An Egyptian Etymology Egypto-Coptic mȝč

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Trustees of Indiana University Anthropological Linguistics An Egyptian Etymology: Egypto-Coptic mȝč Author(s): Carleton T. Hodge Source: Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Summer, 1997), pp. 196-219 Published by: The Trustees of Indiana University on behalf of Anthropological Linguistics Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30028465 . Accessed: 04/12/2013 23:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Trustees of Indiana University and Anthropological Linguistics are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropological Linguistics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 193.227.1.127 on Wed, 4 Dec 2013 23:41:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Transcript of An Egyptian Etymology Egypto-Coptic mȝč

Trustees of Indiana University

Anthropological Linguistics

An Egyptian Etymology: Egypto-Coptic mȝčAuthor(s): Carleton T. HodgeSource: Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Summer, 1997), pp. 196-219Published by: The Trustees of Indiana University on behalf of Anthropological LinguisticsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30028465 .

Accessed: 04/12/2013 23:41

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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An Egyptian Etymology: Egypto-Coptic m?5

CARLETON T. HODGE

Indiana University

Abstract. Examination of the contexts in which older Egyptian md (mlwc) and its Coptic derivative meue occur demonstrates that it had a technical use as the ritual enumeration of qualities believed to be thus magically conferred on the individual indicated. This is akin to similar practices ancient and modern. Ancient usage is illustrated by the formal biblical "blessings," and the modern by African praise poetry. The etymology of mlwc is discussed, with its origin and related etyma given in some detail.

1. Introduction. On the walls of the northern half of the middle colonnade of Hatschepsut's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri, in the upper register, we find scenes depicting the coronation of this queen, with accompanying texts (Naville 1897:6 and pl. 30 [plan], 1898:pls. 56-64 [scenes and inscriptions], 1908:pl. 169 [restored view], pl. 170 [elevation, C-D], pl. 172 [overall plan]; Sethe 1927:241- 65 [inscriptions]; Breasted 1906, 2:87-100 [translation]; Sethe 1914:112-22 [translation]). Two aspects of these scenes are of note: they have been defaced almost beyond recognition, and their purpose. What appears to us as vandalism reflects an ancient Egyptian article of faith. It was believed that the soul (Egyptian b-1, reconstructable as *bal; Coptic bai) of the deceased could enter not only into the mummy but also into any representation of that person and so continue to live. If the mummy and all pictures, statues, and written names of the deceased were destroyed, the soul would have nowhere to go. In the case of Hatshepsut, not only were the wall scenes of her temple defaced, but the numerous statues of her that were part of it were smashed and thrown into hollows both on the north and the south of the causeway (Winlock 1942:77-78, 154-63). It was long thought that this occurred when Hatshepsut died and Tuthmosis III became sole ruler. This has been questioned, especially by Dorman (1988). It may have been as much as twenty years later that the effort to, shall we say, erase the queen, took place.

Another relevant factor is that Hatshepsut does not occur in any of the king lists prior to Manetho (Ratie 1979:11; Seipel 1980:467). Of course, if her name were in the king lists, memory of her would be kept alive-and so would she. It is sometimes said that reigning queens were excluded from the king lists. Seipel says that they considered "such a rule unusual and perhaps also unlucky" (1980:467; my translation). Two queens do occur: Nitocris (end of the Sixth Dynasty) and Sobeknofru (end of the Twelfth Dynasty) are in the Turin king list,

196

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 197

and the latter also appears in the Saqqara list (Gardiner 1961:102, 141, 436, 439; see also Zivie 1982, and Beckerath 1984 [who reads "Nofrusobek"]). There must have been reasons beyond the fact that she was a woman that led to Hatshepsut's deletion from the lists.

The desecration of her monuments is usually spoken of as motivated by vengeance, but there was surely at least an equal amount of fear. As long as her soul could remain active, she could wreak her vengeance on those who had done this. It was necessary to be thorough in erasing her representations. In our terminology, if this were not done, she could come back to haunt them. (For Egyptian belief in the deceased's ability to harm the living, see Gardiner and Sethe [1928].)

The archives, in one section of which the king lists must have been pre- served, were the responsibility of the vizier (Posner 1972:79-84). There were many changes of administration over the years, along with two periods of decen- tralized government, but the king lists of the New Kingdom show knowledge of previous reigns going back over a thousand years (Bull 1955:3-9). This argues for the stability of some part of the bureaucracy, which managed to preserve essential records through turbulent times (cf. Posner 1972:85). Those who kept these records were conservative and held to standards that led them to reject Hatshepsut, and also later Akhnaton-the latter because he did not meet the physical standards required of a pharoah (Hodge 1981a).

It is reasonable to assume that the effort to destroy all physical evidence of Hatshepsut's existence was instigated by these ideologues and not by the king. There is no evidence that Tuthmosis III himself was responsible. Those who have thought so (e.g., Winlock 1942:154) also believed that the defacing occurred immediately after the death of Hatshepsut. Had Tuthmosis III been so angry at her that he wished all records of her destroyed, he would not have waited some twenty years.

The ancient desecrators were not as thorough as they thought. Her name survives in a number of places-not numerous, but sufficient (Ratie 1979:309- 10; Redford 1967:87). In modern times, some of her statues have been put back together and restored (Winlock 1942:pls. 48-58). If these factors have been favorable to her survival, we may assume that she now divides her time principally between the Metropolitan Museum in New York and the Egyptian Museum in Cairo.

This, then, is the mind-set we must take into account when we examine the coronation scene that interests us at present. It is variously said to be fiction (Seipel 1980:467) or a distortion of the facts (Redford 1967:82-83), but this modern attitude is totally irrelevant. The scenes and accompanying texts are a

magical spell capable of bringing into actual being this coronation and of keep- ing it in perpetual progress as long as the wall or its reproductions last.

The lower register of the wall with which we are concerned depicts the birth

sequence; the upper register has scenes of Hatshepsut's childhood and youth,

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198 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

followed by the coronation. The queen to be ("king to be" in the text!) is pre- sented to various gods and goddesses, receiving special blessings from each. Some of these blessings (see, e.g., Breasted 1906, 2:91) sound very much like those bestowed by the Old Testament patriarchs on their children. She is crowned, and then comes a long narrative in the course of which the word mlwe occurs several times. It is this word (traditionally spelled m,1 or m w) that is our special interest here.

Amid dancing and jubilation "they announced [mlwe] the name of her majesty as king [sic], while her majesty was [still] a youth" (Sethe 1927:260, 1914:120; Breasted 1906, 2:98; Naville 1898:pl. 62).

"His majesty [Tuthmosis I] commanded that the ritual priests be summoned to announce [mlwd] her great names on receiving the honors of the kingship of Upper and Lower Egypt, and that they be engraved on every seal pertaining to the festival of the unification of the Two Lands, and of the circumambulation around the wall, and to the provisioning of all the gods involved in the unification of the Two Lands. ... Then they announced [mlwtc her names as of a king of Upper and Lower Egypt" (my translation; Naville 1898:pl. 62; Breasted 1906, 2:98-99; Sethe 1927:261, 1914:120). Her great names follow, which are said to be "according to the form with which he [a god] had made them before." Breasted takes this to be in reference to the names as previously mentioned in this set of inscriptions. I incline to the belief that it refers to the names as conceived by the god before they were formally uttered (see section 2). We also have the names written by Thoth and by Zeshlet (Egyptian zglt, traditionally zs4t 'Seshat'). The latter says "I have given you eternal years" (Sethe 1927:252). In some other coronation scenes, the writing by Zeshlet is on the leaves of a persea tree (e.g., at the coronation of Ramses II [Erman and Ranke 1923:396, also with Thoth]). Another text, on one of the obelisks set up by Hatshepsut, mentions that Amon has caused her name to endure by putting it on the persea tree (Schott 1955:204).

The word mlw' is translated 'announce' in the above-quoted texts. This is only one of its English equivalents. Erman and Grapow give "m? Eig[en]tl[ich] m we zu lesen... Kopt. Smeeue: bmeui. erdenken, ersinnen (mit ... oder ohne Objekt ... der Erdachten). Bes[onders] auch vom ersinnen eines Namens fir jem[and] ... auch den Namen verkunden ... Auch mit m: jem[and] mit Namen benennen" (1926-31, 2:34). Listed separately, they give "m?6 preisen" (1927-31, 2:34) and "mwt der Refrain eines Liedes" (1927-31, 2:27). The word m'wt is from mwc' (mlw0), with the normal shift of 6 to t that had occurred by the time of the New Kingdom. Faulkner (1962:104) gives 'proclaim'. Meeks (1980:152) has 'to think' in one entry and 'sad thoughts, complaints' in another (the latter for m'wt). For Late Egyptian, Lesko and Lesko (1982:208) give 'to think, imagine' for one entry, and 'to proclaim (?)' for another. For Demotic, Erichsen (1954:156) has mwj'denken'. Among the meanings given for Coptic, we find, as a verb 'think, reflect, imagine', and as a noun 'remembrance'. 'To do remem-

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 199

brance', or the like, is 'to remember, call to mind' (Crum 1939:199-201; see also Vycichl 1983:127).

The aim in this article is to examine more closely the meanings of this chronomorph in Egypto-Coptic, especially when it is used in a technical sense. Later, we look for related words in the Lislakh phylum, and from these data we will set up the proto-base with some probable proto-meanings (see appendix).

2. The word m-i?. As noted, Erman and Grapow (1926-31, 2:34) give m w6 (mlwd) as the more correct transcription. The w is supported by some spellings, by Demotic (mwj), and by Coptic, as in Sahidic meeue /me"we/. Most hiero- glyphic spellings do not have the w. This is easily accounted for. Egyptian spel- lings are primarily "core plus margin" (see, e.g., Hodge 1991:172). For mlw6, the core is a bowl, which has various shapes through the centuries. Gardiner gives two variants, Sign List W7 and W8 (1957:528). When used for writing 'granite', the bowl is sometimes different in shape than when used in writing 'proclaim' (e.g., Naville 1908:pl. 156 vs. 1898:pl. 62). (See also the shapes for nos. 505 and 506 in Miller 1927-36, 1:48, 2:45, and 3:48.) Accepting the mw5 w(mlw0) reading of the Berlin dictionary, we take the POT (W7 and W8) to have this value.' The phonetic margin may have only m>i (mlc) or even m> (ml), such partial con- sonantism being a normal feature of Egyptian spelling (Gardiner 1957:52). Later developments changed C to t, then dropped both > (1) and t, resulting in Demotic mwj (or mwy) and Coptic (Bohairic) meui (/mewi/). Sahidic meeue (/mewe/) has 9, which does not come from ? (1), but from r. Syllabic final pre- consonantal r was replaced by --here written by doubling the vowel (Till 1961:48; Hodge 1981b). This means that, in addition to mlwd, there was also *mrwd. This is found as mrt- in mltryt 'female mourners' (Faulkner 1962:103). Mltryt is a conflate spelling, indicating that the writer knew that the traditional spelling used 1, i.e., mltyt (mlwd, with c to t, plus -yt), but as he said mrtyt, he added the -r- (mrwd, with 5 to t, plus -yt) (Caminos 1956).

The traditional transcription of the sound represented by the Egyptian vulture (Sign List Gl) is (Gardiner 1957:467). In 1945, Loret (1945) published an article claiming that the sign had the value [1]. His arguments, which in- cluded etymology, were well taken, but his work met with skepticism even on publication (see the editorial comment on page 326 preceding his article). I have for long argued for a lateral value for G1 (cf. Hodge 1977), and I am now convinced that this hieroglyph represented 1, and that Loret (1945) was right. Lacau's (1970) effort to refute Loret is not without merit, but is not at all convincing on this point. Except for quotations, I shall here use 1 for the Gi value. For the New Kingdom and later, this will be a historical spelling, not reflecting contemporary Egyptian pronunciation except, perhaps, for dialect forms. One may compare its use to the k of knight. It is obvious that for etymological purposes we need the phonetically oldest form of the sound, as Loret stressed (1945:242). Comparative evidence, combined with a knowledge of

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200 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

consonant ablaut, supports the identification as 1 (e.g, Egyptian t-1 'earth' and Arabic tell 'mound'). Middle Kingdom transcriptions of loanwords from Semitic confirm the 1 value of I (Hoch 1994:488, 503). By the New Kingdom, had

changed phonetically and was not used to render any Semitic consonant (Hoch 1994:12).

Another text that illustrates the use of mlw 'is the Shabaka Stone (British Museum 498), on which is found an inscription known as the Theology of

Memphis. This dates to about 700 B.C., but claims to have been copied from a much earlier document. Mlwc occurs three times, as seen in the following selections. These are based on Sethe (1928:21, 32, 57) and Wilson (in Pritchard 1969:4-6), but my rendering differs somewhat from theirs. The text concerns the god Ptah as creator:

[line 3] It was he [i.e., Ptah] who was identified [mlwd] by this great name. [linel3] He was the unifier of this land, identified [mlwd] by the great name

Tel-tjenen, south of his wall, the master of eternity. [line 55] The Ennead [of Ptah] was the teeth and lips in this mouth which

pronounced [mlwc] the name of every thing, and from which [the god] Shu and [the goddess] Tefnut came forth.

In both Hatshepsut's coronation text and in the Theology of Memphis, mlwC is used when something (or an aspect of something) is reified by giving it a name. After conceiving the idea of something (Egyptian kl 'think'), the god Ptah creates the thing itself by formally pronouncing its name (see Breasted 1912: 46-47, 1935:34; Maspero 1916:183; Sethe 1928:59-60). In line 55 of the Theology of Memphis (above), we read that everything was given a name in this way. Mlwd, therefore, has a technical usage in the ritual endowment of someone or something with a name and its attendant attributes. We may summarize what is happening by seeing the naming as comprised of three steps:

1. Conceptualization (kl). The name is first conceived in the brain, i.e., 'thought of'.

2. Reification (mlwd). The formal announcement magically endows the recipient with the name of power.

3. Eternalization. Writing (zil) the name ensures that it and the person so identified will last for millions of years.

We note in passing that the concept of the "creative word" was widespread in the ancient Near East and is well attested in the Bible (e.g., Isaiah 55.11 and John 1.1-14; see Rad 1963:49-50; Brown 1966:519-24). The Biblical connection was, of course, obvious to Breasted (1901:49) and others dealing with the Theology of Memphis.

3. The hieroglyphic record. The following list gives most hieroglyphic occur- rences of mlwd, in rough chronological order, and with some reinterpretations.

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 201

1. Louvre C15.7 (Gayet 1886), Eleventh Dynasty. This appears to read "Egypt praised Horus. The god danced for joy, acclaiming (mlwc) the sacred bark for its beauty," or "with reference to its beauty." I interpret this to mean "ritually enumerating (mlw0) the beautiful aspects of the sacred bark." This magically endowed the bark with eternal, named qualities.

2. Spell 36 of the Coffin Texts aims at the resuscitation and deification of the deceased; Osiris speaks on his or her behalf. The relevant passage reads, "Nurse him, proclaim (mlw') him, for you have placed him within your arms" (Faulkner's translation, 1973:26; for text, see Buck 1935:141). This refers to the rebirth of the deceased, who must then be suckled and given a name (mlwc).

3. Tomb of Khnumhotep II. "The hereditary noble, monarch, ruler of the new towns, the acclaimer (mlwc) of the King of Upper Egypt, the foster child of the King of Lower Egypt" (text from Newberry 1893:pl. 25, lines 68-69; my translation after Breasted 1906, 1:284). As a "mlw'-er," Khnumhotep was one qualified to magically endow someone with a name (or names) and attendant qualities.

4. The coronation scene of Queen Hatshepsut, described in section 1, fits here chronologically.

5. London Medical Papyrus (British Museum 10059), time of Tutankhamon. "Enumeration (mlwt) of his bones before him" (sheets 17.4 and 18.5; for text and discussion, see Wreszinski 1912). One can only speculate as to what effect this enumeration might have. It may be that this represents a nontechnical use of mlw6.

6. Book of the Dead. There are a number of occurrences of mit, ml, and mlwt, some of which are from our mlwC, others from mlw 'new'. It is often difficult to determine which is which. Most have been taken as 'new'. An example that Faulkner (1985) takes as 'announce' (mlw) is: "His heart is announced [mlwt] to the gods" (Faulkner 1985:53; text from Budge 1898:91 lines 4-5; cf. Allen 1974: 38; and Dassow 1994:pl. 15). This is the technical use of mlw' in a ritual de- signed to identify the individual to the gods, and perhaps to enumerate his good qualities.

7. Temple of Seti I. On the north wall in the eastern section of Seti's chapel, we find Zeshlet holding the "millions of years" rod and inscribing the name of the king while reciting a spell to ensure that he would have long life and numer- ous jubilees. To the right, we have the Ennead praising the king and Iwn-mwtf reciting what they have done for him. Part of this reads, "writings assigning to him the years which have been proclaimed (mlwd) in life, stability and domin- ion" (my translation; Calverley 1935, 2:pl. 30; cf. David 1973:162-64). The years are magically assigned by their ritual proclamation (mlwd).

8. Turin Papyrus, 1350-1200 B.C. (Pleyte and Rossi 1869-75). The section that contains mlwd tells the story of how Isis tricked Re into revealing his name, the knowledge of which gave her power over him. It has often been translated. References to the text, its duplicates, and to other translations may be found in

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202 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

Pritchard (1969:12-14, with a translation by Wilson). The story is there called "The God and His Unknown Name of Power." The relevant passage is, "My father thought out (mlwt) my name" (Pritchard 1969:13). The other examples of mlwc in connection with a name or names indicate that it means 'formally gave me my name by pronouncing it', the thought having preceded the mlw& (see section 2).

9. Song of the Harpist. There are a number of harpist's songs (see Lichtheim

1945; Wente 1962; Fox 1977). Mlw' is found in two of them. One is Papyrus Harris 500 (7.1-2):

M'wt: Spend a pleasant day! Weary not of it! [Fox 1977:407, lines 38 and 391

Fox mentions that mlwt has been tentatively translated 'refrain', but quotes an occurrence in another harpist's song (Dhutemhab) where this does not fit: "I have finished my mlwt" (Fox 1977:411). As mlwt refers to the announcing of the name, it is clear that the meaning in both cases is 'title'. Thus, the first line

quoted from Harris 500 above should read: "Title: Spend a pleasant day." Likewise, the line from the Dhutemhab should be read "I have finished the song requested of me," i.e., "the one named (mlwt) for me to perform." How far off Meeks's translation 'sad thoughts' or 'complaints' (1980:152; see section 1) is!

10. Onomasticon of Amenope (ca. 1090 B.C.). Two copies have mlwC. Gar- diner translates, "for learning all things that exist: what Ptah created, what Thoth copied down ... all things upon which Re' has shone, all that is grown on the back of the earth, excogitated (mlw0) by the scribe of the sacred books in the House of Life, Amenope" (1947, 1:2*). Here it is the earthly scribe who has set forth the names of this vast array of things. He has not created them, but he has made them known. Gardiner thinks that mlw6 "is here not improbably a con- sciously grandiloquent word" (1947:3*). "Excogitated" certainly is grandilo- quent, but mlw' is used here in its proper sense of formally giving things their names, presumably without the implication of actual reification. One could, however, conceive of the scribe feeling that he had, by writing them down, given these terms long-lasting life. The "grandiloquent" mlwc' does not occur on the Cairo ostracon of this text, which is given by Gardiner on the same page (1947, 1:2*). It has "made (or, done) by the scribe" (the rest of the clause being missing). The verb here is the very ordinary ?r? 'do, make', and is used with reference to

royal names in the account of the coronation of Harmhab: "There was made (9rw) the great name of this good god (i.e., the king) and his titulary" (Gardiner 1953:30).

11. Berlin Papyrus 3055 (col. 16.3-4), Twenty-second Dynasty, called "the Berlin service-book" by Nelson (1949:202). The passage reads, "when no name had been given (mlw) to anything" ("da noch der Name keines Dinges ersonnen war" [Assmann 1975:265; see also Grapow 1931:36]). This refers to the "creative

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 203

word," as found in the Theology of Memphis. 12. In Papyrus Pushkin 127 (about 1000 B.C.) we read, "His tax has been

burdensome to me more than can be imagined (ml?)" (Caminos 1977:45; his translation). Caminos takes m19 to be a later form of mlwc in the sense of 'to think, imagine' (1977:58), the spelling being similar to that in the Golenischeff Onomasticon (Gardiner 1947:pl. 7.4). The spelling is actually mlw-GRANITE BOWL (W7)-PAPYRUS ROLL (Y1) (Caminos 1977:pls. 9-10). The ml9w is only a partial margin to the GRANITE BOWL, which as core can stand for the whole word mlwd, though the c would by this time not be pronounced. "Imagined" is a good approximation to the Egyptian, but not in the sense of 'think'. What the author is saying is that one could not bring into being even by ritual (mlw') a tax more burdensome than the one already levied.

13. The Theology of Memphis. See section 2. 14. Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (about 300 B.C., British Museum 10188). There

are three occurrences of mlwt in this papyrus, in columns 3.3, 7.23, and 11.6, translated by Faulkner respectively as 'tears (?)', 'sorrow (?)', and 'sorrow (?)' (1936:124, 126, 128). These translations are, he states, based on the context (1936:134, 137, 138). The first, which has the hieroglyph for WATER as its core, probably does not belong to our root. The second seems out of context for it. The third seems more promising. It reads: smx-n-k (or, sxm-n-k) n-n mlwy. Faulk- ner translates, uncertainly, "Thou hast forgotten sorrow because of us (?)" (1936: 128). If we take mlwy to be from mlwc and to mean formal oral recognition, which in this case would be ritual recitation of someone's name and attributes, we may translate, "You have forgotten the commemoration (mlwy) for us," i.e., "You have forgotten to commemorate us" (see the Coptic examples in section 4).

15. The Mendes Stela (Cairo 22181), 264 B.C. This is published by Sethe (1904, with the relevant passage p. 44 [line 16] to p. 45 [line 1]). If we follow Roeder's German translation (1959:184), we render this, "His Majesty decided (mlw') to reduce the taxes in Ta-meri [i.e., Egypt] that the Two Lands [Upper and Lower Egypt] might hold a festival in honor of the Ram-god [of Mendes] who had created his beauty." It is true that in Coptic meeue can mean 'think about'. In view of the earlier hieroglyphic usages, it also seems possible that mlw ehere has the technical sense of 'formally announcing' the reduction of taxes.

16. The Decree of Canopus (238 B.C.), published by Sethe (1904:124-54, hieroglyphic and Greek texts only), Reinisch and Roesler (1866, hieroglyphic and Greek), and Budge (1904, hieroglyphic, Greek, and Demotic). A good (but not legible) photograph showing the disposition of all three texts is found in Ball (1899, following p. 256). Bevan (1927:214) says that the Rosetta decree was originally composed in Egyptian and that the Greek was a translation, but that it is possible that the Decree of Canopus (forty-three years later) was originally written in Greek and that the Egyptian versions are translations. This may be a relevant factor in the use of mlwd in it.

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204 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

Because of a low Nile and the consequent distress, Ptolemy III and his sister Berenice "were greatly concerned about those in the temples and others dwel-

ling in Egypt, and having given the matter much thought (mlw'), they remitted

many taxes" (after Roeder 1960:155; for the text, see Sethe 1904:131). The Greek reads roAAiarliv vpovorO~!vrcE for the phrase involving mlwo It may be that in the Egyptian versions mlwd refers to a formal enumeration of current taxes in order to determine where to cut.

17. Inscription on the temple at Kom Ombo. The relevant passage is given by Erman and Grapow (1926-31, Belegstellen to vol. 2, p. 34 n. 17). This is not dealt with here.

4. Naming, thinking, and remembering. We have, then, the specialized meaning magically to confer by voice a name (or names) and attendant benefits, and also simply to enumerate. The latter has led to the meaning 'think'.

In Demotic and Coptic, the verb generally means 'to think, consider' and the noun 'thought, remembrance'. There are, however, numerous instances in

Coptic where the meaning is that of formally memorializing, i.e., 'remembering' in a ritual manner. These are clearly related semantically to the earlier, more

specialized usage. In one Coptic letter, we read "We have completed the com- memoration (meue) of our [spiritual] father" (Crum 1926:58, 210 [no. 213]). In another, we have the injunction "and you remembering us (lit., 'giving our meeue') to the saints which are with you [and to our] holy [fathers] when you go to them" (my translation, after Kahle 1954:609). The last is made more explicit in another letter from the same person, which reads "and perform remembrance of us on our holy fathers" (my translation, after Kahle 1954:609). Kahle explains that this refers to mentioning someone in prayers made on the graves of de- ceased monks (1954:609). "Remembrance" was, in this context, naming the person to the honored deceased, and presumably reciting the good qualities that would make him worthy of their attention.

An excellent example of the memorial use of Coptic meui (Bohairic) is found in another letter:

[They brought his] pure [body] to the blessed Monastery of our Father Abba Pishoi in the desert of Shiet with praises and hymns and great honors and many high distinctions as befitted him. When they drew nigh to the place which God had prepared for him, the whole multitude which was there hasted and came forth to meet him. They chanted before him in many praises. ... This holy memorial took place upon the seventh day of the month T6bi. [White 1926:143; his translation]

Here, "memorial" is &enerphmeui 'festival of performing meui'. One may assume that the above-mentioned Egyptian mltryt (mltyt - mrtyt)

'female mourners' were also conducting such a "memorial" service, reciting the name, offices, and good qualities of the deceased.

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 205

Before proceeding to the etymology of mlwd (in section 5), something should be said, albeit briefly, about the well-known importance of names in Egyptian and many other cultures. Not only was naming in Egypt a creative act, but the name and the individual were inextricably linked. Zandee, who has a useful discussion of Egyptian rn 'name', says, "The name is an essential element of the personality, in which somebody continues to exist" (1960:179). Israelit-Groll notes that Late Egyptian distinguishes between "acquirable" and "nonacquir- able" nouns, this difference being indicated by the type of possessive pronoun used; the word rn 'name' falls into the nonacquirable category (1967:59; see also Cern5y and Israelit-Groll 1978:60-66). (More familiar terms are "alienable" and "inalienable.") In the story of "The God and His Unknown Name of Power" (see item 8 in section 3), we find the god Re completely at the mercy of the goddess Isis after he has revealed to her his real (secret) name (translation in Pritchard 1969:12-14).

Taboos regarding names are found in many cultures today. Taking an example involving an Afroasiatic language, it is a Hausa custom to give a child two names, one of which is whispered in the child's ear and kept secret, while the other is the name by which he or she is known (Tremearne 1913:92, 178, 180). We have only the story about Re as evidence that such a custom was followed in ancient Egypt.

Many texts reflect the efforts of the ancient Egyptians to preserve their names as a means of preserving themselves. We find on memorial stelae and funerary inscriptions such expressions as "Thy house [= 'tomb'] stands firm bearing thy name" (Lichtheim 1945:184); "So says the singer who keeps his name alive" (1945:189); "How firm is thy name unto eternity" (1945:198); and "Make for thyself a tomb in the holy place that thy name may last in it" (1945: 201).

Ranke (1907:45) notes that the saying "the man lives whose name is men- tioned" is found in three places: in the Papyrus of Turin (Pleyte and Rossi 1869-75:pl. 133.11); on a statue of a high official of Psammeticus I (Ranke 1907: 45); and on a Ptolemaic stela published by Budge (1896:123-34; see p. 127 and text, line 14). Persons putting up statues or stelae wished that passersby would read their names aloud.

One way to ensure that one's name (and therefore one's own self) lived on was to place it under the protection of a deity or deities. This was done at New Kingdom coronations by presenting the new king's names to the gods. We have a statue of a prostrate Ramses II so presenting his names after his coronation (Matthiew 1930). The stela of Khent-em-semeti tells how he was honored by Amenemhet II (Twelfth Dynasty), went to Abydos, and set up the inscription. He says, "I placed my name at the place where Osiris is," and goes on to list the expected benefits (for text, see Budge 1912:pls. 8 and 9; and Sethe 1927:75, with notes; for translation, see Breasted 1906:276-77).

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206 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

The bestowal of royal names on Hatshepsut is connected with texts praising her. This combination of special names and panegyric is of very widespread occurrence. A few examples, ancient and modern, will suffice. In the Babylonian creation epic, the victorious Marduk is made the supreme god and given fifty names, each with appropriate encomia (tablets 6 and 7; for translation, see Foster 1995:39-50).

The Hebrew Bible is a prime source of this literary pattern. In his work on the Psalms, Mowinckel describes the "hymn of praise" as follows:

In the exhortation Yahweh's name is always mentioned. To this is sometimes added a series of laudatory (hymnal) attributes: "The most High," "Israel's God," or "King" or "Creator," "our King," "our Defence," etc. This may be varied in such a way that the poet exhorts his hearers to praise "the name of the Lord," his glory, his power, his deeds, and great works, his wonders, his mercy and faith- fulness, in a word, his great and glorious qualities. [1962, 1:82]

Curiously, this sequence of naming followed by laudatory statements about the one named is paralleled by the early Greek analysis of the sentence as con-

sisting of a name (dnoma), now called the subject, and what is said about the name (rheme), now called the predicate (see Robins 1967:26-27). One should also note that the identification of a name with the thing signified was one side (the naturalist side) of the debate on language in Plato's Cratylus (Robins 1967:17-19). The epitome of the naturalist view lies in the reification of the

ldgos 'word' as one of the emanations of the gnostics. Coming to the present day, we find that the same pattern has survived in

modern African oral literature south of the Sahara. Plentiful examples are found in Finnegan's (1970) chapter on "Panegyric." Here, praise names "often form the basis of formal praise poetry" (Finnegan 1970:111). A Zulu king is called "The Ever-ready-to-meet-any-challenge"; a Hausa chief is "Fearful and terrible son of Jato who turns a town into ashes" (1970:111).

There has been, of course, Arabic influence on some African praise poetry, but the basic pattern prevails. The relationship of Arabic and Swahili poetry is treated by Harries (1962:24-29, and passim). Of one composition, he says "The poem opens in the manner proper to all Swahili epics by the setting forth of the chief attributes of God" (Harries 1962:29; see also p. 89). This reflects the Islamic stress on praise being due primarily to Allah. This attitude led to the almost exclusive use of the name Allah in the 6ikr ritual of Islamic mystic brotherhoods: Allih is repeated over and over, often into unconsciousness, usually alternating with the formula "There is no god but Allah." Lane, in his account of contemporary (nineteenth-century) Egyptian society, has left what have become classic descriptions of such rituals (Lane 1860:243-44, 432-33 [first published in 1836]; see also Arberry 1950:89-92, 130-32). The word 6ikr is usually translated 'remembrance' and is from Lislakh ** (-)k-IH. The base is **kk-I 'vocalize'. The usage of Semitic 6-k-r often parallels that of Egyptian mlw6

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 207

semantically. These few examples are sufficient to show that the basic pattern of names

followed by praises reaches back into remote antiquity even as it continues to the present time.

5. Etymology. We turn now to the investigation of the etymology of mlwd. As it most often reflects an oral pronouncement, we look for a base that is associ- ated with speech. As m- (usually from Lislakh * *Nb) is frequently a prefix, and Egyptian C is from a palatalized k (indicated by **kY in reconstructions), the biconsonantal base is **l-k, with an infix -w-. The reconstructed form from which mlwc' derives is ** (Nb-)l-(w-)kY. As noted above, Coptic meue is used in memorial services for the dead. Mourning in ancient Egypt involved not only weeping and wailing but naming and praising the deceased. The "autobio- graphical" texts found in tombs are part of the praise pattern that we have been discussing. For example, the text in the tomb of Rekh-mi-re, the vizier of Egypt under Tuthmosis III and Amenhotep II, begins with a long list of his titles, followed by a laudatory account of his life and virtues (Davies 1943, 1:79-83). We are therefore not surprised to find the Lislakh base **l-k in Egyptian ?lkb 'mourning', Plkby 'mourners', and 9lkbyt 'mourning woman' (Faulkner 1962:9). We reconstruct Lislakh **( -)l-k(-b), where the 9- is probably prothetic (Hodge 1991) and the -b is a suffix. A harpist's song, sung to the deceased Neferhotep III, says "The Two Kites [the goddesses Isis and Nephthys] sit at the gate for thee and lament [91kb] over thy name" (Lichtheim 1945:199, and pl. 2).

The variation between mlw& (with 1 from Lislakh **1) and *mrw' (with r from Lislakh * * lH) noted above is part of the familiar consonant ablaut pattern (see, e.g., Hodge 1994:206-9). Recognition of the consonant ablaut possibilities of a base is necessary in order to identify its derivatives, and so, in this instance, to identify words related to mlw'. Lislakh ** i-k and some possible ablauts are:

* * -k **l-gH **1-Ng **lH-k **lH-gH **1H-Ng **Nl-k **NI-gH **NI-Ng

Some common potential reflexes include:

1-k 1-q, i-k 4, -gh i-n r-k r-q, r-k 9, r-gh r-n n-k n-q, n-k 9, n-gh n-n

To each of these may be added prefixes, such as b- or m-, and suffixes, such as -b:

(b-) l-k (b-) l-q, etc. (b-) l-n (b-) r-k (b-)r-q, etc. (b-)r-n

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208 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

(b-)n-k (b-)n-q, etc. (b-)n-n (m-) l-k (m-) l-q, etc. (m-) l-n (m-) r-k (m-)r-q, etc. (m-) r-n (m-)n-k (m-)n-q, etc. (m-)n-n

Not many of these forms have as yet been identified as actual words in extant languages, but the pattern allows us to fit them in as we find them. One that im- mediately leaps to mind is Egyptian rn 'name', which we now see is from the same base as mlwc 'proclaim by name'. Other familiar sequences are b-r-k (Semitic 'bless') and m-1-k (Semitic 'rule').

It is probable that the Hebrew form 9abrek found in Genesis 41.43 is from the same **l-k, as **(9-b-)lH-k. It is addressed to the populace as Joseph is

being honored. Many explanations have been offered, some nonsensical. For a discussion of some recently held views, see Couroyer (1959:591-94). In connect- ing it with the same base as mlw', I would paraphrase it as, "Hail the person being honored by the reciting of laudatory formulae!"

The same b- prefix and 1H ablaut are found in the Semitic root * b-r-k 'to bless' (Leslau 1987:105). The formal nature of a "blessing" in the Old Testament has long been recognized, and the similarity to Egyptian praise poetry was noted in section 4. It is a ritual serial declamation of benefits (or in some cases the reverse) and is presumed to have the magical force to effect these benefits (see the discussion in Botterweck and Ringgren 1977:279-308). (One should note that there were in ancient times and are in modern times ritual cursing as well as blessing-e.g., Deuteronomy 28.)

Semitic *m-1-k is another cognate. Recent Hebrew and Aramaic lexico- graphers have tended to treat * m-1-k 'to rule, king' and * m-1-k 'to give advise, counsel' as separate roots (e.g., Konig 1936:226; Holladay 1971:198, after Koeh- ler and Baumgartner; and Klein 1987:350, noting that some scholars connect the two). Ibn Janah (ca. A.D. 1000) is credited with suggesting that the basic meaning was 'give advice' and the meaning 'to rule' derivative (Fiirst and Ryssel 1876, 1:742), and this was the prevailing view for centuries. So, Cornelius a Lapide (d. 1637), discussing Daniel 4.24 (written in Aramaic), and citing Homer and Cicero, argues that the concepts 'rule' and 'advise' were semantically connected elsewhere (1875, 6:1405). Johann Simonis (1757:537) followed suit, and so, until very recently, did others-e.g., Gesenius and Robinson (1844:582), and Brown, Driver, and Briggs (1907:572). Fiirst and Ryssel (1876, 1:742) felt that the roots were connected, but that the meaning 'give advice' was secondary.

Neither meaning is to be considered as coming from the other. Even in Semitic, there are further data. Geez malka ? has the meanings 'formn, image; a kind of poetry which eulogizes a saint by enumerating and praising the various parts of his body' (Leslau 1987:313). There is clearly a semantic connection between this word and Coptic meue as used of memorializing. We also have Geez lak 9a 'inscribe, imprint, mark, set down in writing, compose', etc. (Leslau

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 209

1987:313), which reminds us of the activities of Thoth and Zeshlet at Egyptian coronations. Also connected is Geez malkata 'signify, signal, show, indicate', which Praetorius related to lak a (Leslau 1987:344). Akkadian malkzitu 'rule, government' is attested in both Old and Late Babylonian (CAD 1:169), along with the more frequent malzku 'to give advice' (CAD 1:154). It is unnecessary, as well as misleading, to consider malkiitu as a West Semitic loan. Both mean- ings occur with m-1-k in Aramaic. A number of divergent semantic develop- ments are seen to have already been present in the protolanguage, all deriving from a Lislakh **l-k designating a special kind of speech. In the case of ** (Nb-)l-k, the result of announcing (m-l-k) the royal names is that a person becomes king (m-l-k). From this, Arabic malaka 'possess' may be a still further specialization. With regard to m-1-k 'advise', the role of an advisor might well have entailed the offering of advice using a special tone of voice or other formal device.

Semitic * b-r-k 'bless' has often been connected with * b-r-k 'knee' and * r-k-b 'knee' (e.g., Brown, Driver, and Briggs 1907:138). This is erroneous. There are a number of Lislakh bases in ** i-k. One means 'angular, bent' and is used for body parts involving an angle, such as 'jaw', 'arm', 'hip', and 'leg'. Semitic * b-r-k and *r-k-b 'knee' are derived from this base, as are Hebrew halak 'go' and Akkadian ali&ku 'go' (cf. Hodge 1985:323). The form * b-r-k 'knee' is from **

(b-)IH-k and *r-k-b 'knee' from ** H-k(-b). One has a prefix b-; the other a suffix -b. No metathesis is involved, contrary to the statement by Klein (1987:85). Egyptian derivatives are 'rq 'bent' and ' rq 'put on (clothes)' (Faulkner 1962:45), i.e., "to wind a garment around one," with both derived from ** (hH-) IH-gH. Recognition of these forms is useful in clarifying the developments of ** l-k 'vocalize', or the like.

There is also a Lislakh base **l-k 'leaf', exemplified by Chadic * l-k 'leaf', Arabic waraq 'leaf' (from * * (w-)IH-gH), Geez baraq 'leaf, sheet' (from ** (b-) IH-

gH, not from Arabic waraq as held by Leslau [1987:107], following Grebaut). There is no evidence connecting these with the * * i-k behind mlwd, but there is at least a pun involved in the writing upon leaves of the names that were formally announced (mlw6). While no word *lk 'leaf' is attested in Egyptian, there are words that may well have come from the base ** l-k 'leaf'. Such are: rkrk, a medicinal plant (Faulkner 1962:153), from * *lH-k(-C1-C2); 9lqt 'greens, vegetables, leeks', corresponding to Coptic WkYe (Vycichl 1983:56, with comparison to Hebrew

yraq 'green herbs'), from * * (9-)1-gH; mnqb 'fan' (Faulk- ner 1962:110), from ** (Nb-)NI-gH(-b); slq 'mat, papyrus, or reed mat' (Erman and Grapow 1926-31, 4:26; see also Vycichl 1983:186), from ** (s-)1-gH or **(&-)

l-gH (attested in Greco-Roman times, the spelling does not distinguish between s [from **s] and z [from **6]); and mldt, a kind of plant or tree, later mltt 'pars- ley' or 'celery' Coptic mit (Vycichl 1983:124; see also Faulkner 1962:103, and reference), from * * (Nb-) i-kY(-t).

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210 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

The base ** i-k 'tongue' has an interesting set of semantic developments, which may be charted as shown in figure 1.

**l-k 'tongue' - lick - suck - suckle - milk - spit - spurt - pour out - vocalize - special speech - advise - think - knowledge

- identify by naming - one so identified - name - allotted characteristic - symbol - allotted time

Figure 1. Semantic developments of Lislakh * * i-k 'tongue'.

Under "special speech" (figure 1), we find an Egyptian derivative, 'rq 'swear an oath'. An earlier suggested etymology for this word was a connection with 'rq 'wrap, bind' (Wilson 1948:130). We are now able to dismiss this, as 'rq 'swear' is a special kind of speech, so from **l-k 'tongue', while 'rq 'bind' is from **l-k 'angular'. The proto-form for both is * * (hH-) IH-gH.

Ritually uttered speech often has a special tone of voice or other paralin- guistic feature (for which see Trager 1958, reprinted with notes in Hymes 1964). In this connection, we note that an Indo-European derivative of ** l-k 'tongue', Sanskrit rk (from * * lH-k), is defined as "praise, verse, esp[ecially] a sacred verse recited in praise of a deity (in contradistinction to the Siman [pl. Saimni] or verses which were sung and to the Yajus [pl. Yajuznshi] or sacrificial words, formularies, and verses which were muttered)" (Monier-Williams 1899:225, sub 2. ric).

There are some interesting parallel semantic developments among the derivatives of **l-k 'tongue' (see appendix). Note, for example, the Amarna Akkadian use of maliku as 'to care for', and the use of Egyptian mlwC by Ptolemy III (Decree of Canopus, item 16 in section 3).

Orel and Stolbova (1995:357) reconstruct a Hamito-Semitic (i.e., Afroasiatic) root *lak 'think'. They list as cognate Egyptian nk? (i.e, nkl) 'think', misunder- standing the ] (1), which they call 'vocalic'. The form nkl is, of course, related to Egyptian kl? 'think', so does not derive from Lislakh **l-k. Only their Central Chadic form * lak 'think' is relevant here. Chadic forms meaning 'speak' also occur: Bokkos lak 'speak' and Daffo-butura lak 'say' (Jungraithmayr 1970:144, 393, 217).

Appendix: Derivatives of Lislakh **l-k 'tongue'

Following is a list of derivatives from ** l-k 'tongue', organized both semantically and formally (the latter by means of reconstructions reflecting affixes and the consonant ablaut variants). The major sources for these forms are: Egyptian (Erman and Grapow

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 211

1926-31; Faulkner 1962; Vycichl 1983), Semitic (Fronzaroli 1964-71; Leslau 1987; Klein 1987), Berber (Prasse 1972-74; Foucauld 1951-52), Chadic (Jungraithmayr and Shimizu 1981; Skinner 1977; Stolbova 1987), Cushitic (Ehret 1987), and Indo-European (Buck 1949; Pokorny 1959; Watkins 1985).

1. **l-k 'tongue' ** l-k(-C2) CH * l-k(-k) 'tongue'

* * l-NgH Cu Agaw * lanq- 'tongue, palate'

** H-Ng CH * r-N'tongue'

**Nl-kY EG n-c 'tongue' (Faulkner 1969:180) **

(s-)Nl-k EG snk 'tongue', CH Warji *s-n-k 'tongue' **(s-)Nl-gH Warji *sinaqA 'tongue'

2. **l-k 'lick' **I-k CH * l-k 'lick', Cu Beja lik 'sip, lick', IE * lak- 'lick'

* * l-k(- 9H) SEM Aramaic lakah 'lick'

> **l-(9H-)k SEM *-lhak-'lick', AKK leku * *

l-k(-Nl) CH North Bauchi lakan 'lick' * *

l-gH BER Tuareg allay 'lick', Cu *lakW- 'lap up', ECU * lak - 'swallow'

* * l-gYH IE * leigh- -

* leh- 'lick' (gYH > ygh) * * l-Ng IE *

ling- in LAT lingere 'lick' * *

(s-)l-Ng(-) Cu *saala(n)kw- 'lap, lick' * *Nl-k(-Nl) CH North Bauchi *nak-n 'lick'

3.1 **l-k 'suckle' ** l-k CH * i-k 'woman'

**l-kY EG Ic 'to nurse', I~yt 'a nurse' * * l-k(-9 H) SEM AKK laku 'suckling, infant' * *

lH-Ng(-C2) EG rnn 'to nurse, bring up' *

*NI-k(-t-lH) IE GK nektar 'nectar' (otherwise with- out certain etymology)

**Nl-gH Cu *nuuk9-'suck in', SCU *nuuk9.-'to sip, savor

**(y-)Nl-gH SEM *-ynaq- 'suckle' 3.2 **1-k 'milk' **l-k IE LAT lac 'milk', dc-lic-us 'weaned'

(The unnecessarily complicated ef- forts to connect lac with GK grila should be abandoned.)

**(Nb-)l-k IE *melk- 'damp', OCHSL mleko 'milk', TOCH B malkwer 'milk'

**(9-)IH-kY EG 9rct 'milk' 4.1 * * 1-k 'spit, squirt' * * l-k CH -1-k- 'saliva'

* * lH-gH SEM * r-q, in Geez raq 'spittle', etc.

* * IH-gH(-C2) SEM * r-q-q, in HEB rdiqaq 'to spit', etc.

* * lH-(y-)gH SEM AR rfq 'saliva' ** (w-)lH-gH SEM Geez waraqa 'to spit' * *(y-)IH-gH SEM HEB yfraq 'to spit', Aramaic yaraq

4.2 * * l-k 'pour out' * *l-k SEM UG t-l-k 'they flowed' **l-k(-b) IE * leikw- 'be liquid', LAT liquAre * * i-k(-s) IE LLAT lixa 'water', lixivarium 'a buck-

ing of clothes' (Shakespeare 1904: 126 n. to buck-basket)

* * (-)l-kY EG zlc 'pour out (a libation)' **(b-)l-gH EG blq 'olive oil' * * (w-) I-gH Cu

* walk-_ 'to stir'

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212 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 39 NO. 2

** lH-gH(- 9H) SEM Geez raqha 'sprinkle, spray', etc. * *

IH-gH(-y) SEM Geez raqaya 'sprinkle, asperse' * *NI-k EG nk 'to copulate' * *N-k(-9H) SEM AR nakaha 'to marry (a woman)'

**NI-(y-)k SEM AR nika 'have intercourse with (a woman)' (A semantic parallel to the inclusion of these forms is found in the Lislakh base **l-x 'flow, pour', as in EG lxt 'inundation', PIE *laxwe- 'pour', SEM AKK rexcu 'im- pregnate', and AR raxxa 'mix with water'.)

* * (s-)N-K BER Tuareg esink 'thick porridge' **NI-gH EG nqwt 'moisture', CU *-nok 9- 'flow' *

*Nl-gH(-y) SEM AKK naqii 'pour out', AR naqiya 'be pure'

* (9-)Nl-gH BER Tuareg enyi 'to flow'

* (9H-)Nl-gH EG hnqt'beer' * (6-)Nl-gH SEM HEB zinneq 'gush out'

5.1 * * i-k 'vocalize' * * i-k CH Bokkos and Daffo-butura lak 'say' * *

l-k(-Nl-) IE HIw laknuwanzi 'keep reciting' **l-k (-s) IE SKT laksya 'magic formula recited

over weapons' **(9-)1-k EG 91k 'to lament' **(9-)1-k(-b) EG 91kb 'mourning' * *(9-)1-k(-hH) Cu Iraqw alkic-a 'narrate (infin.)' **(Nb--)l-k SEM AKK maliku 'give advice; care for',

Geez malka 9 'poetic eulogy' **l-(w-)k SEM AR lika 'mumble', lawk 'mumb-

ling', alhika 'transmit a message' **(Nb-)l-(w-)kY EG mlw6 'formally name', mltyt 'mourn-

er (f.)' * * l-gH CH Fyer-tambas lak9 'speak, say' **l-gH(-s) SEM Geez laqasa 'mourn', Amharic

iLiqqisis 'cry (of a baby)' **l-Ng IE H[Tr link- 'swear, take an oath',

OHG ant-lingen 'to answer' ** H-k CH Gwandara r6ko 'beg', IE *rek- in

SKT rk 'recited sacred verse' and OCHSL rekQ 'say' (Note that SKT rk has k palatalized to c in many forms, e.g., rcds (gen.); so also with OCHSL

rekQ.) **(9-)lH-k IE *erkw- 'praise', SKT arkd- 'hymn',

HITr arkuwa- 'plead, pray' (also SKT dircati 'praises')

**(b-)lH-k SEM *b-r-k in Geez baraka 'bless', etc., IE *workA in Russian vrdka 'idle talk'

**(b-)IH-kY IE OCHSL vrac 'physician' (from 'sorc- erer')

**(Nb-)lH-kY EG mrtyt 'mourner (f.)'

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1997 CARLETON T. HODGE 213

** H-gH(-y) SEM Geez raqaya 'recite incantations', AR raqa 'enchant', etc.

* * (hH-)lH-gH EG Crq 'swear an oath'

* * lH-Ng(-C2) EG mn 'rejoice', SEM * r-n-n in HEB Piel. rinnen 'shout for joy', AR ranna 'lament, cry loudly', etc.

**NI-k IE *enq- 'sigh, groan' (in part) **NI-kY IE *enq- in Slavic *jgcati 'cry out' **Nl-kY(- 9H) (-C1-C2) EG nchch 'shout for joy'

5.2 * * l-k 'think' **l-k Central Chadic * lak- 'think' **(Nb-) -(w-)kY EG mlwc, Co meue 'think'

5.3 ** l-k 'identify' **l-k(-s) IE SKT laksate 'recognize, characterize,

define', laksi- 'mark, symbol' **(9-)1-k BER Tuareg elek 'to elevate victoriously

(for competency, valor, or skill)' **(Nb-)l-k SEM *m-l-k 'ruler' (one designated) **(Nb-)i-k(-t) SEM Geez malkata 'signify' ** -gH SEM Geez lak 9a 'to mark, set down in

writing' **l-Ng EG CO (Fayumic) len 'name', IE SKT

liriga- 'mark, sign, characteristic'

**lH-Ng EG rn 'name', CO ran * (Nb-)1-(w-)kY EG mlwt'title'

5.4 *l-k 'allot' **lH-k EG rk 'time (of kings, ancients)', IE OCHSL roka 'term, law'

Notes

Abbreviations. The following abbreviations are used: AKK = Akkadian; AR = Arabic; BER = Berber; CH = Chadic; Cu = Cushitic; ECu = Eastern Cushitic; EG = Egyptian; GK =

Greek; HEB = Hebrew; HIvr = Hittite; IE = Indo-European; LAT = Latin; LLAT = Late

Latin; OCHSL = Old Church Slavonic; OHG = Old High German; SCU = Southern Cushitic; SEM = Semitic; SKT = Sanskrit; TOCH B = Tocharian B; and UG = Ugaritic.

1. When reference is made to a hieroglyph as a pictorial representation, it is written in capital letters.

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