part in the Macedonian victory as the Persians were shocked and unprepared for the weight of the Macedonian assault. The Persian left collapsed almost immediately and the Macedonian right under Alexander swung left into the Persian centre saving the Macedonian centre. Even the Persian cavalry on the right despite early success broke and fled when they heard that the Greek mercenaries hadalready done so. Darius had fled as soon as things looked bad and was lucky to escape in the end. His quarters fell into Alexander's hands as did his mother, his wife (who was also his sister), his infant son and two of his daughters. Darius fled and on his journey to the Euphrates he was joined by about 4000 of his loyal followers. Darius made a request that Alexander release his family and return them to him and Alexander obviously dismissed his plea with a damning reply as to why he invaded Persia in the first place. Darius did not give up however, and while Alexander was occupied by the siege at Tyre he sent another envoy to him offering him 10,000 talents plus the additional bonus offer of control of all the lands west of the river Euphrates. All this, just for the release of his

145

family. He even offered the hand of his daughter in marriage to seal this historic pact. Alexander once again politely declined. Darius next appears on the scene at a place called Gaugamela on the road south to Arbela and Babylon. He had amassed a considerable force, Arrian suggests 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry and 200 scythe-chariots while also having 15 elephants at his disposal. The figures do however vary but one thing is for sure and that is that Alexander's men were overwhelmingly out numbered. Darius had all the surrounding area levelled to facilitate the smooth manoeuvring of chariots and cavalry. There was to be no obstructing of his battle plans this time. Darius feared a night attack and for this reason his men remained in full battle formation through out the night thus putting serious strain and mental trauma on his men who were worn out by the morning of the battle. Darius' forces failed to capitalise on early advances and when the Persian cavalry were ordered to help the Persian left outflank the Macedonian right, a gap was left and it was to this gap that Alexander made, driving straight through the Persian centre. Darius, who had been on edge since the beginning of the battle, now found himself in the thick of the brutal hand-to-hand fighting and decided to trust his feet rather than his fighting skills. Like their incompetent leader, the Persian left also broke and fled despite the fact that the Persian right, who were unaware of Darius' swift departure, were making ground. It was their refusal, whether conscious or not, that allowed Darius to escape once again. On leaving the field, Darius made for Media with the belief that Alexander would take the road straight to Susa and Babylon, them being obvious prizes for a victorious commander. Darius was right.Alexander had not, of course, forgotten about Darius. He thought that securing Babylon and Susa was far more important than giving chase to a rebel ex-king, in exile in his own country with a hand full of companions. Darius now took up a position in Ecbatana while he sent his womenfolk and what was left of his possessions to the Caspian Gates. However as soon as he learned that Alexander was quickly approaching, he once again took to his heels and fled into Hyrcania. Darius was now all but defeated. His men were deserting by their thousands as were his own commanders and friends and Alexander was now only a few days march behind him. Alexander was then met by two important men from Darius' camp who informed Alexander that Darius had been arrested by Nabarzanes and that he was accompanied by Bessus and Barsaentes. Alexander then marched with all speed and rapidity and learned that Bessus had taken control of the Persians. The pursuit continued and Alexander gained on them with the passing of each day. Eventually the Persian force was in sight and the self-proclaimed leaders abandoned the attempt to get Darius away and so Nabarzanes and Barsaentes struck him down. He died shortly before Alexander got to see him. In the meantime Nabarzanes, Barsaentes and Bessus made their get away still holding the remote chance that they might do what Darius had failed to accomplish, defeat Alexander. Darius' body was returned to Persepolis for royal burial in the tombs of the great Persian kings of the past. In military terms he was the feeblest and most incompetent of men while in other spheres he was moderate and decent. He was about 50 when he died.

146

HephaestionHephaestion, son of Amyntor, was a great friend to Alexander throughout the campaigns until his death. He was head of the Companions and a part of the Personal Guard. Many times, Alexander entrusted him with command of a small part of the army. After crossing into Sogdiana, he gave Hephaetion a fifth of the army to command, in order to go throughout the land and meet any opposition. Hephaestion was sent to garrison Peucelaotis, but was drawn into fighting and after he won, he went to the Indus and prepared for the army's crossing. He was sent to depose the renegade Porus and hand his land over to Alexander's Porus. On the Hydaspes, Hephaestion had control of the left bank. During Alexander's recovery in Malia, Hephaestion was put in charge of the land forces. Hephaestion fought at Gaugamela and was injured. He went with Alexander at the crossing of the Hydaspes. He was in command when natives tried to attack his forces at Pattala, but he drove them off and work continued on garisonning the town. Alexander and Hephaetion were very close. As a symbol of the friendship, Hephaestion laid a wreath on Patroclus' tomb and Alexander laid one on Achilles' before they crossed into Asia. When they both walked into Darius' female relations' tent, Darius' mother prostrated herself before Hephaestion because he was taller. This shows that Alexander respected him enough to bring him on diplomatic visits. Alexander married his wife's sister to Hephaestion, so he could be related to him. He received a special decoration from Alexander. On Hephaetion's death, Alexander was shattered. For two days he lay on his bed mourning. In respect of hi dead friend, he had a 10,000 talent funeral pyre built, ordained a day of mourning, named his Companian cavalry 'Hephaestion's regiment' and had huge funeral games organised. It is obvious that Hephaetion played a major role in Alexander's personal life and was a very important part of Alexander's army.

LysimachusLysimachus was a comparatively minor commander of Alexander’s troops, Arrian only Mentions him as one of the people to cross the Hydaspes with Alexander, Perdiccas and Ptolmey. He was also wounded at Sangala.

NearchusNearchus was the son of Androtimus and was always a friend to Alexander. He was expelled from Macedonia for a while, because Philip feared what Alexander might do

147

after he married Eurydice. Nearchus often entrusted with important over seas missions, being sent away from the main army to, collect Greek mercenaries in Zariaspa for example. In Dyrta, Nearchus was sent to reconnoitre to find out from the native’s information about elephants, of which Alexander knew nothing about at the time. Nearchus was also a fact-finder at sea, as he sailed along the northern coasts of the Indian Ocean. Firstly, on the voyage down the river Hydaspes to the Ocean he was appointed Admiral of the fleet, and after there was trouble at the junction of the Hydaspes and the Acesines, he was put in front of the fleet, to warn of trouble spots. Nearchus was sent with a fleet to the Persian Gulf and the mouths of the Tigris and Euphates. He completed a voyage along the coasts of the Orians, Gedrosians, Icthyopagi and the Carmanian seaboard. He returned to Alexander, gave him his report and sailed off again as far as Susia and the mouths of the Tigris. Nearchus was a very distinguished member of Alexander's army. He navigated new lands and coastlines. Alexander never forgot his old friend and married him and Barsine's and Mentor's daughter at the mass wedding at Susa. This proved that Nearchus was all for Alexander's growing 'orientalism' and for the integrating of the two cultures. He also received a special decoration of a gold crowm at Susa for his voyage from India along the coasts of the Indian ocean.

Philotas

The first mention of Philotas is early on in the Greek Campaigns against the Triballians when he is ordered to attack the enemies’ right wing. Next it was at the town of Pelium, Alexander ordered Philotas on a foraging expedition with some mounted troops. Glaucias attacked Philotas, Alexander came to his rescue and he returned safely. At the Battle of the Granicus, Philotas was given command of the right wing with the Companion Cavalry, the archers and Agriane spearmen. Next, on the coast Philotas was sent to Mycale to stop the Persians coming ashore at this town. At Halicarnassus, he saved a wooden tower from being burned by the town rebels. At Soli, Philotas was ordered across the plain of Alea to the river Pyramus with the Cavalry. At the Battle of the Gaugamela, Philotas was the General Officer in command of the Companions. Later on in the campaigns, Philotas was accused of plotting to kill Alexander. Plutarch gave an account of the plot. A young greek girl, Antigone, who was captured at Damascus, became Philotas’ mistress. When he became drunk, Philotas would often boast to Antigone about how all the great achievements in the campaign were because of him and father. He also said that Alexander was amber boy. Antigone told a friend all this and eventually heard of this. He ordered Antigone to stay with Philotas and told her to report everything to him. Philotas continued with the insults. Then, Philotas was informed of a plot to assassinate Alexander, but he just said the king was too busy. This man then went to another commander and told his story along the fact that Philotas had not done anything about it, this commander went straight to Alexander. Alexander heard what Philotas had done, and after much prompting from many of Philotas’ enemies, Alexander had him arrested, tortured, and then executed along with his father, Parmenio.

148

Perdiccas

Perdiccas, who was an officer in charge of the guard first comes to our attention at Thebes, where he leads an attack on the enemies palisade without permission from Alexander.He was wounded and nearly died, but his assault enabled the Macedonians to win quite comfortably.Arrian also states that he acquitted himself well at the Battle of Granicus.He also says that the infamous two-man assault on Halicarnassus was carried out by men from Perdiccas’ battalion.In India Perdiccas again showed himself to be a highly capable officer.When the main Mallian fort was surrounded , Alexander found himself waiting for the main body of his infantry to arrive, so he despatched Perdiccas to another Mallian fort, instructing him to allow no-one to leave, but not to act until he received word.However the fort was deserted by the time Perdiccas arrived.He soon learned, though, that the inhabitants were on the run, and he soon chased them down and killed them.That Alexander trusted Perdiccas implicitly is quite clear.He awaited his arrival on the Indus,having instructed him to subdue the Abastani ,an independent tribe en route.At the large wedding ceremony at Susa, Perdiccas married a daughter of Atropates,the governor of Media.he died during his campaign against Ptolemy, a fate which had been foreseen by the soothsayer Peithagoras.

Parmenio

The first sign of Parmenio is when he is given the task of getting the mounted troops and most of the infantry across the Hellespont from Sestus to Abydus. They did this with 160 Triremes and a large number of merchant vessels. The next is at the Battle of the Granicus when he advises Alexander to wait till dawn to cross the river because he believed that the enemy would retreat because the Macedonians heavily outnumbered their opposition. Alexander did not agree. During the battle, Parmenio was given the command of the guards battalions. The next occasion was when Alexander ordered him to take over Dascylium. He was then sent with 2,500 allied foot, 2,500 Macedonians and 200 companion cavalry to proceed to the Aeolian towns and the Ionian ones still subject to Persian rule. Next was on the coast, Parmenio advised Alexander to attack 400 Persian ships because of a good omen he had seen. Alexander told himhe had interpreted the omen wrongly. Later, Parmenio was dispatched to Sardis and then to Phrygia with a regiment of the companions, the Thessalian cavalry, the other allied contingents and the baggage wagons. Parmenio was ordered to arrest Alexandros for plotting to assassinate Alexander. On another occasion, Alexander ordered Parmenio to meet him at Gordium. During a time when Alexander was ill, it was Parmenio who sent Alexander a message

149

warning not to trust Philip. After Parmenio was dispatched to the gates which stand on the boundary between Cilicia and Assyria. Parmenio was to seize and hold the pass. At the battle of Issus, Parmenio commanded three batallions of the guards on the right wing to nearby rising ground. After Issus, Parmenio seized the treasure of Damascus. He was then instructed to bring the treasure back. Later, Parmenio advised Alexander to end the war on Darius’ terms which were the territory west of the Euphrates right to the Aegean sea and be done with any further adventures. Alexander disagreed. At Gaugamela, Parmenio advised that they stay where they were long enough to enable a careful reconaissance of the ground to be made. Alexander accepted this proposal. Before the battle Parmenio advised a night attack, Alexander rejected by stating, “ I will not demean myself by stealing victory like a thief. Alexander must defeat his enemies openly and honestly “ During the battle Parmenio was in command of the left wing. He began suffering heavy defeats on his wing so he sent a message to Alexander looking for support, Alexander broke off his pursuit off Darius and came back to give Parmenio a hand. Afterwards, Darius was being chased by Alexander and not far behind him was Parmenio. After this Alexander was in Persepolis where he burnt down the palace of the Persian kings, against the advice of Parmenio who argued what was the point of burning down what was now his anyway and he could lose support from some Persians. Alexander said he wanted to get revenger for the Persians invading Greece. At Ectabena, Parmenio was ordered through Cadusia to Hycarnia. Parmenio was executed because Alexander could not believe that he was not involved in his son’s plot to kill him. Another reason was that Parmenio was too powerful and popular to be kept alive after his son’s execution.

Porus

We first hear of Porus while Alexander is in Taxila, the Indian has massed his troops on the other side of the river Hydaspes. During the battle, and despite his defeat, Porus proved a brave and worthy opponent to Alexander, so much so that Alexander sent Taxiles to try and convince Porus to come an speak with the king. However, Taxiles had long been an enemy of Porus’ and when he saw Taxiles, Porus charged forth to attack him. Taxiles retreated. Undaunted by this Alexander then sent a friend of Porus’, Meroes, who convinced the Indian to come and meet Alexander. The meeting was said to truly be a meeting of equals. Porus was, by all accounts, an extremely tall and handsome man, and he carried himself with a grace reserved only for kings. Alexander asked Porus how he should be treated, and Porus replied, “As a king should”. This so impressed Alexander that he heaped praise on Porus and reinstated him to the monarchy of his region, as well as adding the territory of the next tribe Alexander conquered. Porus was to prove a valuable ally for Alexander. Porus was instrumental in the victory at Sangala,

150

where he managed to bring a large force just in time to save Alexander. In reward, Alexander named Porus monarch of all his Indian conquests and extended his kingdom as far as the Hyphasis. Coenus had died just previously.

Ptolmey – Son of LagusPtolmey was one of Arrian’s sources for his book, and therefore he is mentioned very often throughout the chronicle. Ptolmey was one of the men who were exiled by Philip for their loyalty to Alexander and after his death Alexander recalled Ptolmey and made him part of his personal bodyguard. Throughout the campaigns, Ptolmey was in command of the crack tactical troops, and in charge of the linchpin detachments. For example, at the battle of the Persian Gates, it was Ptolmey who took charge of the detachment of troops, which seized Ariobarzanes’ defences and made victory possible for the Macedonians.After the Philotas incident, Alexander promoted Ptolmey to replace Demetrius as head of his personal guard. Once again, we see Ptolmey as the commander of some of Alexander’s most important projects when Ptolmey was sent forth to capture Bessus (c.f. Bessus notes). During Alexander’s altercation with Cleitus, it was Ptolmey who pulled Cleitus out of the tent and tried to take him away from the camp. Ptolmey’s loyalty is unquestionable; it was he who passed on Eurylochus’ information to Alexander personally, thereby causing the Callisthenes incident. Ptolemy was the one to inform Alexander of the miracle at the Oxus, where a spring of oil and one of water were said to appear as Alexander arrived. During the long campaigns in Sogdiana, Ptolmey was one of the five commanders who took sections of Alexander’s army throughout the countryside. He was in command of the night’s watch during which Charibdes decided to surrender the rock of Sogdiana. Ptolmey was wounded during the campaign in Bajur and Swat, and he showed that his character was at least as strong as Alexander’s during his pursuit of the local chief who fled up a mountain too steep for the horses, so Ptolmey dismounted his troops and caught him on foot. During the major battle for the area, it was Ptolmey who reported the number of enemy camp fires, and despite Alexander’s tactical error, he was able to lead a powerful advance up to seize high ground and helped clinch victory for Alexander despite the odds. During the Rock of Aornos it was Ptolmey who took troops around the secret path at the rear of the fortress and he used his army to for the second advance in Alexander’s pincer manoeuvre. Ptolmey commanded the massacre of the Indians at Sagala, where he used carts and posts to confuse and slow his victims before cutting them down to a man. He must have been in favour of orientalism as he was married to Artabazus’ daughter Artacame at the mass wedding of Susa. Arrian says, “Alexander was never held up by bad weather or bad country, ad neither was Ptolmey.”

151

OxyartesThe first mention of Oxyartes is when he went with Bessus to Nautaka in Sogdiana to escape Alexander. Then at the rock of Sogdiana incident where Oxyartes refused to surrender toAlexander and brought his family to the rock believing it was impregnanble. Alexander proved this theory wrong and so he surrendered immediately. Alexander married his daughter, Roxane. Later, Oxyartes learned that his daughters were Alxanders’ prisoners, he went to Alexander who treated him with the utmost respect.

RoxaneWhen Alexander captured the Rock of Sogdiana, he captured Oxyartes and his whole family. Oxyartes' daughter Roxane, was famed for her beauty. Alexander fell in love with her and being the gentleman that he was, he asked her to marry him. She accepted and they were married. Although, it seems that Alexander must have loved her, as he did not keep her as a conquebine, it was a good political alliance that he made with this marriage. The Sogdians were immediate political allies because of Alexander's strategem. After Alexander's death, according to Plutarch, she was held in high regard because she was pregnant with Alexander's child. She murdered Stateira, Alexander's second wife because she was jealous of her.

ThaisThais was Ptolemy's mistress and an Athenian. She was present at a drinking party at Persopolis. As the night went on, she made a rousing speech to the Macedonians. She claimed that all her travelling throughout Asia was made worthwhile when she was in the palace of the Persians, but that it would great to set it on fire. She wished to put the first torch to the palace, showing that she, who had merely followed Alexander, had taken more revenge than all the armies in the world could. She had suitably roused Alexander and his men enough, so that they all sprang to their feet, brandishing flames. Even though Alexander had followed her whole heatedly, he repented as soon as he saw the palace go up in flames and ordered that the flames be put out, but by that stage the palace was destroyed. This is all according to Plutarch, as Arrian says that the burning of the palace was a political one.

152

SpitamenesSpitamenes was a Bactrian, who was opposed to Alexander and who caused him much trouble. Spitamenes had supported Bessus in his flight from Alexander in Sogdiana. He was not that loyal to Bessus though, as after Alexander had crossed the Oxus, a message was received that Spitamenes had put Bessus under arrest and would be glad if Alexander took him off his hands. But it was Dataphernes that kept Bessus captive for Alexander, as Spitamenes had left before Ptolemy arrived, according to Arrian.

Spitamenes blockaded the troops which had been left behind in the fortress of Marakanda. The troops began to attack Spitamenes' men and Spitamenes withdrew with the knowledge that there were troops advancing towards him. But these troops were attacked by the Nomad Scythians. With these news and the addition of 600 Scythians, he stood his ground near the Scythian desert. He sent his mounted archers to encircle the Macedonian force and fire at them. The Macedonians were tired from their long journey and could not put a successful attack, therefore they retreated to a small wooded island. Caranus led them off the island and they were all butchered by the Scythians, according to Arrian. After this victory, Spitamenes returned to besiege Marakanda, where Alexander headed for. Spitamenes ran for his life as Alexander butchered any that resisted him in the surrounding area.

Coenus and Artabazus were sent to Scythia where Spitamenes was hiding out. Spitamenes had successfully attacked one of the forts in Bactria, as he had the addition of 600 Massagetaen horsemen. He only stole livestock from Zariaspa. After this raid Peitho and a few men rode out after the men, retrieved the livestock and killed a number of men. But on their return, Spitamenes attacked and killed 67 men. Craterus made a successful move against the Massagetae, killing many of them. Coenus was to stay in Bactria to take orders from Craterus and to try and defeat Spitamenes. At Bagae, Spitamenes recruited 3,000 Scythians, and they set off to attack Coenus. Coenus defeated them easily and the Bactrians surrundered or deserted him, and the Massagetae cut off his head and sent it to Alexander in the hope of appeasing him. Thus was the end of Spitamenes, one of the few people that caused Alexander so much hassle and who defeated one of his armies.

OxyartesThe first mention of Oxyartes is when he went with Bessus to Nautaka in Sogdiana to escape Alexander. Then at the rock of Sogdiana incident where Oxyartes refused to

153

surrender toAlexander and brought his family to the rock believing it was impregnanble. Alexander proved this theory wrong and so he surrendered immediately. Alexander married his daughter, Roxane. Later, Oxyartes learned that his daughters were Alxanders’ prisoners, he went to Alexander who treated him with the utmost respect.

OlympiasWhen Philip was between the ages of seventeen and twenty-one, he married an Albanian orphan, his third wife after the deaths of the first two had left him single. Her name was Olympias and was at the time only twelve years of age. But soon after her pregnancy with Alexander, Philip lost his love for her. She was an outsider and in the country where she came from, wild orphic rituals and the worshipping of Dionysus were common. This frightened Philip and she became more and more isolated from the people in Macedonia as a result.Olympias was always close to Alexander, but also always stayed in the shadows in the early years, when Alexander was still on good terms with his father. But relations between father and son began to break down as a result of the several marriages and Alexander naturally took to his mother. Olympias began to influence her son in every way. It was probably because she was Albanian that Alexander was able to accept different races and cultures and indeed ultimately try to combine them. Olympias was a very strong woman, often ruthless in her ways, and never had trouble in getting what she wanted. She had incredible power over other people and could easily influence others. It was indeed most likely Olympias who made the plot to kill Philip, a man she much hated by this stage. But she could manipulate Pausanias and watch him "do the dirty work" while she lingered in the background. She loved Alexander dearly and did not want to lose him when he set off for Asia. They kept in contact the whole time by use of letters. Alexander was very close to his mother and they held long and intimate letter-conversations. She attempted to blacken the name of Antipater, governor of Macedonia under Alexander in these letters. She was jealous of his power and so tried persuade Alexander into getting rid of him. Olympias was a very clever woman, a schemer, but never was caught herself. She had a great power of persuasion and could manipulate people and talk them into schemes. This gift combined with her cold heartlessness made her a very powerful and feared figure in Macedonia.

154

Philip of MacedoniaPhilip was powerful figure who changed Macedonia from dispersed peasantry to a well-organized and powerful state. He brought the people down from the hills and civilized them. He founded many towns and a brilliant and capable army. It was Philip who invented the phalanx along with many other military manoeuvres. His army was his greatest achievement. He built it up from nothing and by the time of his death it was solid and capable, highly organized and motivated. Philip had already started expanding Macedonia. So much so that Alexander became annoyed with this, believing that there would be nothing left for him to conquer.

Philip was quick to recognise his son's talents and ambitions, and wanted the best for him. He taught him himself about strategic warfare and military tactics. He also taught him how to act diplomatically. For his son he hired two teachers, firstly Lycimachus, a disciplinarian and then, most importantly, Aristotle, the most renowned of the wise at the time.

Philip as a person was, however, by all accounts a tough and cruel man. He was utterly ruthless in battle, so confident and heartless in his Machiavellian ways. He used extreme force and brutality to conquer his enemies, of which there were many. To be "philippic” means to be brutal, cruel and expansionistic. Philip also loved women, having married several times. Alexander was his son by an Albanian girl called Olympias. He quickly became disinterested in her before Alexander was born, as during her pregnancy both of them had strange dreams, which frightened him, not being sure of their meanings.

His many marriages began to cause rivalry within the family and when Alexander became king, many were opposed to him. Alexander had been very close to his father in the earlier years while he was still young and learning. However, as the family became more and more dysfunctional, relations broke down. They often quarreled and by the time Philip was killed there was little friendship between them.

Philip was killed in June 336 BC by a Macedonian named Pausanias. He was most likely encouraged by Olympias to murder him, as she was one of his many enemies.

He left Alexander in charge of a Macedonian army, almost ready to attack Persia. He left him highly educated and skilled in many ways. He stabilised Macedonia to such a degree that Alexander could set off within a year.

HephaestionHephaestion 's death came at the end of the campaigns. They were on their way home from India, had passed through the Gedrosian desert and were indeed not far away from Babylon. It was at the settlement of Ecbatana where Hephaestion fell ill. Alexander

155

had been holding literary and athletic contests. During some races he was told that Hephaestion was in a critical condition. He hurried off but his friend had already died.

Alexander, according to various writers, reacted to the death in different ways, but all have agreed that he grieved for days. Some say that he refused to leave the body until he was dragged away. Others say he hanged Glaucias for giving the wrong medicine. He cut his hair short in mourning, apparently he drove the funeral cart himself. He ordered the shrine of Asclepius at Ecbatana to be destroyed, a completely uncharacteristic thing for Alexander to do ( according to Arrian).

Alexander wanted that sacrifices should be made to Hephaestion as to a demi-god, as Ammon would not permit him to be worshipped as a god. A funeral pyre was prepared at Babylon at a claimed cost of 10,000 talents. The entire empire was to mourn for Hephaestion. Alexander could not eat for days, he lay on his bed grieving uncontrollably. He held splendid funeral games in honour of Hephaestion, more splendid than ever. Some 3000 competitors took part in the literary and athletic contests. Gradually Alexander's grief eased and he could move on to Babylon.

Re-Organisation of the EmpireIn the spring of 323 BC Alexander arrived back at Babylon. From this city , which was the capital of his empire, he began giving directions for organising it. He first met his fleet which under Nearchus was already there. He set about extending his number of ships to make expeditions to the Arabian coast. This mass of land was very interesting to him because of its potential prosperity and his aim was to ultimately conquer it.

At the same time Alexander sent ships all along the coasts to find good land to cultivate. He began to build a great harbour at Babylon, big enough to harbour 1000 warships. He sailed down the Euphrates to look at the Assyrian plains. Every spring they were flooded by the meltwaters and the sluice there was unsuccessful. He set about rebuilding the sluice to direct the water into the Pallacapas canal.

Alexander founded new towns and populated them with volunteers and Greek mercenaries. In addition he began to put more and more Persian troops under his command, dividing them into ranks and treating them as equals.

In the last few months of his life Alexander was slowing down in his campaigns to reorganize his empire He was building an infra-structure and at the same time combining the different peoples. But behind it all he was still preparing by sending expeditions to Arabia, the next campaign against that massive country.

156

The Indian SagesIn the area of Persepolis Alexander, passing through a meadow, stumbled upon a group of Indian sages who occasionally met there to discuss philosophy. On seeing Alexander and his army they did not retreat nor say a word but merely stood up and began to stamp their feet. Alexander asked for an interpretation of this odd behaviour and he was told that one man cannot possess more territory than that on which he is standing. Dragging the army so many miles was only a nuisance both for himself and for the army. Alexander would be dead soon and the only earth he will own is that which is enough to bury him. Alexander could not but admire them.

Delphi

Arrian makes no mention of this, but Plutarch relates to us that Alexander felt the urge to go and seek information of the future of his campaigns against the Persians. However he arrived on a so-called “Inauspicious” day, one where it was forbidden for the oracle to give prophecies. Alexander, however, had his men grab a prophetess and drag her out to give a prophecy. Surprised by his tenacity, she exclaimed “My Son, you are invincible!” at which point Alexander left, happy.

Alexandria

This event is somewhat controversial in that there is a high degree of disagreement between the two authors. Both men agree that the incident took place before Alexander’s journey to Siwah. Arrian and Plutarch both also agree that there was no chalk or any other means available to delineate the boundary of the city, so barley meal was used. Plutarch states that the area was reminiscent to Alexander of a passage from the Iliad, and so he built the town, tracing out the shape of a military cloak. Plutarch then states that birds flew down and ate the grain, while Arrian makes no mention of this. Aristander of Telmissus was said to have interpreted the omen, both with and without birds, as being a portent that the city would always be able to feed itself.

Patalla

157

Only Arrian mentions this incident. Patalla was a region on the banks of the Indus, where it flowed into a Delta. The regional ruler visited Alexander and surrendered to him, putting his and the lives of his people in the hands of the King. Alexander sent him back home, and told him to receive his army. He then split his forces into three, sending Craterus one way and Hephaestion the other, while he sailed up the Indus. On the third day Alexander was informed that the Indians had fled their village, and he redoubled his attempts to get there. Alexander only arrived in time to catch a couple of stragglers, whom he set free, telling them to inform the others that if they returned to the village, they would not b e harmed. Many of these people took up the offer. Hephaestion then set about constructing a fortress, but during its construction they were attacked by the remaining rebel Indians. They suffered more losses than could be expected due to the unexpected nature of the ambush, but the Indians sustained heavy losses and were routed.

Siwah

After founding Alexandria, Arrian informs us that Alexander was became “passionately eager” to visit the Oracle of Ammon at Siwah, in Libya. The Greeks equated their deities with those of the ancient Egyptians, and Ammon they translated as Zeus. Alexander, we are told, had two reasons to visit the Oracle. First and foremost was his use of answers to questions pertaining to his parentage, and secondly he was interested in emulating both Perseus and Heracles, who both were said to have visited the shrine, as well as being descended from Zeus themselves, as Alexander claimed. Arrian describes his route as going West initially to Paraetorum and then South to Siwah through a rough desert. Two supernatural events are reported by both writers during this journey; both writers report that the usually rid desert experienced an almost constant torrent of rain throughout Alexander’s journey; the second relates to an animal guide who assisted Alexander and his party when they strayed from their path accidentally. There are several specific accounts, and details differ. Arrian suggests that Ptolmey describes the guides as hissing snakes, while Aristobulus says that they were crows. Plutarch gives us an account of ravens, who also cawed and cried if any member of the party strayed form the camp at night. Arrian gives no account of the actual visit to Siwah, simply stating that he asked his questions and received his answers.Plutarch enters into more detail. He says that, on arriving, the high priest greeted Alexander as “Son of God”, perhaps as an error of pronunciation. In any case, Alexander was very impressed and pleased with this development. He asked two questions, the first consisted of a question whether Phillip’s death had been avenged, and the second asked whether he would rule the world, both were answered in the affirmative, and Alexander heaped money and gifts on the oracle as thanks before leaving for Memphis.

Drinking158

It is well accounted that Alexander was a heavy drinker and there are numerous incidents where terrible results have happened because of this drinking, not just Alexander, but all his men. The first major instance is at the town of Halicarnassus, where the Macedonians were finding it difficult in breaking the defences. One night, two Macedonian infantrymen of Perdiccas’ battalion were drinking together in their tent, the two became very drunk and willed each other on to attack the walls of the town. The result which a minor battle broke out in which the Macedonians nearly broke the defences. The next incident, the burning of Persepolis, though mentioned by Arrian, Plutarch gives a conflicting account of what occurred. Arrian claims Alexander did it to punish the persians. Plutarch claims that at a large drinking party Alexander was urged by an athenian woman, Thais, and others to burn the palace. Alexander was not in full command of his wits and he complied. The next incident and a much more sad incident was the death of Cleitus. This incident came about when Cleitus became enraged in the way Alexander was being praised. Alexander, again after heavy drinking ended up killing Cleitus but lamented for days afterwards in the realisation of what he had done. All of these incidents could have been prevented but for Alexander’s excessive drinking and hot temper.

Alexander's ExcessAlexander lived his life in excess. His whole attitude towards himself, his generosity, his battle tactics and his Orientalism prove his excess. Alexander always had a large outlook on life as his ambition when he came to the throne of Macedonia was to conquer Persia. He was unstoppable in battle, always inventing new and unortodox ways of outwitting his opponents. His generosity is noted time and time again by both Plutarch and Arrian, by giving all he had to those less fortunate than himself. Towards the end of his campaigns, the Persian flambouyancy and excessive way of life influenced Alexander greatly. He became more lavish in dress and actions and even claimed to be the son of a god.

In battle Alexander was unstoppable due to his attitude and ambition that bordered upon excess. When he became regent of Macedonia, his first action was to crush the uprising among the neighbouring countries by advancing his army as far as the Danube, according to Plutarch. This move by Alexander was hailed as an act of "audacity" by Plutarch. His first major battle with Thebes was an excessive slaughter of the rebellious city, 6000 killed and 30000 sold into slavery, to "frighten the rest of the Greeks into submission by making a terrible example" according to Plutarch. At Alexander's first meeting with Darius' army, his ambition of hoping to win against such a vast army was incredible, but that he plunged straight into the Granicus, a swiftly flowing river, leading his men against an army that held a high slope, proves that Alexander fought in excess. In the Battle of Issus Alexander did not let the fact that Darius' army was almost six times his size unnerve him, but managed to outflank Darius' left. His excess in battle can be shown by one simple action, that he always led his men into battle and fought side by side with them. His right side always were the stronger side,

159

as Alexander's braveness and magnificent example surely inspired his men. In the siege of Tyre, Alexander used excessive means to win the Tyrians over. For seven months Alexander had a mole stretching from the land to the island built and he had siege engines continually guarding the mole and eventually attacking the Tyrians, showing his determination and ingenuity. At the Rock of Sogdiana, Alexander showed excessive tactics by having 300 men attempt to scale a seemingly safe refuge for Oxyartes, a Bactrian, and his people. Only 30 of his men died and the shock of Alexander's men on top of the Rock was so much that the Bactrians immediately surrendered. Alexander at this point was now king of Persia, but for him this title was not enough. Alexander wanted more and so he started to march upon India. Alexander showed determination in the following battles, showing that he would not be defeated. Against Porus at the Battle of the Hydaspes, Alexander showed true genious. Porus had made sure that Alexander could not cross and so Alexander began to decieve Porus. Alexander put Porus on edge by faking the start of an attack by making his men move up and down the river bank and by making noise. This made Porus lose interest in the precise movements of Alexander's army. Alexander saw his chance to cross over via a projecting spit of wooded land with a wooded island close to it 18 miles from the camp. He crossed over to the other side with a small army, but his crossing was not hidden and he faced Porus' son with 60 chariots, which he slaughtered. His small army was no match for Porus' army made up of elephants, infantry and cavalry, yet Alexander never gave up and won the battle. Due to his excessive actions Alexander won the battle. The battle with the Mallians certainly highlights Alexander's excess and lust for battle. Alexander, impatient at the slowness of the men with the ladders, snatched a ladder and climbed up onto the battlements followed only by Peucestas carrying Alexander's 'sacred shield', Leonnatus, according to Arrian, or Limnaeus, according to Plutarch, and Abreas, according to Arrian. The Guards, in their attempt to catch up to Alexander, broke the ladders with their weight. No Mallians ventured to fight him but arrows and missiles were aimed at Alexander. Then Alexander did the unexpected, he jumped into the fortress and with his back against the wall began to fight the attackers with only three other of his men. The Mallians who ventured near were killed, so they threw whatever they could at the four men from afar. Abreas was killed, according to Arrian, and Alexander had an arrow pierce his lung. He continued to fight, but a violent haemorrhage made him faint and Peucestas protected Alexander with the shield and he and Leonnatus stood against the Mallians, according to Arrian, but according to Plutarch Limnaeus was killed. Alexander's men were finding any way to get into the fortress and when they were mostly in, the Mallians were slaughtered and Alexander was brought away. Alexander recovered only to be hailed with praise from the common soldiers but to be criticised for his excessive actions. Alexander's love for battle is described by Arrian as "his passion was for glory only, and in that he was insatiable".

Alexander's generosity knew no limits. His excessive generosity to those defeated by him, his men and to allies are noted by both Plutarch and Arrian. Before crossing the Hellespont, Alexander distributed most of what he possessed in Macedonia among his men, according to Plutarch. After the Battle of the Granicus Alexander exempted the killed Macedonian soldier's families from local taxes and all forms either of personal

160

service or dues payable on property. Alexander's generosity to Darius' female relations was shown in the way that he allowed them to bury as many of the Persians as they wanted, to take any material things they needed, to keep the same attendants and privileges and a higher revenue, but that they also lived out of the way of the soldiers so as not to distress them. Alexander's generosity was shown at Stateira's, Darius' wife, funeral. He spared no expense, as an escaped servant's words show, "Neither was she deprived of any funeral ornaments when she died, but was even honoures with the tears of her enemies". Alexander was also kind to Ada, who had been deposed as governor of Caria by her brother Pixodarus. Alexander, in exchange for her help, restored her title to her. After he had defeated Porus, a man who Alexander respected, was restored his sovereignty and to which many other lands were given to him to govern. Alexander sacrificed much for his men. This is highlighted during the Gedrosian Desert incident where scouts collected some water for Alexander in a helmet. In full view of his men, Alexander tipped out the water onto the ground, because if his men could not drink neither would he. At Susa Alexander offered to clear any of the debts his men may have. His men were wary of this generosity, as they had to write their names down and the reason for their debts. Alexander then told them that they only had to produce IOUs and they could receive the money. This generosity cost Alexander 20,000 talents, according to Arrian, or 9,870 talents, according to Plutarch. Alexander also gave out money awards and gold crowns to those who really shined among his men; such as Peucestas, Leonnatus, Nearchus and Hephaestion. Even after his men held a mutiny at Opis, Alexander's reconcilliation gifts were vast. He held a huge banquet to which 9,000 of his men attended, according to Arrian. To those who were returning to Macedonia he gave them their pay up-to-date and added pay up to the time they arrived home. He also promised to look after their Persian children and bring them back to Macedonia with him, so that they would not be discriminated against. According to Plutarch, a man who was transporting some of Alexander's gold was forced to carry some of it himself when the mule grew too weary. Alexander saw him and told him to bring the gold he was carrying to his own tent. Arrian describes Alexander's generosity as "spending but little on his own pleasures, he poured out his money without stint for the benefit of his friends". Plutarch describes his generosity as "Alexander was by nature exceptionally generous and became even more so as his wealth increased".

Alexander's excess was generally in the form of great battle tactics or generosity, but there was a dark side to his excessive personality. As he became surrounded by more and more Persians, he began to put into practice the idea of Orientalism. This began in Siwah at the Shrine of Ammon where it is written by Arrian that a priest called him the 'son of Ammon'. Arrian gives the reason that this was a political policy for the Persians to respect him as a king. Plutarch hints that it may have been because of the hatred of his own father, Philip, that he named Ammon as his father. In a letter to the Athenians on the subject of Samos he wrote "my so-called father" proving his hatred of his father. Whatever the reason was, Alexander now considered himself to be the son of a god and began to behave in a more arrogant manner as the campaigns drew on. The manner in which Alexander punished Bessus, i.e. by cutting off his nose and the tips of his ears, are noted by Arrian as a barbarous or non-Hellenic form of mutilation. Alexander's manner

161

is clearly shown to be moving towards an excessive Persian style. Arrian writes that Alexander began to wear Persian dress instead of Macedonian clothing in an attempt to win "the victory over himself". Plutarch writes that it was in Parthia that Alexander first "adopted a style which was a compromise between Persian and Median costume". Plutarch also writes that the Macedonians were not pleased by this new policy of mixing the two races. In Marakanda we can see the extremity of Alexander's new attitude towards his heritage. It was a festival of Dionysus, held every year, but Alexander did not sacrifice to Dionysus but to Castor and Polydeuces, the Dioscuri. Arrian writes that Alexander's drinking was now in "barbaric excess". Alexander's flatterers started to say that Alexander was greater than Castor and Polydeuces. Plutarch writes that it was a song humiliating the Macedonian commanders who had been recently killed by the Persians that angered Cleitus, as Alexander listened to the song with no qualms. Cleitus, son of Dropides, intervened saying that no one can be compared to the gods and that Alexander's achievements were due to not only him, but his army too. The flatterers then began to say that Philip's achievements were nothing. Cleitus could now not contain his rage and began to magnify Philip's achievements and belittle Alexander's. Alexander lunged at Cleitus, but was held back and he called out for the Guard to no avail. He cried out that he now only had a meaningless title and ran Cleitus through with a spear. Alexander's excessive way of life is clearly shown in the Cleitus incident. He also wanted people to prostrate themselves in his presence. The Greeks regarded prostration as an act of worship and that they would be degraded to the level of the barbarians, but to forbid prostration would suggest to the Persians that he was not a real king. Many flatterers did this to get Alexander's favour, except for Callisthenes, who was strongly against Alexander's growing Orientalism and his claim to divine heritage. At a meeting where the question of prostration was raised Callisthenes spoke out against the new policy, acting as the voice for the Macedonians. He said that to worship Alexander as a great man was right, but as a god would be to incur the wrath of the gods. Alexander said that prostration was not necessary. Yet, Alexander certainly favoured those who did. At a meeting Alexander had a golden loving-cup passed to those who were in favour of prostration, they had to drink from the cup, prostrate themself and then receive a kiss from Alexander. This kiss from a king to his kinsmen was a Persian custom. Callisthenes refused to prostrate himself and Alexander refused to kiss him. Arrian writes that theses stories reflect "Alexander's growing arrogance". Callisthenes was connected to Hermolaus' plot to kill Alexander after Alexander had Hermolaus whipped for killing a boar Alexander had wished to kill. It varies how Callisthenes was linked to the boys. Plutarch writes that Callisthenes was said to have encouraged Hermolaus to kill Alexander, but Callisthenes' name was never spoken by the boys, even under torture. The boys were stoned to death, according to both writers. Callisthenes' death has been written differently by varying writers, but that he did die because of the boy's plot is true. Alexander's severity became more and more apparent as the campaigns went on. At the Mutiny at Opis, Alexander had 13 men who he considered to be the ringleaders executed without a second thought. Arrian writes that Alexander had become used to the subservience of the Persian people and could no longer take any criticism. His grief over the death of Hephaestion is described by Arrian as what "one might have expected from an Oriental despot". He grieved for two days

162

and then built a funeral pyre worth 10,000 talents. A day of mourning was ordained and the Companian cavalry Hephaestion had commanded was to be called Hephaestion's Regiment. Plutarch's account is less flattering. According to him, Alexander had the manes and tails of all the horses shorn, demolished the local settlements, crucified the physician and forbade the playing of music for a very long time. Alexander was truly struck by the loss of his friend, but his reaction to the death was in total excess. Alexander's excessive drinking, irrationality and brutality are the negative aspects of his excess. Arrian cautiously writes that "it is true he took some steps towards the pomp and arrogance of the Asiatice kings".

Alexander was a man that only knew how to live in excess, through his ambition, actions and battle this is clearly shown. As he became more enraptured by the Persian way of life, rifts began to show between himself and his fellow Macedonians. Alexander's excess was now a negative aspect of his character.

Alexander and OrientalismAlexander's ultimate aim was to fuse Europe and Asia under one empire. He realised he could not possibly attempt this without showing respect for all the tribes and peoples involved. Alexander himself was very keen on learning the customs of different races and showing respect for them. He himself was of mixed parentage, his mother, Olympias, being Albanian.

Alexander did this by beginning to adopt Persian dress and armour. He ate Persian foods and often feasted in the style of Persia. As was the custom in Asia, Alexander began to demand that people prostrate themselves before him as if before a god. Persian generals were appointed and Persian soldiers were integrated into the ranks of the Macedonians and the allied tribes. Alexander welcomed inter-marriage between races. He, himself , married the Sogdinian, Roxane. At Susa , towards the end of his life, there was a hugh inter-racial marriage ceremony in which over forty Macedonians took part.

Of course, most of the Macedonians did not understand what Alexander was doing, and were firmly opposed to Orientalism. Commanders like Craterus have been said to be popular amongst the men on account of his opposition to Alexander's actions. Towards the end of Alexander's life his policies were already in action, and there were already many half-caste children ready to become active members in this new empire

Alexander and PhilosophyWhen Alexander was 13 years of age he went to study with the famous philosopher, Aristotle. He was educated in ethics, the sciences and philosophy. Aristotle passed on

163

to him the secret theories and doctrines of the high philosophers by word of mouth, for they were never written down. Later, when Alexander was in Asia, Aristotle published these, an action that Alexander was passionately opposed to. He did not want his secrets to be common property.

Throughout the travels Alexander always questioned the local philosophers, and was always interested in what they had to say. The meeting with the Indian sages was an important event in which he heard the philosophies of the people he had conquered.

Alexander was very well-taught and educated and always kept a copy of the Iliad with him. He brought this book with him even on his travels and kept it under his pillow alongside his dagger.

According to Plutarch he also had a great interest in the philosophies of Euripedes and Sophocles. Alexander loved philosophy and thinking. It was thanks to these teachings that he was successful.

Interest in sciences and his curiosity.Included in the armies were always cooks, carpenters, blacksmiths, writers, geographers and botanists, all sorts of specialists to keep records of the differences in knowledge, terrain and events.One of Alexander's main driving forces was to encounter new people and discover new lands. He learned some geography from Aristotle, but ventured further east than his teacher's knowledge, surpassing even the achievements of Dionysus. He reached the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, believing it to be a gulf of the great Eastern Sea that was only ever told of, and that nobody had ever seen. He wished to cross the plains of India and reach the Ganges, never realising just how massive it was.All the time records were kept of all the different vegetation and climates they encountered. They were fascinated by the monsoon and the spices of India, and in Gedrosia, Aristobolus tells of the abundance of myrrh and nard and strange trees that grow below the highwater line of the sea.He sent Nearchus to explore the Persian Gulf, and another commander, Heiro, to circumnavigate the Arabian peninsula, this however proving too great a task to achieve.Alexander kept accurate records of the places he visited, and in the end had a good knowledge of the vast expanses of his empire.

164

Map of the Conquests of Alexander the Great 336-323 BC

165